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this is a special moment for fiji as you, sir, assume the presidency of the general assembly at its seventy-first session the first fijian and the first pacific islander to attain this high office at the united nations. your nation is honoured and proud. on behalf of every fijian, i offer you, mr. president, my warmest congratulations and wish you every success as you guide our deliberations over the next [number] months. i want to thank those nations that supported fiji s bid for the presidency, including our neighbours and friends among the pacific small island developing states. i also thank mr. mogens lykketoft of denmark for his leadership during the seventieth session. fiji fully supports the agenda that you, sir, have outlined for the coming session, which seeks to persuade the world to begin implementing the [number] sustainable development goals that the [number] member states adopted last year. as you rightly stated, sir, when you took your oath of office last week, the seventy- first session must, for integrity s sake, be the year that we witness the wheels turning. we have collectively pledged to mobilize the global community to end all forms of poverty, fight inequality and tackle climate change. and we have pledged that, as we do so, we will leave no one behind, wherever they live on the planet. that is our promise to the [number]. [number] billion people across the world, whose interests we represent. it is a promise that must be kept a universal push to transform our world , as the theme of this session puts it. a centrepiece of the seventy-first session and one of our most critical priorities is the high-level united nations conference to support the implementation of sustainable development goal [number], which is to be held in new york next june on the theme conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development . fiji is proud to be co-hosting that gathering with sweden, and i ask everyone to give that initiative their full support. the world must act quickly and decisively to reverse the environmental degradation of our oceans and seas, and the reckless and irresponsible use of those precious resources. for a small island developing state such as fiji, that is as pressing as the need to address the challenges of climate change and deal with the extreme weather events and rising seas that pose such a threat to our way of life in the small island developing states and other vulnerable parts of the world. many millions of people in maritime and coastal communities the world over are looking to us for decisive action to address the growing crisis of population, pollution, overfishing and the loss of marine habitats. we must not fail them. fiji also comes to the seventy-first session with a plea to all nations that have yet to do so to ratify the paris agreement on climate change. we are proud to have been the first nation in the world to ratify the agreement and launch the ratification instruments. but we also come with the message that paris must be merely the first step. we are alarmed by scientific predictions that the [number] c cap on global warming over pre-industrial levels agreed to in paris is not enough to save us. seven months ago, the fijian people were given a terrifying glimpse into the future that the experts say awaits us when we were struck by the biggest tropical cyclone ever to make landfall in the southern hemisphere, cyclone winston. packing winds of more than [number] kilometres an hour, it killed [number] of our people and left many thousands homeless. mercifully, it spared our main tourism areas our principal source of income so our wider community and our wider economy remained intact. but if this is what awaits us as global warming triggers weather events that are more frequent and more extreme, then god help us. in common with other small island developing states, we face a nightmare scenario in which a single event scoring a direct hit could wipe out our economy, set us back for decades and make it impossible for us to meet the sustainable development goals. our message from the pacific therefore is this the [number] c cap is not enough. we need the world to go one better and embrace the [number]. [number] c cap that we, members of the pacific islands development forum, called for in the suva declaration on sustainable human development in the pacific. we also need deeper cuts in carbon emissions and more decisive global action than what we are currently witnessing. but as a first step, i appeal to all member states to ratify the paris agreement and to turn away from what i have termed the coalition of the selfish those countries that would see vulnerable nations battered and submerged rather than alter their pampered, carbon-driven lifestyles. i am proud to report that fiji is heeding the president s call to implement the [number] agenda for sustainable development. first and foremost, we have placed sustainable development at the core of our national agenda. the green growth framework for fiji, which i launched in [number], is a blueprint for the future direction of our nation. it has been incorporated into our new five-year and [number]-year national development plans that we will be unveiling in the coming months. these plans stipulate that no development whatsoever in fiji will be permitted unless it can be conclusively demonstrated to be sustainable. we regard the preservation of our natural environment on land and at sea as our number-one priority. we are willing to make sacrifices to fulfil our solemn duty to the fijian people to preserve their surroundings. article [number], paragraph [number], of our constitution gives every fijian the right to a clean and healthy environment, which includes the right to have the natural world protected for the benefit of present and future generations . i make a solemn pledge to my own people and to the wider global community that, while my government remains in office, fiji will never be among the ranks of those nations that have compromised their futures for short-term financial gain. we intend to raise our living standards by other means, especially by making things that other people want to buy and by providing services they want to access. we are taking the fijian- made brand of quality products and services to the four corners of the earth and managing our economy responsibly in accordance with international best practices, with a particular emphasis on infrastructure development, service delivery and providing for the less fortunate. of prime importance is our education revolution, by which we are equipping fijian young people with the knowledge and skills to have satisfying, sustainable livelihoods and contribute to our nation s progress. we are providing free schooling for the first time and have established our first tertiary loan scheme and more scholarships for gifted students in order to open up a gateway of unprecedented opportunity to our universities and a new network of technical colleges. we have set our sights higher than ever before to become a smarter, more dynamic country at the hub of the pacific, the crossroads of our region, and to evolve into a modern nation state that is a beacon to our neighbours and respected around the world. i am pleased to report that we have made a strong start as a nation on the long but determined journey to achieve that goal. not only are our people being given more opportunity than at any time in our history, not only are we creating a more equitable society, which includes targeted assistance for the vulnerable and the country s first pension scheme, but fiji is also currently experiencing a record period of economic growth, with seven straight years of expansion. even in the wake of cyclone winston, we expect to see growth of nearly [number] per cent this year. our message to the world is simple fiji is open for business. fiji has attractive incentives for investment and some of the most favourable corporate and personal tax rates in the pacific region. we have state-of-the-art communications and an educated, english-speaking work force. we are investing in new roads, airports and other infrastructure and have dramatically improved the efficiency of our ports. we also have our pristine environment, spectacular islands, coastlines and waters. in addition, our standard of hospitality has made the fijian people famous the world over. we market ourselves to the world as a holiday destination with the slogan fiji where happiness finds you . whatever the challenges of cyclone winston, i can confidently say that the fijian people have never been happier. the joy that erupted when our world-champion rugby sevens team won the gold medal at the rio olympics was shared by every fijian. it has brought us together in celebration and seen us more unified in recent weeks than at any other time in our history. it has also inspired us to imagine what else our small nation can do if we put our minds to it. as many in the assembly are aware, we have had considerable challenges through the years in forging a common identity and producing an equal and just society for every citizen, but i am here to say that those days are over. as fiji approaches its first half-century as an independent nation in [number], we are finally one nation, one people, with a great sense of national optimism and a great deal to look forward to. to reflect our new-found confidence, we are also in the process of re-evaluating our relationships with the rest of the world. last week, i assumed the position of foreign minister as well as prime minister, and i intend to steadily reform this ministry and to refine certain aspects of our foreign policy to give it a new direction and a renewed sense of purpose. first and foremost, we are going to place trade at the centre of our foreign-policy effort, with the promotion of the impressive collection of quality products and services under the fijian-made brand. some of these products and services are already making a global impact, but we believe we can do a lot more whether it is our water, our cosmetics, foodstuffs and other manufactured goods, the more efficient marketing of fiji as a prime holiday destination, or by spreading the wings of our boutique national airline, fiji airways, flying to other destinations in the asia-pacific region and beyond. we intend to immediately boost the level of collaboration between our foreign ministry and our ministry of industry, trade and tourism, which have too often operated in isolation. our diplomats and trade commissioners will be instructed to make it a priority to work more closely with fijian exporters to promote the fijian-made brand, as well as to access goods and services of international standards from new and old trading partners that benefit fijian consumers. more broadly, we are rethinking some of our foreign policy positions and objectives. this includes a re-evaluation of the central principle of fijian foreign policy for some years of being friends to all and enemies to none . of course, we seek friendly relations with all nations and are certainly not in the business of making enemies. but we intend, in future, to choose our friends in a more discerning manner and to align ourselves more closely with those countries that share our underlying values and principles. these include, above all, adherence to international law and adherence to human rights and human dignity, along with other shared values such as mutual respect, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the resolving of disputes by peaceful means and non-interference in one another s internal affairs. this change of direction will not be sudden. it is certainly not going to produce a dramatic change in the international company that fiji keeps. but we are definitely seeking closer relations with nations that share our values and basic outlook, especially those nations that respect human life and the rights and dignity of their citizens, adhere to the principle of social justice, uphold the rule of law and insist on equality and respect for all human beings, as we in fiji do. as part of our wider commitment to human rights, we are seeking membership in the human rights council for the two-year term that commences in [number]. we would be the first pacific nation to serve on the council, and i ask all member states to support our bid. fiji will continue to play a disproportionate role in the international community in relation to its size, whether it be our continuing commitment to united nations peacekeeping and sending our men and women in uniform to protect ordinary people in troubled parts of the world, or our lead role in drawing global attention to the urgent need for action on climate change. it is certainly a proud moment for me, as the leader of our small nation, to stand here before the nations of the world with you, sir, behind me, as president of the general assembly. congratulations again on your appointment. i thank you for bringing such honour to our nation. every fijian indeed, the entire community of nations wishes you well as you preside over the deliberations of this seventy-first session and the great issues of our time on which the future of the world depends.

allow me first to offer to the president of the general assembly, mr. dante caputo of argentina, on behalf of the delegation of the islamic federal republic of the comoros, our cordial congratulations on his election to the presidency of the forty-third session of the general assembly. there can be no doubt that mr. caputo s sound diplomatic judgement and long experience in international affairs will be exceedingly helpful to us. we regard them as a strong pledge of a successful outcome of our work. let me take this opportunity also to pay a well-deserved tribute to his predecessor, mr. peter florin of the german democratic republic, for the dedication and competence with which he conducted the work of the last session of the general assembly. it should be emphasized that the last session of the general assembly, and in particular the third special session devoted to disarmament, opened up welcome prospects for a strengthening of multilateralism. this state of affairs is, without any doubt, due to a heightened awareness of the dangers that threaten our planet. but in particular we must acknowledge that we are indebted, above all, to the tireless efforts of the secretary-general, mr. javier p rez de cuellar, to preserve peace in the world. let me offer to him our most emphatic appreciation and profound support. as i have just emphasized, each of us will have noticed that confrontation is gradually yielding to a better understanding, which thus gives us hope for the gradual elimination of the tension and conflict which had characterized international relations. we must work hard to encourage and consolidate these gains so as to meet the challenge of our age and respond to the calls for peace and justice which resound throughout the world. we welcome particularly the fact that after eight years of war, iran and iraq have agreed to a cease-fire and are meeting at the negotiating table under the auspices of the secretary-general. we encourage them to press ahead with their dialogue and to show patience and tolerance so that they may arrive, in the near future, at a felicitous outcome in keeping with our hopes. the situation in afghanistan has developed in a positive manner, as was shown by the geneva accords completed last april. in our opinion, this is a decisive element in the quest for a peaceful settlement, which we earnestly hope for and which we trust will enable the brotherly people of afghanistan freely to enjoy its sovereignty. it is crucially important in this regard that the process of the withdrawal of foreign troops should continue in order to eliminate any interference in the internal affairs of that country. as we refer to this problem we have in mind the thousands of afghan refugees who have had to seek refuge in neighbouring countries, particularly in the islamic republic of pakistan, whose late and much lamented president, zia al haa, paid with his life for his commitment to peace. we pay a tribute here to his courage and beg allah, the all-powerful, to grant blessing and eternal peace to his soul. in the same vein, the problem o namibia is also moving towards a solution. we emphatically support the diplomatic activities being carried out in that part of the world to find a peaceful solution of the problem. it is our firm belief that settlement of the namibian question must necessarily involve the implementation of security council [number] [number] . notwithstanding such tangible progress, we still deplore the persistence in southern africa of the odious system of apartheid, giving rise to an explosive situation that threatens the political stability of the countries of the region. my country condemns without reservation the inhuman system of apartheid and calls for its abolition, as this is the only way to restore civil peace in south africa and political stability in that part of the continent. we are gratified to note that we are moving towards a just and lasting solution of the problem of western sahara. in this regard, we welcome the fact that the peace plan proposed jointly by the secretary-general of the united nations and the current chairman of the organization of african unity has been accepted by the parties to the conflict. we encourage them to persevere in their efforts to achieve a lasting solution of the problem. as regards kampuchea, it is most distressing to us that that country continues to be subject to military occupation, in spite of the general assembly resolutions calling for the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops. it is our belief that the people of kampuchea is entitled to a free choice of the system of government it deems most suitable, without any external constraints. thus we have been following with great interest and encouraging the process of dialogue that was recently started among a i the parties concerned. while in some parts of the world there is hope for the restoration of peace, the middle east region, on the other hand, does not enjoy the same relaxation of tension. the deterioration of the situation in the occupied arab territories serves to emphasize the gravity of the danger to international peace and security. we cannot remain indifferent to the atrocious acts of terrorism perpetrated by israel against the palestinian arab population, which have taken the form of barbarous crimes, the despoliation of their property and the expulsion of palestinian arabs from their territory. it is the duty of the international community to use every means available to it to put an end to such actions. my country continues to believe that there can be no lasting peace in the middle east without the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the united nations, particularly security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , duly taking into account the legitimate rights of the palestinian people, in particular its right to self-determination. my delegation supports the idea of an international peace conference on the middle east with the participation of all parties concerned, obviously including the palestine liberation organization as the sole and authentic representative of the palestinian people. another problem of equal importance is deserving of our consideration, that is, the situation prevailing in the korean peninsula. we are pleased that the parties to the conflict have taken a constructive stand, with a view to finding a solution of the problem through dialogue and mutual agreement. we encourage them to press ahead along that path and we assure them of our support in their quest for a peaceful settlement. we believe that the admission of both koreas to this organisation would do mud to promote a rapid solution of the problem. my country, like others of the same region, continues to be concerned by the military build-up in the indian ocean. for that reason we support the convening of a conference with the object of making the indian ocean a zone of peace is demilitarised, and denuclearised, in accordance with the declaration contained in general assembly resolution [number] xxvi . before concluding these political remarks, let me refer again to a problem of the highest concern to the international community as a whole in the sense that it emanates from an injustice and a breach of the territorial integrity of my country, the islamic federal republic of the comoros, i refer, of course, to the question of the comorian island of mayotte. the problem is on the agenda of the assembly for this session, because no solution has yet been found to it. therefore we shall have an opportunity to come back to it in greater detail. however let me now point out to the assembly that the comorian people remain concerned by the persistence of this problem notwithstanding the open-mindedness it has always manifested and its willingness to adopt the path of dialogue and mutual agreement, in accordance with the principles of the charter and the united nations resolutions on the subject. without wishing to anticipate the debate that is shortly to take place, let me take this opportunity to reaffirm once more from this rostrum that the comorian government and people, strengthened by the justness of their cause, will spare no effort to restore the territorial integrity of their country. the international community, for its part, faithful to the sacred principles of the charter, is in duty bound to support them until their just cause has triumphed. while we can welcome the new hope prevailing in international political relations, it is nevertheless deplorable that the economic situation is more disturbing than ever. our session is taking place at a time when the economic crisis is having an increasing impact and is greatly detrimental to the majority of the developing countries, particularly the weakest among them, commonly known as the "least developed countries". my country, the islamic federal republic of the comoros, which is one of those countries, is stricken particularly hard by the damaging effects of that crisis. these include dislocation of the international economic system characterized by a decline in the amount of capital available on favourable terms, which gives rise to inordinate growth of the debt burden in relation to the repayment capacities of the developing countries, and also an abrupt lowering of in commodity prices. my country, being an island with a small area and quite lacking in mineral resources, is confronted with major obstacles in implementing the development process in which it engaged after acquiring its independence, under the enlightened guidance of mr, ahmed abdallah abderemane, president of the republic. the obstacles to which i have just referred include in particular lack of sales of the products that account for [number] per cent of our export earnings and lower prices for those products. they also include the three-fold increase in the volume of our debt service in less than three years the intransigence of our creditors on the clearly unfavourable terms of their loans the reduction in absolute values of our export earnings the failure of certain of our partners to meet commitments entered into at the round table of donors, held in moroni, our capital, in july [number]. notwithstanding these numerous constraints, my government continues to work hard to sustain growth and improve the living conditions of its people. accordingly, it has embarked upon a programme of restructuring, particularly in the productive sectors. this has been accompanied, inter alia, by a series of measures designed to restore the health of public finances and of the para-public sector. in particular, this has made it possible to better rationalize the functioning of the state and to sustain growth by favouring private initiative and highly productive activities. the policy of economic recovery thus begun has given rise to some noteworthy performances until [number]. as a result of the multiplier effect of the programme our country had, during that period, attained an appreciable economic growth rate and tangible improvement in teal per capita income. however, the worsening of the international environment of my country, characterized by the sharp drop in our commodity prices and the rapid expansion of debt service payments caused by the exorbitant rise in interest rates and the exchange rates of the principal currencies used on the credit market, has, since then, wiped out our own domestic efforts. but we are not disheartened. the comorian government remains firmly committed to the spirit of enterprise and is determined to press on with its fight against under-development. none the less, without increased and sustained assistance from the international community, my country will be unable to meet its objectives. therefore this year again i urgently appeal for good will on the part of all to demonstrate practical solidarity with my country by providing valuable support as called for in the relevant resolutions of the organization. in conclusion, i wish to reaffirm the unswerving commitment of the comorian government and people to the united nations system and the ideals of peace and justice it embodies.

it is my great pleasure to greet my dear friend mr. miguel d escoto brockmann, president of the general assembly. i wish you much success in your mission. the present session of the general assembly is being held at a particularly serious time. an often predicted economic and financial crisis is now today s harsh reality. because of the responsibility of speculators, entire peoples are suffering anguish in the wake of successive financial disasters that threaten the world s economy. indispensable interventions by state authorities have defied market fundamentalists and shown that this is a time for political decisions. only decisive action by governments particularly those of countries at the epicentre of the crisis will be able to rein in the disorder that has spread through the world s financial sector, with perverse effects on the daily lives of millions of people. the lack of rules favours adventurers and opportunists, to the detriment of real companies and workers. the great brazilian economist celso furtado said that we must not always allow speculators profits to be privatized while their losses are invariably socialized. we must not allow the burden of the boundless greed of a few to be shouldered by all. the economy is too serious a matter to be left in the hands of speculators. ethics must also apply to the economy. a crisis of such magnitude will not be overcome through palliative measures. mechanisms for both prevention and control are needed to ensure full transparency for international finance. today s supranational economic institutions have neither the authority nor the workable instruments that they need to control the anarchy of speculation. we must rebuild them on entirely new foundations. the global nature of this crisis means that the solutions we adopt must also be global and must be decided upon in legitimate and trusted multilateral forums, without coercion. the united nations, as the world s largest multilateral arena, must call for a vigorous response to the weighty threats that we all face. yet there are other, equally serious matters facing the world today. one of them is the food crisis, which afflicts more than a billion human beings. the energy crisis is also growing worse every day, as will the risks to world trade if we fail to achieve an agreement at the [number] [number]-[number] doha round another is the unrestrained degradation of the environment, which lies behind so many natural calamities whose victims are overwhelmingly the poor. the fall of the berlin wall was expected to open up possibilities for building a world of peace, free from the stigmas of the cold war. however, it is sad to see other walls going up so quickly. many of those who preach the free circulation of commodities and capital continue to fight the free movement of men and women, using nationalistic and even racist arguments that evoke unpleasant memories and fears of times that we thought were behind us. a supposedly populist nationalism , which some forces seek to identify and criticize in the south, is being unabashedly promoted in the developed countries. the financial, food, energy, environmental and migration crises, to say nothing of threats to peace in several regions of the world, reveal that the multilateral system must be overhauled to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. gradually, countries are moving beyond old conformist alignments with traditional centres. that new attitude, however, does not imply a confrontational stance. simply by using direct dialogue without intermediation by major powers, developing countries have stepped into new roles in designing a multipolar world, with examples such as india, brazil and south africa ibsa , the g-[number], the summits between south america and africa and between south america and the arab countries and the bric countries brazil, russian federation, india and china. a new political, economic and trade geography is being built in today s world. while navigators in the past would look to the north star, today we are trying to find our way by looking at multiple dimensions of our planet. now we often find our north star in the south. on my continent, the union of south american nations unasur was created last may, as the first treaty after [number] years of independence that brings together all south american countries. this new political union will coordinate the region s countries in terms of infrastructure, energy, social policies, complementary production mechanisms, finance and defence. meeting in santiago, chile, just over a week ago, the presidents of south america demonstrated unasur s ability to respond quickly and effectively to complex situations, such as the one in our sister nation, bolivia. we supported its legitimately-elected government, its democratic institutions and its territorial integrity and we issued a call for dialogue as a path to peace and prosperity for the people of bolivia. next december, in the state of bahia, brazil will host the first summit of all of the countries of latin america and the caribbean on integration and development. this will be a high-level meeting under no umbrella, based on latin america s and the caribbean s own perspectives. all these efforts in the multilateral sphere are complemented by my country s solidarity initiatives with poorer nations, particularly in africa. i also wish to emphasize our commitment to haiti, where we command troops of the united nations stabilization mission in haiti and are helping to restore peace. i reiterate my appeal for the solidarity of developed countries with haiti, since implementation has fallen far short of the many promises. the strength of values must prevail over the value of strength. only legitimate and effective instruments can assure collective security. the united nations has spent [number] years discussing the reform of its security council. today s structure has been frozen for six decades and does not match the challenges of today s world. its distorted form of representation stands between us and the multilateral world to which we aspire. therefore, i am much encouraged by the general assembly s decision to launch negotiations in the near future on the reform of the security council. it is multilateralism that must also guide us toward solutions to the complex problems of global warming, based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. brazil has not shirked its responsibilities. our energy matrix is increasingly clean. today s food and energy crises are deeply intertwined. the inflation of food prices is affected not only by climatic factors and speculation in agricultural commodities it is also driven by rising oil prices which affect the prices of fertilizers and transportation. attempts to tie high food prices to the distribution of biofuels do not stand up to an objective analysis of reality. brazil s experience demonstrates and this could be the case for countries similar to ours that [number]-[number] [number] sugar-cane ethanol and biodiesel production reduce our dependency on fossil fuels, create jobs, regenerate degraded land and are fully compatible with expanding food production. we wish to intensify all aspects of that discussion at the world conference on energy and biofuels which we will be holding in november [number], in the city of sao paulo. my obsession with the hunger problem explains my ongoing efforts, along with other world leaders, to reach a positive conclusion to the doha round. we are still pushing for an agreement to reduce scandalous farm subsidies in rich countries. a successful doha round will have a very positive impact on food production, particularly in developing and poor countries. four years ago, along with several world leaders, i launched the action against hunger and poverty here in new york. our proposal, then and now, is to adopt innovative funding mechanisms. the international drug purchase facility is one early result of that initiative, helping to fight aids, tuberculosis and malaria in several african countries. but it is not enough. we still have a long way to go if we want humanity to actually achieve the millennium development goals. in december [number], we will commemorate the sixtieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, paying a tribute that will go far beyond mere formalities. that document expresses inalienable commitments that challenge us all. as governments, we must do more than support the declaration with rhetoric. we are called upon to fight for the values proclaimed six decades ago and to make them a reality in each country and around the world. today s brazil is very different from what it was in [number], when i became president of my country and stood for the first time before the general assembly. our government and society have taken decisive steps to transform the lives of brazilians, creating nearly [number] million formal jobs, distributing income and wealth, improving public services, lifting [number] million people out of extreme poverty, and bringing another [number] million into the middle class. all this has occurred in an environment of strong growth, economic stability, lower external vulnerability and, above all, a stronger democracy with the intense participation of our people. in the year when we commemorate the one-hundredth birthday of the great brazilian josu de castro the first director-general of the food and agriculture organization of the united nations and a pioneer in the studies concerning the problem of hunger in the world it is worthwhile to reread his warning it is no longer possible to sit back and let a region go hungry without the entire world suffering the consequences. i am proud to state that brazil is overcoming hunger and poverty. i reiterate the optimism that i expressed here five years ago. we are much greater than the crises that threaten us. we have the heart, the right-mindedness and the will to overcome any adversity. more than ever, that is the spirit of brazilians.

i would first like to congratulate you warmly, sir, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its sixty-eighth session, and to renew our support for and highlight the efforts that secretary-general ban ki-moon has made at every level to enable our organization to fulfil its role and responsibilities in dealing with the challenges of today s world. we commend your choice of theme for our debate, sir, the post-[number] development agenda setting the stage , which is very relevant and enables us to exchange views. from this rostrum, we pay tribute to the secretary-general s tireless efforts to integrate the millennium development goals into the organization s strategic objectives. we hope that are our deliberations will help to strengthen international consensus on pursuing the complete and integrated fulfilment of our commitments and on formulating a road map with clear directions and specific goals for the post-[number] period. morocco, while itself a stable country, is part of the sahel-sahara region, which is highly unstable hence the importance for the kingdom of morocco of the situation in the brotherly country of mali and the dangerous challenges it has been dealing with recently. we congratulate our malian and african brothers and the international community on the success of the recent elections there and the progress mali has made in achieving stability. the international community should continue to support it at every level. the visit of his majesty king mohammed vi to mali to participate in the investiture ceremony for the new president of mali afforded an excellent opportunity for morocco to renew its wholehearted commitment to supporting mali s security, unity, stability and development. in his speech, king mohammed said that the solutions to other security crises demonstrated that the crisis in mali required an approach that went beyond mere security. that is why we support a three-pronged approach. the first dimension would be educational and ideological and would aim at spreading a culture of moderation and centrism and instituting a dialogue between the two peoples and their states, leading to the launching of cooperation in islamic affairs and the training of [number] mosque imams to be sent to mali. the second dimension would consist of development, with emphasis on bringing developing countries together, particularly countries stricken by drought and poverty, among other problems and crises, and empowering their people, as well as strengthening their capacity to achieve progress and development. that is why we have launched development programmes in coordination with mali and other countries in the region. the third key thrust would be the humanitarian dimension. security crises provoke unspeakable suffering for individuals and countries. mali has seen tens of thousands of refugees leave the country and go to neighbouring countries, which is why it is important that there be a coordinated regional approach. in bamako, the capital of mali, we established a country hospital to relieve the suffering of the people in that area. with respect to the great lakes region, the kingdom of morocco welcomes the signing of the peace, security and cooperation framework agreement, which will greatly facilitate the real settlement of the crisis in the democratic republic of the congo, which has gone on for too long. we hope that all parties will respect the framework agreement and that they will honour their commitments and pledges and support the international community s efforts to establish a peace process, while respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the democratic republic of the congo. those challenges are part of various crises that we see occurring in the sahel and saharan regions. the secretary-general has deployed many efforts along those lines. we are pleased with the high-level dialogue on the sahel that he organized on the margins of the general assembly for the second consecutive year, as well as the visit he hopes to make to the region, accompanied by a representative of the world bank. we hope that the united nations integrated strategy for the sahel will be finalized. once again, morocco reiterates that it will participate in all efforts to protect the countries of the sahel and the sahara in order to strengthen stability, security and development in the region. morocco reaffirms once more the need to set up initiatives for the atlantic coast states, given their security, political, economic and social interrelationship and the challenges that obtain. we believe that stability and security in the region go beyond regional frameworks. we are therefore talking about a sahel- moroccan space for the purpose of maintaining stability in the region. we condemn the recent terrorist attacks in kenya. we would ask the international community for greater efforts to bolster security and stability in that region. the second issue that concerns us and the rest of the international community is syria. in that respect, we commend the international community and the security council for adopting resolution [number] [number] , on the syrian chemical weapons programme, and the announcement of the date of [number] november for the holding of the geneva ii middle east peace conference in order to stop the violence in syria and reach a political solution through dialogue that would maintain the territorial integrity of syria and the stability of its neighbours. in that regard, i would like to thank the secretary-general for his efforts. i would also like to thank the secretary-general of the league of arab states, the league itself, its member states and joint special envoy mr. lakhdar brahimi for the joint efforts they have made during this period with regard to the shedding of syrian blood, the agreeing on a resolution and the reaching of a solution prior to geneva ii, with a view to putting an end to the crisis in syria. we would like to reaffirm once again the importance of the humanitarian aspect of the crisis. there are [number] million refugees and tens of thousands of displaced persons, and thousands have been killed or wounded. this is the degree of suffering that the international community is called upon to reduce. the kingdom of morocco and its king have paid particular attention to the humanitarian dimension, which is why we established a rural hospital in jordan a year and a half ago to provide health services to our syrian brothers. it is well known that morocco has been involved in the establishment of a maghreb union. now is the time for coming together regionally, not for isolation. it is the time for cooperation and openness, not for unilateralism. therefore, we are reactivating the maghreb union project in order to fulfil the hopes of the peoples of the five maghreb countries and to help them to achieve stability, prosperity and sustainable development. his majesty the king has called for a promising and ambitious maghreb union, and the secretary-general has made a similar appeal. the maghreb union would implement peace and stability by taking a number of initiatives, including a joint mediation initiative undertaken with neighbourly spain, pursuant to the appeal by the general assembly in favour of mediation. the kingdom of morocco answered the call by launching the initiative and establishing partnership agreements between moroccan and spanish mediation centres to provide training and invite the participation of other countries in the region. the initiative was launched in a spirit of rapprochement, dialogue and cooperation and to promote mediation, which is important not only to stop conflicts when they have broken out but also to prevent them from occurring in the first place. the kingdom of morocco s decision to protect human rights is irreversible. it is part of a comprehensive strategy and relies on an approach that favours the participation and advancement of people and the protection of their dignity within the framework of a development-focused democratic model. morocco has therefore launched a number of projects and workshops, as well as major reforms, and made tremendous progress in broadening the sphere of individual and collective rights and freedoms, of preserving human dignity and of strengthening the protection of the rights of its citizens, especially the rights of women, children and persons with special needs. in its amended [number] constitution, the kingdom of morocco dedicated a chapter to respect for human rights as they are recognized internationally. morocco has always desired to preserve a balance between its international and national commitments and priorities. as a founding member of the human rights council, morocco has participated effectively and constructively in the formulation and implementation of the institutional texts of the council, in particular the universal periodic review. when it was decided to take another look at the rules and mechanisms in [number], morocco was given the task of conducting the negotiations on them. at the same time, the kingdom of morocco enjoyed positive cooperation with the various institutions and mechanisms and interacted with their recommendations, in particular the universal period review, treaties and special measures, whose assessments morocco continues to welcome, facilitate and answer with its observations. morocco hopes to gain the assembly s support for its candidacy for the human rights council for the period [number]-[number], in order to further contribute to strengthening the role of the council and to ensure the effectiveness necessary for its operation. in that connection, we have recently launched an initiative relating to immigration, especially illegal migration. morocco wished to establish other mechanisms for refugees in connection with how we address the issue and rights of immigration, especially illegal migration, and asylum. a few days ago, a new statute on immigration was enacted and the right to asylum, so as to give new rights and documents to political refugees. all of this is a very important development for our country. i would like also to touch on the key issue of the territorial integrity of morocco and the issue of the moroccan sahara. for several years now our authorities have followed the diligent efforts of the secretary- general and the security council to resolve the sahara issue. morocco complies with all security council resolutions and has acted in good faith with respect to those resolutions and to the efforts of the secretary- general. the most recent resolutions called for a new round of negotiations among the parties so as to achieve a sustainable political solution accepted by all. morocco therefore launched an initiative on autonomy, a practical and moderate solution that enjoyed the support of many countries friends of morocco as well as of several regional organizations. unfortunately, however, the other parties involved, committed to their [number]-year stance and proposals, did not allow progress to be made in the political process. i reiterate that morocco is committed to working effectively and in good faith with the secretary-general and his personal envoy in all their efforts and with the security council in order to implement the successive resolutions adopted by the security council. finally, on behalf of the kingdom of morocco, i wish to say that with the approach of the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the organization, we reaffirm our sincere commitment to its principles and to the active mobilization of our efforts so as to update, empower and strengthen it, given that it is the unique and optimal framework for meeting current and future challenges.

[number]. sir, i should like to begin by extending to you my warmest words of congratulation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. it is with profound satisfaction that we once again see serving the international community someone whose human qualities and vast experience as politician and diplomat guarantee that we shall reach positive results during this session. [number]. i am very pleased to see this high office occupied by the representative of a friendly arab nation with which we share so many historical and traditional links and specially from iraq, whose relations with portugal have teen marked by a close and fruitful cooperation that we wish to maintain and develop. [number]. i should also like to express our sincere esteem and gratitude to mr. von wechmar for his constant and devoted efforts in favour of peace and justice and for the untiring and commendable manner in which he dedicated himself to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the general assembly. we have the highest respect for his excellent contribution to the good conduct of our work last year. [number]. finally, i wish to address a special word of greeting and gratitude to the secretary-general, who recently greatly honoured our country with an official visit. his clear vision of the international community, his human and diplomatic qualities, and the competent and devoted way in which he guides the work of the organization are all worthy of our highest praise. [number]. we welcome the admission to the united nations of the republic of vanuatu and we extend to its government and people our sincere congratulations. we also express the hope that soon we may see amongst" us belize, which we warmly welcome today on its independence. these are most encouraging signs that step by step we are approaching one of the highest goals of the united nations universality. [number]. the general assembly has gathered once again to avail itself of the diligence and efforts of its members to analyze and debate the grave issues facing the world which, for the major part, call for an urgent solution. notwithstanding their best efforts, it is not an easy task to find new solutions, to follow up and reinforce those already advocated and to remove the obstacles in the path of peace and progress. [number]. profound changes in the international system have been brought about by the cumulative effects of diverse factors. the agenda of the general assembly has been broadened beyond the traditional themes of security and the balance of power to include matters of increasing complexity which pose a continuing challenge to the governments of all the countries here represented. however, like the speakers who preceded me and those who will follow, i am certain that we, the members of this distinguished organization, will do our utmost to find the proper solutions. [number]. the continuing situation in afghanistan, where a soviet intervention, persists in open violation of the charter and in defiance of the condemnation of international public opinion and of the assembly, constitutes clear evidence of a policy of expansion and of the ensuing risks to stability and international detente. convinced that the present situation is not evolving favorably, and aware of the risk it represents to the geostrategic balance of power and to peace, the portuguese government has clearly and consistently condemned the persistence of a situation that is both politically and juridical unacceptable. [number]. in this spirit, my delegation wishes to express its full support for the recent plan of the european council meeting at luxembourg on [number] and [number] june [number] for the convening of an international conference within the framework of the diplomatic efforts initiated by the relevant resolutions of the general assembly. [number]. the invasion and occupation of kampuchea by the vietnamese armed forces have also been condemned by an overwhelming majority of the states members of the organization, including my own country. portugal considers that a solution to this problem must be based on the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory of kampuchea. we further consider that the international conference convened earlier this year by the united nations constituted an important step towards the peaceful solution of this conflict. [number]. in view of such situations as these, the fundamental question confronting the general assembly is to decide whether the declaration on principles of international law concerning friendly relations and cooperation among states in accordance with the charter of the united nations resolution [number] xxv and the declaration on principles guiding relations between participating states included in the final act of helsinki of [number] august [number] actually derive from a will to organize the world in a more peaceful and humane manner, or whether they represent smokescreens hiding contradictory aspirations, mental reservations or subjective interpretations. were this to be the case, we would all be cooperating on the basis of a false and therefore dangerous construction, built on quicksand and made only of misunderstandings and empty words. [number]. . these fundamental questions have been, and still are under discussion in the conference on security and cooperation in europe meeting in madrid. new proposals and criticisms presented there must not be seen as contrary to detente, but in their proper context of review and positive appraisal. what cannot be admitted is a concept of detente that allows it to exist simultaneously as an instrument of cooperation and struggle in all fields, to suit each party's interests at any given moment. if detente is a necessity of international life, the practice of reciprocity is essential to it. [number]. furthermore, good faith is required if detente is to lead to cooperation in all fields and to the elimination, or at least the easing of tensions. this is, we believe, the correct position, one which has guided our participation in this important meeting within the framework of the conference on security and cooperation in europe. we still hope that such an approach will prevail and that substantial results will be achieved. [number]. finally, the principles of detente must also be observed and respected in the relations between countries with basically similar political and social systems. in fact, there is no sense in confining respect for die principles of detente, peace, territorial integrity and noninterference in the internal affairs of states to relations between countries with different systems. moreover, we think that drastic action against them will inevitably lead to developments difficult to control and therefore capable of generating the most dangerous reactions. [number]. it has often been stated here that the degree of technological development in the field of armaments has rendered obsolete the classic geographical theories of defense. we all know that the security that resulted from distance and natural frontiers is today to a certain extent greatly reduced, if not nullified. the sole reality is that the capability for mutual destruction exists. [number]. considering, from this perspective the destabilizing changes that have taken place during the last several years in the military balance between east and west, it seems appropriate for me to underline the fact that nato, of which portugal is an active and committed member, consider the stability of the military balance to be an important and timely contribution to general security and peace. [number]. this is also the primary objective of arms control, the aim of which is to attain a balance of power at a minimal level of armaments, especially nuclear armaments, without loss of security. the decision taken by the members of nato on [number] december [number]" served that purpose. in this sense, my country strongly supports the important negotiaions between the united states and the soviet union which are due to open before the end of this year and for which my country will express its support where necessary. [number]. in the field of disarmament, nuclear weapons, because of their awesome power of destruction, should receive special attention, as was decided by consensus at the tenth special session of this assembly resolution s10 [number] . the ban on all nuclear weapon testing, subject to effective international inspection and accepted by all parties concerned, would be a significant contribution. it would also be desirable to have the nuclear powers agree on a common formula of guarantees to strengthen the security of states that do not possess nuclear weapons, thus responding to the legitimate concern frequently expressed in this assembly. however, our concern with nuclear weapons should not mask the fact that the power of the militarily more important states results from the combination of their nuclear . and conventional arsenals. negotiating efforts in the field of nuclear disarmament should not serve as a pretext for the international community to refuse a parallel effort in the field of conventional weapons. [number]. it is our hope that the second special session on disarmament will allow us collectively to review the achievements in the field of disarmament in the light of the final document of the tenth special session of the general assembly, whose validity remains intact. we hope its conclusions will help the negotiations and assure them of significant progress in this field. [number]. i should now like to mention some of the problems that contribute to the worsening of regional tensions and jeopardize the united nations principles and capacity for effective intervention. the question of namibia, where south africa persists in maintaining an illegal situation, thus preventing the namibian people from exercising their right to self-determination, has led to attacks on angolan territory that are to be condemned. almost three years have elapsed since the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] , yet, notwithstanding the constant diplomatic initiatives of the secretarygeneral and of the "contact group", with the support of the frontline states, the legitimate hopes for a final settlement have not yet been fulfilled. [number]. the recent invasion of angola's territory unjustifiable on any grounds, and undermining the principles of international law that should govern us all is a negative result of a latent confrontation that must urgently be solved through political means. [number]. the events in southern angola represent an evident sign of the risks created by the present situation, resulting in heavy sacrifices for the sovereign state of angola, with which we renew our solidarity. we should not forget, either, the attack perpetrated on mozambique last january, which we equally reject. [number]. my country has supported namibia's independence in accordance with security council resolution [number] [number] and trusts the diplomatic efforts that the "contact group" has been conducting within its framework. this support we reiterate today, convinced that new delays or unacceptable intransigence may lead to a grave confrontation in southern. africa, with dire repercussions on international stability. [number]. another source of tension that has been debated here for several years, without the concrete results that the security of the international community would demand, is the question of the middle east. this is a question of particular and universal importance, in view of the high values and interests at stake and of all its inherent risks. portugal has clearly expressed its standpoint, defending the establishment of a climate of conciliation and mutual respect that would put an end to the present growing armed confrontations and consolidate an essential spirit of negotiation. my government has thus stressed the responsibility of the international community in contributing to a global solution that would lead to israel's withdrawal from the arab territories occupied since [number], and to the dismantling of the settlements established since then. we have supported the recognition of the right of self-determination of the palestinian people, with all its consequences, and of their return. we have defended the right to full security and sovereignty within safe and recognized boundaries of all countries in the area, including israel, we have called for an end to the unacceptable violations of the territorial integrity of lebanon. we have condemned the israeli attack on iraq's nuclear installations, for it constituted a grave violation of the sovereignty of iraq and of the principle of the peaceful use of nuclear energy. [number]. on the other hand, my country has stressed the urgent need for a mutual effort towards an understanding between israel and the plo, based on a mutual recognition that would take into account unquestionable political realities and help create a peaceful future for the area. to this end, it is legitimate to hope that the government of tel aviv may draw from the martyred history of the jewish people such human understanding as will permit it to break the present circle of intransigence, recognizing that' the palestinian people cannot be denied the political, national and social rights that have made possible the existence and consolidation of the state of israel itself. [number]. it is in this context that portugal supports the diplomatic initiatives particularly the, efforts made by the eec that, hopefully, will substitute for the present confrontation an indispensable dialog of peace and cooperation. likewise, the recent plan advanced by crown prince fahd of saudi arabia represents a significant political step that should be given the attention that it deserves. [number]. still within the existing sources of international tension that are gloomily pictured in our agenda, we should acknowledge with hope that progress has been achieved under the auspices of the oau on the problem of the selfdetermination of western sahara. we salute the spirit of negotiation resulting in the exploration of avenues leading towards a democratic solution and an equitable conciliation of the legitimate interests of the parties concerned. [number]. as is known, portugal's adherence as quickly as possible to the european communities, to which my government remains deeply committed, reflects the profound political, economic, social and cultural realities that identify us with the countries members of those communities. this goal is in keeping with the legitimate aspirations of the portuguese people and constitutes one of the main priorities of my government within the framework of its global policy and its. external action. [number]. portugal faces as a challenge the important tasks resulting from its adherence. they will no doubt bring about significant changes and improvements in the economic and social structure of our country. we share the model of a democratic and free society existing in the communities, just as we equally share the spirit of solidarity characterizing its actions not only in its geographical region but also on a worldwide basis. [number]. in a broader field, we view with concern that the efforts being made to diminish the profound disparities between developed and developing countries are not achieving the desired results. this is the result mainly of the present economic crisis, which impedes the availability of additional resources for development. [number]. because of its intermediate state of economic development, portugal is in a position to understand the difficulties facing both sides. we attach importance to all initiatives aimed at overcoming the present crisis. we believe that all countries should contribute to these initiatives, regardless of their own level of development or economic and social systems. that is the only way to keep the northsouth dialog alive and to contribute to the timely launching of the global negotiations, which have given rise to so many hopes in the international community. it is in that spirit that portugal has actively participated in several meetings and conferences of the united nations, more particularly the united nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy and the united nations conference on the least developed countries. we support the basic idea of the international meeting on cooperation and development which will be held at cancun, and we hope that this meeting will bear positive results and a better understanding between countries with larger dimensions and consequently commitments, and those which have suffered more because of their lack of resources. [number]. we share the view that there are two main problems which stand out in the complex of development energy and food. interlinked and complementary, these two issues, which are indeed important to the international community as a whole, to a large extent determine the possibilities of overcoming the stage of underdevelopment. in fact, more than two thirds of mankind are afflicted with a scarcity of food and energy jeopardizing all efforts towards development. because of the worldwide crisis in energy products and the acute world food and agricultural situation causing the depletion of grain reserves and the consequent price increases, the importing countries, in addition to endangering gravely their balance of payments, must allocate to these consumer products resources that are vital to support the structural changes capable of allowing them to make progress on the path to development. [number]. my country has historic relations with a group of nations occupying extensive areas of what is traditionally called the third world. together with the leaders of these nations, we have embarked upon broader cooperation, cooperation which hitherto has been mainly bilateral. our growing and untiring efforts are aimed at diversifying this cooperation which we intend to intensify with the third-world countries and the specialized agencies. thus we hope to overcome a situation representing an obstacle to progress, one which is an insult to human dignity. [number]. we believe that the gradual elimination of international tension and divisions among nations is closely linked to the universal promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. human rights must be considered as an integral part of a global dimension required for all activities we pursue in our search for justice, security and development, as well as for a fruitful dialog between the acting partners of the international community. [number]. as we have already mentioned, this is a particularly important aspect of the present world situation. serious violations of individual rights are still occurring, and there are still situations where human dignity is ignored. the right of peoples to self-determination and independence is viewed with contempt. the territorial integrity of sovereign states and their right to decide freely on their own system of government are blatantly disregarded. thus the foundations of democratic society and international relations are being jeopardized. since these are the basic principles guiding this organization's work, we as member states are bound to respect, abide by and promote them. [number]. this is a field where the united nations, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the charter, has the responsibility to promote and protect human rights and to provide an opportunity for dialog and cooperation among its member states with the most diverse systems and historical and social conditions. it is our view that such a task can be fulfilled only through enhancing the effectiveness of the united nations system, whose capabilities to intervene should also be strengthened. that is the position we have been advocating particularly during the past three years in the commission on human rights, of which we have had the privilege of being a member. [number]. the portuguese government attaches the highest importance to the observance of these principles, which are enshrined in clear and decisive terms in our constitution and integrated in the daytoday practice of the portuguese people. we have stated as much in the report on the implementation of the rights protected by the international covenant on civil and political rights preserve ! by portugal to the last session of the commission on human rights. [number] [number]. we wish to reiterate the importance we attach to civil and political rights, which are the very foundation of our own historical reality. even though we recognize that the effective enjoyment of such rights calls for the improvement of the present economic, social and cultural conditions, we cannot agree that the search for such improvement should take precedence over the guarantee of what we consider to be the fundamental rights inherent in human dignity, which, above all, we must protect at any cost. [number]. however, we think it is far more important to ensure effective and increasingly wide protection of all rights than to form a hierarchy of various types of rights. let us remain hopeful that those rights will be implemented. this is a field in which a primary role must be played by the international community and for which the united nations has a special responsibility. [number]. still regarding the protection of the rights of peoples, i must mention that one problem persists which is a reminder of our common incapacity to make the principles of the charter and international law prevail in the practice of nations. i am referring to east timor. year after year appeals and condemnations have been repeated here concerning a situation that is condemned by legal and moral standards and prevents the people of timor from freely exercising their right to self-determination. [number]. conscious of our responsibility in defending the future of that people, to which we are historically bound, and concerned with the difficult conditions and the serious problems facing east timor, my government has shown an availability for dialog reflected in some detail in the report of the secretariat itself that until now has unfortunately not met with an adequate response. in spite of the difficulties of the problem, portugal will continue seeking to develop and exhaust all diplomatic efforts that will protect the national rights and the identity of the people of timor in accordance with the spirit of the charter. [number]. the resolution of this problem lies within the responsibility of the united nations. however, portugal, having no territorial claims whatsoever to east timor, acknowledges its responsibilities in helping to find solutions by consent that are in keeping with the right of self-determination. [number]. many and grave are the problems demanding an urgent solution that are faced by the international community. without the goodwill of peoples in the struggle against misery, hunger and war, the ingenuity of man and the potential of states will continue to be misdirected towards the perpetuation of conflicts, and thus the progress and wellbeing of mankind will be set aside. we trust that common sense will prevail and that the world of tomorrow will see the conflagrations that now afflict mankind progressively diminish. [number]. it is our profound belief that the united nations will play an important role in this fundamental harmonization of efforts.

allow me at the outset to congratulate mr. han seung-soo on his election to the presidency of the assembly and to express our thanks to his predecessor, mr. harri holkeri. i would also like to congratulate the secretary- general, kofi annan, and the united nations on their well-deserved nobel peace prize. we are compelled to take up the events of [number] september and the actions initiated by our organization, starting with security council resolution [number] [number] , at our discussions here today. i have chosen to make my statement in a language not of my country english, the language of our host country and city in tribute to the united states, to the american people and government and to new york city, which were harmed by the recent terrorist attacks. we meet today almost two months after the terrorist attack on the world trade center in new york city. the horror of this attack, the thousands dead so many terrible images have been seared into our collective memory. and we remember also the remarkable acts of courage and determination that followed in the wake of this shameful crime. that the attack took place here, in new york, the seat of the united nations, is both painful and sad. for new york is an immigrant s city that welcomes with open arms all races and all creeds from our world. the list of the victims of the attack, from so many different countries, attests to the remarkable and joyous diversity that makes new york. she is truly the capital of the world, and the right place, the only place, for its united nations. [number] we know that this very building might have been a target for the terrorists, and that in an earlier terrorist attack of [number], the united nations was on the list. this seems to me proof, if any is needed, that the united states of america is not the only object of terrorism. rather, it is the idea of tolerance and religious and cultural diversity, symbolized both by new york city and by the united nations, that is the object of the rage of a small group of men men who live and die by terror and who have turned away from political debate to violence and death. and so all of us here must play our part in the battle against mindless killing, and debate both the reasons for and the responses to terrorism. if there are disagreements and disputes, we should never forget that the very act of debate the very idea of this forum is anathema to those whose modus operandi is silence. what is telling, in my opinion, is not the identity of the perpetrator we are quite certain who is responsible, although we have only begun to consider why but the fact that the perpetrators, dead and alive, never admitted responsibility for their actions. i would thus like to express the views of my country, the principality of andorra, in this debate. andorra is a small country created in [number] by a pact of peace, and is blessed with seven centuries of peace and a parliamentary system that started in [number]. we andorrans like to think of our country as an example of tolerance and coexistence of different creeds and nationalities. through the centuries, we have welcomed scores of refugees from european wars persecuted in their homelands for their ideas. our constitution, which enshrines the secularity of the state, includes a far-reaching bill of rights that highlights democracy and the rule of law. let me therefore reaffirm, as our president, marc forn , stated immediately after the attacks, andorra s condemnation of these crimes. my country has taken appropriate measures to combat terrorism in all its forms, and i will be signing the united nations convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism, the united nations convention against transnational organized crime and the conventions of the council of europe against terrorism and corruption. let me assert andorra s belief in the role of debate rather than violence as a necessary response to violence its belief that the united nations is a vital forum for world conversation, a forum whose principles, and indeed whose buildings, need to be celebrated and protected. let us therefore ask ourselves what it is these terrorists want. in the videotape he released the day the american bombing began, their leader announced the following goals first, the removal of american troops from saudi arabia secondly, an end to the bombing of iraq and, finally, a resolution of the palestinian problem. it is worthwhile to note that both the presence of american troops in saudi arabia and the bombing of iraq are the direct result of prior aggression. the international community has for decades sought a resolution to the israeli-palestinian crisis, but a solution, if one is to be found, must come first and foremost from within israel and palestine. their peace, if it is to be reached, cannot be imposed from without. while these are the proclaimed reasons for the hostility of the terrorist networks to the united states, one might come to the conclusion that these stated objectives are a screen, and that the attacks were made in order to bring about religious wars in the twenty- first century. for the united states and its allies, it is a war against terrorism. but the terrorist networks claim it is a religious war, pitting christianity against islam. the old rhetoric of the crusades, such as the loss of al-andalus andalusia in [number] and other battles from history are being invoked by the terrorists to inflame the feelings of muslims throughout the world and to bring about a fundamentalist pan-islamic entity. this is a delicate issue but we must face it head-on. this crisis can be contained only if we speak bluntly and rationally. the terrorist networks invoke history the history of religious war to inflame sentiment. their invocation of history, however, may be a tactical error. for history can be our ally in the battle against terrorism and violence. i beg your pardon, but let us return to an earlier point in history, a bloody time of religious crisis in europe and i am speaking about the wars of religion that decimated sixteenth and seventeenth century europe. out of these wars of religion and out of the [number] bloody struggles of the reformation came a powerful antidote to religious violence that we call humanism. the great french humanist michel de montaigne was a sceptic. he wrote about the limits to human knowledge in his remarkable essays. in one of them, entitled of practice, he observed that, although we can practice for many things in life, there is one thing for which we cannot practice, one thing we cannot know, and that is our own death. he went on to describe the closest he came to knowing death, an accident that happened when he fell from his horse. he had been out riding in a militia and was nearly crushed to death. he had a brief sensation of his soul hovering over his body, and, later, after being taken home, terrible pain continued to plague him. at a time of religious extremism, when catholics and protestants were fighting over the keys to heaven just as the [number] september terrorists died believing they would enter paradise montaigne wrote about the limits of knowledge. and he wrote about a personal experience, this accident, with which everybody, even now, can empathize. this is why he is called a humanist, because of his genuine interest in human experience. there is no revealed truth in montaigne, no dogmatism, only human scepticism that appears as an antidote the only antidote to the certainty of madmen who would kill for belief. this evolution in human thought was accomplished without sacrificing the freedom to believe, to have faith in god and to practice a religion. to think and write as montaigne did that is, to insist on the limits of knowledge, and to speak not in a universal but in a personal voice was a great step forward for humankind. in turning knowledge away from religious certainty, the humanists allowed for a new field of understanding that we now call the sciences. while inquisitions would carry on for a century galileo was a boy when montaigne was writing the scepticism that montaigne advanced against religious violence in [number] is the same as that which boyle, newton, or lavoisier would apply to the universal truths of natural theology in order to create a way of understanding that we now recognize as scientific. modern scientific understanding ushered in the industrial revolutions, the astonishing explosion of the middle class, of print culture and of the establishment of modern democracies. it introduced all of these world-historical events, to use hegel s term that we call, rather sloppily, modernity. i conclude my intervention on the subject of modernity, because many commentators on the current war in afghanistan see the war framed as a war between the taliban, as islamic extremists, and modernity. they cite the way in which the taliban have banned all forms of mass media culture and have insisted on a literal application of sharia law. they argue that the taliban are anti-modern and that their regime is trying to return its people to an earlier, pre- modern way of life. yet, when we examine the lives of the [number] september terrorists, we realize first that they were not afghans, and second, that they were not the wretched of the earth. they were from the middle class. most were students, some with advanced degrees. they never even had to work hard for a living, like most members of the middle class. these men were privileged murderers. or let me put it another way they were fully modern. the struggle between modernity and the anti- modern is not anachronistic. to be a terrorist demands that you enter, systematically and rationally, into the modern world and to turn its apparatus, such as transportation and communication, against it. the struggle against modernity is one of the most romantic myths generated by modernity itself. so, too, is the misrepresentation of the poor by certain writers and intellectuals i need not name names who claim to speak for them. the suffering sown in afghanistan by decades of invasion and civil war, they argue, has brought terrorism as its terrible harvest. in fact, these poor want most of all to live, and to live well. they embrace modernity and its comforts. but violence, the ability to treat other people as objects, as things to be crushed and destroyed this is a gift bestowed by education. the struggle is therefore ideological. this is why education, the greatest gift, was a passport to terrorism for these men. the risk of education in this context is that the pressure of knowledge, or more precisely a recognition of uncertainties and of the limits of knowledge, will tempt the student into dogmatic belief. the danger always exists that education can harden from humanistic scepticism into the rock of dogma. what is to be done? today i propose an urgent return to a new humanism on two fronts first, within islam, a humanism among muslims politicians, [number] writers, readers that can dampen sectarian violence and that can reach out to religious extremism to find common ground. this can only come from within the islamic world. it does not have to be secular in nature, although secularism has an important yet increasingly threatened status within certain nations. correspondingly, there must be recognition within political regimes everywhere that antipathy to political dissent politicizes religion and creates more problems for these regimes than it solves. modernity s belief in democracy as a means to popular expression has never proved more vital. secondly, outside of islam, a return to humanism lies at the heart of the modernity in which we are living. to recognize modernity and its great contribution, a secular and universal culture mass culture is something that needs to be protected and fought for. it is a modernity that insists on the rights of men, women and children. we all know that words often do not lead to action. but we forget that words, the expression of ideas and of criticism, are a vital form of action. we cannot be simplistic in our desire for a direct relationship between debate and resolution. what i am proposing is certainly not propaganda rather, it is a worldwide debate on the importance of debate, in which human scepticism, a recognition of the limits of belief, is very much at stake. whether this argument can be made in an urgent and anti-elitist way is very much the point. but unless we are able to recognize modernity as a liberating experience, independent of its accumulation of goods and services, creature comforts, and the like, i have little hope for a positive resolution to the crisis we now face. modernity is a work in process. one name for modernity, as it exists for us today, is globalization. this is the creation of a world culture , the entry of technology into every aspect of our lives, the omnipresence of the media and the increasing speed by which culture and information are communicated. it seems to me that there is tragic confusion between globalization and abstract and oppressive technology. it is this notion of modernity that seems to be at the heart of the recent protests against globalization, protests that would have been the focus of our debates before [number] september. while the protesters have many valid points to make, and they need to be listened to, globalization and modernity are not the problem. whether cooperation between nations is economic, political or cultural, it is not a threat. leaders and intellectuals need to reach out and embrace the limits of knowledge. they must speak out against dogmatism to unravel facile notions of monolithic governments or global compacts. an eye for an eye, that harsh principle from the old testament, will soon leave us blind. blindness, rather than insight, is the curse of the ideologue, of people who do not want to see outside their own skins, their ideas or their place. it is the curse of people who do not want to see the world in its marvellous diversity, its uncertainty and its possibilities. to see this world, we have only to look around us here, now. we have only to wander through the streets of this miraculous city of new york.

mr. president, i should like first of all to express my satisfaction at your election to the presidency of this thirty-fifth session of the general assembly. at the same time, i should like to affirm, through you, my friendship and respect for the federal republic of germany and for the noble, striving german people. despite the fact that their histories have been different, our peoples have been able to understand one another and maintain the bridges between them in the vital knowledge that friendship and comprehension are the necessary concomitants of peace and freedom. [number]. i should like to convey to our secretary general my thanks for his dedication and skill in carrying out his important and delicate tasks, guided as he always is by what will best serve the organization and enhance understanding among nations. [number]. i am pleased to welcome the representatives of zimbabwe, whose people recently achieved their independence, which spain defended unreservedly and constantly. zimbabwe's presence as an independent and sovereign state in the united nations is an example of how pending problems of decolonization can be resolved with an up-to-date understanding of history, with decisiveness and without premature slackening in the negotiations. [number]. saint vincent and the grenadines, a country whose deepest roots unite it with the great family of ibero-american peoples, is the most recent member of the united nations, and i welcome it to this assembly and transmit to its government and people spain's wish to strengthen the relations of friendship and cooperation between our countries. [number]. it is clear that we are going through a time of profound crisis. the "development decades" now several in number the successive "international strategies" adopted thus far in that connection, the "charter of economic rights and duties of states" and the special sessions of the general assembly have not been able to balance an economic order which is in increasing disequilibrium. world tensions and confrontation between opposing global strategies have multiplied the points of conflict. the technological revolution runs the risk of creating disturbing burdens, ignoring, in its inexorable advance, the very preservation of the ecosystem. never in recent years have we found ourselves in such serious situations in all areas. it is clear that we must correct our bearings. we must change the codes of international conduct, balance dissuasion with detente, foster effective arms control, seek a real renewal of structures and achieve new frontiers in the protection of human rights. [number]. the magnitude of the disorder, however, must not paralyse us or cause a petrified pessimism. indolence and insensibility, according to a spanish classic, can never be regarded as political subtlety, but rather as "detestable negligence" to which must be opposed, in the words of that classic, the intention to "remedy injustices". at this time the only sensible course is that of international solidarity, which would mobilize endeavours and adjust corrective mechanisms. [number]. spain, which because of its geography, its history and its culture belongs to the western world, maintains close solidarity with the west in defence of the values and principles held by some nations, which consider freedom, justice and a democratic, pluralistic form of government to be the very foundation of their coexistence a foundation which has recently been recovered in our country. [number]. it is up to spain and only spain, in accordance with the charter of the united nations, the helsinki final act and its own constitutional rules, to decide on the future course of that solidarity. among other things it will also include the search for detente, which we regard as essential to overcome the present difficulties in international relations. in this connexion the second review session of the conference on security and cooperation in europe, whose preparations have just begun at madrid, offers an opportunity that cannot be overlooked to create conditions making it possible to re-establish confidence and make progress towards dialogue, cooperation and better understanding between east and west. [number]. we are establishing a policy of cooperation with europe and of participation in its institutions because we believe in the values, the democratic political systems and the historical role of europe, of which we have always been and continue to be irrevocably a part. no one claims that our particular historical traits have set us apart from the great european current. on the contrary, as a liberal historian said "our history is not 'uncommon' or 'particular' the historical tragedies of spain are an integral part of the historical tragedy of europe". hence we are ready to make an enthusiastic effort in the collective task of building the unity of europe through full partnership in the communities. [number]. as has recently been said in luxembourg by his majesty king juan carlos i "a new impetus must be given to the communities in order to broaden their geographical area, enriching them with some of the most fruitful and original contributions of european culture and making possible the building of a stronger and more balanced europe, which would be in a position to make an effective contribution to the well-being of all its peoples, the consolidation of all its democratic systems and the cause of peace. " [number]. finally, looking to the future we have to meet the political challenge of broadening the communities. only thus can europe's ideals prevail against selfish interests. [number]. this european and western aspect of our foreign policy is enriched by and finds its full expression in our relations with the peoples of ibero-america, to which so many deep links unite us. it is precisely in the dialogue between europe and ibero-america that spain can carry out an important task that of contributing to make europe more and more responsive to ibero-america as it is. its problems, its concerns, its expectations. [number]. we are witnessing a process of the affirmation and awakening of the ibero-american world whose voice, above tension and undeniable divisions, is being heard with growing authority and firmness in international bodies, and which is aware of its increasingly relevant role in the events of our time. and that is not only because of its strategically important geographical location and demographic potential, its abundance of raw materials and energy resources. above all, ibero-america finds its strength and its future development in the enormous vitality of its peoples and the strength of their cultural values, which we share as our own. [number]. spain, a full member of ecla and taking an active part in the work of the andean group, in which it has observer status, is in full solidarity with the currents of integration that are gaining strength in ibero-america. all rhetoric apart, my country is seeking in this connexion the development of specific kinds of cooperation so as to serve the interests of our peoples. [number]. it is from that position of solidarity, to which i have referred, that we must with an open mind tackle the problems affecting peace and security, by renewing political approaches and restoring negotiating machinery capable of facilitating the solution of conflicts for which, as with regard to the problem of the middle east and the many tensions affecting the mediterranean, satisfactory solutions are far from having been conceived or worked out. [number]. the middle east, the tense and vital nerve centre of ever impending catastrophe, is the inevitable and natural concern of a country such as spain, which is so closely linked to the arab peoples and situated at the westernmost point of the mediterranean. [number]. the continuing policy of illegal settlements, the adoption of the "basic law" on jerusalem, the repetition of acts of aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of lebanon and other events increasing tension in that area give rise to concern and require that the vicious circle of lack of understanding and intolerance be broken, if we wish to avoid new confrontations of unforeseeable consequences. the time for action has come. [number]. the spanish government considers it necessary for a further attempt to be made to open the door to a solution. spain will spare no effort to that end. [number]. the ultimate goal we must espouse can be none other than peace in the region. it must be a just peace a comprehensive peace taking account of the interests of all concerned and bringing a definitive solution of the historical tragedy of the palestinian people by recognizing and implementing its national legitimate rights, including the right to a homeland not an imposed peace, which would simply be war postponed finally, a peace without winners or losers, making cooperation between israel and its arab neighbours possible, since their peaceful coexistence is the key to development in an area that has traditionally been the prey of foreign appetites and the play of foreign interests. [number]. to attain that peace, the spanish government believes that it is necessary to arrive at a new political formula whose centrepiece must be mutual recognition by israel and the plo, as the parties directly concerned in the conflict, and the need for both to give up their extremist goals and agree to negotiate. one cannot try to wipe israel and its people from the map of the middle east, for no one can deny them the right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries but there can be no basis for including within those boundaries the annexed arab territories occupied by force in [number]. neither can the palestinian people be disregarded or left out of any negotiation on the substance of the conflict. one cannot deny a people its rights, leaving it no course other than despair, because that path will only lead to violence and chaos, for which we would all be responsible and whose victims we would all become, if we did not break the impasse of the conflict. neither the united nations nor the great powers can substitute rhetoric for action and, at the same time, live with conscience undisturbed. [number]. beyond that area, spain wishes to increase cooperation with the other countries of asia and to make clear, in speaking of this vast geographical region that it is concerned at the serious situation in the heart of that continent. indeed, the situation in afghanistan is a source of deep preoccupation for the spanish government because the fundamental rights of that islamic and nonaligned country have been seriously violated. it has been said many times from this rostrum that detente is global and indivisible and, hence, i believe it necessary once again to recall our unequivocal position on this matter. [number]. just as detente is indivisible, so respect for the basic rules of international law is the minimum prerequisite of any peace strategy. hence, in mentioning this area, it also appears necessary to recall the attitude of the spanish government with regard to the taking of hostages in general and in embassies in particular, specifically in iran. [number]. detente and the basic principles of international law are also being trampled underfoot in the present situation in kampuchea. [number]. spain cannot view with indifference the fact that the mediterranean, which has traditionally been a vehicle of culture and prosperity and the cradle of civilizations, has today become a centre of rivalry and the scene of conflict and tension threatening the security and affecting the well-being of its coastal states. [number]. in this regard we view with hope the discreet and constant efforts of the secretary general to have the inter communal talks resumed in cyprus. we hope that through those talks, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the united nations, a negotiated solution can be achieved ensuring the territorial integrity and political independence of cyprus and the peaceful coexistence of its two communities. [number]. but throughout the mediterranean area there is still a long way to go, not only to deepen and broaden cooperation among the coastal states but also to give a new dimension to our approach to the problem of security which, as stated in the helsinki final act, is closely linked to the security of europe. [number]. cooperation, concerted action for development and security are the ingredients of a global framework, which we have to put together and implement. [number]. the repetition of stereotypes, like that of aphorisms, simply increases incredulity. but it is a verifiable and visible fact that spain is the european country closest to the african continent. spain's foreign policy will give greater emphasis to this fact and place it in a proper perspective. [number]. spain's interest in africa is nothing new. the line of afro-mediterranean countries to which we have always been linked by close neighbourhood and common history makes this clear. to strengthen spanish cooperation with africa south of the sahara is one objective of my country's present foreign policy. we have to find new formulas for such cooperation and give special attention to those states where our industry, technology and trade can best link up with the aims of those countries, with scrupulous respect for their sovereignty and their own identity. the most important symbol of that interest is to be found in recent visits by their majesties, the king and queen of spain, to several friendly african countries south of the sahara. [number]. in the history of spain there is one particular african country in which our language has put down roots and grown. the republic of equatorial guinea is an african nation which speaks spanish. thus it is not strange that our collaboration is a close one and that, after the years of turbulence today forgotten our reconciliation has been rapid and intense. spain will continue to help the people and government of equatorial guinea as it has been doing as long as the people and government of that nation so desire. on the other hand, i must place special emphasis on the fact that the spanish government will maintain this cordial relationship without interfering in any way and with the strictest respect for the independence and sovereignty of that country. [number]. spain also follows with interest and concern existing tensions in southern africa. the continued occupation by south africa of the territory of namibia, contrary to the resolutions of the united nations, is a persistent element of conflict in the entire region. we consider that that illegal occupation must be brought to an end as quickly as possible, and therefore we have supported the most recent resolutions reaffirming the right of the namibian people to self-determination, freedom and independence, and the territorial integrity of a united namibia. we are also concerned at the continuance of the policy of apartheid and territorial segregation by south africa, which gravely affects the human rights situation and is a challenge to the international community. [number]. the spanish government is also following closely the development of the situation in the maghreb, with whose peoples europe is closely linked because of geographical proximity and strong historical, cultural and human ties. we wish to maintain and develop those close relationships of friendship with all the maghreb peoples, based on principles of balance, cooperation and good neighbourliness, and we continue to be ready to collaborate actively and disinterestedly in any endeavours to secure detente and peace in the region. [number]. the spanish government wants to see an end to violence and suffering in the western sahara and hopes that that problem will find a just solution based on respect for the principles and resolutions of this organization and of the [number]. this is, and will continue to be, our position on a dispute in which spain ceased to be a party when it irrevocably and definitively terminated its responsibilities as administering power of the territory of western sahara. indeed, on [number] february [number] spain terminated its presence in the territory and the administrative role that it had carried out there. the spanish government at that time communicated this fact officially to this organization, and has made it clear ever since to all the parties. spain seeks no advantage for itself or for anyone it seeks peace, stability and harmonization of the legitimate interests involved. neither appeals nor pressure, whatever form the latter may take, will divert us from our unswerving, consistent line. we are sure that this is the only way in which spain can help in achieving peace by absolute impartiality in dealing with the parties to the conflict and resolute adherence to our principles. i have mentioned pressure, and i cannot but protest most energetically at the violence which is being directed against innocent citizens of my country who, contrary to international law and with utter contempt for human rights, are being used as hostages. [number]. when the charter of the united nations was signed at san francisco [number] years ago, no provision was made for the prompt liquidation of colonial empires. on the contrary, machinery for international trusteeship was established through the trusteeship administration system provided for in the charter, bearing in mind that there were still territories which were not independent. but new nations developed, going beyond the political and legal system which, after the adoption of general assembly resolution [number] xv the twentieth anniversary of which we shall celebrate this year had become completely invalidated. the result has been the gigantic work of decolonization, which is one of the most notable achievements of the united nations. but that work is not yet completed, because there are still colonial situations, such as that of gibraltar. [number]. the british and spanish governments made a preliminary step towards a settlement of that dispute when they adopted at lisbon, last april, a joint declaration in which both parties undertook, in a spirit of friendship and in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the united nations, to begin negotiations to solve the problem of gibraltar. [number]. this will not be an easy task. what is important is the convergence of the political will to embark upon a course which has only one goal the settlement of the dispute, so that gibraltar, once again part of the spanish fatherland, will never again be an obstacle between spain and the united kingdom. [number]. the balance of terror is a negative concept which destroys real peace and coexistence among peoples and which has not been able to achieve the absence of war. therefore, disarmament is still for us an unalterable objective. we must check the race to stockpile and develop nuclear weapons, which consumes incalculable skills and resources and injects suspicion and mistrust into the relations between the great powers. [number]. my country also considers it necessary to limit conventional weapons to the levels necessary for the preservation of a country's security and to that end we have made constructive proposals for the regulation of the fraudulent traffic in conventional weapons. [number]. a few days ago there ended the eleventh special session of the general assembly, devoted to the new international development strategy and to global negotiations. thus it would be premature to make any evaluation of the results achieved. none the less, we should like to state our satisfaction at the consensus attained on the far-reaching subject of the new international development strategy, although we deeply regret that it was not possible to take account of the concerns of the industrialized developing countries which import energy, among which spain figures. [number]. as to the balance of what was achieved in the preparations for the global negotiations of [number], i cannot but express our disappointment. when the group of [number] put forward its proposal on global negotiations, spain was the first western country favourably to welcome that initiative, as it publicly proclaimed in this hall, reaffirming the traditional position of our country in favour of a north south dialogue, which would be institutionalized and ongoing, and the agenda for which would include the crucial subject of energy. however, despite the long and intense efforts made, we were unable to reach unanimous agreement on the way in which the negotiations would be conducted nor did we deal with the way in which the agenda would be drawn up. [number]. there was not the political will to break the vicious circle of rhetoric and demagoguery and to implement an effective plan which would make it possible to carry through the necessary changes in international economic and financial structures and make it possible to establish a new, more just and humane order which would ensure greater and more balanced economic and social development for all peoples. in a word, what was lacking was true solidarity in the planning and winning of the war against disease, ignorance and poverty. [number]. the spanish government believes that the final basis of true peace can be found only in respect for and protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual. we have legal instruments which define those rights on the world and regional levels. but we need effective machinery for safeguard and protection because totalitarian regimes continue to exist, and new ones arise, under which men are persecuted or discriminated against because of their race, ideas or beliefs and because human rights include not only civil and political rights but also, as a harmonious and inseparable whole, economic, social and cultural rights. [number]. this organization must bring to bear its ideas and initiatives so that those rights can be guaranteed and effectively protected. [number]. in the social field, one of the constant concerns of the spanish government continues to be the protection of the human rights of migrant workers and their families. we view with interest the work which the general assembly is to undertake this year in drafting a convention on the effective protection of those rights. [number]. with regard to progressively better training of women and their necessary legal equality with men, the spanish government took an active part in the world conference of the united nations decade for women equality, development and peace, held at copenhagen from [number] to [number] july this year, in the course of which we signed the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. [number]. all of us in this organization must pursue in solidarity energetic action in the struggle against terrorism, which has declared an implacable war against freedom, democracy, the servants of law and order, and innocent, weak and defenceless people. no one can support terrorism. no one can support it because terrorism constitutes the ultimate form of totalitarian barbarity, which must be eradicated by us. [number]. the rights of others are inseparable from our own rights. terrorism therefore affects everyone because it attacks our own human status. only with that understanding can we join hands in solidarity to do battle against terrorism and win. [number]. epilogues are often favoured occasions for platitudes, but i shall confine myself to reaffirming the confidence of spain in the capacity of the united nations to mobilize and unite and in its lofty potential for encouraging and alerting mankind. the united nations carries out a function which is fundamental to survival. spain intends to strengthen the organization as far as it is able to do so, and to be attentive to its call. [number]. this organization came into being so that peoples of succeeding generations might be saved from war, domination, injustice and oppression. that calls for true solidarity, wisdom in action and tenacity in endeavour. it requires that we give up, in the words of one of the great contemporary spanish poets, "that second innocence which leads to not believing in anything". [number]. it is not opportunism on my part if today i mark the commitment of the renewed spanish democracy evoking the memory of one of its oldest inspirations, the knight of la mancha to righting wrongs or, in the language of our times and our circumstances, to lending a hand in reducing intolerance, lessening tragedy, alleviating catastrophe and supporting the aspirations embodied in the charter of the united nations.

may i be permitted to offer to his excellency mr. freitas do amaral my sincere congratulations on his election to the high post of president of the golden fiftieth session of the general assembly. i am confident that, under his able stewardship, the assembly will succeed in advancing the noble aims and objectives of our charter. i wish also to record my delegation s profound appreciation to his predecessor, ambassador amara essy of c te d ivoire, who presided most ably over the various activities of our assembly during the forty-ninth session. the year [number] is to be singled out for its landmark anniversaries. the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the second world war is being observed worldwide with a renewed sense of comprehension of its painful lessons. this coincides with the golden jubilee of the founding of the united nations, which embodies in its charter the aspirations of our forefathers who, having stood actual witnesses to the horrors of a most devastating war, pledged to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and settle international disputes by peaceful means. at the time of this historic celebration it is only fitting to pay tribute to the architects of the charter, whose vision inspired it with continued viability and validity. [number] the family of the united nations has come to embrace [number] sovereign states, a fact that unequivocally attests to the genuine universality and validity of its underlying purposes and principles. the world organization has throughout served as a powerful engine for bringing about dramatic changes both in the domain of international relations and in the development process of nations. the united nations is to be credited with impressive accomplishments in strengthening international peace and security, marshalling the efforts of the international community to put an end to colonialism and apartheid, ensuring the independence and sovereignty of developing countries and supporting their socio-economic development, advocating human rights and fundamental freedoms and protecting and preserving the environment, as well as in promoting education, culture, science and health. it can be said that at the heart of these accomplishments lies the international community s growing realization of the prevalence of global priorities and the objective trends in historical developments, along with the wisdom of mastering the philosophy of fine-tuning the differing interests of states. however, the book of the organization s half-century history does not consist exclusively of success stories. there are chapters portraying the set-backs and failures of the united nations when it was effectively handicapped by the then prevalent ideological antagonisms and military-bloc confrontation. there were times when sovereign states could not exercise their right to become members of the united nations. mongolia, for one, which steadfastly sided with the allied forces and other peace-loving nations during the second world war, and made its humble contribution to the great victory, was until [number] prevented from exercising its legitimate right to join the world organization. the upcoming solemn celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations by the largest ever gathering of world leaders demonstrates that the international community, by associating its present and its future with the united nations, is placing its hopes and aspirations in the organization. we hope that the special commemorative meeting will be crowned with the adoption of the visionary document reaffirming the underlying purposes and principles of the charter and outlining forward-looking strategies commensurate with the challenges of the new millennium. in this regard, the secretary-general s stimulating reports an agenda for peace and an agenda for development and their subsequent supplements help greatly in revamping our concepts of peace, security and development, as well as in our collective reflection on our future. the united nations has served as a catalyst for convening a series of global conferences conferences on the protection of children, on the environment, on human rights, on population and social development and on the advancement of women resulting in the formulation of common strategies and specific platforms for action, now and into the twenty-first century. in order to ensure the full implementation of this comprehensive strategy of sustainable human development it is imperative to streamline the existing machinery for multilateral cooperation. here, i wish to emphasize the urgent need for reform to take in the entire system of the united nations, including the bretton woods institutions, by, inter alia, increasing the effectiveness of organizations in the economic and social fields, as well as improving their coordination. momentous post-cold-war change has, in fact, failed to embrace international economic relations an area of major concern to the united nations. the persisting inequities and imbalances, as well as protectionist tendencies, the growing external-debt burden, the inability to participate equally in international decision-making and declining official development assistance flows, weigh heavily on the efforts of the developing countries effectively to address the pressing socio-economic problems that they face. mongolia fully supports the efforts of the non- aligned movement and the group of [number] to call the attention of the international community, and of the group of seven in particular, to the question of addressing these acute problems. it goes without saying that this common objective can be attained only through joint north-south action. the persistence and proliferation of wars and crisis situations testify to the fact that conventional attitudes towards the use of force as a standard means of settling disputes have not been done away with and that the worth of the human person and his or her right to life continue to be denied. against this backdrop, the united nations has seen over the last few years a marked expansion in its activities in the area of peace-keeping, peacemaking and preventive diplomacy. despite the difficulties encountered and the growing complexity of their missions, the peace- [number] keeping operations have largely succeeded in places where they have intervened for the purposes of restoring peace and normality. the failures suffered by the united nations should not, however, frustrate its efforts in the future. lessons drawn from these failures should help the organization to weigh its potentials and limitations realistically and to act within mandates that are clear and attainable. if the security council is to reflect today s realities and to live up to the challenges ahead, the reform process democratization of its working methods and the introduction of greater transparency into its activities should be further intensified. it is mongolia s considered view that expansion of the security council should be based on the principles of fairness and equitable representation. this should be ensured by, inter alia, the admission of countries with a global reach, like japan and germany, as well as representatives of developing countries. it is important to take specific steps to ensure the full implementation of the resolution on the protection and security of small states adopted at the last session. mongolia welcomes the secretary-general s report on the specific development needs of small member states, and expects that the ideas and recommendations that it contains will be duly reflected in the activities of the united nations. mongolia highly appreciates the international community s understanding of the problems and hardships faced by countries in transition and the support for their efforts to integrate into the world economy. we deem it important that the general assembly has decided to consider this issue at its fifty-first session. my delegation hopes that the report on this subject to be prepared by the secretary-general will take due account of the characteristics of all countries in particular, geographic location, climatic conditions and infrastructure development, among others. we applaud the entry into force of the convention on the law of the sea, which is widely acclaimed as one of the historic achievements of united nations cooperative efforts. there is no need to emphasize the importance of that convention to countries like mongolia, which is a geographically disadvantaged, land-locked developing country with an unfavourable road and transportation environment. the mongolian delegation expresses its hope that the general assembly will at its present session endorse the recommendations adopted last june by the second meeting of governmental experts from land-locked and transit developing countries and representatives of donor countries and financial and development institutions. we believe that the world trade organization will facilitate the integration of developing countries into the international trading system and ensure the protection of their interests through benefits derived from the trade- discipline mechanism. the disarmament agenda was highlighted this year by the review and extension conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt , which considered the operation of the treaty and decided on its indefinite extension. among the important objectives and principles aimed at strengthening the nuclear disarmament process with practical measures, special mention should be made of those related to the conclusion of a comprehensive test- ban treaty. it is, however, deplorable that two nuclear- weapon states parties to the non-proliferation treaty, contrary to the commitments undertaken, are conducting nuclear tests and have announced their intention to continue them. a zero-yield comprehensive test-ban recently announced by the united states administration will, in our view, speed up the negotiations on the treaty so that it may be concluded next year. we wish to express our concern over the slow pace of ratification of the chemical weapons convention, which is unnecessarily delaying its entry into force. we call upon those countries that have not yet done so to ratify the convention as soon as possible. mongolia welcomes the interim agreement on the second stage of autonomy reached by the palestine liberation organization plo and israel within the framework of achieving the full realization of the palestinian people s right to self-determination. that agreement represents a major step towards consolidating the peace process in the middle east. my delegation also expresses its satisfaction at the recent agreements regarding the former yugoslavia, which give us hope for the eventual solution of the protracted crisis there. [number] we believe that the eleventh conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, which will take place in colombia shortly, will outline the tasks of the movement in the years to come and will make its contribution to the efforts of the world community aimed at solving a host of interrelated problems of strengthening international peace and security and promoting development and progress. it is of great importance that with the strengthening of peace, stability and economic growth in the asia-pacific region, the contours of regional and subregional cooperation are becoming more pronounced. the progress achieved in resolving the nuclear issue on the korean peninsula has had a positive bearing on the prospects of overall settlement in that part of our region. mongolia, in line with its foreign-policy priorities, is endeavouring to participate more actively in the process of regional integration. we trust that this stance will enjoy greater support from other governments. more than five years have elapsed since mongolia embarked upon the road of democracy and economic liberalization. a solid foundation for a new political fabric and its legal guarantees has been laid down. the economic decline has been checked, and signs of recovery are being discerned. we are gratified by the support and assistance of the world community, donor countries and international organizations, which continue to play an important role in consolidating these positive beginnings. however, the hardships of transition are still being acutely felt as, inter alia, our gross national product is quite far from its pre-crisis level, living standards are in decline and poverty is on the rise. under these circumstances, my government, in addition to mobilizing its own resources to the utmost, is compelled to seek further assistance from outside. in this regard, we look forward to the fifth donor meeting, to be held in tokyo early next year. in conclusion, may i express my confidence that at this commemorative session the general assembly will consider the items on its agenda in a constructive manner and will adopt decisions responding to the challenges ahead.

before i start my statement on the agenda items i should like to pay once more the homage of my country to the memory of the great leader of the chinese people whose thoughts inspired the revolutions of many peoples in the world, chairman mao tsetung. since the president of my country had the opportunity to send a message to the chinese people expressing the feelings and gratitude of the mozambican people for the role played by china and by mao tsetung in our struggle for liberation, i will simply reassure the chinese delegation of the heartfelt sincerity of that message and of our continued revolutionary co-operation. [number]. the items on our agenda are of such great importance that it is tempting to address oneself to all of them. but since such an exercise is practically impossible, [number] shall confine my remarks to some of those items which my delegation believes require foremost attention. on the problem of disarmament it is lamentable that, in spite of the repeated recognition in this general assembly as in the other international forums of the danger of the arms race and the stockpiling of armaments, particularly nuclear armaments, a solution capable of bringing tranquility to humanity has not yet been reached. on the contrary, we witness a deliberate resistance by the imperialist countries to the effective creation of denuclearized zones. here i wish to refer to the countries that continue to support south africa in the creation of its nuclear force. [number]. my delegation would like to reiterate its support for the political declaration of the fifth conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries a [number] [number], annex i , calling for the convening of an extraordinary session of the general assembly of the united nations to examine the problem of disarmament, to promote and elaborate a program of priorities and recommendations and to study the question of the convening of a world conference on disarmament. [number]. the international economic system that was established after the second world war brought unprecedented expansion and prosperity to the developed countries. since the second world war the world has seen not only an enormous capacity of production but also a tremendous consumption capacity in the developed countries. at the same time the position of the developing countries has invariably deteriorated. [number]. the struggle by developing countries to establish a more just international economic order does not require any further explanation for it emerges within a situation that can only be classified as relations of exploitation of the developing countries by the capitalist powers. we are convinced that the new economic order has to be viewed in its proper perspective, namely the effective struggle against the unscrupulous exploitative and oppressive practices of transnational corporations and in the general struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism. [number]. within this context, developing countries have fought and are still fighting in order to bring about new relations in the following fields first, the price of raw materials produced by them, which in great part end up in the factories of the developed countries. the foreign exchange earnings of the developing countries depend basically on their exports of raw materials and primary commodities. the relative improvement of the level of prices of some of these commodities, oil for example, in [number] [number], which was short-lived, did not at all compensate for the deterioration in the terms of trade which characterized the post-war period. the decline in their real value is continuing and is today assuming disquieting proportions as a result of the staggering rise in the prices of manufactured goods, food-stuffs, capital goods and services imported by developing countries. this situation is seriously affecting the efficacy of their efforts and puts a brake on their development. [number]. secondly, improvement of the conditions for the access of goods produced by developing countries to the markets controlled almost entirely by developed countries. despite the continuing assurance by some of the developed countries that they would relax and eliminate trade barriers for the products of developing countries, progress so far has not been satisfactory. however, it should be noted that the agreements concluded between some developed countries and developing countries constitute a hopeful sign in this field of access to markets. the generalized system of preferences, though a useful scheme of trade liberalization, needs substantial improvement. its limited coverage, particularly in respect of products of export interest to developing countries, and especially the least developed countries, and its temporary nature are a matter of major concern. progress in the multilateral trade negotiations has been slow and its focus has been narrow. furthermore, with the exception of a few forward-looking developed countries, there has been no genuine attempt on the part of the developed countries to reorganize and reform the existing inequitable and unbalanced world trade system to conform to the urgent development requirements and priorities of the developing countries. [number]. thirdly, new terms for negotiations on their external debts many millions of dollars of foreign debts for developing countries . there has been a phenomenal rise in the deficit of the balance of payments of developing countries, which increased from about [number]. [number] billion in [number] to [number]. [number] billion in [number] and to over [number] billion in [number]. some estimates indicate that this figure could reach [number] billion by [number] given the present trends. this unprecedented situation is not the product of conjunctural factors, but the reflection of the structural crisis that characterizes present economic relations, which stem from the colonial and neo-colonial policy of imperialism. as a result, most developing countries have over the years depleted their reserves and accumulated large external debts, a good portion of which entails heavy interest and amortization obligations. it has been estimated that the external indebtedness of these countries, which was over [number] billion in [number], will be double that amount by the end of [number]. [number]. the continuing diversion of qualified manpower and of material and financial resources from peaceful economic and social purposes to an unproductive and wasteful arms race not only widens the current economic gap between developed and developing countries but also frustrates the purposes and objectives of the second united nations development decade, which envisaged a transfer of substantial resources from the developed countries to the developing countries as a consequence of reduced armament. the flow of financial resources to the developing countries amounted to only about [number] billion in [number], in contrast to the expenditure on armaments, which has now reached [number] billion per annum. we believe that many of the development requirements of the developing countries could be met if a substantial part of the resources released by disarmament measures of the world's main military powers could be used to promote the economic development of developing countries. [number]. fourthly, in industry and transfer of technology, it is unquestionable that industrialization represents a dynamic instrument for the social and economic progress of the developing countries. we believe that it is also linked to the promotion and expansion of trade, not only amongst developing countries but also with the developed countries. the redeployment of appropriate industries necessary for economic development should be expedited. we believe that the monopolizing of technology processes by the developed countries has led to several unsatisfactory features which call for immediate substantive and institutional remedial action if transfer of technology is to be effected in order to achieve the targets set for the developing countries in the lima and manila declarations. [number]. under these circumstances, the new economic order will not become a reality until the developing countries reach economic independence, breaking with their traditional role as producers of raw materials and buyers of manufactured goods. with this in mind, it is indispensable to direct the common efforts of the countries of the large united nations family to establish the heavy industry in the developing countries. [number]. it becomes imperative for the international community to understand that only a radical transformation of production relations can end the exploitation of many by man, a requisite condition for true economic independence. the establishment of a new economic order must be based on the sovereign equality of all the countries in the world. [number]. reiterating our support and commitment to the decisions taken at the colombo conference, we urge the states members of the united nations to support the declaration and other decisions of that summit on this issue see a [number] [number] . [number]. here i would like to relate the . question of the new economic order to our own experience in the struggle to achieve economic independence. we want the development of our country to be integrated in the context of the achievement of equitable world socio-economic relations aimed at the promotion of the well-being of mankind in both developing and developed countries. [number]. the eighth session of the central committee of the frente de libertafao de mozambique frelimo decided to undertake a generalized political and organizational offensive in the field of production. the development of this offensive campaign will permit us to consolidate our independence and continue forward on the road to national reconstruction. to this end we must reconvert our economy, eliminating the relations of dependency on the minority regimes of rhodesia and south africa, the results of colonialism. this will permit the consolidation of our independence and the truly independent choice of the road to follow for the effective utilization and development of the human material potential of our country. [number]. the people's republic of mozambique has made significant efforts in this direction, especially through the creation of communal villages, a strategy for the development of productive forces in the agricultural sector as a basis for creating the necessary conditions for promoting industries. however, for the development of the emerging industry which was beginning to take shape in mozambique, we have encountered difficulties in the international markets to which colonialism had linked the economy of our country that link today impedes in one way or another our access to economic independence, designed in this way to keep us forever in thrall to the most aggressively imperialistic circles. [number]. our efforts in mozambique are the target of economic sabotage by the administrations of private enterprise with interests in our country, threatening the destruction of the few means of production that we have. we encounter obstacles to the measures taken, since most of the time the big capitalist companies refuse to furnish us with the products that we need for our industry, invoking fallacious pretexts designed to impose on us an economic system serving their interests, and not those of our people. [number]. nevertheless, basing our efforts on the principle of self-reliance, we have been able to maintain the productive process through the participation of the workers and of the administrative commissions named by the government in a democratic search for the conditions needed to improve productivity. we believe that we will succeed in solving these problems because today we rely on a growing number of friendly countries, among them the socialist countries with which we have agreed to co-operate on the basis of mutual help and progress, within the just principles advocated by the non-aligned countries and the group of [number]. [number]. the people's republic of mozambique believes in the effectiveness of co-operation among the developing countries, based on individual and collective self-reliance, and invites the developed countries to support such efforts. the people's republic of mozambique does not see this as any kind of confrontation. the imperialist countries must not try to justify their customary sabotage of the efforts of the developing countries by interpreting our attempt to achieve economic independence and the necessary equilibrium in our relations as a declaration of war or as a confrontation. [number]. if we wish to reach in harmony recognized objectives of international economic co-operation, the more technically and economically developed countries should refrain from threatening the developing countries. on the contrary, developed countries should realize that the existing economic system is based on injustice to the developing countries. those responsible for this injustice would gain dignity and respect if they recognized this reality and helped change it. [number]. in so far as mozambique is concerned, we think that it is the obligation of the united nations as well as of its individual member states to help in the consolidation of our independence. the role that they performed in the conquest of independence of the people's republic of mozambique, obligates them to support our national reconstruction on the premise that it will lead to the prosperity of this country. this means that the nations of this organization are constrained to assist in the transformation of something that formerly horrified them, giving rise to their behavior in the colonial period, a process designed expressly to transform ignorance, hunger, misery, unemployment, sickness and, finally, alarming economic and technical backwardness, into social, economic, technical and technological progress capable of bringing mozambique closer to equality with the developed countries. [number]. in the last few years several sessions of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea have taken place under the capable direction of mr. amerasinghe. we are confident that the new convention on this subject will not discriminate against any state or group of states. the exploration and exploitation of the depths of the sea, the common patrimony of humanity, must benefit the international community, and we continue to believe that the conference will find a way to prevent the granting of privileges in a discriminatory manner to states on the basis of their degree of economic development or of their socio-political system. [number]. an international authority reflecting the predominant tendency in the world today will prevent the monopolization of the sea-bed area by the big capitalist companies and thus take part in the fight against the plunder of the natural resources of the globe by a privileged minority. [number]. we support the efforts made in trying to reach solutions by consensus, which will make it possible to arrive at a workable convention accepted by a significant majority of states, and which will also contribute to the guarantee of international peace and security, in this context, effective mechanisms must be created against those who intend to profit from their present advantage in technology and know-how to launch still another attempt at colonization based on the law of the stronger. [number]. let me now turn to the liberation of southern africa, which is the fundamental task today. with the defeat of portuguese colonialism, a new phase began in the arduous fight of the african people for independence and the end of oppression. the fight developed by the people of the former portuguese colonies constituted an example and a victory for other peoples still under colonial domination. the victorious peoples of the new countries, tempered as they were by the experiences of their own struggle, were very conscious of the fact that their liberation would not be complete as long as there were countries dominated by racist minority regimes. [number]. at this moment, our attention is focused on the situation in southern africa. with the victory of the people of the former portuguese colonies, the last bastions of colonialism felt themselves threatened. the victories in angola and mozambique, together with the actions of support in the united republic of tanzania, in zambia, botswana and all over africa, facilitated the escalation of the struggle for the liberation of southern africa. the development of action by the movements of liberation in the struggle against the common enemy, whose presence constitutes a permanent threat to our independence and to the normal development of our countries, marks an unequivocal and irreversible trend towards the liquidation of colonialism in africa. [number]. the international support of friendly countries contributed to the victory of our people. we do not forget this help, just as we shall make any sacrifice to help unconditionally the peoples struggling for their freedom. [number]. our fight developed and is developing through co-ordination of action, in the unity of the african countries. we know very well that the secret of victory is in the unity and co-ordination of efforts of all the liberation movements and other forces genuinely interested in independence. it is through this well-defined unity that it will be possible to isolate and denounce all opportunist and puppet forces that pretend to accept situations of compromise with imperialism. [number]. victory is inevitable because unity has been reached on objectives. but we still have to reinforce this unity in order to constitute one solid force in a position to confront in all domains the desperate and last-minute maneuvers engaged in by imperialism in an attempt to perpetuate its domination in africa. in this unity there is not only an important role for the countries that are directly engaged in the fight, but also for the international community as a whole. through our collective unequivocal action, we could make an important contribution to the struggle for national liberation. [number]. the international community will have to be vigilant against attempts by the racist forces to divide the liberation movement, creating puppet movements or regimes that objectively could not do more than serve the interests of the minorities against which we are fighting. the denunciation and the non-recognition of the puppet forces is a real contribution to the liberation struggle in africa today. our objectives are clear real independence, in which power belongs to the people. our fight will be over only after these objectives are realized. and we must challenge any and all attempts intended to divert us from these objectives. [number]. the situation in southern africa is characterized by the development and intensification of the armed struggle for liberation throughout the area. the armed struggle is therefore a reality that cannot be ignored. faced with the impossibility of achieving independence on the basis of majority rule through peaceful solutions, the liberation movements took up arms with definite objectives concerning which they would make no concessions. [number]. the successes of the freedom fighters of zimbabwe, namibia and south africa are growing daily they are encircling the racist forces and isolating the international . forces that support the minority regimes of smith and vorster. the progress of the liberation struggle through the intensification of military action and the co-ordinated international action of solidarity in support of the struggle, including the intensification of sanctions against rhodesia, has led to the deterioration of the situation at all levels. this in turn has brought about increasingly unfavorable conditions for imperialism, forcing it to reconsider its position. objectively, at the present moment, imperialism is recognizing the inevitability of the defeat of the minority regimes in southern africa. thus it is quite clear that any solution that is found is the result of the armed struggle, of its intensification and of its successes. each and every negotiated solution will have to be based on the conditions advanced by the authentic representatives of the people in the struggle. [number]. in zimbabwe, the struggle has been intensified in the last year. the intensification of military action, as well as the active solidarity of various african states, have placed ian smith's regime in an unsustainable position. the development of diplomatic and military action, and the condemnation and opposition by the overwhelming majority of the international community of the minority regime, have become so intense that by now it is clear to all that the days of the smith regime are numbered and that soon the complete victory of the african freedom fighters will be a reality. refusing to accept the principle of majority rule, trying to face a situation that was each time more precarious, the smith regime began to develop a desperate fight against the nationalist forces, increasing its military power in a vain attempt to stop the struggle. smith even pretended to move to the offensive, trying to expand the conflict to the free states of southern africa through provocation and through the escalation of violence, [number]. in relation to mozambique, this conduct has been sufficiently demonstrated through the constant aggressions against our territory and through the systematic violations of our frontiers with the object of spreading death among unprotected populations. no week goes by without a violation of our land or air space by the racist forces. these actions have forced us to be in a state of constant vigilance, for the enemy's actions constitute a breach of the peace in our country and a violation of our sovereignty, and indeed pose a threat to peace and security in the area. [number]. this is the way it was at mapai. in an action that involved the use of varied military equipment, reactionary forces invaded our territory, destroying non-military targets, murdering dozens of unprotected mozambicans, this is also the way it was at nyazonia, a camp of zimbabwean refugees under the auspices of the united nations high commissioner for refugees. in an action that went on for several hours, the rhodesian racists murdered in cold blood [number] zimbabwean refugees men, women and children. the brutality of the action has been clearly described by the representative of the high commissioner for refugees in mozambique who visited that place. [number]. we cannot but express our shock when certain countries choose to confine their preoccupation to victims of air terrorism or terrorist acts practised by small groups while ignoring completely the terrorism practised in southern africa by the racist minority regimes. we have heard here only of [number] victims of terrorist acts perpetrated since the last time we met here. what about the [number] zimbabwean refugees murdered at nyazonia by the terrorists of the smith regime? or the mozambican victims massacred at mapai. and why the silence on the thousands of youths brutally murdered at soweto and many other places in south africa by racist troops? was it merely an error of mathematical calculation or are we to understand that the lives of these thousands of human beings, victims of terrorism, have not the same value as the lives of those [number] people who were mentioned the other day as the only victims of acts of terrorism? [number]. i would like to make it clear that the people's republic of mozambique by no means condones any form of terrorism. i have mentioned the above example simply to draw he attention of the general assembly to the situation of terror prevailing in southern africa. [number]. faced with these examples, the international community that supported our struggle against portuguese colonialism cannot remain indifferent. it is clear that the continued existence of the minority regime in zimbabwe embodies the perpetuation of colonialism with all its attendant evils, including systematic massacres of zimbabweans. at the same time it constitutes a permanent menace to the territorial integrity and independence of the people's republic of mozambique. [number]. it is therefore not enough to condemn the racist and illegal regime of ian smith. it is imperative to take concrete action to put an end to this anomalous situation. in this connexion we are confident that the international community will offer greater support to the fighters for freedom, whose inevitable victory is recognized by us all. [number]. as a result of the relentless struggle engaged on the battle-field by the freedom fighters, the smith regime has finally accepted the principle of majority rule. at this juncture i should like to note the significant efforts of the united states secretary of state, mr. kissinger, in trying to persuade ian smith to recognize reality. this acceptance, in itself, could constitute a positive factor in the evolution of the struggle in zimbabwe and in future steps towards complete victory. but what kind of an acceptance is this? we should like to see it put into practice. at the same time, it is necessary to state here very clearly to smith and to his allies that the problem of zimbabwe has nothing to do with the interests of this or that foreign power. majority government means precisely that it will be up to the people of zimbabwe to decide on their destiny with no external interference. [number]. the objective of the freedom fighters is to bring about a majority rule that will permit the creation of a just political, economic and social order, in which everyone will have the same rights. the question is how to achieve this majority rule. we submit that only the position of the liberation movement, the real defenders of the interests of the people of zimbabwe, should prevail. [number]. a lot has been said lately about minorities, about "guarantee of the minority's interests" and about "indemnification" to be made to the white minority. this is an attempt to elude the real core of the problem, to falsify the objectives of the struggle, and to introduce the specter of a struggle between races in an attempt to confuse the definition of the real enemy against whom the freedom fighters have been struggling. the problem of zimbabwe, as we have said, is that of the establishment of a just order, in which there will be no place for privileged minorities. the problem would be correctly approached if, instead of excessive preoccupation with the so-called guarantees of minority rights, the international community were to concern itself with the needs of zimbabwe in its task of national reconstruction after the victory of the forces of freedom. [number]. it is interesting to note how easy it has been for the western world to accept the proposed creation of a fund worth [number]. [number] billion for indemnification of the white minority, whereas it is still impossible to obtain even a necessary minimum to compensate the countries that decided to apply sanctions in support of the just cause of zimbabwe's majority. in this connexion it is pertinent to recollect that zambia's losses, incurred through its application of mandatory sanctions against rhodesia, were to the tune of [number] million, while those of mozambique approximated [number] million. we are not against assistance being given to the colonialists who decide to quit independent zimbabwe, where they could be not useful anyway. but we want to point out the contrast that exists not only in the figures but also in the interest and readiness shown in the two cases. [number] in order to promote the immediate solution of zimbabwe's problem, the people's republic of mozambique supports the convening by the united kingdom of a constitutional conference outside rhodesia, with the participation of the authentic representatives of the nationalist forces. for us, the united kingdom is the colonial power in rhodesia and for this reason it has to assume full responsibility in the solution of the problem. it will be up to this constitutional conference to establish the process of transfer of power as well as to decide on the question of a cease-fire. and it is our firm opinion that the transitional government must be a majority government, with real power, in order to guarantee the nationalists effective exercise of power. [number]. we would like to state categorically that there is no question of lifting sanctions until the constitutional conference has produced results considered satisfactory by the freedom fighters. similarly, until these objectives are attained we will continue to support unconditionally the armed struggle. [number]. my government once again salutes the secretary- general for his efforts in searching for solutions of this problem and for his active role and that of the team appointed by him and led by the assistant secretary- general for special political questions, abdulrahim farah, in seeking the support of the international community for mozambique subsequent to our application of sanctions against rhodesia. my government also expresses its appreciation to those countries that contributed to offset the difficulties resulting from the closure of our border with rhodesia. [number]. in namibia the struggle has been intensified and, there too, the illegal occupation by south africa has become unsustainable. faced with an increasingly adverse situation, the south african racists launched a two-front offensive. [number]. from the military point of view, the south african illegal regime has lately increased its war potential along the frontier with the people's republic of angola, creating a buffer-zone that is used, on one hand, as a base for successive aggressions against angola and zambia and, on the other hand, to repress in a more violent way the struggle for liberation of the namibian people. nevertheless, in spite of this military situation and of the support of various western powers for vorster's regime, the successes of the liberation war are evident. [number]. from the political point of view and with the objective of perpetuating its domination, south africa has changed its tactics. it is now busy organizing pseudo- conferences for the "concession" of the so-called independence to a fragmented namibia which it wants to turn into a federation of "bantustans", led by south african puppet leaders. meanwhile the persecution against the nationalists in the south west africa people's organization swapoj goes on, many of them being now in the racist prisons or in exile. [number] we are not going to dwell at length on this question of namibia, because recently, on [number] october, we had the opportunity to express our opinion in the security council. nevertheless we find it pertinent to remind this assembly that the action of south africa in its illegal occupation of namibia's territory constitutes a serious challenge to the fundamental principles of the united nations, as well as a challenge to its effectiveness. above all, it poses a serious threat to international peace and security. [number]. the security council has the obligation to apply without delay the provisions of chapter vii of the united nations charter against south africa. the united nations organization, which has long recognized swapo as the only liberation movement of the people of namibia and endorsed the legitimacy of its struggle, should encourage and give substantial material help to swapo so that this organization may defeat the enemy. [number]. we also support the convening by the united nations of a genuine constitutional conference, in which the united nations, the republic of south africa and swapo would participate. swapo should be the determining and decisive voice in the adoption of any solution in the conference. the people's republic of mozambique supports swapo's demand for the release of all the political prisoners as a priority condition for its participation in the constitutional conference. our government rejects any conference convened by south africa on the namibian question, and at the same time categorically repudiates as illegal, the so-called conference of windhoek. [number]. the situation in namibia is intimately related with the situation in south africa. the intensification of the struggle for liberation in namibia is also a contribution to the decisive struggle of the south african people against apartheid. within the boundaries of south africa, the struggle develops every day. the revolts in the ghettos follow one another, showing once more the existence of organized forces against vorster's regime. in the meanwhile, repression reaches proportions that clearly demonstrate that vorster's intention is to drown in blood all organized movements against his regime. nevertheless the struggle goes on and it is going to continue until the victory over apartheid and the restoration of a regime of justice based on human equality. [number]. the people's republic of mozambique condemns the policy of "bantustans" and rejects the so-called independence of transkei. we salute the countries of the european economic community which, by their position of refusing to recognize the transkei, have made a contribution to the struggle of the south african people and helped to isolate vorster's regime. [number]. the people's republic of mozambique reiterates its unconditional support to the african national congress of south africa and to the struggle developed by this organization, the legitimate representative of the south african people. at the same time my country expresses its full support for all actions developed towards the liquidation of apartheid. [number]. the indian ocean was declared a zone of peace by this assembly at its twenty-sixth session in resolution [number] xxvi . in [number], an agreement in principle was reached to convene a conference on the indian ocean, we support the convening of this conference as we are convinced that it will be an important step towards preserving the indian ocean free from the imperialist interventions which constitute a continual source of conflicts and threats to international peace and security. [number]. we reaffirm at this time that we are disposed to receive with hospitality all the ships that use that international communication passage with peaceful intentions. we cannot, however, refrain from firmly opposing the extension of imperialist military bases, such as that of diego garcia. the occupation of diego garcia is aimed at weakening the forces of peace and progress in the region, and at hindering the consolidation of political and economic independence of the countries of the region. the new french bases of juan da nova, europa and bassas da india, in the middle of the mozambique channel, very close to our country, threaten our independence. also the occupation by france of the comorian island of mayotte constitutes a flagrant violation of the territorial integrity of the comoros, a sovereign and independent country, and constitutes a dangerous precedent in the decolonization process. [number]. we can observe from certain world developments that there is a great deal of hope ahead of us in achieving most of the goals this organization has been striving for during the last three decades. sometimes, however, we find ourselves confronted with certain unhappy situations, created by some member states of this organization, such unfortunate situations are completely incompatible with the most elementary principles of our organization, i am referring for example to the annexation of eastern timor by indonesia. [number]. on [number] november [number], at the end of a long struggle of resistance to colonialism, the people of eastern timor, under the leadership of fretilin, proclaimed tire democratic republic of east timor, with its capital in dili. on [number] december of the same year, the indonesian government occupied dili, and later declared the annexation of eastern timor. nevertheless, installed in liberated zones, the government of the democratic republic of east timor continues the struggle and directs the work of national reconstruction. there is no doubt that the government of indonesia, violating the resolutions adopted by this organization, has occupied militarily the territory of the democratic republic of east timor. [number]. in this connexion, we reiterate the appeal made by the president of the people's republic of mozambique, mr. samora moises machel, at the colombo conference, urging the government of indonesia to withdraw its occupation troops from die democratic republic of east timor. we request all the states members of the united nations to join in this appeal and to condemn "the persistent refusal of the government of indonesia to comply with the provisions of the relevant resolutions of the general assembly and the security council". we condemn "the so-called official integration of east timor carried out by the government of indonesia". we recognize fretilin as "the only authentic representative of the people of east timor". finally, we call "the attention of the security council to the urgent need for taking all effective steps to implement its resolutions". [number]. equally we add our voice to the denunciation of the occupation by force and the partition of the territory of the republic of sahara. we salute the heroic struggle of the people of puerto rico, the people of the so-called french somaliland djibouti , and we hail the peoples all over the world who are struggling for their freedom and independence. we demand the liberation of luis corvalan, and respect for human rights in chile. we also express our indignation at the assassination of the former minister and ambassador to the united states, mr. orlando letelier, perpetrated in washington two weeks ago. [number]. to the people of palestine and the arab world, we want to express our concern at the aggravation of the situation in the middle east. we are convinced that for a just and durable solution to the problem, the international community should take into account the principles enunciated in the political declaration of the colombo conference, namely, total withdrawal of israel from all the occupied arab territories and exercise by the palestinian people of all its inalienable national rights total support and material, military and moral assistance to the arab countries and to the palestinian people represented by the palestine liberation organization in their struggle against israeli aggression all states must refrain from taking any measures which will contribute to the material, military or moral support of israeli policies all states must condemn the complicity between south africa and israel, tending to create a racist expansionist axis to fight against the people and to deprive them of their national rights. [number]. in respect to the korean question, only the removal of foreign troops and the peaceful reunification of that country without external interference can be the basis for achieving a stable situation. [number]. the admission of the republic of seychelles as the one hundred and forty-fifth member of this organization has filled us with happiness. we want to congratulate the people and government of that fraternal state and assure them of our co-operation. [number]. in the same degree to which we associate ourselves with those that preceded us in greeting the admission of a new member of the united nations, we cannot but condemn vigorously the manner in which one of the permanent members of the security council utilized its right of veto to exclude the people's republic of angola and the socialist republic of viet nam from membership in our organization. [number]. the participation of the people's republic of angola in international meetings as that of the last session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea has contributed in a significant way to the promotion of a climate of co-operation and friendship among die countries of the international community. angola therefore must be admitted without delay as a full member of the united nations. [number]. the decisive contribution made by viet nam in the struggle of the oppressed people led us to approve resolution [number] xxx , in which, by [number] votes in favor and none against, the assembly requested the security council to reconsider favorably the admission to membership of the democratic republic of viet nam and the republic of south viet nam. yet later the united states vetoed the admission of viet nam. on [number] august [number], a unified viet nam submitted a new request for admission. my delegation truly supports the admission of viet nam as a full member of the united nations and unequivocally rejects any extraneous pretexts designed to frustrate its admission. we sincerely hope that the united states of america will reconsider its position so that both angola and viet nam will be admitted to membership in the organization before the end of the current session of the general assembly. [number]. i cannot conclude without congratulating mr. amerasinghe for his election to the presidency of this session of the general assembly. we rejoice in having as president of our assembly an illustrious diplomat of the country that was host to the fifth conference of non-aligned countries and received it with such outstanding hospitality. my delegation is convinced that under his wise and clear-sighted leadership, the work of the thirty-first session will be crowned with success. [number]. i would like also to pay my tribute to the wonderful work done by prime minister gaston thorn, president of the thirtieth session. [number]. last but not least, i would like to take this opportunity to reiterate my government's sincere appreciation to our secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, for his dedication to the triumph of the ideals of the united nations. we thank him in particular for the successful job done in regard to the liberation of peoples, particularly his persistent concern and support for the struggle of the people of southern africa. on behalf of my government, i wish to affirm our full support for his continued services.

allow me at the outset, sir, to express my country s heartfelt congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its sixty-third session. we are confident that your experience and wisdom will crown our work with success and will result in further progress on the many important issues on the assembly s agenda. i would like also to express my appreciation to your predecessor, mr. srgjan kerim, for the efforts he made during his presidency of the general assembly at its previous session. our thanks go also to secretary-general ban ki-moon for his persistent efforts to implement united nations resolutions and realize the purposes of the charter. humanity faces many problems and serious challenges, which, no matter how great, would not be impossible to resolve if we evinced the necessary political will and made concerted efforts to overcome them. my country recognizes that peace, security and stability constitute the cornerstone of progress and development, especially in africa. it has therefore made all possible efforts to resolve disputes in africa, as was the case in chad, the central african republic and the sudan. my country has also contributed, along with other african countries and pursuant to resolutions of the african union peace and security council, towards putting an end to the insurgency in the island of anjouan in the union of the comoros. united nations reform remains a matter of primary importance to the international community. reform has indeed become a necessity dictated by the current dynamics in the international arena. however, while we commend the efforts of the open-ended working group on security council reform, which was chaired by the president of the general assembly during its previous session, we feel that the process has been extremely slow because of broad differences between the various groups. nonetheless, we welcome the consensus reached on the recommendations of the open-ended working group at the end of the sixty- second session decision [number] [number] . however, we believe that genuine united nations reform is reform which places decision-making power in the hands of the general assembly, the world parliament, while transforming the security council into an executive body that enforces the assembly s decisions. we can thus surmount the veto obstacle which has concentrated international decision-making power in the five permanent members of the council. my country therefore calls for the convening of a high-level general assembly meeting on united nations reform, to be held in a european country so that all world leaders can attend. in that context, we wish to emphasize that africa, which is the only continent with no permanent representation on the security council despite the fact that it represents more [number] [number]-[number] than one fourth of the total membership of the united nations, deserves permanent membership on an equal footing with other geographical regions. that representation should be given to the african union rather than to any one of its members. we have reached the midpoint of the period set for the achievement of the millennium development goals. we express our concern regarding the inability of many developing countries and least developed countries, especially in africa, to achieve the goals, we affirm that it is imperative for the international community to fulfil its commitments in the field of development assistance, address problems related to the international trade system, make the world trade organization more effective, and facilitate the accession to membership of that organization by developing countries. in that regard, we welcomed the convening of the high-level plenary meeting of the general assembly on [number] september [number], on the theme of africa s development needs. we support the political declaration adopted at the meeting resolution [number] [number] . we also welcomed the high-level event on the millennium development goals mdgs , held on [number] september [number]. furthermore, we look forward to the international follow-up conference on financing for development to review the implementation of the monterrey consensus, to be held in doha and we hope that the conference will achieve its desired goals. in that context, my country has contributed to the achievement of the millennium development goals through its proposed qadhafi road across the desert, which will connect the northern parts of the african continent with the western and southern parts. it will be an important artery that will enhance trade among the continent s countries. corruption, bribery, money-laundering and the smuggling of funds from illegal sources are among the major factors which hamper development and the achievement of the mdgs in developing countries, especially in africa. huge damage is inflicted on developing countries as a result of the smuggling of funds across borders, which deprives those countries of the benefits of those funds, which are deposited in foreign banks. as the general assembly has emphasized in its decisions, those funds should be returned to countries of origin. i must also note that there are safe havens that have always been associated with banking confidentiality, to the point where they have become known as corridors for criminal money- laundering and safe havens for stolen funds and plundered wealth. it is no longer acceptable to remain silent on those safe havens, whose financial institutions provide protection for money generated from corruption and crime. those funds are often used by terrorist groups and organized crime gangs to threaten the security and stability of states. my country was among the first states to highlight the food crisis. the high-level conference on food security, held in rome in june, was a responsible response from world leaders to the food crisis and the unprecedented increases in the prices of food, basic commodities and energy. i would like in that respect to thank the secretary-general of the united nations and the director-general of the food and agriculture organization for their efforts in that field. to confront that problem, my country has adopted development projects and programmes which aim to achieve food security through improved investment in the agricultural sector and through support for farmers. in the african sphere, my country has allocated [number] billion to finance several development projects in order to achieve food security in a number of sahelo-saharan african states. it is also in the process of financing seven additional projects in african countries. the food crisis has been a topic of personal concern for our brother muammar al-qadhafi, the leader of the revolution, who in june, at the tenth session of the summit conference of the community of sahelo-saharan states, held in benin, presented his initiative for the provision of food and the mitigation of the hunger crisis in africa. the initiative is based on the establishment of a self-sustaining mechanism and the harnessing of modern machinery and technology to reclaim lands and farm vast areas in africa, through the launching of a green campaign. the campaign will make it possible to farm vast areas of land in the sahelo-saharan states by mechanized means instead of traditional methods. developed countries can help africa find a solution to the food crisis by increasing agricultural development assistance and investment in projects such as hydroelectric dams and development projects in lake [number]-[number] [number] areas, such as lake chad. such investments will make a great contribution to agricultural development on the african continent. climate change and its negative impact will hamper the development efforts of many developing countries and will undermine their development gains. libya is among the states affected by climate change, as it is located in an arid semi-arid geographical area, and most of its territory is desert. libya also suffers from desertification and water scarcity. libya has made persistent efforts to address these challenges, including through the great man-made river project network, which is intended to overcome the problems of desertification and drought. confronting climate change requires an effective and well coordinated international effort, based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibility agreed upon in the rio conference. from that perspective, we call for accelerated efforts to reach a comprehensive international agreement to address the root causes of climate change and to provide adaptation measures to developing countries. we believe in the purposes of the united nations charter, which calls for the establishment of a world in which peace and security prevail. the elimination of weapons of mass destruction is an essential factor in building confidence and promoting world peace, stability and security, and my country has voluntarily relinquished all its programmes to develop internationally prohibited weapons of mass destruction, while emphasizing the right to use atomic energy for peaceful purposes. but we strongly oppose the use of double standards on the issue of nuclear non-proliferation. we condemn any discrimination between one state and another in this respect and call for making the middle east a region free from all weapons of mass destruction. the ottawa convention on anti-personnel mines should be reviewed to reflect the concerns of many countries, such as requiring states that lay landmines to remove them and to address the inflicted damage, including by providing treatment and compensation for the injured and by rehabilitating the damaged environment. terrorism remains a matter of concern for all members of the international community. despite all the measures taken to combat terrorism, thanks to international cooperation under the united nations umbrella, this issue still poses a challenge to the international community and is an obstacle to the achievement of development, security and stability in many parts of the world. eradicating this phenomenon requires the adoption of a specific definition of terrorism. terrorism must not be confused with the legitimate right of peoples to resist foreign occupation and claim their right to freedom, independence and self-determination. furthermore, associating terrorism with any specific religion, nationality or culture is bound to inflame conflict among civilizations, religions and cultures. such a situation is untenable and is incompatible with the goal of international relations based on mutual respect among states, cultures and systems of government. in this regard, we wish to point out that policies and practices of foreign occupation based on violations of human rights guaranteed by all international instruments and conventions constitute one of the worst forms of terrorism in our modern world. the united nations convention relating to the status of refugees, adopted in [number], provides an ideal definition of refugee status, in addition to the definition included in the [number] universal declaration of human rights. it is therefore regrettable that some states use this concept to camouflage their intentions regarding other states. under the pretext of fostering democracy and respect for human rights, which is a noble goal, those countries have opened the door of political asylum to all seekers, including thieves, smugglers of their countries wealth, fugitives from prosecution and terrorists, enabling them to continue their subversive activities against their home countries. my country believes that it is of paramount importance to establish international criteria and controls governing political asylum, while carefully observing human rights. we also believe that such criteria and controls would have a positive impact on the fight against corruption and terrorism while promoting democracy and preventing armed conflict. the palestinian people are still suffering under the israeli occupation, which has lasted for more than [number] years, subjecting palestinians to the worst forms of occupation and destruction directed against civilians. the achievement of peace and stability in the area is impeded by the unjust siege imposed by the israeli occupation forces on [number]. [number] million palestinians in the gaza strip and the continuation of settlement activities [number] [number]-[number] on occupied palestinian territory, ignoring and deliberately breaching the principles of international humanitarian law and the principles of human rights, coupled with policies of home demolition, land confiscation, the displacement of populations and the intensification of arrests. indeed, peace and stability in the area can only be attained through the return of all palestinian refugees to their homeland and the establishment of a democratic state on the land of palestine in which arabs and jews can live, enjoying full rights and obligations, as our brother, the leader of the revolution, proposed in his recent book. my country has always emphasized that there can be no comprehensive peace in the middle east unless the israeli occupation of the syrian golan and the lebanese territories is ended. in this framework, we reiterate our call to the international community to demand and enforce the withdrawal of israeli occupation forces from all occupied arab lands and to ensure that their rightful owners are compensated for damages suffered as a consequence of that occupation. my country welcomes the tangible improvement in the security situation in iraq and believes that stability in that fraternal country depends on the achievement of genuine national reconciliation which would overcome sectarian and religious differences and lead to the withdrawal of foreign forces. we express our deep concern at the situation in somalia. my country is of the opinion that the international community should expeditiously dispatch forces to that country, in coordination with the african union, to protect civilians and humanitarian workers and to assist in the implementation of the djibouti agreement, in order to put an end to the long suffering of the somali people.

[number]. first of all, may i associate myself, on behalf of the government and people of the upper volta, with previous speakers in expressing deepest condolences to the egyptian people and to the bereaved family of president sadat, whose brutal and tragic death was a profound shock to us. we hope that the memory of that great african statesman will inspire all men of good will in their struggle for peace. [number]. when the military committee for national recovery and progress decided, on [number] november [number], to assume leadership of the country, some saw in that a repetition of a coup d'etat in that part of africa. in so doing, they were too quick to forget and for good reason that the constant deterioration in the political, economic and social situation, so full of promise and hope, that had compelled the admiration of the world for our form of democracy, had become potentially dangerous for the future and wellbeing of our working people. [number]. we are convinced that the major objectives announced by our head of state, colonel saye zerbo, chairman of the military committee for national recovery and progress, in his speech of [number] may [number] did a lot to reassure them. those objectives are to ensure for our country development based on the elimination of all external domination and the exploitation of man by man development based, above all, on our own resources so that we can bring about our own wellbeing a social policy based on giving highest priority to satisfying the fundamental needs of the citizens of our country, particularly the least privileged classes the fulfillment of the human person as an individual and within the framework of the family, as well as professionally and collectively, by promoting national wellbeing, culture and identity and dynamic, effective international cooperation. [number]. as a spokesman for the military committee for national recovery and progress, the people of the upper volta and the government, i have come to this rostrum today to make known to you our views on the urgent problems of the current international situation and to share with you the new hopes and the disappointments which have been prompted in us by this annual ritual of the sessions of the general assembly of the organization. [number]. first, however, i should like to bid a warm welcome to vanuatu and belize on their admission to the organization. i am convinced that these two new members will make a valuable contribution to the achievement of the , noble objectives of the charter. [number]. may i pay a well-deserved tribute to mr. von wechmar of the federal republic of germany, who presided with such firmness and good humor over the proceedings of the previous session. this is a particular pleasure for me, because his country and mine maintain links of solid and friendly cooperation. [number]. it is also fitting that i should voice praise here for the tireless efforts of the secretary general and express to him our great appreciation for the work he has been doing to fulfill the ideals of the charter. [number]. your election, sir, to the presidency of this thirty- sixth session of the general assembly is, by reason of your qualities and competence, a good augury for the conduct of our proceedings. i hope you will accept the congratulations of my delegation, which assures you of its constant readiness to aid you in your difficult task. [number]. we are living today in a troubled, disordered and pitiless world. unfortunately, that observation is not a new one, and we must live in our time. the ideals proclaimed in the charter seem remote even inaccessible. nevertheless the peoples of the world ardently yearn to see them pursued and achieved. [number]. how is it that year after year we have been coming to this rostrum to declare that the world is sick because the international community is divided, because poverty and injustice far too often still hold sway, because the exploitation of man by man knows no respite, and because, in the final analysis, what is lacking is a concerted political will for us to unite for victory? [number]. how is it that year after year there seems to be no noticeable improvement in international relations? [number]. how is it that today, like yesterday, we seem to be offering sacrifices to tradition, to a routine which we go through without, illusions and which we will repeat without enthusiasm? [number]. enthusiasm and hope, i am afraid, are precisely what have been lacking till now, because in relations between states we do not always see any firm determination to turn our backs on the old demons of hegemonism, racism, selfishness and indifference, to embrace the notions of justice, solidarity, peace and collective security. [number]. examples of this are legion. a year ago conflicts and tensions beset independent africa. from north to south, from east to west, tragedy succeeded tragedy and whole populations, the victims of expansionist and interventionist ambitions, swelled the flood of refugees, the majority of whom are on our continent. while today africa is enjoying a relative lull, the seeds of explosion remain, and we must not relax our vigilance. [number]. therefore, the upper volta views with interest the important steps taken in the case of western sahara and hopes that they will lead to a just and lasting solution in keeping with the wishes of the peoples concerned. it would be a due reward for the efforts of the organization of african unity oau . [number]. this is also the appropriate time for us to associate ourselves with chad in expressing the ardent hope that that country will be helped in its efforts at reconstruction and unify, and that we will succeed in banishing forever the specter of fratricidal struggles and divisions sustained from outside. [number]. for several years now, the question of namibia has been an item on the agenda, and yet the organization has not managed to ensure the exercise by the namibian people of its right to self-determination and independence. [number]. from one resolution to another, from special sessions to contact groups, from the geneva meeting, which in january [number] ended in failure as a result of south africa's maneuvers and the tolerant attitude of that country's western allies, right up to the recent well-known initiatives, ground has very clearly, patently and worryingly been lost. now the terms of security council resolution [number] [number] have been set aside by the five countries of the contact group, which are taking refuge in a vague demand for an "internationally acceptable settlement". [number]. to the upper volta, an acceptable international settlement is one which leads to immediate independence, which recognizes the southwest africa people's organization swapo as the sole legitimate representative of the namibian people, which preserves and protects the territorial integrity of namibia as an indivisible state, including walvis bay, as well as the penguin islands and the other islands off the namibian coast. [number]. in the face of the deviousness and arrogance of south africa and the passivity, amounting at times to complicity, on the part of some members of the organization, the upper volta has no choice but to encourage swapo in its just struggle for liberation. there can be no peace without justice ideals of the organization to which my country is deeply attached. [number]. however, it is with some bitterness that we note the persistent and increasing assistance given by the west in the perpetuation of the pretoria regime's abominable policy of segregation and repression. [number]. day after day, africa ceaselessly calls on those very countries which pride themselves on their age-old civilizations and traditions of respect for human rights to cast off their blinkers, to face the facts and prevent people from torturing and murdering others because of their color. [number]. in spite of the repeated warnings of the international community, south africa, pursuing its odious policy of segregation in azania and namibia, no longer has any hesitation in threatening the security of states which in the name of justice and in accordance with the ideals of the charter give assistance and refuge to the movements fighting for the dignity and the liberation of man. [number]. so south africa, instead of tackling the true causes of the problems born of its policy of apartheid and colonial domination, has chosen rather to send its racist hordes into angola to burn and destroy, without the international community taking immediate measures which are necessary to put an end to this barbarous aggression. [number]. the constant and repeated violations of international law by the racist pretoria regime stem from the passivity, if not the actual complicity, of certain great powers. the determination of those powers, accompanied by consistent action, would be a much better contribution to the search for peace and justice than their purely ritual and "ineffectual protestations. [number]. peace based on justice cannot be brought about within a framework of aggression, domination, any kind of discrimination, denial of the right of peoples to self determination, or denial of the principles of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. [number]. is the west willing and is it able to understand that africa has already done too much talking and that racist south africa has already done too much humiliating , and torturing? must the worst come to the worst before the supposedly civilized world realizes that it is necessary to al. impose the proper solutions before it sees the martyred peoples of southern africa succumbing totally and irremediably to hatred? [number]. we therefore appeal urgently to the hearts and minds of men and nations of goodwill. there can be no negotiation with an executioner. what has to be done must be done before it is too late. [number]. in its constant search for peace and justice the upper volta cannot remain indifferent to any positive attitude that would promote a settlement of the problems of southern africa. that is why we welcome the declaration by france at the international conference on sanctions against south africa, held in paris, a declaration, unless we are much mistaken, that foreshadows a change in french policy regarding the pretoria regime. is there any need to remind representatives of the great importance of that first international conference on sanctions against south africa? our only wish is that the resolutions adopted there should not remain mere pious hopes and that the sanctions advocated there should not remain a dead letter but should be effectively and immediately put into effect in order to bring south africa to its senses. [number]. sometimes painful, often explosive, the problem of the middle east has taken a terrible toll in blood, tears, hatred and destruction. the martyred country of lebanon, in spite of its heroic resistance, has become the plaything of forces which transcend it and are rending it asunder. [number]. . at the center of that tragedy we find the denial by israel of the rights of the palestinian people and its representative, the palestine liberation organization plo . israel continues to believe that it can defy the international community by feeding the fires of controversy with unacceptable provocations and aggressions. the rending apart of lebanon, the bombing of tamuz and the refusal to consider the plo as a party to a settlement of the conflict are all actions and attitudes that make the prospect of peace ever more distant. however, simple common sense should make israel understand that it cannot always and in the face of everyone else be the only one to be always in the right. the same simple common sense should make israel understand that its present policy is not the best one to guarantee its own interests and security. [number]. twenty years ago the nonaligned movement was born, the expression of the wish of certain states to oppose the division of the world into two antagonistic camps. this refusal stemmed from their determination to seek a true international balance based on justice, independence, equality, peace and economic and social progress. [number]. confident in this ideal, the upper volta wishes to reaffirm its devotion and adherence to the sacred principles of nonalignment and warns member countries against attempts to move us from the basic principles of the movement. x [number]. with regard to those principles, we deplore the situation created in afghanistan and kampuchea, where clear interference by foreign powers in the internal affairs of those countries has given rise to and is sustaining serious tension accompanied by the loss of human life and material destruction. [number]. similarly, the upper volta deplores and condemns what is happening in latin america, where people are dying every day because they are claiming their right to dignity, freedom and wellbeing. those men and women are dying because interests alien to their own countries have dictated it. [number]. the question of korea has always received the attention of my country, which has been working and calling for reconciliation between the two koreas and their reunification. the upper volta appeals to them to find a peaceful solution in full independence, that is to say, without foreign intervention. [number]. this brief survey does not encourage optimism because peace and security, which it is the task of the united nations to bring about, seem to be objectives that are receding ever further into the future. how could it be otherwise when those very countries which under the charter are charged with responsibility for security are themselves engaging in an unbridled arms race? we are witnessing, powerless, the revival of what should be known as the balance of terror. the sophistication of arms and their cost, paradoxically, are taking us ever further away from the necessary concerted effort to bring about true disarmament. the wasting of resources on death and destruction when they should be put to much better use is an affront to the poor and the needy of the world. there are forces at work trying to accustom us to a concept of conflict, of a division of the world between east and west, north and south, when the simple fact of the matter is that three quarters of mankind are suffering from poverty and misery. [number]. the upper volta considers these attempts to be blows against the dignity and the survival of that part of humanity that is suffering from hunger. [number]. we can never stress too much the fact that without concerted political will, without a massive input of resources and technology to accelerate a structural transformation of the poor countries and without a revision of priorities, economic recession, inflation, unemployment, a decline in purchasing power, deterioration in the terms of trade and food insecurity will continue to widen the gap between the world of conspicuous and wasteful consumption and the world of misery and poverty. [number]. the praiseworthy efforts of the arab countries in their policy of cooperation with the african nations and the meritorious endeavors of so many specialized agencies might then be insufficient to prevent this kind of confrontation. thus, the readjustment of relations between the north and the south, those global negotiations which were expected to lead to a true new economic order are for the time being deadlocked, which is a contradiction to the very notion of international cooperation. [number]. those difficulties, which we would describe as a deterioration in the terms of dialog, have recently been exposed again at the united nations conference on the least developed countries, held in paris, not because there was any lack of will to approach the true problems facing that group of countries which are particularly underdeveloped, but because the determination to impose solutions was lacking. it was in fact a perpetuation of the spirit of manila, namely, the refusal of the industrialized countries to come as quickly as possible to the assistance of the least developed countries by means of a massive inflow of resources and technology in order to effect their structural transformation. at this moment we are undoubtedly going through one of the gravest economic crises that the world has ever known. undoubtedly, economic recession, inflation, unemployment, declining purchasing power, and growing energy costs are the same phenomena that we can observe everywhere, but invoking those phenomena is nothing but an attempt to conceal from us the lack of solidarity which is today having such an effect on international relations. [number]. in such a context, where the obstacles and difficulties are varied and complex, the upper volta has naturally chosen to fight, to rehabilitate itself in all respects, and to break once and for all with the glibness and equivocation of the past in order to build and consolidate a truly progressive economy and a society by rationally and methodically exploiting its resources, both material and human. it is within that framework that the program of the military committee for national recovery and progress finds its meaning. it is within that framework that the objectives it has laid down can be properly appreciated by our partners in the international community, who, of course, share with us this vision of a world without complacency, where self-motivated effort is the true driving force to bring about food self-sufficiency, a rapid improvement in the living conditions of the broad masses, rational development of the industrial and mining sector, and a broadening of horizons and a sincere opening to the outside world. [number]. we think objectively that on the basis of those broad guidelines, our program of action will achieve the following concrete results in terms of food production, a substantial increase in grain tonnage, from [number]. [number] million at present to [number]. [number] million by [number] in terms of geological prospecting and mining, an increased effort at research, diversification and exploitation of our resources, among which we include so-called strategic minerals in terms of infrastructure, an expansion of our road, rail and air networks, which will make it possible for us fully to play our role as a crossroads in the subregion in terms of energy, the construction of hydroelectric dams to reduce the disadvantages inherent in our considerable dependence on other countries, thus reducing the operation costs of our production and processing units and, finally, in terms of regional solidarity and international cooperation, a more important role as a responsible partner capable of making a contribution to the building of a new world. [number]. that program is ambitious on more than one count, but we remain convinced that, conceived and worked out in terms of our determination to rely on ourselves, it can and it should, in that regard, win the encouragement and understanding that we are entitled to expect from the international community. [number]. that is why we feel that enthusiasm and hope can be found in true international cooperation and no longer is outmoded and lethal concepts of sterile hegemonistic confrontation, misguided isolationism, and camouflaged egoism and indifference. [number]. for my country, which is among the least developed of the developing countries, a tangible and unequivocal manifestation of that concerted determination to j make international cooperation the only path to salvation would, in our view, be the immediate revival of a true northsouth dialog. in that context, the international meeting on cooperation and development, to be held at cancun, should succeed in easing respective positions and conflicts of all sorts in order to make possible a calm resumption of global negotiations and the rapid implementation of the substantial new program of action for the 1980s for the least developed countries, which was the subject of the recent united nations conference on the least developed countries. [number]. in spite of results which did not fully satisfy the hopes that had been raised, we remain convinced that those industrialized countries which still hesitate to increase their public aid for development will ultimately come to understand the need for international solidarity and interdependence among states. the indispensable basis for the collective security that all the nations assembled here so ardently desire. [number]. if in fact the marshall plan, the colombo plan and other rescue plans of the same scale had not been rapidly put into effect to come to the assistance of certain nations sorely tried by the last world conflict, many of those nations which are today economically powerful would undoubtedly be prey to those same tragedies that are affecting the least developed countries today. [number]. thus, in the economic crisis which the world is experiencing today, a crisis aggravated by the uncertainties of tomorrow, notions of solidarity, cooperation and aid can no longer be analyzed solely in terms of generosity, charity or pity, but rather in terms of moral obligation and a common determination to survive. to put into effect, on the model of the marshall plan, a plan to help the least developed countries find the path to salvation should be based on such an appreciation of the situation. [number]. in conclusion, i should like to repeat that in today's world, where economic difficulties are so severe that they constitute a serious threat to stability and peace, where on all sides we see the development of violence and blind terrorism, it is important that all men of goodwill more than ever before combine their efforts to bring about a triumph for the ideals of the charter. the upper volta, for its part, is ready to make its own modest contribution to that collective endeavor without which humanity will inevitably court disaster.

this session is taking place amid feelings of sadness and grief that prevail following the terrorist acts of [number] september that befell the united states. they victimized the thousands, from more than [number] countries, who were working in the world trade center in the city of new york when the vicious attack took place, and also resulted in great material and economic damage. my country, the state of bahrain, moved quickly to condemn the terrorist attacks in new york, just a few kilometres from the headquarters of the united nations, and in washington, d. c. the emir of bahrain, shaikh hamad bin isa al-khalifa, expressed to mr. george w. bush, president of the united states of america, and to the friendly people of the united states of america the deep condolences of the emir, the government and the people of the state of bahrain for the victims of these wicked attacks, which run counter to the teachings of all divine religions as well as the basic tenets of humanity and the standards of cultural values. the state of bahrain has supported the international alliance against terrorism. it has offered its cooperation as a participant in efforts and measures to eliminate terrorism and terrorists as well as their havens and financial resources. we have done so out of our firm and principled position against terrorism and our rejection of all forms of violence and extremism. such violence and extremism contradict the teachings of true islam and its tolerant values, as well as all lofty cultural and human values in which we believe and which we support. the state of bahrain also followed and participated in the debates on combating terrorism during this session of the general assembly. it shares the opinion of the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, that the shocking events of [number] september have united the world against terrorism, as demonstrated by the condemnation of those horrific attacks expressed by millions of people from all societies. we also share the secretary-general s opinion that, because of its unique structure, the united nations has an important role to play in mobilizing the international community in countering and combating terrorism. as part of its policy of cooperation with international efforts, the state of bahrain welcomed security council resolution [number] [number] , which dealt [number] with the issue of terrorism, in particular operative paragraph [number], which requests member states to report to the security council committee within [number] days on the steps taken to implement the resolution. while expressing our feelings of sadness at the horror of the events of [number] september, we must also warn against the danger of exploiting the events to link terrorism to islam. islam is a religion of amity and tolerance, and we would like to warn against the danger of stirring up hostility against muslims and of igniting a conflict between religions and civilizations, instead of dialogue and interaction among them for the good of all societies and people of different races and beliefs. in this context, we are pleased to welcome the position taken by the united states of america and other friendly countries in calling on their citizens to refrain from harming their residents or citizens of arab and muslim descent and reaffirming the spirit of tolerance, interaction and dialogue among religions and cultures. the united nations, which is the ideal tool for confronting international terrorism, faces other challenges that stand in the way of cooperation for prosperity, economic and social development and the building of a world in which justice, peace and equality prevail. in this regard, this year the united nations held several special sessions of the general assembly, one on human settlements and the other on hiv aids, as well as a conference on small arms. the economic and social council also convened conferences on information technology, the eradication of poverty and financing for development, as well as the world conference against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, which was hosted by the republic of south africa. the state of bahrain endorsed the united nations millennium declaration, and today on the basis of its deep-rooted civilization and sustained revival aimed at strengthening the foundations of the modern state, attaining comprehensive development, further invigorating the mechanisms of civil society and public institutions in order to enable its citizens to understand current issues and the need for further advancement it reaffirms its determination to continue shouldering its national, regional and international responsibilities, with a view to achieving the common purposes and principles set out in the charter of the united nations and the millennium declaration. in this context, his highness shaikh hamad bin isa al-khalifa, emir of the state of bahrain, took the initiative to establish a national committee that includes representatives from all sectors of bahraini society. this committee prepared a draft charter for national action, which was approved in a free referendum by a majority of [number]. [number] per cent of the people of bahrain, and was ratified by his highness the emir in february this year. this charter is part of a comprehensive plan to develop bahraini society, update its systems and institutions and transform it into a modern state capable of participating effectively in the new world order and of facing the challenges and requirements of the era. this historic step was coupled with a number of measures to improve and update constitutional and democratic institutions, reaffirm the rule of law, achieve justice, equality and equal opportunities and enhance popular participation. foremost among these are developments in the field of human rights, which have confirmed the participation of women and enhanced their role in civil society, including their right to vote and to run for elected office, as well as the establishment of the human rights committee of the shura council and the establishment of the supreme council for women. the council s mandate includes, inter alia, proposing public policies in the field of development and enhancing the role of women in civic and constitutional state institutions. proud of its accomplishments in the political, economic and social fields and reiterating its determination to press ahead with its comprehensive development plans to build a modern state capable of reaffirming its international position and consolidating its relations with various countries of the world, the state of bahrain would also like to express its thanks and appreciation for the support given by many states of our organization to the worthy steps taken by his highness the emir. bahrain s determination to imbue its relations with others with a spirit of friendship and cooperation is evidenced by its fraternal, amicable and close relations with brotherly and friendly states. such relations are based on mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and the promotion of good-neighbourly relations and cooperation among states. in this respect, it is worth noting the position of both the state of bahrain and the state of qatar on the [number] judgement handed down by the international court of justice on [number] march this year, which brought to an end the border dispute between the two brotherly countries. the statements issued by the leaders of both countries said that the judgement, which was accepted by the two countries, had opened a new page in relations between them, based as they are on agreement and cooperation aimed at achieving their common interests, and that it represented the triumph of international legitimacy and the principles of international law. it is regrettable that the ramifications of the dangerous events witnessed in the gulf region over the past [number] years constitute an ongoing threat to the security and stability of the region and an obstacle to its development and growth. the state of bahrain, which would like to see regional and international security prevail, especially in the gulf region, which has strategic importance and in which various countries of the world have vital interests, calls once again upon iraq to cooperate with the united nations and to fully implement the relevant security council resolutions, in particular those relating to weapons of mass destruction and to the release of kuwaiti prisoners of war and detainees and those of other nationalities, so that efforts to lift the sanctions and to end the suffering of its brotherly people may succeed. the state of bahrain also hopes that, in the light of the positive developments in relations between the countries of the gulf cooperation council and the islamic republic of iran, a peaceful solution can be reached in the current dispute between the latter and the united arab emirates over the three islands, greater tunb, lesser tunb and abu musa, all of which belong to the united arab emirates. the state of bahrain approves of and welcomes the direct contacts that have taken place between the two neighbouring countries and hopes that the dispute will be settled by peaceful means in accordance with the principles of international law, including referral to the international court of justice. since the current israeli government came to power, the middle east has experienced serious developments that have brought back conditions of hostility and confrontation such as engulfed the region prior to the beginning of the madrid peace process in [number]. this has come about through israel s aggression against the palestinian people and its oppression, economic isolation and blockades of all the territory under palestinian authority. the peace process based on security council resolutions, in particular resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , and on the madrid terms of reference specifically the principle of land for peace is at an impasse. the explosive situation in the palestinian authority s territories, with all its inherent risks, including the threat to security and stability in the middle east and to the interests of the authority and other states, requires the international community, and primarily the sponsors of the peace process, to shoulder their responsibilities to put the peace process back on track so that its objectives may be achieved. this can be done only through the full implementation of security council resolutions calling for a complete withdrawal from the arab territories occupied by israel in the syrian golan heights up to the boundaries of [number] june [number] and from the remaining occupied territories of the republic of lebanon, and through full recognition of the legitimate rights of the palestinian people, including its rights of return and to the establishment of its own independent state with jerusalem as its capital. in this regard, we welcome the statement made by president bush of the united states of america on the right of the palestinian people supported by the european union, the permanent members of the security council and the international community to establish a palestinian state. the role of the united nations and the reform of its machinery to enable it to face its challenges and overcome them collectively are among the priorities of the charter that were reinforced by the millennium declaration. the declaration calls on us to uphold the rule of law nationally and internationally, to respect human rights and to conduct international relations in such a way as to preserve world security, peace, development and stability. in praising the role of the united nations, i should also like to take this opportunity to convey my warm and sincere congratulations to mr. kofi annan, whom the member states have unanimously re-elected as secretary-general for a second term in office in recognition of his tireless efforts to allow the organization to play its full role and to achieve its objectives. through those efforts, the secretary- general and the united nations under his leadership have fully deserved the nobel peace prize for this year in appreciation of their great contribution to maintaining international peace and security. i [number] congratulate the secretary-general and the united nations on that honour. i also have the pleasure to extend to you, sir, and to your friendly country, the republic of korea, our congratulations on your election as president of the general assembly at its fifty-sixth session. i express the hope that you will succeed in carrying out your tasks. i also thank your predecessor, mr. harri holkeri of finland, president of the general assembly at its fifty-fifth session, and commend his invaluable efforts in conducting the proceedings of that session and of the special sessions held in conjunction with it. we believe firmly that the destiny of the human race is a common destiny, given that we all live in one world. we are therefore duty-bound to preserve that world and to protect it from the threats of war, international terrorism, conflict, disease and poverty. it is incumbent on us, the peoples of the united nations, as stated in the charter, to choose to practice tolerance and to live according to the will of almighty god as peoples that cooperate in the pursuit of friendship, justice, peace and security.

permit me, on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the presidency of this session of the general assembly and to wish you success in your important work. we welcome the people of the state of saint lucia, which has become a new member of the united nations. [number]. the delegation of the ukrainian soviet socialist republic wishes to express its profound condolences to the delegation of the people's republic of angola and the angolan people on the untimely death of their president, an outstanding leader of the african national liberation movement, agostinho neto. we wish to express our profound sorrow and condolences to the delegation and people of fraternal socialist czechoslovakia on the passing away of the former president of the czechoslovak socialist republic, ludvik svoboda. our people, who are now celebrating the thirty-fifth anniversary of the liberation of the soviet ukraine from hitlerite invaders, will never forget that czechoslovak forces, under the command of general svoboda, took an active part in the liberation of our republic from the fascist occupiers. [number]. the decade of the 1970s will no doubt go down in history as a time when the peoples of the world intensified their struggle for peace and relaxation of international tension. it is precisely during these years that detente has become the dominant international trend and has made it possible to avert the threat of a deadly war, thus serving the interests of the whole of mankind. legal, moral and political barriers are being built and strengthened to thwart those who relish military adventure. the first steps have been taken to limit the arms race. a major step to curb the arms race was the signing in vienna by the general secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the soviet union, the president of the presidium of the supreme soviet of the ussr, leonid ilyich brezhnev, and mr. jimmy carter, the president of the united states of america, of the soviet-american treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive arms. when ratified and fully implemented it will undoubtedly be a solid barrier to the unrestrained build-up of nuclear arsenals and will facilitate movement towards genuine disarmament. [number]. the movement towards detente which has marked the decade about to close has not materialized by itself. it has been a result of the efforts of socialist countries and other peace-loving states and peoples of the whole world. further progress towards this goal will require considerable effort and perseverance. [number]. today as never before, durable peace and security depend on the total cessation of the policy of violence and intervention in the internal affairs of states, a policy which is pursued internationally by certain states. that policy is carried out in obedience to various slogans, but its essence is the same the claim to hegemony over other states or groups of states and the desire to gain a dominant position either in the world at large or in one of its regions. the policy of diktat and threats, the establishment of spheres or zones of influence has more than once brought the world to the brink of war and, indeed, has plunged it into the abyss of military catastrophe. nobody has forgotten the hegemonism underlying the bloodthirsty policies of hitlerite fascism, which unleashed the second world war. the demonic fuhrer coveted many lands, including the lands of the ukraine, which he intended to turn into a colony settled by representatives of the "master race''. while celebrating the thirty-fifth anniversary of the liberation of the ukraine from the fascist invaders, we recall that our people, together with all the fraternal soviet peoples, were forced to sacrifice the lives of millions of our sons and daughters in order finally to crush the hegemonistic ambitions and designs of the hitlerites. [number]. history has demonstrated convincingly that hegemonism is repugnant in all its forms and manifestations. it is particularly dangerous in our time when those who pursue a policy of hegemonism possess, or can acquire, nuclear weapons. that is why the policy of hegemonism should be condemned by the united nations in strongest terms and the world community is in duty bound not to permit any attempts to pursue it. [number]. we categorically support the important and timely proposal of the soviet union, introduced by the minister for foreign affairs of the ussr, mr. gromyko, for the inclusion in the agenda of this session of an item entitled' 'inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations". we are confident that the new proposal of the ussr will have the broad support of peoples and states which are interested in the consolidation of the principle of sovereign equality in inter-state relations. [number]. durable peace, the security of nations and the development of peaceful and equal co-operation among them that is the key to the foreign policy of the socialist countries. at the same time, one cannot overlook the forces which are at work in the world stubbornly trying to undermine detente, to threaten international security and to intensify the atmosphere of fear and hostility. to this end they trot out the stale political slogans of anti-communism and anti-sovietism. facts convincingly show that anti-communism and anti-sovietism have always been and will always be the rallying cry for the most reactionary forces. as the first secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the ukraine, mr. shcherbitsky, stressed "anti-communism is not only the most bitter foe of progress, but it is out of date historically, and is ideologically and politically bankrupt". . [number]. the myth of the so-called soviet military threat is by no means the least of the weapons in the political arsenal of anti-communism. it has been used on more than one occasion in the past and it is being used again to obstruct the efforts of peoples working for the cessation of the arms race and for disarmament. we are convinced that that myth will be recognized as the greatest lie of the twentieth century. but it still flourishes wherever capital holds sway, wherever the rights of the working people are trampled upon and wherever all means are employed to intimidate the people of the country concerned with an alleged threat of aggression from without. meanwhile, vast mountains of weapons are piling up and that is the real threat to peace in the world. that threat is all the more dangerous, because in some countries war propaganda is still openly disseminated and plans for pre-emptive nuclear strikes against certain countries are proclaimed. all this misanthropic propaganda is camouflaged by the fabrications of a so-called soviet military threat. [number]. the soviet union and other countries of the socialist community have never threatened anybody and will never threaten anybody. as leonid ilyich brezhnev said "we are motivated by one idea to preserve and strengthen peace, to enable the peoples of the world to devote themselves exclusively to and to concentrate all their efforts and resources on productive ends. " a concrete and tangible rebuttal of the slander has been the consistent struggle of socialist countries for curbing the arms race and for disarmament. [number]. the policy of limiting the nuclear arms race is the corner-stone of all efforts of the soviet union and other socialist countries in the struggle for international security and disarmament. of special significance is their joint proposal on the termination of the production of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of stockpiles to the point of total elimination. of course, it would be unrealistic to expect that all nuclear weapons could be eliminated at once. it would be plainly impossible. a responsible approach suggests that appropriate measures of nuclear disarmament should be carried out with the participation of all nuclear states, stage by stage, in a specific order and according to a mutually acceptable time-table. [number]. the delegation of the ukrainian ssr believes that as soon as possible we must embark on preparatory consultations and talks on the termination of the production of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of stockpiles of such weapons, to the point of their complete elimination. in our opinion, the efforts of this session of the general assembly should focus on that objective. [number]. we believe that the elimination of nuclear weapons should be accompanied by political and international legal measures to ensure die security of all states. of particular significance in this connexion would be an early conclusion of the world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. [number]. as is already known, talks are now in progress on a number of problems of disarmament and international security. [number]. a certain degree of agreement has been reached between the ussr, the united states and the united kingdom on complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon testing. in the opinion of our delegation the general assembly should support an early conclusion of a treaty on complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon testing. [number]. recently the ussr and the united states submitted a draft containing the main elements of a treaty on the prohibition of development, manufacture, stockpiling and use of radiological weapons, which are a new type of mass destruction weapons. measures should be taken to draft such a treaty and bring it into force at the earliest possible date to join existing agreements on limiting the arms race. at the same time we feel that the conclusion of a comprehensive treaty on that question will be the most effective way to prevent the emergence of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. [number]. the purposes of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons are served by the proposals of the soviet union and a number of other countries for the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees for the security of non-nuclear-weapon states. we would point out that the idea that these guarantees should be embodied in an international document has formed the basis for talks on this subject in the committee on disarmament. the delegation of the ukrainian ssr believes that at the present time work on this convention could well be accelerated. [number]. we also believe that it would be important to embody in an international agreement the obligations of both nuclear and non-nuclear states not to deploy nuclear weapons on the territory of those countries where they do not exist at present. we hope for a constructive exchange of views on this subject at this session. [number]. the world community has been demonstrating active interest in the early prohibition of chemical weapons. talks on this subject are under way, but they should be expedited. [number]. a world disarmament conference could lend powerful momentum to intensifying the efforts of states in bringing about disarmament. it would enable all states to participate on an equal basis in the taking of effective decisions on the whole range of problems associated with disarmament. [number]. i shall now speak briefly about another problem connected with disarmament, namely, halting the unproductive expenditure of labour and material resources on the arms race. the dimensions of this expenditure are eloquently demonstrated by the data contained in the most recent report of the secretary- general of the united nations on the economic and social consequences of the arms race and military expenditures. according to that report, over the last five years world expenditures for military purposes have exceeded us [number]. [number] trillion. it should be stressed in this regard how immediate is the problem of reducing military expenditures, a problem which has been repeatedly raised by the socialist countries. [number]. we have on the conference table quite a few constructive proposals for the limitation of the arms race and for disarmament. we understand that to put these proposals into effect is no simple matter. we need for that purpose first of all a demonstration of political will and action in the spirit of co-operation in the search for mutually acceptable decisions. that is why the ukrainian soviet socialist republic supports the proposal of the czechoslovak socialist republic for the "adoption of a declaration on international cooperation for disarmament". strict observance of the principles contained therein would undoubtedly yield appreciable results and facilitate the achievement of progress in talks on real disarmament. [number]. international peace and security would be a hundred times more stable today if all states were to bring their policies into line with the provisions of the united nations charter. however, even now in various parts of the world the imperialists and their henchmen, the opponents of peace and detente, are tireless in their efforts to preserve hotbeds of tension, and even to create new ones. [number]. thus, the situation in the middle east remains as explosive as ever. the path of one-sided concessions to israel and separate deals has not led, and cannot lead, to the establishment of lasting peace in that area. it is clear that the united nations cannot possibly associate itself with an approach of that character. in accordance with its fundamental resolutions, a comprehensive settlement in the middle east is possible only on the basis of the inadmissibility of the seizure of territory by means of aggression, the total withdrawal of israeli troops from all arab lands occupied in [number] the exercise in practice of the inalienable rights of the arab people of palestine, including their right to self- determination and the establishment of their own independent state and the ensuring of the right of all states in the middle east to a secure and independent existence and development. the separate treaty between egypt and israel has led only to a further intensification of the aggressiveness of israel against the arab countries and peoples, and primarily against lebanon and the arab people of palestine. [number]. so far there has been no real progress towards the normalization of the situation in cyprus. such a course of events is obviously advantageous to those who are attempting to use cyprus as a strategic staging area in the mediterranean. the united nations should play a decisive role in bringing about a settlement in the island and in ensuring the preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the republic of cyprus. [number]. like other delegations, we whole-heartedly support the desire of the korean people and the efforts of the democratic people's republic of korea to bring about the democratic reunification of the country and we are firmly in favour of the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the southern part of the peninsula. [number]. the situation in south-east asia has become exceedingly complex in connexion with the recent aggression by china against the socialist republic of viet nam and the continuing threats of the chinese leaders once again to take up arms "to teach" someone "a lesson". [number]. the denouement of that aggression is well known. the heroic vietnamese people, who for more than [number] years waged a self-sacrificing and arduous national liberation war, and won it, has firmly rebuffed the chinese hegemonists as well. but now the aggressors and their accomplices are whipping up an anti-viet nam campaign in order to achieve what they were unable to obtain by means of aggression. [number]. they were infuriated by the victories of the kampuchean people over the criminal and inhuman regime of pol pot. however, in spite of all that, the people's republic of kampuchea will confidently move along the path of progress. we are convinced that the time is not far off when the lawful representatives of the kampuchean people will come to take their rightful seats in this hall. [number]. the position of those who are attempting to use the problem of the indo-chinese refugees for political ends against socialist viet nam is an outrage. however, these people are stubborn in their silence about the fate of millions of people who have fallen victims to the policy of aggression, diktat, apartheid, racial discrimination, foreign domination and occupation in south-east asia itself, in the middle east, in southern africa and in long-suffering chile. [number]. of course, one can scarcely expect the defence of human rights from those very people who trample them underfoot every day in pursuing a policy which has led to the massive and flagrant violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the right to life. they have, at the same time, shamelessly distorted the truth about the development of true democracy in the socialist countries. the so-called "champions" of human rights interfere in the internal affairs of states and work against international detente. at the same time, they are attempting to consolidate and use for their own purposes all kinds of emigrant organizations a motley assortment of renegades and outcasts from their homes who have dug themselves in in the backyards of certain capitalist countries. [number]. but all the attempts of the enemies of socialism as well as the attempts of those who so generously finance their provocative activities are doomed to failure. attempts to exert pressure on the peoples of the socialist countries, including the ukrainian people, are nothing new. they have not prevented the countries of socialism from achieving success in their work of peaceful construction and in defending their independence. they are not hindering our advances towards social progress even today. [number]. social progress depends, of course, on many factors, including the state of the world economy and international economic relations. the world has come up against the most profound and protracted crisis of capitalism which affects the whole system. although the capitalist countries, and primarily their working classes, have suffered serious harm from the crisis, the main brunt has been borne by the developing countries. [number]. it goes without saying that the responsibility of the developed capitalist powers for the economic difficulties of the developing countries by no means comes to an end or expires with the end of the colonial period. the developing countries are still suffering from inequalities and exploitation within the capitalist system. therefore, they are suffering worse from its endemic diseases than is anybody else. this has led to an intensification of inequality within the framework of "interdependence" which is being so vigorously preached recently at international conferences. [number]. as a spearhead of neo-colonialism, there have emerged major monopolistic groupings. the transnational corporations have created their own "economic order''. the borders of their economic empires overlap the frontiers of sovereign states. these corporations create a breach between manufacturers and consumers and use this fact to engage in widespread exploitation. the transnational corporations are receiving from the young states ever-growing profits, which far exceed the initial investment capital, are limiting the transfer to those states of the latest technology and are interfering in the internal affairs of these states. [number]. to the accompaniment of hypocritical utterances by governments purporting to condemn colonialism and racism, the western monopolies are continuing to expand co-operation with the reactionary colonial and racist regimes in southern africa. fed by international monopolistic capital, they are its bulwark in southern africa and its main political and ideological force. [number]. one can say with the utmost confidence that the elimination of the remnants of the shameful system of colonialism and racism in africa has entered its final phase. the powerful blows struck by the national liberation movements in zimbabwe, namibia and south africa are bringing closer the day when the racist regimes will be finally swept off the face of africa. nobody can possibly be convinced by the cosmetic means which the racist government of the republic of south africa is attempting to use to beautify the ugly face of apartheid, or the farce which has been perpetrated in zimbabwe with the creation of a puppet government. the criminal practice of apartheid has not changed. in zimbabwe we are witnessing a continuation of the cruel war against the african patriots. piratical attacks on neighbouring states not only have failed to cease but have become ever more frequent. [number]. the ukrainian ssr is consistently in favour of the elimination of the racist regime in zimbabwe and of the transfer of all power to the people as embodied by the patriotic front. we are in favour of the immediate and unreserved withdrawal of the republic of south africa from namibia and of the transfer of power in that country to the south west africa people's organization. in common with other states, we believe that it is necessary to strengthen sanctions against the racist regime in salisbury and to apply against the republic of south africa the full range of measures provided for in the united nations charter. [number]. the positive changes which have occurred in the world have led to the stepping up of the struggle of the people against imperialism and for independence and freedom. afghanistan has chosen the non-capitalist course of development. the dictatorial regime in nicaragua has collapsed, as has the shah's regime in iran. the world anti-imperialist movement has become ever stronger and has further consolidated itself as a result of an important international meeting, the sixth conference of heads of state or government of non- aligned countries in havana. these and indeed other events are only in keeping with the logic of history and the interests of social progress and the interests of peoples. in this lies their vital force. [number]. the 1970s have written a number of glorious pages in the history of the tireless struggle of the forces of progress for peace among peoples, for restraining aggression and for creating a sound foundation for universal security. [number]. the united nations has taken part in that process. it must continue to promote the elimination of war from the life of mankind. in this we see the main task of this session of the general assembly of the united nations, which should provide the world with a glorious and glowing prospect for the forthcoming 1980s.

allow me, first of all, to congratulate you, sir, minister for foreign affairs of gabon, on your election as the president of the general assembly and to wish you every success in this important position. i would also like to extend our appreciation to mr. julian hunte for the excellent organization of the previous session. the serious challenges to global stability and sustainable development that the international community faces vindicate the urgent need to further develop the legal and institutional foundations of multilateral cooperation. there is no doubt that the central role in coordinating these efforts belongs to the united nations. it is important, today as never before, to define the direction of the dynamic adaptation of the united nations to current realities, based on the organization s unique experience of over half a century, and to find adequate responses to the pressing issues of the contemporary world. developments in the central asian region provide a vivid demonstration of the intermingling of the contradictory processes that are unfolding around the globe. the aspirations of the peoples of central asia to fully integrate into the world community, to create conditions for sustainable stability and economic development are facing serious challenges. the region is faced with a combination of transnational threats, namely terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking. similar patterns can be observed in other regions of the world as well. not a single day passes without terrorist acts taking place somewhere in the world. it is obvious and undeniable that international terrorism has challenged the civilized world. it makes no exceptions and does not distinguish between places, nationalities, religions or social systems. it sows death and devastation in both affluent and developing nations. we need to admit that international terrorism, which is capable of quickly transforming and adapting to the changing circumstances of the contemporary world, is trying to impose its terms and conditions and keep entire regions in fear. from the outset, uzbekistan has firmly and vigorously supported the efforts of the anti-terrorist coalition aimed at eradicating transnational threats. the political leadership of uzbekistan is deeply committed to the fight against this plague of the twenty-first century and calls for a consolidation of the international community s efforts in this area. however, effectively fighting international terrorism requires, above all, combating its ideological sources. it is vital to oppose the ideology of extremism and fanaticism and to outlaw militant radical religious groups that nurture international terrorism. at the same time, uzbekistan strongly opposes any kind of allegations or assertions linking international terrorism with the ever-growing religion of islam, which has made an immense contribution to the history of humanity. uzbekistan, home of the greatest thinkers and philosophers of the east, is adamantly pursuing an all-out support of traditional, enlightened islam. only by promoting and encouraging ideas of an enlightened and tolerant islam can we effectively withstand militant, politicized extremist factions and avert further confrontations in the world. uzbekistan holds that, in reviewing the urgent issues of global security, the regional agenda should be given priority. only by means of secure and stable regions can we gradually move towards global security. the establishment of a nuclear-weapons-free zone in central asia remains one of the priorities of our foreign policy. we again call upon the permanent members of the security council to develop in cooperation with the states of the region a consolidated position on the provisions of the treaty and its protocol. we trust that the establishment of this nuclear-weapons-free zone would become an important element of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. many issues of regional development are directly linked to the processes taking place in afghanistan. we believe that afghanistan is historically and geographically a part of central asia. uzbekistan has been giving all possible assistance to the afghan people for the social and economic reconstruction of the country and its harmonious integration into regional structures. the government of uzbekistan, in cooperation with united nations agencies, has set up and is successfully implementing a delivery mechanism for international humanitarian assistance to afghanistan via uzbekistan. to date, over [number]. [number] million tons of such cargo has passed through our territory. in addition, we are doing all we can to reduce transit costs and improve the service infrastructure. in light of the continuous threat of narcotics proliferation from afghanistan, central asia, on the [number] frontline of combating narco-aggression, is facing the problem of effectively countering this global menace. we look forward to the international community s firm and continuous support of uzbekistan s initiative to establish a central asian regional information and coordination centre to combat transborder crime related to illegal drug trafficking. the united nations has been present in uzbekistan for over a decade. during this period, the united nations development programme undp has carried out numerous important projects aimed at strengthening the country s potential in implementing reforms, protecting the environment and creating sustainable sources of income. we truly appreciate this. in this regard, we look forward to assistance from undp and other united nations agencies in implementing uzbekistan s initiative to establish a central asian common market. this would contribute not only to creating a large and robust regional market and attracting more foreign investment and modern technologies, but also to properly addressing the social and environmental problems of central asia, including its sustainable development and economic prosperity. overcoming the transportation and communication isolation of the region is another top priority. in that context, i would like to draw the assembly s attention to the multilateral initiative to establish a trans-afghan transport corridor, which would link central asia with the persian gulf. the implementation of that project would significantly expand trade and economic relations and fundamentally improve the region s economic prospects. we agree with the view of the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, that the present juncture is of crucial importance for the united nations. there is no other multilateral forum similar to the united nations, in which countries that differ from one another in terms of cultural and historical heritage, economic potential and geographic location can work together as equal partners. in the context of the current, increasingly complex globalization processes, the strengthening of the security council is of paramount significance. uzbekistan supports the enlargement of the security council in both categories of membership, taking into account the political and economic capabilities of countries, geographical representation and other criteria. we reiterate our support for the inclusion of germany and japan in the security council as permanent members. in conclusion, i should like once again to underscore the fact that uzbekistan is confident that the united nations will retain its role as the main pillar of the international security and cooperation architecture. we believe that the invaluable potential of the united nations, which withstood all the upheavals of the previous century, will long serve the cause of consolidating our efforts in the face of global challenges.

mr. president, it is with great pleasure that i voice my sincere congratulations, on behalf of the delegation of the kingdom of morocco, for the excellent choice which has been made by the international community, represented by this assembly, in electing you president of the thirty-fifth session of the general assembly of the united nations. your election to that high office is a confirmation of your outstanding merits, your skill and the eminent qualities which we recognize you to possess. at the same time it is a deserved tribute to your country, which is making a valuable contribution to the consolidation of peace in europe and to the easing of tension throughout the world. the delegation of the kingdom of morocco, which has the closest friendly relations with the federal republic of germany, would like to assure you of its full co-operation in order to facilitate your task and to ensure the complete success of the present session. [number]. the admission of new member states to the united nations is likely to complete and consolidate its universality. morocco is very pleased to welcome the delegations of zimbabwe and saint vincent and the grenadines and would like to assure them of its complete co-operation. we are particularly happy for the people of zimbabwe, which has been waging a lengthy struggle to regain its freedom and its dignity and whose delegation has now taken its rightful seat among us. that people has now assumed responsibility for its own destiny after having taken a decisive step on the road leading to the complete and final emancipation of the entire african continent. [number]. while celebrating this important victory of africa, we consider the event an additional reason to redouble our efforts in our action and in our commitment to the other peoples of southern africa which are still struggling for their emancipation and their freedom. [number]. i should also like to congratulate the secretary- general, mr. kurt waldheim, for all he has done and is continuing to do to implement the purposes and principles of the charter. [number]. in the early years of the last decade, the beginnings of international detente raised immense hope that dialogue would prevail over confrontation, and that compromise would take the place of conflict. unfortunately, today that hope is fading and the world is actually faced with an international situation which hardly gives rise to optimism because the factors which make for tension and instability are multiplying in several areas of the world. latent conflicts run the risk of escaping the control in which we imagine them to be held, of spilling over their geographical boundaries and of leading to generalized confrontations. [number]. the chronic tension, threat of war and deadly confrontations in the horn of africa are a striking example of that. equally, the present dispute between iraq and iran, which was provoked by a clear violation of the historical rights of iraq, is another bloody manifestation of those deplorable tendencies, the consequences of which could be catastrophic for international peace if the parties to the dispute do not positively and swiftly enough respond to the appeal for a cease-fire made by the security council and the islamic conference. [number]. the hegemonistic tendencies, on the political level and in the economic field, the tenacious desire of some to impose their own ideology, the struggle to gain influence and benefit, the ever-growing gap between increased prosperity and overwhelming poverty, the chronic under-development of most of mankind, the heavy burden of debt which affects the emerging countries and the unbridled arms race are also factors which give rise to fear of cataclysms the consequences of which for the stability of the world are easy to imagine. it is therefore essential for us to increase our vigilance so as to avert the dangers looming in the decade of the 1980s, which has just begun, lest they degenerate into destructive conflicts. [number]. a number of nerve centres in asia and elsewhere are still flash-points of tension. there can be no doubt that the middle east remains our greatest concern because it represents one of the most serious potential threats to peace and international security. the international community concluded that the palestinian problem was undoubtedly at the core of the middle east tragedy and that any solution of that conflict must necessarily entail the complete restoration of the inalienable rights of the fighting palestinian people. [number]. it is heartening to see the broad degree of international support and the ever-growing sympathy which is accorded to the palestinian cause as well as the striking success which the palestinian people has achieved under the leadership of the palestine liberation organization plo , the overwhelming majority of states in our community recognize the plo as the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people and also that people's absolute right to self- determination and to the establishment of its own sovereign state in its territory. i should also like to recall that the seventh emergency special session of the general assembly on the question of palestine adopted this summer by an overwhelming majority an important resolution, which reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the palestinian people to self-determination, free from any foreign interference, and confirmed its right to establish a sovereign state on its national territory. [number]. however, we note with deep concern that the fighting people of palestine continues to be the victim of the blind stubbornness of the racist zionist entity and that it is threatened daily with genocide and large-scale massacres. in the meantime, we have witnessed, without any effective reaction, the judaization of the palestinian arab lands, the distortion of their religious and historical characteristics, the methodical modification of the original population, all in flagrant violation of numerous resolutions of the security council and the general assembly and in complete disregard of world opinion in a desperate attempt to destroy palestinian identity. [number]. the israeli knesset recently adopted a fundamental law designed to turn the holy city of jerusalem into the "unified and perpetual capital of israel". that decision is another challenge by israel to the numerous resolutions which have condemned zionist attempts to judaize the holy city and demonstrates, if indeed that is necessary, israel's total rejection of any just and equitable solution to the palestinian problem. it should also be recalled that this attitude is in blatant contradiction of security council resolution [number] [number] , which determined that all legislative and administrative measures and actions which purported to alter the character and status of al quds were null and void and must be rescinded forthwith. [number]. in this connection we should like to express our deep appreciation to those states which have decided to transfer their embassies from jerusalem pursuant to the resolution of the security council and in response to the appeal of the islamic conference, namely, bolivia, chile, colombia, costa rica, the dominican republic, ecuador, el salvador, guatemala, haiti, the netherlands, panama, uruguay and venezuela. [number]. the islamic world quite properly considers that the israeli steps to integrate jerusalem are a definite provocation and a challenge to the hundreds of millions of moslems and christians. in order to meet this challenge, his majesty king hassan ii of morocco convened the al quds committee in an emergency session at casablanca under his presidency, during which the islamic conference reaffirmed its commitment to counteract israeli actions and to work for the liberation of jerusalem. the conference considered this pledge as an islamic and humanitarian duty incumbent upon all moslem countries and all countries which love peace and justice and support the struggle of the palestinian people for the restoration of its rights to self-determination, to return to its land and to establish its own state on that land. [number]. my country also had the honour to host last month the special conference of the ministers of foreign affairs of islamic countries who adopted a number of resolutions whereby the participating countries committed themselves to liberating the holy city and mobilizing their full potential to combat the israeli decision to annex jerusalem. [number]. the kingdom of morocco, whose sovereign is president of the al quds committee, considers the question of palestine and of the holy city of jerusalem as its own and has reaffirmed its total commitment to support the struggle of the palestinian people until it achieves self-determination and independence and establishes its own sovereign state in its own territory. [number]. we therefore ask the general assembly to take all necessary steps to put an end to the repeated acts of israeli aggression and to demand the implementation of the sanctions provided for in chapter vii of the charter against israel, which continues to occupy the arab and palestinian lands and to defy united nations resolutions and all the decisions of the international community. [number]. morocco is following with extreme alarm the continued acts of aggression by israel in the southern part of lebanon and resolutely condemns the criminal raids carried out against lebanese towns and villages. it strongly reaffirms its complete solidarity with the fraternal people of lebanon and its full support for the lebanese government in the efforts to defend its independence and protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity. [number]. the people of afghanistan, which for centuries has been paying a very high price to safeguard its independence, is day by day sacrificing the best of its sons to preserve its freedom, its sovereignty and its faith. by an overwhelming majority and in this very hall, the international community has expressed disapproval of the new situation which has arisen in afghanistan and declared its firm will to put an end to it and reject the status quo. [number]. my country, which is linked by ancient ties of friendship to the soviet union and still wishes to develop those relations, ' can only reaffirm its solidarity with the moslem people of afghanistan and will continue, within the framework of the islamic conference, to seek a satisfactory solution to this unhappy problem, in accordance with the resolution adopted at the eleventh islamic conference of foreign ministers, held at islamabad from [number] to [number] may [number]. it is also the duty of our organization to support the afghan people and their inalienable right freely to determine their own way of life. morocco, which is the repository of an important part of the islamic heritage and a defender of its eternal ideals and principles, assures the moslem people of afghanistan of its complete solidarity with them. [number]. another asian people, that of democratic kampuchea, is today being subjected to a policy of wholesale vietnamization and is enduring physical and moral agony under the law of a government imposed from outside. international solidarity is being mobilized, despite the obstacles, to save the people of kampuchea from famine, epidemics, insecurity and disorder and every effort must be made to support the right of that people to peace, dignity and freedom of choice. [number]. the powers which, a quarter of a century ago, began a thorough reconsideration of their behaviour in africa on the basis of a more tolerant ethical system and a more comprehending awareness of the aspirations of the peoples, must understand the desire of the african continent today to resist the violent infiltration of ideologies which are alien to it, attempts to cause destabilization, introduce hegemonism and shamefully exploit its wealth and the economic dependence which maintains the existence of many areas of unjustifiable under-development. [number]. at a time when we are welcoming the advent of the republic of zimbabwe, we cannot forget that the namibian people is still waging a heroic struggle in order to hasten the process of decolonization started by the united nations, which has been frustrated so many times by the south african racists. the tireless efforts of the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, as well as the united nations proposals made last june, have been met by intolerable delaying tactics on the part of the authorities in pretoria, who reject with disdain the numerous resolutions adopted almost unanimously by our organization. [number]. may i say here that the kingdom of morocco hails the struggle of the heroic people of namibia and supports its fight for unrestricted independence and absolute territorial integrity. [number]. now that tolerance has become more and more widespread in the behaviour of nations and at a time when the world is becoming aware of the need to respect human rights in all forms, south africa and its racist regime continue to practise the odious policy of apartheid against the people of south africa who are constantly subjected to acts of mass repression. those who directly or indirectly lend their support and co-operation to south africa impair the force of the numerous resolutions of the united nations and become the de facto accomplices of the south african racists who preach the doctrine of apartheid and racial discrimination. [number]. there is an evil which affects a number of regions of the world and which is for africa a particularly disquieting tragedy, and that is the problem of refugees, who now number in the millions. it can escape no one that this tragedy has a very deleterious effect on the african countries whose economies are already in a precarious state, and thus adds to the present problems. from sudan to somalia, from cameroon to zambia, millions of human beings are in a state of total deprivation and are anxiously and impatiently awaiting a gesture of international solidarity, which has not as yet been forthcoming. the action which has been undertaken by the high commissioner for refugees is extremely beneficial and welcome, but it is far from having obtained all the funds and assistance that is needed, despite the impulse to international solidarity that it has succeeded in arousing. [number]. north-west africa is also unfortunately subjected to tension that has been artificially created and deliberately maintained by forces from abroad. what we now call "the problem of western sahara" is really only a reflection in the region's politics of a methodical hegemonism that aims to take over the economy and the ideology by unscrupulous force, all disguised as the defence of principles which certain countries proclaim with highly suspicious enthusiasm. last year, i denounced the manoeuvres of the enemies of morocco's sacred cause of national unity, who tend to create belief in the existence of an entity for which a specific identity has been devised and the existence of a so-called "sahraoui state", for which titles of legality are being sought, against every rule of law and common sense. i recalled also how morocco had suffered from the most pernicious form of colonialism, which, by alienating its independence, has been particularly prejudicial to its territorial integrity since it involved the organization of five separate zones of foreign occupation and a sixth area under international jurisdiction. [number]. despite the fact that the colonial occupation of morocco lasted almost [number] years, our territory was not invaded in a single operation. the invasion was gradual and stretched over a long period of time, proceeding by stages in which the territory was reduced province by province. for that reason, the independence of morocco was also won piecemeal, while the national struggle was being carried out. [number]. the central part of morocco, which was a french protectorate, became independent on [number] march [number]. the northern part, which was a spanish protectorate, was reintegrated into the motherland on [number] april of the same year. the international zone of tangier was recovered in the autumn of [number]. the northern part of the so-called western sahara was returned to morocco in [number] under the name of tarfaya. the ifni enclave was detached in turn from the so- called spanish sahara and returned to morocco in [number], in accordance with the pertinent resolutions of the united nations which asked spain to negotiate with my country on the problems involved in decolonizing that territory and the then so-called spanish sahara. finally, the territory of the so-called western sahara was restored to morocco in [number], and this was noted by the united nations in general assembly resolution [number] b xxx of [number] december [number]. [number]. morocco's struggle for the restoration of its territorial integrity lasted many years it covered the whole colonial occupation period and continued after the independence of the northern and central areas. the national independence movement began its fight in all the provinces of morocco, from the north to the south of the territory. [number]. when in [number] colonialism was forced to make major concessions by abandoning regions where it could no longer withstand the national movement, it attempted, by the ploy of giving them different kinds of status, to perpetuate its domination over fringe areas, whose economic potential was foreseeable but as yet unexploited. however, both in the liberated areas and in those areas that remained under spanish and colonial domination, the national movement called the tune and, where necessary, organized the struggle for total liberation and national reunification. [number]. thus, at that some time, in the spring of [number], the congress of the western saharan peoples, held at oum chgag in the region of el ayoun, adopted a still famous manifesto by which all the tribes in the region swore to the late king mohammed v complete faith in and loyalty to the alaouite throne and the moroccan nation, of which they are an integral part. the delegation that represented the peoples of that region visited rabat and was received by the sovereign, king mohammed v, who welcomed them during an official ceremony in the course of which he committed himself to ensuring their protection and their reintegration into the mother country. [number]. the spanish colonial power was particularly hesitant in permitting morocco to recover its rights and so a moroccan liberation army was formed in that region and successfully undertook direct action in order to recover our national territory. the decisive battle of dcheira in the region of el ayoun in [number] sounded the death knell for foreign military presence in moroccan western sahara by routing the occupying forces. that was when the famous ecouvillon operation was mounted, in which the spanish forces of the region and the french forces that came from algeria and western africa had to combine their efforts for many weeks in order to overcome the resistance of the liberation army at a time when it had already virtually liberated the major part of the territory. [number]. at the same time and later as well, an independent morocco used every means available to it in order to make its voice heard and to recover its rights. thus, without ever getting out of touch with the spanish government with regard to this point, morocco was the first and the only country to introduce in the united nations the question of "ifni and the spanish sahara". thus, for many years, morocco was the prime mover in all action aimed at the final decolonization of its sahara. [number]. within the territory, the national movement was organized around various fronts and parties whose actions converged to the same end. besides the liberation army, we had the front de l'unite, the front pour la liberation du sahara marocain, the mouvement revolutionnaire des hommes bleus, the front pour la liberation et l'unite, and the parti de l'union nationale sahraouie. most of these movements have since [number] reaffirmed, in the fourth committee of the general assembly, their commitment to morocco and explained the meaning of the struggle they were waging. [number]. after the reincorporation of the saharan provinces into the motherland, democratic life resumed in these provinces, as in the case of the other moroccan provinces, and the populations were consulted four times, at the local and national level, on the basis of universal suffrage. there were the communal, provincial and professional elections in [number], legislative elections in [number] to appoint seven deputies to the national house to represent the saharan provinces, a national referendum on [number] may [number] for an initial amendment to the constitution and, finally, a referendum on [number] may [number] for a second amendment to the constitution. [number]. thus, more than [number] per cent of the population of the saharan provinces is actively involved in all aspects of the life of the nation, is going about its business peacefully and regards the question of its liberation and reincorporation into the mother country as a matter which has been settled once and for all. [number]. in view of the fact that the territory is freely open to observation from outside, this situation gives the lie to the wrongful and tendentious claims whereby our adversaries have tried to mislead world public opinion. [number]. the latest population census carried out in [number] by spain, which was at that time the administering power, was performed in conditions of technical precision that no one can call into question. it establishes, in a document which has been registered with the united nations, that the total population of the territory at that time was slightly in excess of [number], [number] inhabitants. [number]. the simple fact that approximately [number], [number] inhabitants have at present been recorded in the towns and villages of moroccan sahara shows just how unworthy of credit are the false claims emanating from algiers regarding representation of the populations of the sahara. [number]. morocco would like solemnly to recall that the decolonization of its saharan provinces was carried out in conditions which met all legal and diplomatic standards and that its complete achievement of territorial integrity in accordance with international rules is an irreversible and definite fact. [number]. africa, which realized the dangers for the entire continent involved in the persistence of this artificial problem, at the time of the seventeenth ordinary session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the oau, held at freetown from [number] to [number] july [number], instructed the "committee of wise men" or ad hoc committee of heads of state and government on western sahara to carry out a mission of reconciliation among the parties to the conflict. despite the reservations which were made by my country in connection with certain members of the committee whose impartiality was by no means certain, morocco took part in the freetown meeting to demonstrate its desire for peace and its willingness to co-operate in an african context in order to restore to the area an atmosphere of harmony and good neighbourliness. [number]. furthermore, the presence at freetown and the presentations before the "committee of wise men" of the oau of [number] organizations representing movements of resistance to spanish colonialism and political entities from the saharan provinces militating in favour of a return to the mother country, provided irrefutable proof that the peoples of the sahraoui region had once and for all chosen to remain moroccan. those organizations also provided sincere testimony which definitely impressed the "committee of wise men", who had before them all the necessary direct evidence which enabled them to get a better understanding and a fairer picture of the problem. [number]. despite the fact that our cause was just and our desire for peace unshakable, our national territory has been subjected to constant aggression from abroad which we are meeting with vigour and determination, as our duty dictates and in accordance with our right to self-defence. [number]. throughout its history the people of morocco has always fought successfully, when it was necessary to preserve its faith, its national unity or its territorial integrity. nevertheless morocco, which has constantly cherished and sought peace has always invited its opponents to seek ways and means of restoring peace, stability and traditional good- neighbourly relations. [number]. during the seventeenth ordinary session of the assembly of the oau at freetown, the heads of african states decided to consider the problem of the prevailing tension in north-west africa from a new angle, by placing it in its true context, that of a dispute between african states. thus, they opted for a peaceful approach in accordance with the spirit of fraternity and solidarity advocated by the charter of the oau. in paragraph [number] of the decision adopted by the assembly at freetown, the "committee of wise men" is clearly requested, under its new mandate, "to continue its work with a view to reconciling the parties to the conflict and seeking a peaceful and lasting solution thereto". [number]. thus, the conference decided to cease enclosing the members of the "committee of wise men" or the parties involved in the strait jacket of references and narrow principles which up to now have only succeeded in paralysing the attempts at achieving peace. throughout the world voices are being raised, calling for concrete measures to strengthen international security and to advocate the peaceful settlement of disputes between states. [number]. we hope for the emergence of real international detente, and we deplore the fact that the problem of disarmament, which is intimately linked with international security and the survival of mankind, remains in a state of deadlock and that the encouraging results of the tenth special session of the general assembly, devoted to disarmament have produced no positive effects on the unbridled ar e. the great powers, which hold considerable stockpiles of nuclear weapons and which devote no less considerable financial resources to perfecting them and to making them more sophisticated, should not remain deaf to the appeals of mankind, which is so distressed by the threat represented by these stockpiles of weapons. [number]. i should like to take this opportunity to express my strong disapproval of the biased campaign launched against certain developing countries, iraq among others, which are trying to develop programmes for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. the developing countries in general are perfectly entitled to acquire nuclear technology, and to use it for peaceful purposes they are also entitled to improve their knowledge and experience in this area. [number]. morocco noted with profound concern the failure of the second review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons recently held at geneva as well as the lack of a consensus on the strengthening of the treaty. this failure has further increased our anxiety about the fact that no progress has been made towards nuclear disarmament, which is the first step in general and complete disarmament. morocco, which is working actively for disarmament at both the world and regional levels, will combine its efforts with those of all peaceful forces with the object of concluding international conventions prohibiting all weapons of mass destruction. [number]. in the quest for detente and collective security, the non-aligned movement, which was able to resist the pressure exerted on it during the most crucial years of the cold war, can play a very important part if it remains faithful to the principles which have been the mainstay of its strength and is able to keep clear of blocs, to avoid allegiances, and to oppose the movement being monopolized by a minority of states wishing to take advantage of it. for its part, morocco will spare no effort to restore to non-alignment its purity, its strength and its influence. [number]. in a few weeks the second review session of the conference on security and co-operation in europe will convene at madrid. morocco wishes member states all success in their efforts effectively to ensure security for their continent and to organize fruitful and sincere co-operation among themselves. but we cannot reasonably conceive of the consolidation of peace and security in europe as long as the mediterranean basin is beset by conflicts. this is why morocco is greatly interested in being invited to this conference to express its views on co-operation with europe and its concern about the indivisible security of the whole of the region. [number]. because of its geographical position in the mediterranean basin, the kingdom of morocco has special responsibilities with regard to the historic role of the strait of gibraltar. for that reason my country has, since the dawn of history, been a dynamic bulwark in the interplay of civilizations between africa and europe, which has made it possible for it to fill a decisive role in the links established between the islamic and christian civilizations. it is also for that reason that morocco is determined to continue to shoulder its responsibilities in drawing the two continents closer together and in bringing about understanding among the communities of the entire region. this determination can be seen today in what my country is doing to establish a permanent link between the two shores of the strait of gibraltar, a link on which preliminary technical studies are under way with a view to its taking effect shortly. this gigantic project shows our faith in the establishment and consolidation of ties of peace, mutually beneficial development and fruitful co-operation among the peoples of the mediterranean sea, and particularly at the arab-african- european level, for the benefit of all the peoples of the region. [number]. the world economic situation has reached a level of deterioration whose consequences will spare neither developed nor developing countries. international economic leaders and institutions are studying with profound concern the upheavals of recent years. the developing countries are viewing with trepidation a number of phenomena which, born of ossified and ill-adapted structures, are beyond their control. the now chronic crises of indebtedness and unemployment, and the social upheavals and political unease which follow them, accentuate the vulnerability of the economy of the third world, are likely to mortgage its development, and also nullify the rare signs of progress achieved despite unforeseen circumstances. [number]. the international economic conferences which have met in recent years have revealed the need to reorder the world economy by reducing the gaps between the poor and the wealthy and by eliminating economic injustices and inequities. this was the objective of the fifth session of unctad and the third general conference of unido. the third world took part in these various meetings in the hope of finding a working platform acceptable to all. but, here again, there was a lack of political will among the other participants who, concerned only with perpetuating their primacy, were reticent on the subject of the establishment of the new international economic order. [number]. now that we are on the threshold of the third united nations development decade, analyses and studies of the second strategy show that we fell far short of its goals. moreover, the situation has grown increasingly worse for the developing countries, which feel more severely the effects of the international economic crisis inflation, increased commodity and equipment prices, worsening of their balance of payments, and so forth. [number]. therefore, co-operation has become imperative for all, co-operation in a spirit of equity towards the developing countries which are entitled to demand measures which will make it possible for them to increase their share in world industrial production, the reform of the international monetary system, the setting up of foreign financial support for their development programmes, relief of their external debt, the adoption of new measures which will enable them to process their own raw materials, the abolition of the protectionist policies pursued by the developed countries and technology transfer adapted to the needs of developing countries and within their financial means. [number]. even more recently, the eleventh special session of the general assembly, which was devoted to development, unfortunately ended its work in partial failure. the third world, which was entitled to expect a comforting degree of compromise, once again noted the hesitation expressed hesitation all the more intolerable because it comes from what is called the "solidarity of the wealthy". nevertheless, morocco attaches great importance to having the thirty- fifth session continue the work that was started at the last special session and would like to appeal to all member states to reach general agreement on the development strategy, in order that preparations can be made for joint action which will eventually be crowned with success. [number]. africa, which became acutely aware of the importance of this question during the second extraordinary session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the oau, held in the capital of nigeria on [number] and [number] april [number], will make its own contribution and welcomes the fact that the plan of action drawn up at lagos is taken into account in the text of the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade, which will come into effect in january [number]. we hope also that in the course of this session the assembly will be able to remove the final obstacles which still face us in the north- south dialogue, so that no later than next year global negotiations may be undertaken. [number]. the kingdom of morocco is very satisfied with the results of the ninth session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, which this year gave us greater hope and, indeed, opened new prospects for success next year. nevertheless, in the final stage of this arduous negotiating process, it is important that we consolidate what has already been achieved by making necessary improvements which, by taking account of the fundamental national interests of states and by effectively contributing to a more equitable distribution of world resources, will ensure that the future universal convention on the law of the sea will win the largest possible degree of adherence as quickly as possible. it is also important that, until all the institutions of the international sea-bed regime are set up, states should display wisdom and restraint and abide by the terms of the declaration of principles governing the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, which solemnly declares the international area of the sea-bed and ocean floor to be the common heritage of mankind. [number]. to ensure international security, to work towards peace, to promote economic development, to help colonial peoples to become free these are all lofty objectives to which the united nations has been devoting itself faithfully and with perseverance. that lofty enterprise will be stopped if the international community does not devote itself with renewed vigour to promoting civil, political, economic, social and cultural human rights and if it does not ensure the strict implementation of the respective covenants. [number]. we are living in a world which essentially needs confidence and security and which wishes to spare mankind from the evils of war and total destruction. our world is crying out for economic self-sufficiency, but also for respect of human dignity. [number]. morocco is determined for its part to persevere in its efforts to create a social and political atmosphere, both internationally and regionally, propitious to the establishment of relations of constructive co-operation, which it hopes will represent a co-mingling of the genius of all peoples who are carried by the same impetus for construction and development, away from rancour and conflict. [number]. we remain convinced in morocco that respect by all for the principles of the charter of the united nations and the strengthening of the organization itself, so that it can become the ideal forum for fruitful dialogue among member states, will help us in our common progress towards achieving the ideals to which mankind aspires.

on behalf of my delegation and myself, may i extend to mr. jeremi our warmest congratulations on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-seventh session. his extensive experience in both regional and international affairs will undoubtedly enrich the debate and the proceedings during this session. i wish to assure him of the full cooperation of zimbabwe as he discharges the onerous duties of that high office. if i may be allowed, i would like to preface my speech with a reference to the most glowing and moving speech that we heard from the president of the united states yesterday see a [number] pv. [number] , the significance of which was to get us to condemn the tragic death of the united states ambassador to libya. i am sure that we were all moved and that we all agree that it was, indeed, an appalling event that we all condemn. a year ago, we saw the barbaric and brutal death of the head of state of libya, which is a member of the african union. his death occurred in a context in which nato was operating supposedly in order to protect civilians. as we join the united states in spirit in condemning the ambassador s death, will the united states also join us in condemning the barbaric death of the head of state of libya, al-qadhafi? that great and tragic loss to africa occurred in circumstances in which nato had sought the authority of the security council under chapter vii to operate in libya in the protection of civilians, who were said to be at the mercy of the government of libya, led by colonel al-qadhafi. the mission was strictly to protect civilians, but it became a brutal hunt for al-qadhafi and his family. nato caught up with them. al-qadhafi and some of his children suffered the brutal deaths about which we know. as the united states president spoke, i am sure that that he was aware that his country, as a nato power, had, alongside the other nato powers, the authority under chapter vii to operate in libya in order to protect civilians. but is that what the operation turned out to be? in a very dishonest manner, we saw the authority entrusted under chapter vii being used as a weapon in order to rout a whole family and to commit the murders that occurred in that country. bombs were hurled in a callous manner. quite a number of civilians died. was that the protection they had sought under chapter vii of the charter? so the death of al-qadhafi must be seen in the same tragic vein as the death of chris stevens. we condemn both. let me begin by reaffirming the rightful and important role of the united nations in the management of issues affecting international peace and security. in the quest for a more just and equitable international order, zimbabwe remains strongly opposed to unilateralism and committed to multilateralism. we would therefore like to see a united nations that continues to be a guarantor of world peace and security and a bulwark in the fight for justice and equality among nations. it behoves us all, therefore, to take the necessary steps to ensure that the united nations is not marginalized on international issues. equally important, the united nations must, in future, never allow itself to be abused, as it was in the case i referred to earlier, when nato sought under chapter vii authority to protect civilians, but it did not turn out to be that. in the future, the security council must never allow itself to be abused by any member state or group of states that seeks to achieve parochial, partisan goals. the charter of the united nations clearly stipulates that it is an international body that should work for the good of all the peoples of the world, big and small. we recognize that there are existing and emerging threats and challenges that continue to frustrate our individual and collective efforts to attain greater economic development and social progress, as well as peace and security. but the increasing trend among the nato member states, inspired by the arrogant belief that they are the most powerful among us demonstrated in their recent resort to unilateralism and military hegemony in libya is the very antithesis of the basic principles of the united nations. in the case of libya, the african union and its peacemaking role was defied, ignored and humiliated. the african union sought dialogue between the libyan authorities and the so-called revolutionaries. may we urge the international community to collectively nip this dangerous and unwelcome aggressive development in the bud before it festers. in that regard, the theme that the president has chosen for this session bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means is very appropriate. this is what we in the african union stress the settlement of disputes in a peaceful way, through dialogue. the warmongers of our world have done us enough harm. wherever they have imposed themselves, chaos in place of peace has been the result. one example was the situation created by the bush-blair illegal campaign in iraq an illegal campaign undertaken because it was alleged that saddam hussein had weapons of mass destruction, when it was well known to those two and their governments that he did not have such weapons and, indeed, after invading iraq, creating much havoc and getting rid of saddam hussein, they admitted that he had no weapons of mass destruction. so why had they attacked iraq in the first place? why did they seek to get rid of saddam hussein? was it merely because he was a dictator, as they alleged? no, he was the head of a country that sat on tons and tons of oil. it was oil they required, and we saw companies indeed, one such company was headed by a brother of bush rushing to suck oil from iraq. that is also what happened with libya. the situation they created in iraq has now brought about greater instability than there ever was. we have sunnis rising against shias, and vice versa, let alone the disastrous economic consequences of that unlawful invasion. the economy is unstable, society unstable, and people are fighting one another. libya has been made equally unstable after nato s deceitful intervention under the sham cover of chapter vii of the charter of the united nations and the phony principle of the responsibility to protect. i listened to the speech made by the secretary- general. he made reference to that principle. it is one that can be abused, and it has been abused. and, anyway, it is still being debated. zimbabwe fi rmly believes in the peaceful settlement of disputes between and among states in a manner that is consistent with the principles and purposes of the united nations. in the maintenance of international peace and security, much more must be done to prevent conflicts from erupting in the first place, and to prevent relapses once a situation has been stabilized. beyond deploying adequate resources for managing conflicts, it is important to address their underlying causes, and to pursue, more proactively, a comprehensive approach focusing on conflict prevention, peacebuilding, peace-maintenance and development. in pursuing thst cause, my delegation strongly believes that adherence to the charter of the united nations should be a solemn obligation of all member states. we have noticed, with deep regret, that the provisions of the united nations charter dealing with the peaceful settlement of disputes have, on occasion, been ignored by the security council. in contrast, there appears to be an insatiable appetite for war, embargoes, sanctions and other punitive actions, even on matters that are better resolved through multilateral cooperation and dialogue. instead of resorting to the peaceful resolution of disputes, we are daily witnessing a situation where might is now right. we have said, well, yes, those who are powerful might hang on the principle that might is right , but certainly right is also might. we need to take stock of the inspiring preamble to the united nations charter, where the plenipotentiaries who met in san francisco in [number] undertook to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war . that is especially pertinent at present, when global events represent a radical departure from that solemn and noble san francisco declaration. what do the nato alliance members have to say about that, one may ask. it is therefore important that the security council should respect and support the decisions, processes and priorities of regional organizations. in contrast, recent events as has already been stated particularly with reference to africa, have demonstrated the scant regard that the united nations and certain powerful members of the international community give to the pivotal role of regional organizations. effective cooperation between the united nations and regional organizations will become viable and sustainable only when developed on the basis of mutual respect and support, as well as on shared responsibility and commitment. it is regrettable to note that certain unacceptable concepts are currently being foisted on the united nations membership in the absence of intergovernmental mandates. for instance, there is no agreement yet on the concept of the responsibility to protect, especially with respect to the circumstances under which it might be invoked. we are concerned by the clear and growing evidence that the concept of responsibility to protect has begun to be applied and seriously abused, thus inevitably compromising and undermining the cardinal principle of the sovereignty of states and the united nations charter principles of territorial integrity and non-interference in the domestic affairs of countries. for the international community to successfully deal with global economic, social, security and environmental challenges, the existence of international institutions to handle them and a culture of genuine multilateralism are critical. the united nations, its specialized agencies and international financial institutions are the only instruments available for responding effectively to the global challenges we face in the global village. it is therefore critical that those structures be reformed and realigned in response to both global challenges and our contemporary realities, in order to enable them to better serve our collective interests. this assembly is the most representative organ within the united nations family. we must therefore dedicate ourselves to finding consensus on measures to revitalize it so that it fulfils its mandate in accordance with the provisions of the charter. we wish to reiterate our deep concern that the mandate, powers and jurisdiction of the general assembly are shrinking as a consequence of the security council s gradual encroachment on the assembly s areas of competence. that, in our view, upsets the delicate balance envisaged under the charter and undermines the overall effectiveness of the united nations system. the general assembly must remain the main deliberative, policy-making organ of the united nations. we have been seized with the debate on the reform of the security council for far too long. my delegation fully supports the current intergovernmental negotiations on the reform and expansion of the council. however, we wish to caution against an open-ended approach that short-changes those of us from regions that are not represented at all among the permanent membership of the council. zimbabwe stands by africa s demand for two permanent seats, complete with a veto if the veto is to be retained, plus two additional non-permanent seats, as clearly articulated in the ezulwini consensus and the sirte declaration. for how long will the international community continue to ignore the aspirations of a whole continent of [number] countries? we shall not be bought off with empty promises, nor shall we accept some cosmetic tinkering with the security council disguised as reform. it is indeed a travesty of justice that the african continent, which accounts for almost a third of the membership represented in this assembly, has no permanent representation in the council. is that good governance? is that democracy? and is that justice? my delegation condemns unreservedly the economic sanctions imposed against my country and people in an unjustified effort to deny them the chance to fully benefit from their natural resource endowment. we wish to remind those who have maintained sanctions against us that there is international consensus fully supported by the southern african development community, the african union, the non-aligned movement and the rest of the progressive world that these sanctions must go. we hope they will go. allow me to conclude by reaffirming zimbabwe s commitment to the principles that have brought us together in the united nations for the last [number] years. my country is confident that in this inextricably interdependent world, our commitment to the common good, which the organization embodies, will be resolute and enduring. zimbabwe will continue to stand firm and to condemn unilateralism, the imposition of unwarranted and illegal sanctions on nations and the unwarranted extraterritorial application of national laws.

my delegation is particularly pleased to convey to mr. jan kavan its heartfelt congratulations and fervent hopes for success in the lofty and important task ahead of him. his well-deserved election to the presidency of the fifty-seventh session of the general assembly is a fitting tribute to the spirit of the czech people as well as to his outstanding intellectual and moral qualities. i am pleased to take this opportunity to say how much we appreciated the courtesy, the commitment and the competence of his predecessor, mr. han seung-soo, who guided our discussions in such an outstanding manner. we express to him our sincere and deep gratitude for his many relevant initiatives, including working visits to west africa, particularly to senegal, which are testimony of friendship for my country and support for the new partnership for africa's development nepad . i should like also like to express once again to secretary-general kofi annan our admiration for his steadfast determination in serving the ideals and causes of our organization. thanks to his wisdom and far- sightedness, the united nations has found new vigour with which to meet the tremendous challenges confronting humankind. it is therefore fitting that our organization which more than ever needs the widest support for its plans and projects for a better management of the affairs of our globalized world is gaining two new members switzerland and, soon, east timor. to the delegations of those two friendly countries, i would like to express senegal's warmest congratulations and our conviction that their contribution will undoubtedly be enriching for our organization, whose universal character will thereby be reinforced. it is precisely in the name of the principle of the universality of the united nations that senegal reiterates its fervent wish to see the republic of china on taiwan join the concert of nations and assume its full responsibilities in our organization and its specialized agencies. granting that request, following the good precedent of the world trade organization, would bring justice to the [number] million inhabitants of the republic of china on taiwan, who through their exemplary conduct on the world stage have already given proof of taipei's attachment to the noble objectives of the san francisco charter. last week, the united nations and the international community commemorated the anniversary of the tragic events of [number] september [number]. we express once again our sincere sentiments of sympathy and compassion to the thousands of american and other families in mourning. senegal, its head of state and its government strongly reiterate their steadfast determination to fight against terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, whatever its motivations and whoever its perpetrators and sponsors. senegal proclaims loudly and clearly that there is no reason or cause sufficiently just or sufficiently good that it could justify an act of terrorism against pregnant women and other innocent civilians. [number] the dakar declaration against terrorism, adopted on [number] october [number] at the initiative of president abdoulaye wade of senegal, gives full expression to our fervent wish to strengthen regional and subregional cooperation in order to dismantle the menace of terrorist activities on our continent. let us remember the heinous and unrepentant terrorist strikes against the african people in kenya and tanzania. nor do we forget the heroic daily resistance of the algerian people in the face of repeated assaults by killers blinded by their hatred and not by their faith in god, at least not in the god of love and compassion that we muslims proudly call allah. to that end, senegal submitted some months ago to the african union a draft additional protocol to the convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism of the organization of african unity and the african union. the draft protocol aims to strengthen the algiers convention and to adapt it to the post-[number]- september context. also, my delegation welcomes the fine initiative of the commission of the african union, which recently held in algiers a high-level intergovernmental meeting on terrorism in africa. in other words, we have the common responsibility to maintain and to strengthen the international mobilization against terrorist networks and their financing. my government welcomes the excellent work already carried out by the security council counter- terrorism committee pursuant to security council resolution [number] [number] . senegal encourages the committee to pursue its efforts and requests the working group of the general assembly's sixth committee to do everything to hasten the adoption of a comprehensive international convention against terrorism. it is a truism that the fight against terrorism is a part of the international community's struggle to promote international peace and security. that is the objective that over the past months has not escaped our organization, which has strived to find lasting solutions to conflicts that destroy the social and economic fabric of numerous countries, especially in africa. in that regard, senegal keenly appreciates the determined commitment of the security council, which, more conscious than ever of its role of guarantor of international peace and security, has devoted a large portion of its work this year to conflicts and tensions afflicting the african continent. among the numerous praiseworthy initiatives of the security council, i would like to mention the convening of special meetings devoted to the situation of africa, brilliantly presided over by the ministers for foreign affairs of mauritius and singapore during their respective presidencies. on behalf of the economic community of west african states ecowas , of which senegal currently holds the chairmanship, i would like to nurture the hope that the united nations will stay the course in order to forever stave off violence and wars, which take a serious financial toll on the future of many african countries. i am thinking of sierra leone, where the current exemplary normalization of the political and economic situation has largely been facilitated by the holding of free, transparent, democratic and peaceful elections. it is urgent that the bells of peace, which have sounded in freetown, also be heard in monrovia, where the absence of political dialogue led the way to grave socio-economic instability, whose contagious effect could turn out to be disastrous for the mano river union area. senegal, as chairman of ecowas, is working tirelessly and hopes to be able to report to the assembly on its many initiatives under way, which could very shortly lay the foundations of peace in liberia. in sierra leone and liberia, as in guinea-bissau, where the government of president kumba yal is attempting with courage and abnegation to lift the country out of a financial and economic crisis following a trying civil war, the international community has the duty to continue more steadfastly its valuable assistance. in that regard, i welcome the strong signal sent by the security council under the united states presidency to financial backers with respect to granting guinea-bissau substantial financial aid so that it can firmly return to the path of peace and prosperity. the interest in that neighbour of senegal and in our subregion recalls the wise and timely decision to establish at dakar an office of the special representative of the secretary-general for west africa. that office should promote better coordination among the activities of the united nations in our subregion and their greater impact on the ground. i am [number] pleased to sincerely congratulate secretary-general kofi annan on that clear-sighted initiative. it goes without saying that the office will enjoy the enthusiastic support and complete cooperation of the government of senegal. allow me to recall the activities of president abdoulaye wade in benefit of the great african people of madagascar. his personal and total involvement in mediating a solution to the madagascar crisis has, as a great international statesman said, surely spared the people of that great island a drift towards a civil war of incalculable consequences. he and his african colleagues who have taken up that issue have shown the world that with the strong support of the international community africans will prove that they are also and above all peacemakers. elsewhere, beyond the african continent but so close to our hearts, we observe a growing danger in the middle east. this year again, the world has witnessed unheard-of violence in the palestinian territories, where the occupying military power, israel, has decidedly opted for state violence, which leads to concepts as dangerous as the so-called targeted assassinations and other preventive operations. on the palestinian side, that situation has caused an increase in terrorist cells specialists in suicide belts groups that we unequivocally and resolutely condemn. that network has produced an erosion of trust between israelis and palestinians trust that must be restored as swiftly as possible through frank and constructive dialogue that leads to a just and lasting solution. in order to achieve that, it is imperative that tel aviv comply with the relevant security council resolutions in particular resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] and that it also adhere to the peace plan proposed by saudi arabia and to the initiatives of the quartet, which set out the basic principles of land for peace and withdrawal for normalization. the international community, in particular the security council and the quartet, has the critical duty to formulate a bold plan to realize the vision of two states within the [number] borders and to hasten what senegal has continued to call for in all international forums the immediate convening of an international conference on palestine, leading to a specific mechanism that would address political, economic and security issues and having as its starting point the creation of a sovereign palestinian state side by side an israeli state, living in peace and harmony with its neighbours. over the past [number] months, the international scene has been dominated by the holding of three major conferences that were crucial events in humanity's collective march towards a more just and more unified world the fourth ministerial conference of the world trade organization, held at doha, qatar the international conference on financing for development, held at monterrey, mexico and the world summit on sustainable development, held at johannesburg, south africa. those world conferences and the strong alliances that they created will allow humanity to enter the third millennium on a positive note. i should like to note here that, in the light of those statements of good intentions, the time for action has come. we must act swiftly so that globalization, a phenomenon that affects us all, will ultimately benefit us all. up to now, despite its certain virtues, globalization seems to have caused greater marginalization of the vast majority of the peoples of the south. as a consequence, it is urgent that we identify innovative mechanisms of development financing. in fact, even if official development assistance is still valuable for the states of the south, its effectiveness will be limited without the addition of concrete measures such as access for products of the south to markets of the north, an increase in foreign direct investment flows to developing countries, particularly those in africa, and the initiating role that, we must recognize, belongs to the international and african private sectors. indeed, senegal is convinced that no country in the world has ever developed through official development assistance. the private sector, infrastructure and education are universally acknowledged as the tripod of genuine sustainable development. it is no less urgent, following the much- appreciated appointment of a high representative of the secretary-general for the least developed countries, that we all commit ourselves to implementing the brussels programme of action, in conformity with the consensus of the 12th ministerial meeting of the group of [number], held at cotonou from [number] to [number] august [number]. the success of such initiatives cannot depend on governments alone. we need to build firm partnerships with local communities, with civil society actors, with [number] the private sector, with non-governmental organizations and with international organizations. it is fitting that humanity's oldest continent should be proud of the adoption of the new partnership for africa's development nepad , a double partnership internal and international and a linkage, on the one hand, among africans and, on the other, between africa and the rest of the international community, which has already shown its full support for that new initiative. as evidence, i cite the group of eight africa action plan and the holding of the high-level plenary meeting of the general assembly to consider how to support nepad. through nepad, which has the merit of defining the prerequisites for african development, of identifying sectoral priorities and of developing a resource mobilization strategy, african leaders among them his excellency mr. abdoulaye wade, president of the republic of senegal intend to demonstrate that the responsibility for africa's development is essentially theirs. in that context, i must mention the launching of the african union in july at durban, south africa. we hope that its peace and security council, coupled with nepad's peer review mechanism, will lead to strong commitments by our heads of state, first for our people and then for our partners, which are very concerned by the central questions of good governance and conflict prevention and resolution. our development concerns do not preclude our demands for human rights. that is why my country attaches great importance to the promotion and protection of the rights of women and children. at the initiative of the government, a major programme is under way to combat, in particular, violence against women and the trafficking and exploitation of women and children for commercial and sexual purposes. in those areas, the strategy formulated and implemented by senegal is based on action plans adopted at the special session of the general assembly on beijing [number] and on the follow-up to the world summit on children. as is its custom, senegal wishes to honour and praise the great role of women in the world, in particular their african sisters, as the foundation and the powerful engine of african renewal. history will take note that it is senegal that, through its president, has demanded and ensured that each of the five subregions of africa elect at least one woman in its quota of two commissioners to the commission of the african union. africa is thus teaching the rest of the world a lesson in unprecedented parity, which is more proof if it were needed that, if we seek competent women, we will find them. at the initiative of its president, senegal will organize, on [number] october at dakar, a special summit of heads of state or government of ecowas to follow up the results of the twenty-sixth special session of the general assembly, devoted to children. the rights of women and children are integral elements of human rights, and my country reaffirms its attachment to the principles of the universality, interdependence and indivisibility of human rights, of good economic and political governance and of the rule of law. it is that democratic imperative that has prompted the head of state of senegal to strengthen our institutional arsenal by creating the position of commissioner of human rights, to which a woman has been appointed. as members are aware, senegal was the first country in the world to ratify the rome statute for the establishment of the international criminal court icc , whose entry into force on [number] july [number] my country welcomed. that commitment resulted in my government's decision to present a candidate for judge on the icc one of our finest magistrates and a specialist in criminal law. in conclusion, i should like, in recalling the urgency of confronting humanity's numerous challenges, to express the earnest hope that the organization will bolster its ability to better serve the legitimate hopes of the world's peoples. undoubtedly, that path will anchor the future of a world reconciled with itself, where justice, freedom, peace and prosperity will be jealously preserved in justice and freedom, in peace and prosperity, and in the dignity of human beings all human beings.

[number]. when i had the honor of coming to this rostrum of the first meeting of this session 1934th meeting to address this assembly for the first time, my first words naturally were words of congratulation to you, mr. president, on your unanimous election to this high post, and to express also to this eminent assembly our deepest gratitude at the very generous welcome which was extended to us unanimously on the occasion of our admission to this great united nations family. now that i am privileged to return to this rostrum and to participate in the general debate, i would like again to tell you, as the representative of an asian state which has the closest ties of friendship and co-operation with your great country just how happy we are at your brilliant election to the presidency of the assembly. we feel that your high qualities of wisdom, devotion and competence will be the surest warranty of the success of your task and of our work. [number]. it is also a very agreeable opportunity for me to repeat our warmest words of thanks for the kind and courteous thoughts and words expressed to us by many distinguished delegations during the first meetings of this session, and for the outstanding statements which were made subsequently during the participation in the general debate. [number]. it is with immense joy that i would like to greet the admission to the united nations of the arab state of oman, to which we are attached through national identity based on the most fraternal bonds. we are happier to see it admitted to this international organization because we feel convinced that the very close co-operation, which already exists between our two nations in order to contribute to their progress and prosperity and to that of other countries in the region to which we belong, will no longer be limited merely to this regional framework, but in the future will have as its aim the uniting of our devoted efforts with those of the united nations in order to attain the highest objectives of the united nations namely, the preservation and furtherance of the progress and prosperity of the entire international community-on the basis of the noble principles of our charter, principles for which our arab world has the deepest respect and the greatest attachment. on this glorious and historic occasion for the sister-state of oman i should like to address our warmest congratulations to his highness the sultan of oman, his government and his people. [number]. may i also take this opportunity to express our sincerest appreciation to our eminent secretary-general for the altruism which he has demonstrated for the past [number] years in the service of mankind? the most objective and tireless efforts which he has unceasingly made during this long period a period which has been fraught with enormous difficulties for the realization of the ideals of our organization-are deserving of our highest esteem. we deeply regret his decision not to prolong his term of office beyond this year, and we hope that this decision is not his final word in the matter. [number]. for a new member of the organization, a study of the evolution of the united nations over the [number] years of its existence is essential. such colossal study, however, is greatly facilitated by the successive annual reports of the secretaries-general, whose services the organization has been so fortunate to have for all these years. the last report a [number] add. lj, which was submitted to this session by our present secretary-general, uthant, has particularly attracted our attention. that survey of the main facts which characterize the life of our organization inspires mixed feelings in us, however. [number]. in the economic and social fields, our organization can be proud of the work it has accomplished, which is studded with so many basic documents, from the universal declaration of human rights, of [number] december [number] resolution [number] iii , to the international covenants on economic, social and cultural rights and on civil and political rights of [number] december [number] resolution [number] xxi . [number]. moreover, the countries of the third world have reason to be satisfied. we can note in particular that the interests of those countries are being taken into consideration by the various united nations bodies and are fin ling a useful forum within the united nations conference on trade and development and the united nations industrial development organization. [number]. united nations activities in the technical assistance field, in all its forms, are constantly expanding and are producing many practical results. [number]. general recognition of the principle of the right of states to their natural resources has made progress. at the same time the practical utilization of these resources has profited from the advice and assistance lavished on us by united nations committees and experts. [number]. in this context, special mention must be made of the activities of the committee on natural resources, the special fund of the united nations development pro gramme, and the resources and transport division of the secretariat. we may expect an equally favorable development in the field of the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. during this session we shall be examining the report of the committee set up by the general assembly to study that problem, the report on its summer session, held last july in geneva a [number] , because of its geographic location and its special interests in the field of natural resources, qatar will be most happy to contribute to the various united nations agencies dealing with this problem the fruits of its modest experience and will be pleased to make use of the studies, recommendations and advice made available by the united nations. [number]. qatar will adopt the same positive attitude towards the other united nations activities devoted to economic and social development. we are duly appreciative of the efforts undertaken by the economic and social council, its subsidiary bodies and specialized agencies, in the field of the mobilization of financial resources, foreign investment, economic and social planning, housing, transport and health. [number]. we realize, of course, that in many of those fields we are still only half way along the road towards achieving the goals which seem to be indispensable if we are to create a world fit for all people to live in. we know, in particular, that relations between countries which have been industrialized for some time and those which are now developing are not yet free from the evil of colonialism and the desire for economic domination on the part of some. but we also know that we are working in the right direction, and we can hope that with each passing session of the general assembly we shall be recording substantial progress. [number]. however, this method of gradual reforms can be allowed only in the economic and social fields. when it comes to the main lines of international politics, the united nations does not have the right to adopt the same wait-and-see attitude. thus we find that the reports of the special committee on the situation with regard to the implementation of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples show that developments here are still far from being in keeping with the tasks which have been given to this organization. many peoples who are deserving of independence are still being kept in a state of subjection to foreign domination. [number]. the perpetuation of a system of apartheid in some countries in africa, in spite of the numerous decisions and recommendations of united nations bodies, constitutes a real crime against mankind. [number]. and what must we say then about the shocking and unprecedented drama of the palestinian people who have been fraudulently dispossessed of their homeland, who have been forcibly expelled from their homes, upon whom the aggressor has inflicted the most unspeakable miseries and most inhuman suffering, and whose right to self-determination has been recognized in all forums of the united nations? what can we say to those people who continue to be deprived of the practical application of this right. this unspeakable drama whose perpetuation constitutes the most serious anomaly of our present international life-we might even say the most serious violation of moral and legal standards which govern this international life-is one which continues vainly to provoke the indignation of the international community which is quite aware that the idea of establishing a long-lasting peace in the middle east cannot be considered without previously restoring to the people of palestine their legitimate and inalienable rights. [number]. there is no need whatsoever to say that as long as the movement towards independence of all peoples that are still under a foreign yoke is not completed, the united nations will be unable to claim that it has concluded its development towards universalization. to be sure we are on the eve of decisive progress in this area. indeed, the settlement of the chinese question and the problem of the admission to the organization of the so-called "divided nations" will bring the united nations closer to the concept of universality. however, this universality cannot be fully achieved until all people that have a well-determined individuality are admitted, as independent members, to the family of the united nations, a family which as the vocation of being an organization grouping together all peace-loving and justice- loving peoples of the world. if this ideal is not achieved there will continue to exist tensions and threats in the world which will endanger peace. but peace and security cannot be achieved without raising the question of the very existence of the world community and the united nations which is the incarnation of that community. [number]. these are not purely philosophical considerations. in the middle east we are in fact witnessing a continuing conflict which is pitting the principles of peace and the prohibition of territorial acquisition through violence, the inviolability of borders and the rights of peoples to determine their own destiny, against a spirit of aggression, expansion and domination on the part of a certain state member of this organization. the illegal, aggressive and destructive action of israel which has extended to jerusalem, gaza, sinai, golan and the west bank of jordan has been condemned unanimously by the other members of the united nations as a flagrant violation of international conventions and united nations resolutions, resolutions which were dictated by the principles of our charter. however, this condemnation has remained a platonic one because the united nations, while firm in its attitude of principle, has adopted a passive attitude on the question of carrying out these unanimous decisions. [number]. this session gives newly admitted states an opportunity to make known their views on current events and problems. among these problems there is none more serious and urgent than the problem-which sums up all other problems-of the maintenance of peace and security. [number]. this is a problem which has been especially highlighted by the adoption at our last session, on [number] december [number], of resolution [number] xxv , the declaration on the strengthening of international security. in the preamble of the declaration, the assembly solemnly reaffirmed the universal and unconditional validity of the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations as the basis of relations among states. in the same resolution, which has [number] paragraphs, the assembly basically calls on all states to observe the purposes and principles of the charter in their respective relations and reaffirms that each state has a duty to refrain from resorting to threat or the use of force against the territorial integrity or the political independence of any other state. it also recommends that the security council intensify its efforts in order to maintain international peace and security. this was not an academic intention but a resolution which is supposed to be a guideline for the organization in its subsequent actions, with particular reference to those conflicts which continue to cause bloodshed in various parts of the world and which are a threat to the maintenance of international peace and . security. [number]. in this connexion it is impossible to ignore the cruel inconsistency which exists in the middle east between words and deeds. in spite of the repeated positions taken by various united nations bodies and, in particular, by the general assembly and the security council, the occupation of arab territories by the aggressor state continues. [number]. this is an extremely serious state of affairs to which, it is true, our organization has not been insensitive. just a few days ago on [number] september the security council adopted, by [number] votes to none, with [number] abstention, resolution [number] [number] in which it urgently called upon the aggressor state to rescind all measures which it had taken during the last four years to change the status of jerusalem. after it had reaffirmed its previous positions-resolutions [number] [number] and [number] i969 -and recalled once again "the principle that acquisition of territory by military conquest is inadmissible", the council deplored the violation by the aggressor state of the resolutions adopted by the united nations and requested the secretary-general to report to it on the implementation of this new resolution. [number]. but do we really have to point out that the time for these reports has now passed and that because of this persistent violation of law we must now expect something else from the united nations? hardly had this resolution of [number] september been adopted by the security council than it was rejected by the aggressor state, as if it was up to a state which is breaking the law to apply a resolution or not to apply it as it liked, and in this way to defy the conscience of the world. [number]. the examples of israel's scorn for the resolutions of the united nations, which are governed by the principles of the charter, as well as for the most elementary rules of international law and international morality, are unfortunately only too numerous. this attitude of a lack of respect has been adopted by israel, stubbornly and unvaryingly, for [number] years. the facts and the evidence showing this to be true are incontestable. i shall not go into the background of this sombre affair before this assembly, which is fully aware of it. however, it is important for us to note that the situation in the middle east has become so serious that we might even legitimately consider that israel's attitude, which brought it about, is one of the basic causes for the crisis which our organization is presently going through. [number]. how can we fail to see clearly the gravity of such a situation? it brings to mind the bitterest of memories, memories of the war in ethiopia, which in its time sounded the death-knell of the league of nations. if the united nations were to accommodate itself to this israeli challenge, it would be unable to prevent members from experiencing feelings of insecurity, the final outcome of which would be the disintegration of the organization as such. each one of us, then, should repeat to himself in a paraphrase those prophetic words uttered many years ago by the emperor of ethiopia before the league of nations, and say that each one of us should fear one day becoming someone else's palestine. [number]. how then could the scales be tipped by the achievements of the united nations in the economic and social fields? we have seen and we all know that if w are to continue to move towards progress in these areas the united nations needs time. but at the same time we should make it clear that the time which the united nations needs to develop its activities for the progress of mankind should be a time of peace. if the organization shows itself to be incapable of ensuring this time of peace, then all of its past activities and its chances for the future will be reduced to nil. however, we all have the greatest need and the greatest desire that this activity should go on and that those chances should be preserved. but if this is to happen, then the united nations must do everything in its power to restore peace, a true peace, and states and in this case the state which is opposed to this-must be required to heed the decisions which are regularly being taken by this organization. the charter gives us the means of attaining this end. it is only necessary for the organization to have the will to use those means. [number]. is there any need to point out that the piling up of resolutions which condemn the illegal activities and the attitude of israel can be of no further use? it is quite clear and obvious that this type of resolution, unless bolstered up by effective measures, is, on the contrary, a type which may further weaken the authority of this international organization, since israel regularly opposes them with its traditional arrogant rejection and is systematically frustrating them. [number]. the foreign minister of israel, before this assembly on thursday, [number] september last, declared "this organization, for all its imperfections, is still the only organized expression of the planetary spirit" 1946th meeting, para. ill . well, if this is the case, how can he expect us to accept his proposal which discredits the various resolutions of this organization which were intended to show the road towards a just and lasting peace in the middle east? how can we follow the road which he is suggesting? those resolutions, which reflect the planetary spirit and which are inspiring the international life of our age, an age which is governed by the principles of the charter of the united nations, condemn the policy of aggression of israel and enjoin israel urgently to respect the legitimate rights of the arab states which have been the victims of aggression, and to restore to them their territories which have been invaded through armed force. [number]. hence the only solution which is indicated here would be for israel to heed the resolutions of this organization and for the competent organs of this organization to ensure respect for its resolutions by all means at their disposal. any other proposal of the type suggested by the foreign minister of israel is only intended to maintain the illegality of a fait accompli which has been brought about through military force and which has been condemned by the united nations. it is true that all those interpretations of the resolutions of the organization in this matter, which do not contain a categorical affirmation of the urgent need for the withdrawal of israeli forces from all arab territories which they occupied after [number] june [number], would be purely and simply the equivalent of deliberate support for the sinister desire to perpetuate the fait accompli to which i have just referred. [number]. israel's refusal to heed the decisions of the organization in an area which affects the maintenance of world peace has lasted for a long time now without the organization having taken any effective measures intended to cause this state to mend its ways. nevertheless-and we cannot repeat this too often-it has a whole arsenal of measures of this type we have economic sanctions, the other measures in chapter vii of the charter and the procedure for expelling a state. it is urgent that the united nations should frankly take a decision to use every avenue open to it under the charter and to compel israel to submit to international order. if the united nations vacillates any longer in taking this road, then it will be in danger of admitting its inability to carry out its essential mission cf maintaining peace or, if necessary, of restoring peace, which is the supreme asset and the permanent justification of the organization. [number]. however, in spite of everything, the world continues to hope that our organization will not tolerate this anarchy created by the acts of a member state and that it will, at however late a stage, eventually hasten to discharge its main responsibility which is the source of a j its other responsibilities that of ensuring respect for the rule of law and for the purposes and principles of our charter. that is the frank and direct path towards international peace and security. the others, which are uncertain and tortuous, can lead only to the wrecking of that international order which cannot exist outside the rule of law. [number]. may the sense of responsibility towards the present and the future of the world on the one hand and the great hopes which mankind has in the organization on the other hand inspire all of us, in particular those among us who shoulder the greatest responsibilities and the most direct powers, with a determination to act in concert in order to avoid the road of disaster, a road which leads to destruction of the international order and may they take the right road, the road which leads to the building of a just peace and lasting security, to which the international community aspires.

at this moment in time, major economic and environmental challenges are giving rise to increasing global concerns and impacting people all over this planet. to meet those challenges effectively, we need, more than ever, a dynamic and proactive multilateral system. we need the united nations to provide global answers to global challenges. in less than three months, we will meet again in copenhagen to seal the deal on climate change. the effects of climate change are increasingly felt all over the world, not least in developing countries, and the whole world is looking to us for answers. and answers we must provide new directions for the future, transformational changes in the way we do business and a new paradigm for growth and development. in this respect, i do welcome the leadership of the secretary-general as demonstrated by his call for a summit on climate change a few days ago and by his concluding remarks on that occasion. the message is clear we must act now to avoid potentially disastrous changes in the global climate. the focus in copenhagen three months from now will be on three deliverables. first, we must agree on a common goal for a significant reduction in global carbon dioxide co2 emissions and we must set clear targets for both medium and longer term. secondly, we must agree on a pathway towards achieving these targets. and, thirdly, we must set in motion the policies and measures to sustain our efforts on that pathway. reducing co2 emissions is a challenge for industrialized countries, emerging economies and developing countries alike. there is no contradiction between economic growth and ambitious policies to address climate change. pursuing a green economy is possible, as shown by the example of, among others, my own country. and, in this context, it is also important to keep in mind the security risks emanating from climate change in all parts of the world. i welcome the secretary-general s recent report on this issue entitled climate change and its possible security implications a [number] [number] , and look forward to further deliberations on this topic. the ongoing financial and economic crisis is reversing hard-won progress in developing countries striving to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs . the international community must assist the poorest of those countries in mitigating the immediate effects of the crisis, while at the same time ensuring that we do not lose sight of the longer-term challenges in relation to the mdgs and the climate change agenda. there is an imminent risk that the economic crisis will lead to the overall stagnation or even the reduction of official development assistance. that is a challenge we must counter and overcome, and it is more crucial than ever that all donors speed up delivery on their aid commitments. [number] [number]-[number] african countries, in particular, are facing significant obstacles in their efforts to achieve the mdgs. as recommended by the africa commission and the mdg3 global call to action, both initiated by the government of denmark, there is a need to focus strongly on employment for young people, economic empowerment of women and private sector-led economic growth. renewed focus on those policy areas will also be essential in coping with the economic crisis and its impact on the continent. as we embark on the final stage towards [number], the upcoming [number] mdg summit gives us an important opportunity to identify means to speed up achievement of the mdgs. denmark looks forward to this occasion and is ready to engage actively in the process. in an increasingly globalized and dynamic world, where the problems we face tend to become ever more complex and intertwined, it is important to treasure and uphold the principles and the objectives enshrined in the charter of the united nations to promote and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all to establish conditions under which justice and respect for international obligations can be maintained and to promote social progress and better standards of living. states must protect their own populations, and states must be accountable to the global community. in that context, i welcome the recent debate held in this hall on the responsibility to protect, which showed overwhelming support for the concept on the part of member states. it bodes well for our continued deliberations on that issue. i should also like to use this opportunity to encourage all united nations members that have not yet done so to become states parties to the international criminal court. there should be no impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious international crimes. among the most serious present dangers to peace and security is the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. the upcoming review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is of utmost importance. the meeting of the security council on [number] september, headed by president obama see s pv. [number] , provided ample evidence. we welcome the negotiations between the united states and russia on reductions to follow up on the treaty on strategic offensive arms, and we welcome president obama s commitment to the ratification of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty, both of which will have a positive impact on the npt review conference. i should like to take the opportunity to call on iran and the democratic people s republic of korea to comply with their obligations to suspend enrichment activities and to start negotiations on transparent civilian nuclear programmes, as set forth in security council resolutions. the election in afghanistan was far from perfect. we need to engage with the new government to create the crucial legitimacy between the afghan government and the afghan people. the new afghan compact to be built is that between the government and the people, and our role should be to strengthen that compact and hold the government accountable. in terms of the role of the international community, we need to be better coordinated and more effective in our support for building the capacity of the afghan government. in this the united nations and the united nations assistance mission in afghanistan play a crucial role. in neighbouring pakistan, the international community and the friends of democratic pakistan must seize the opportunity to support the democratic government in fighting poverty and extremism. we must help pakistan build a stable, democratic and prosperous state. this would be a significant contribution to peace and development in south asia. i warmly welcome the efforts of the government to fight terrorism, while, at the same time, it tries to alleviate the hardship experienced by pakistan s internally displaced persons idps . it is a positive development that so many idps have returned. now, a full and fast implementation of the malakand development strategy is important. the deadlock in the middle east peace process and the high level of regional tensions demand new international efforts to promote stability and peace in the region. we are encouraged to see the enhanced american engagement in the middle east, and we urge all in the region and all parties to the middle east conflict to honour the road map commitments, move speedily ahead and, once and for all, settle their differences in accordance with the international agreements and the arab peace initiative. furthermore, denmark is in favour of expanding the mandate of the [number]-[number] [number] quartet to include a regional dimension. also, the syrian and lebanese peace tracks should feature permanently on the agenda of the quartet. pirates operating in the indian ocean and the gulf of aden off the coast of somalia are a security challenge that poses new legal challenges. denmark has taken the lead in the international community s work to identify practical and legal solutions so as to ensure the prosecution of suspected pirates. we welcome the increasingly active involvement of the united nations in that issue. in that respect, we have to remember that what is taking place on the open sea is closely linked to the situation on the ground in somalia. bringing security and stability to the somalis is of the highest priority, and denmark supports the efforts of the united nations and the african union, and the djibouti process. the united nations itself must be able to change in order to effectively meet and deliver on all those new challenges. it is important to keep up momentum in the intergovernmental negotiations on reform of the security council in order to adapt that key body to the world of today. the united nations peacekeeping commitments continue to play a decisive role in global peace and security, with now more than [number], [number] peacekeepers deployed in nearly [number] missions globally. however, the immense growth and the demand for strengthening the capacity to manage and to sustain those peacekeeping operations have revealed shortfalls pertaining to the decision-making processes and the engagements themselves. denmark, therefore, warmly supports recent initiatives that would enable us to meet the growing demands with a system in place that is more effective, more transparent and more accountable. security is a precondition to programme delivery. some degree of risk cannot be avoided, but the challenge is to mitigate it. denmark, therefore, supports the continuing overhaul of security assessments and procedures. however, the situation in a country after the end of a conflict is also often extremely volatile. there is a need to ensure quick, effective and efficient support in post-conflict situations and to strengthen peacebuilding efforts. the united nations is uniquely suited to lead those efforts, and we welcome the strong emphasis on that issue and look forward to the review of the peacebuilding architecture next year. the work of the united nations in the area of gender, women s rights and development has for too long been fragmented and underfunded. in that light, the recent decision by the general assembly in resolution [number] [number] to create a new gender entity within the united nations is of great significance. we will support the secretary-general in every possible way in his efforts to ensure the swift establishment of such an entity. the rapid creation of a new gender entity will represent a milestone in the important work of reforming the united nations system. all united nations entities, funds and programmes and the secretariat need to act more coherently. on the operational side, we strongly support the delivering as one initiative which seeks to base the various parts of the system on a common understanding of needs and priorities and with full country ownership of the joint programme. it is a collective responsibility and an opportunity to comprehensively pursue that agenda. more effective and efficient ways of working system-wide are important therefore, harmonization of the organization s business practices must be accelerated across the system. the president returned to the chair. multilateral cooperation is the best means of maintaining international peace and security and of responding to the challenges, risks and opportunities in an interdependent and globalized world. this organization holds great legitimacy and moral force, and we encourage the united nations member states, the entire organizational system and the secretariat to seize the moment and take the lead in addressing the new global challenges. an ambitious and successful outcome to the upcoming fifteenth session of the conference of the parties to the united nations framework convention on climate change in copenhagen in december would be a significant step in that direction.

at the outset, mr. president, let me extend to you sri lanka s warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election. we wish you well and have no doubt that you will guide the work of this session with wisdom, skill and commitment. the assembly owes a debt of gratitude to his excellency mr. hennadiy y. udovenko for his wise and astute leadership as president of the general assembly at its fifty-second session. [number] this year sri lanka celebrates the golden jubilee of its independence. we reclaimed our freedom in [number], ending nearly five centuries of colonial domination. we have given shelter within our land to all the great religions of the world buddhism, hinduism, islam and christianity. we are a multiethnic and multicultural society. we are deeply committed to the democratic way of life. our people have exercised universal adult franchise since [number]. we have a parliamentary system of government, with elections held regularly, where voter participation is uniquely high as much as [number] per cent on average. we have an independent judiciary and free media. the rule of law is observed and respected. fundamental rights are guaranteed and rendered justiciable. we are constantly alert to the protection of human rights, even in the face of grave provocation from some lawless elements that are bent on destroying our democratic society. shortly after the achievement of its independence, sri lanka became a member of the united nations. in the preamble to the charter, the founding fathers expressed their determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. they reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights. they pledged to establish an environment in which international law and treaty obligations would be observed, and to promote the economic and social progress of all peoples. the united nations has succeeded in keeping its basic promise of saving the world from the holocaust of a global conflict. but more than [number] years after the charter was written, we cannot conclude that the world today is a safer place than it was when the united nations was founded. global nuclear disarmament remains a distant dream. nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction have proliferated with no concern for the safety of humankind despite the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. members of the nuclear club that possess these weapons show no inclination to dismantle them even though the cold war has ended and conflicts between states have lessened. the united nations has the responsibility to redouble its efforts to achieve global disarmament. that is a duty we owe to mankind, to unborn generations. we do not accept the thesis that these weapons are safe in the hands of some. the movement of non-aligned countries has been demanding for a long time that the conference on disarmament should establish, as its highest priority, a committee to commence negotiations on a programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons within a time bound framework. in [number] my mother, mrs. sirimavo r. d. bandaranaike, addressing the assembly as prime minister of sri lanka and chairperson of the movement of non- aligned countries, spoke of disarmament in the following words general and complete disarmament has been a declared objective of the united nations and of the international community for nearly three decades. despite many initiatives taken by this organization . . . the world has witnessed not even the semblance of disarmament but a race for supremacy in destructive power, based on the myth that peace can be preserved only by strident and single-minded preparations for war and the refinement and sophistication of its techniques. it is, indeed, a sad reflection on the moral and intellectual standards of the twentieth century and of its values and priorities that so much of the world s resources, which might have been devoted to the eradication of poverty, ignorance, disease and hunger, are being wasted on the production of monstrous weapons . . . we do not accept the thesis that disarmament is the special preserve of powers that possess the paraphernalia of war. every nation and every individual has a right to peace, and just as peace is indivisible so is the responsibility for its preservation. hence the call of the non-aligned nations for a special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament and agreement for a world conference. a [number] pv. [number], paras. [number]-[number] at the recently concluded non-aligned movement summit, held in south africa under the chairmanship of president nelson mandela, the movement once again expressed its preoccupation with the issue of global nuclear disarmament. in the years ahead the clamour for disarmament among the great majority of nations will grow in volume. the non-aligned movement has consistently called for the geneva-based conference on disarmament to establish, as the highest priority, an ad hoc committee to commence negotiations on a programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons within a time-bound framework. in addition, there is also a proposal for a nuclear weapons convention. we have to address these challenges as we approach the new millennium. the longer we shirk our responsibility, the greater the danger that looms ahead. [number] today i have the honour and privilege of addressing the assembly as the newly appointed chairperson of the south asian association for regional cooperation saarc , which met in colombo a few months ago. saarc represents one fifth of humanity. south asia is heir to a rich and complex plurality of cultural and religious traditions of great antiquity. like any other association of sovereign states, we have our share of problems. but i wish to convey my confident belief that our summit meetings last year and this year have marked a turning point in the life of our association. our leaders are aware of the awesome obligations that we jointly owe to the hundreds of millions of people who inhabit our region. we are determined to put aside the political differences that bedevil relations among some of us, in a common and united effort to improve the quality of life of our peoples. the message i bring from the colombo summit is that the prospects for enhanced economic, technological, social and scientific cooperation in our region are exceedingly bright. it is the will of our leaders, as vigorously manifested at the colombo summit. i am deeply indebted to my fellow heads of state and government for their invaluable advice and cooperation, and especially to the prime ministers of india and pakistan for the magnificent spirit of friendship and understanding they showed for the collective regional interests and concerns. saarc too, like the non-aligned movement, recognizes that the twin currents of globalization and liberalization which are swirling around us contain both the potential for prosperity as well as the seed of a dangerous new process of uneven development. it must be remembered that developing countries need special consideration in regard to the problems they face in globalizing their economies. however, what is abundantly clear is that not a single state, not even the most powerful, can hope to remain immune from economic disease and contagion. ripples have spread widely from the economic upheavals of east asia and russia. the maladies that spring from economic globalization require remedies which are global in scope, remedies which must take account of the ailments of all states and not be based solely on the prescriptions advanced by those who may seem to be secure. united nations bodies must play a critical role in all this, particularly by facilitating and fostering international cooperation for equitable development that could resist the economic contagion that now afflicts us. the international monetary mechanism has proved desperately inadequate in handling the recent crises. we now have to think in terms of a new financial architecture to obtain radical reforms of the international monetary system. this should aim at achieving a balance between the adjustments demanded as against available financing. i wish to propose three areas of action that merit serious consideration first, that a lender of last resort facility must be formulated to meet the problems of volatile capital movements secondly, that effective international surveillance devices must be designed to anticipate problems before the demolition squads of speculators move in and thirdly, that the resumption of the special drawing rights of the international monetary fund imf be a vital requirement of the proposed restructuring. the major voting powers of the imf, as well as the developing nations, will have to consider larger allocations than are now contemplated. in the meantime, we should beware of attempts to liberalize capital accounts before the modernization of national financial structures and the reforms of the international monetary system are in place. a constructive dialogue between developed and developing countries must be pursued on the basis of mutual benefit and shared responsibilities. closer consultation should be promoted between groups like the group of [number], the g-[number] and the g-[number]. institutions such as the world trade organization must live up to their declared aims and genuinely facilitate a transparent, rule-based trading system that would permit stable growth. the united nations conference on trade and development unctad should not be neglected. it should be strengthened as the focal point in the united nations family for the integrated consideration of issues of trade, finance, technology and investment. more funds for development activity need to be diverted from the united nations administrative budget. the united nations agenda for development, which was launched with great expectations, seems to be losing momentum. its implementation should not be delayed. development is not merely a matter of economic growth and financial enrichment, to be measured in statistics, which can sometimes be misleading and illusory. the totality of the human condition must be enhanced and improved. our commitment and [number] responsibility towards economic and social development should not be minimized and made secondary to other issues which, though important, do not touch on the well- being of humanity. it is a grievous indictment on us that the age-old problems of grinding poverty and starvation still exist in today s world. i appeal to the assembled nations not to allow ourselves to be beguiled or dazzled by the explosion of exciting new technologies, the seductive blandishments of global trade and high finance to the extent that the poor, the deprived, the desperate fall away from our agenda into the limbo of forgotten things. we must not forget that the least developed countries have special problems that cry out for attention. we must strive mightily, relentlessly, to banish these problems in the next century. the g-[number] has proposed that a third world summit be held in the year [number] to mark the dawn of the new century. sri lanka supports the proposal as an opportunity for developing countries to chart their own agenda for development in the new era. the countries of saarc agreed at colombo that to complement economic progress, a social charter should be drawn up for the benefit of our peoples in south asia. this would focus on determining practical, basic norms in the areas of poverty eradication, the empowerment of women, the mobilization of youth, the promotion of health and nutrition, and the protection of children. we must make a special effort to dissipate the effects of the discriminatory, social and psychological perceptions that affect the status of women. the saarc heads of state or government condemned violence against women as well as acts of discrimination and humiliation which further depress the dignity of women. there was particular concern over the plight of women and girl children caught in situations of armed conflict. in colombo, the saarc states finalized the draft text of a regional convention on combating the crime of trafficking in women and children for prostitution, which will be signed at the next summit in nepal. within sri lanka, my government has adopted a national plan of action based on the relevant conclusions of the fourth world conference on women, held in beijing, and on the specifics of our own national situation. the constitution of sri lanka enshrines the fundamental right of equality between the sexes. we have ratified international labour organization ilo conventions guaranteeing equal remuneration and other benefits to women. we have strengthened legal provisions against harassment and sexual abuse of women. with regard to children, my government has recently passed legislation to set up a national child protection authority directly under my supervision. this authority deals with such issues as child employment, the sexual exploitation of children, education, health and the plight of children trapped in armed conflict. we have formulated a children s charter and a national plan of action to provide for the safety and protection of our children. while we are conscious of the tragic incidence of child prostitution and pornography in our country, we have also traced the insidious international linkages which aggravate the problem further. we urge the international community to tighten laws and enforcement mechanisms to ensure that those responsible for such heinous crimes will not receive refuge anywhere. a particularly cruel offence against the innocence of children is their forced recruitment by a terrorist group in sri lanka to serve as suicide killers in the name of a cause they are too young even to comprehend. this is just one sordid aspect of the activities of a terrorist group known as the tamil tigers or the ltte. they seek to dismember sri lanka, with the objective of creating in our land a monoethnic and racist entity an objective totally unacceptable to the overwhelming majority in the country and even to the very community whose cause the ltte claims to represent. we believe that ethnic grievances exist in sri lanka. i said so in my address to the nation at the fiftieth anniversary celebrations of our independence this year. i said that the golden jubilee of independence was an occasion for reflection, as well as the renewal of hopes and aspirations. it was an occasion to savour applause for our achievements and also to rue the consequences of failure. i said we must also with humility examine our failures. we have failed in the essential task of nation- building. we have meandered and faltered along that path, whilst among our neighbours in asia and in many other countries, peoples of various racial, religious and linguistic communities live in harmony. the causes of this failure will be judged by history. others will apportion and assign blame. [number] let us, those of us who have undertaken the responsibility to guide and govern the nation, march towards the future in unison, putting behind us mean desires for petty personal or political gain. the nation s need today is so great and urgent that it permits space only for largesse of heart and mind, which will supersede in the national interest all that is irrelevant and small. my government is firmly committed to redressing ethnic grievances peacefully through political discussion. we have presented a comprehensive proposal for addressing the ethnic grievances through a wide devolution of political power. the vast majority of our people, of all communities, have welcomed these proposals. only the ltte chooses to prowl the path of violence, resorting to terror to achieve goals which it alone espouses. however, we have kept the doors open to the ltte to join other sri lankans in negotiating a settlement of all outstanding ethnic issues if it eschews terrorism and its bloody call for a separate state. the ltte claims to be a liberation organization while it murders hundreds upon hundreds of the tamil people it claims to liberate when they disagree with the ltte s terror politics. several tamil leaders of democratic political parties, including members of parliament and two mayors, as well as tamil human rights activists, have been brutally murdered by the ltte. its claim to be a liberation organization is negated by its unilateral resort to violence and its constant refusal to put its claims to the true test that of participating in an open, democratic, peaceful process of consultation with the people. by contrast, in palestine, chairman arafat pursues what he calls the peace of the brave , confident not only of the justice of his cause, but also of the strength of support freely given by the palestinian people to achieve their inalienable right in palestine. during the saarc summit, we expressed growing concern at numerous setbacks affecting the peace process in the middle east, including illegal attempts to change the jurisdiction and the borders of jerusalem. over the past few years the government of sri lanka has in various international forums strongly advocated the need for collective international action in order to overcome the scourge of terrorism. our reasoning has been that a group like the ruthless ltte, which continues to frustrate every effort at finding a negotiated political settlement to our ethnic problem, has found sustenance in the liberal asylum policies that prevail in some countries. this group, which recruits children as young as [number] years, indiscriminately targets innocent civilians, assassinates the elected representatives of the people, including tamil political and human rights leaders, destroys places of religious worship and assassinates foreign heads of government on their soil, is permitted to operate freely in many countries. it maintains an international network which engages in fund-raising, narcotics trafficking, trade in illicit arms, the smuggling of illegal immigrants and, in more recent times, maritime and cyber-terrorism. addressing the united nations fiftieth anniversary celebrations in new york three years ago, i observed concerted international action is essential to combat terrorism and to compel the terrorists to renounce violence and enter the democratic process. unfortunately, effective action to that end has been frustrated through sterile philosophical debate about the nature of terrorism. a [number] pv. [number], p. [number] i am happy to note that since then significant measures have been taken. the adoption of the united nations international convention for the suppression of terrorist bombings earlier this year has been a considerable moral victory for the international community in its fight against terrorism. sri lanka is hopeful that all states will speedily take steps to implement the necessary domestic legislation, aimed at giving effect to the commitments made in the convention, to ensure that terrorists are neither provided safe haven nor permitted to raise funds within the borders of one state to sustain terrorist activities in another state. while we enact legislation, we must also be eternally vigilant to ensure that terrorists do not find loopholes in our laws to circumvent the emerging international consensus against terrorism. we are particularly conscious of the capacity of terrorist groups to resort to the strategy of using front organizations for raising funds which end up in the ltte war chest to contribute towards murdering and brutalizing our people. moral and legal sanctions against terrorists are not enough. laws must be effectively implemented. only by such concerted action shall we be able to ensure that terrorists are compelled to renounce violence and enter the democratic process. here i would like to thank india and the united states of america, in particular, for having recognized and declared the ltte to be the terrorist organization that it is, as well as for encouraging my government to settle this problem by political means. i would like to add [number] here that this is an internal problem that sri lanka is fully able and ready to resolve, with the full support of its peoples. we will not tolerate any outside interference, while we appreciate all the support given us by our friends abroad in resolving this conflict. if at this stage i mention mrs. aung san suu kyi of myanmar it is because i am personally aware of the loneliness, the anguish, the difficulties and dangers that a woman leader faces in political life. the people of sri lanka and the people of myanmar and their governments have been friends over many centuries. our peoples share an invaluable heritage the timeless message of the buddha, the enlightened one who taught the world the meaning of compassion, tolerance and understanding. this message moves me to express the hope that political issues in myanmar may be approached in a spirit of conciliation and tolerance. in all this, a catalytic role can and must be played by the united nations system. the united nations has passed its half-century mark. the secretary-general has described the united nations as a noble experiment in human cooperation . last year was designated the year of united nations reform, and we are happy that a major portion of the reforms introduced have been implemented. some others require further study. we are aware of the financial crisis the united nations is facing due to the default of certain member states in paying their contributions. we urge them to pay their dues fully, without conditions and on time. we are disappointed that agreement has not been reached over the reconstitution of the security council to reflect better the generality of united nations membership. the council should be more representative, and its deliberations more transparent and democratic, thus responding to the concerns of all and shedding its image, not entirely inaccurate, of largely serving the interests of the major powers. in the closing years of the present millennium, the world is a far more complex place than it was when the united nations charter was adopted. the range and ramifications of the issues with which the organization must contend have dramatically increased. change in the orientation of the united nations must keep pace with new realities. the secretary-general s programme for reform is a step in the right direction. yet nothing will contribute more to the success of the united nations than the extent of member states commitment to the organization s decisions. the credibility and strength of those decisions will itself depend on the transparency of the decision- making process and on how closely member states identify with those decisions. if the united nations is to continue on its voyage into the twenty-first century with renewed vigour, to achieve its objectives of peace, security, economic development and social reform, all its members must be empowered to participate meaningfully and at every level of the decision-making process. to this end, two important reforms must be placed on our agenda. first, the enlargement of the security council so that it will more fully represent two thirds of the world populace is an indispensable requirement. the developing nations and the regions of the world in which they predominate must have permanent representation on the security council. secondly, the crucial role of the general assembly in the decision-making process of the united nations must be recognized and guaranteed. the united nations general assembly is the supreme parliament of mankind. today the era of the cold war is over. economic globalization is breaking down national boundaries to an extent that would have been unimaginable a few decades ago. the world is truly on the threshold of a new order which surely cannot be driven any more by the narrow national concerns that have paralysed the imagination of mankind for so long. never before in human history have we been presented with the stupendous possibilities that surround us today of breaking the mundane bonds that bind us to banality and triviality. when the unconquered, unconquerable spirit of mankind is allowed to soar to its full potential we will achieve a world in which truth and justice prevail, a world which we can proudly bequeath to the unborn generations of our peoples. prime minister s. w. r. d. bandaranaike, my late father, addressing this assembly at its eleventh session, in [number], spoke as follows in an organization such as this, the service that a country can render . . . is not to be measured alone by the size of that country, its population, its power or its strength. this is an organization which expresses itself most effectively by bringing to bear a certain moral force the collective moral force and decency of human beings. that is a task in which the weak as well as the strong can render a useful service, and i give the assembly the assurance, on behalf of my country, that as far as we are [number] concerned, every endeavour that we can make in all sincerity to assist in the achievements of those noble ideals for which this organization stands will always be forthcoming in the fullest measure. a pv. [number], para. [number] addressing this assembly [number] years later, i make bold to say that sri lanka remains a loyal and dedicated member of this organization. we have made a contribution to the quality of its deliberations and to the implementation of its programmes. we are deeply committed to the principles of the charter. we believe in the united nations. we want it to be a strong, principled and effective body, the common inheritance of all mankind, not the preserve of a few wealthy and powerful states, but the guardian of all, especially the poor, the weak and the defenceless.

i should like to thank the outgoing president of the sixty-fifth session of the general assembly, mr. joseph deiss of switzerland, and congratulate mr. nassir abdulaziz al-nasser of qatar on his election as president of the sixty-sixth session of the general assembly. may i also express my gratitude for the efforts and leadership of the secretary-general, mr. ban ki-moon, who has skilfully guided our organization in these difficult and demanding times. two world wars taught humanity the necessity to infuse national relations with respect for a few simple yet powerful ideals. that is what the united nations is all about respect for peace and good-neighbourly relations respect for the rule of law and the international justice system and respect for the fundamental right of every person on this planet to have a chance for a better life. the united nations is what we, its member states, make of it. we are the driving force behind its accomplishments. we are the reason behind any of its failures. the united nations is where we meet and agree or disagree on global cooperation, and when we agree, humanity becomes stronger. today the united nations is leading vital international cooperation in tackling climate change and desertification. there is also the challenge of non-communicable diseases, which hinder macroeconomic development and keep the bottom billions of people locked in chronic poverty. unregulated migration is putting huge pressure on some countries, including greece, as a result of even to the further detriment of the low level of development in the countries of origin, poverty and wars. there is the crucial contribution of the united nations and its human rights council on human rights issues, a contribution that can grow with a stronger mandate for the human rights council. greece is standing for election to the council for the [number] term and deeply values the support of every single one of its partners in that effort. perhaps the most overarching responsibilities of the united nations lie in the area of peace and security, for without peace and security it is much more difficult, if not impossible, to pursue the myriad other goals of the organization. those goals include ensuring nuclear security, combating terrorism and combating piracy. they also include managing crises as they arise, as in the recent case of libya, and working together with our partners in the international community to establish and keep peace. this also [number]-[number] [number] means, as i said earlier, fostering good-neighbourly relations the world over. just as we need to work together as global partners to face the challenges of our time and the challenges of the future, each of us also has a role to play in a given region. greece s immediate region is south-east europe, the balkans. greece has a vision for peace, stability and cooperation in our region. its key component is the european perspective of our region as a whole and of our individual neighbours. to this end, two years ago greece launched agenda [number], which is aimed at revitalizing our neighbours efforts to realize european aspirations, on the one hand, while also re-igniting the european union s vision of welcoming the countries of the balkans into the european family. indeed, creating a european neighbourhood of peace and cooperation in south- eastern europe should be our collective goal, and that is because peace and cooperation are anything but a foregone conclusion in the balkans. recent history, often bloody history, makes that abundantly clear. there are still pending issues that need to be resolved. one serious obstacle to the consolidation of peace and security in our neighbourhood is the kosovo issue. recent progress in the european union-brokered talks between belgrade and pristina gives some cause for optimism in the wake of the tensions we saw in the region over the summer. those tensions remain. they still need to be dealt with and defused. greece wishes to facilitate the process of reconciliation and compromise. it wishes to foster the kind of understanding that our neighbourhood needs on the path to its common future in the european family. that is a policy that works. regional cooperation platforms, the south-east european cooperation process, the black sea economic coordination organization, the regional cooperation council and others are bringing us closer together as partners. serbia has made impressive progress on its path to the european union, progress that must be recognized without question marks. so has montenegro. bosnia and herzegovina must be supported in its efforts towards reconciliation, unity and progress. albania is in the process of overcoming internal divisions and returning to the path of reforms under specific european union criteria. croatia s success story gives impetus to the entire enlargement process for the balkans. another issue that needs our attention is that of the name of the former yugoslav republic of macedonia, which is not really and has never been a name issue per se, but instead a sincere effort to ensure that in our volatile region we put behind us, once and for all, notions of irredentism, of attempting to rewrite history and borders, so that our children can be raised not with suspicions and bitterness towards each other but with friendship and hope for living next to each other. greece believes, and has repeatedly stated, that the solution lies in a fair compromise, in a name with a geographical qualifier since macedonia is a geographic region that overlaps the territory of more than one country, and that this name must be used in relation to everyone, erga omnes. we want to resolve this issue so that we can finally realize the huge potential of our relationship on the basis of openness, honesty and trust. it is high time to reach a successful and mutually beneficial conclusion. as i have often said, this should be a time to write history, not to keep trying to rewrite it. south-east europe is only one side of greece s neighbourhood. in our southern neighbourhood, the eastern mediterranean, we have witnessed the awakening of people s desire for democracy, the hope for a better future. we have witnessed the arab spring. our proximity to the region and to the countries there that have been swept by calls for change is reflected in our active presence in the region. add to that a long- standing tradition of relations of trust and friendship with the arab world and members can see why greece has embraced a vital role in these developments. in libya we conducted unprecedented evacuations for tens of thousands of non-libyans, provided ground support for the implementation of the libya no-fly zone, mediated the release of european military personnel early in the crisis and established a diplomatic presence early on in benghazi to liaise with the national transitional council. we are now offering infrastructure on crete as a staging area for the efforts to deal with the humanitarian situation in libya. the importance we attach to developments in libya, egypt, tunisia and throughout the region derives from the point i made earlier. without peace and security one does not have cooperation, the cooperation needed for development and for improving the day-to-day lives of the people. we, as the international community, have an obligation to help our southern neighbours achieve their goal of democracy, of having a voice in their affairs and of hope and future prosperity. i am talking [number] [number]-[number] about the same rights that the syrian people have also been demanding for months, the rights that their own leadership is at present violently denying them. the arab world does not need new hegemons who see the present turmoil as an opportunity to promote self- serving agendas or for establishing new spheres of geostrategic influence or economic power. it needs genuine friends who see arabs as equals and who are willing selflessly to assist the arab world in its transition to democracy and true self-determination. greece and the european union, under the guidance of the united nations, can and must play that role. nowhere is the lack of peace and security more pronounced and more chronic than with regard to the palestinian question. greece supports unequivocally palestine s right to statehood. it is now our responsibility, the responsibility of every member state of the united nations, to respect the palestinian decision to request membership and, more importantly, to turn this into an opportunity that will jump-start new, direct negotiations. palestine has a right to exist finally as an independent state, just as israel let us not forget has an equal right to exist in full and uncompromised security. the european union, on its own account and within the quartet, has a crucial role to play in this effort. greece will continue to engage in dialogue with both sides and support catherine ashton and the european union s efforts within the quartet and with the parties. within this context of regional tension and volatility but also great potential hope, it should be self-evident that we need to avoid adding still greater tensions in the eastern mediterranean region, which is why we are deeply concerned by the recent threats and hostile actions against the republic of cyprus by our neighbour turkey, in violation of international law. as the european union, the united states, russia and others have already stated, turkey s threats and actions over the past few days and weeks are contrary to international law and they must cease. we believe that the path of tension is a wrong and dangerous path. instead of threats our region needs strong countries that can work together to promote stability, cooperation and good-neighbourly relations among all, and always within the confines of international law. that is the hope and example that we can give to a region and that a region expects of us, which is why greece is committed to the peaceful path of exploratory talks with turkey for the delimitation of a continental shelf, failing which we believe we should submit the issue to the international court of justice for resolution. we expect turkey to refrain from actions that undermine that spirit of cooperation. that is why we strongly support the united nations sanction talks currently under way between president christofias of cyprus and mr. eroglu, talks aimed at the reunification of cyprus as a bizonal, bicommunal federation and the ending of turkey s illegal occupation in accordance, with united nations resolutions and european union law. finally, economic development and fair distribution of wealth are key prerequisites for long- term stability and security. my country, in the midst of its own worst financial and economic crisis in recent history, has not only not shut itself in its shell but remains a leading investor in a region, especially in the western balkans, contributing to the creation of tens of thousands of jobs. internally we are overhauling our economy by investing in sustainable growth and in greece s competitive advantage sectors, including green energy, shipping, tourism, sustainable agriculture and high-tech infrastructure. externally, our businesses are becoming even more outward-looking. the economic integration of our region along the growth axes i have described, and other complementary ones, is certain to multiply its economic potential. it is thus certain further to enhance the peaceful integration and cooperation of all of its people. it has often been said that every crisis is also an opportunity. if that is true, then our region, riddled as it has been for decades with big and small crises, is arguably today the region in the world that harbours the greatest opportunities for peace, growth and stability. it is in our hands to make this happen. let us begin.

it is a great honor for me to take part in celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the united nations. established as the paramount international organization, its goals were set in the very first words of the preamble to its charter, namely ". . . to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war . . . and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom . . . " it gives me great pleasure to open my remarks with a word of greeting to this world organization, to the states which participated in its establishment and to all the eminent persons who were instrumental in formulating its lofty principles. i likewise greet those who contributed, with honor and sincerity, to the growth of this great institution, as well as those who have served its aims and principles. special recognition is due to the successive secretary-generals of the united nations. in particular, i am pleased to convey, in my own name and on behalf of my country, my warmest greetings and sincerest best wishes to mr. javier perez de cuellar. i am also happy to convey my sincerest congratulations to mr. jaime de pinies on his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the general assembly. i am confident of his able leadership and i wish him success in this task. i would also like to thank he. paul john lusaka for his worthy efforts in conducting the presidency of the previous session of the general assembly. i would also like to take this opportunity to express once again, on my own behalf and on that of the government and people of the hashemite kingdom of jordan, our deep feelings of sorrow and sympathy for the government and people of mexico on the tragedy that befell them as a result of the recent earthquake. i pray that they will overcome this tragedy with perseverance, courage and faith. in the past [number] years, the world has inevitably undergone a number of developments and changes characterized by unprecedented speed and diversity. every social or scientific advance has brought with it a new reality, fraught with striking ironies. great aspirations inspired by a particular development soon collided with apprehensions and negative effects arising from that same development. during the same period, the world was thrust into the nuclear era with both its destructive devices and its power-generating plants. mankind enjoyed the fruits of massive progress in science and technology only to live in constant terror of lethal weaponry made possible by that same progress. similarly, the communications revolution has brought states and nations dramatically closer, but has also enabled international terrorism to prosper. the nations of the world have become more conscious of their common concerns, but at the same time have been forced to face the reality of a world divided into a largely affluent and pioneering north and a largely impoverished and recipient south. with the growth in numbers of independent states seeking amalgamation within regional organizations has come a trend towards separatism along racial or ideological lines. the swan song of colonialism has been accompanied by attempts, in a different guise, to exercise control over smaller or less affluent states, and south africa continues to exercise its policy of apartheid. while the world is relatively relieved whenever it seems that some form of super-power detente has been achieved, it is still faced with local ware in which the great powers take part through their proxies. states spend lavishly on armaments but are stinting in contributions that would save billions from famine, drought and disease. industry develops only to produce anxiety about the environment. material wealth increases at the expense of spiritual values. the borders of our world are being extended to outer space but we have lingering doubts about the future of the earth. these and other developments have, of course, reflected on the united nations itself, since this process has influenced and shaped the attitude of each state, or group of states, towards the united nations and has defined the method of their interaction with it. however, in spite of disparities in attitudes, all states have clung to the united nations, because mankind, under threat of existing tension and instability, needs the ultimate recourse it represents. but has the united nations fulfilled that role? in assessing its work, whether positively or negatively, we are really talking about ourselves, since the united nations is not a separate entity but represents us all collectively. during its [number]-year existence, the united nations has achieved a number of spectacular results, either through the specialized agencies, which have rendered invaluable services to the international community at large, or through the general assembly and its organs. wherever an armed conflict has broken out, it has been available to mediate between the warring parties, or to separate them. when millions of innocent people have become refugees, it has been there to provide assistance. in a world dominated by the dictates of military power, the united nations has remained a conscience for peace and a ray of hope in the midst of the dark forces of evil. on the other hand, as everyone knows, the united nations has not lived up to all our expectations. for example, its attempts to formulate a new world order based on co-operation, equity, respect for human rights and self-determination have not been entirely successful. nor has it managed to resolve some vital issues related to international peace and security. why, we may ask, has the united nations, viewed by all as a last resort, failed in such endeavors? the principles of the united nations and its authority are closely linked to respect for its resolutions and their implementation. were this link to be severed, the gap between principles and authority would widen, leading to greater tensions among the member states. in today's world, where the walls housing the human family have been pushed to the limit by the deadly weapons they encompass, there is the abiding fear that these tensions would set one of the world's hot spots afire, resulting in the destruction of the entire house. this truth would seem to take us back to the beginning of the century, when the law of might sparked the first world war. although established to prevent a recurrence of war, the league of nations proved ineffective in forestalling the outbreak of the second world war, out of whose ashes grew the present organization. everyone hoped that it would succeed where its predecessor had failed and spare the world a third world war. a probing look at the disputes raging on our planet with the accompanying arms race can only produce a chill of terror in our souls as long as the force of arms holds sway over the destinies of nations and relations within the frame of the united nations are no more than a reflection of existing inequities between the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the large and the small. if, god forbid, the united nations were to crumble and a new world war to erupt, it would leave behind nothing but a massive grave of nations. from this standpoint, it is the joint responsibility of all nations to address themselves to the hot spots in asia, europe, africa, latin america and the middle east, with the aim of preserving mankind, its culture and its achievements. what else but the united nations - which represents man's hope to live free from the threat and scourge of war - is more qualified to assume this awesome responsibility? i hope the assembly will bear with me for confining the remainder of my remarks to the middle east. i do so because the hashemite kingdom of jordan lies at the heart of this troubled region and is directly affected by events there. in the middle east today, the tragic war between iraq and iran has entered its sixth year, although the rationale behind the confrontation has all but disappeared. international attempts have failed to end the war, or to persuade the iranian leadership to heed the voice of reason and respond to iraq's sincere and persistent call for peace, which would enable the two neighbors to live in security and stability. my country, which stands by iraq's right to defend itself and by its call for the resolution of the conflict through peaceful means, urges the iranian leadership to respond to the calls for peace and enter into negotiations with brotherly iraq in order to put an end to this tragedy. the other flash point in the middle east is the arab-israeli conflict, or the palestinian problem. this is the fourth occasion i have had of addressing this lofty body on the issuer when i first spoke here in 19c0, i sought to draw attention to the dangers inherent in the continued indifference of the international community to the palestinian legitimate right to live in human dignity. seven years later, in the wake of the [number] war, i warned that peace would not be achieved in the middle east unless it was coupled with justice. in [number], i faulted the position taken by those who continued to deny recognition to the palestinians as a people, like all others, a people that had lived on a continuous basis in a distinctly defined territory, namely palestine, for several long centuries. today, a quarter of a century after my first address, the denial of palestinian rights to self-determination, human dignity, justice and freedom in their ancestral homeland continues to constitute the core of the palestinian problem and the essence of the middle east dispute. the arab states and the palestinian people look to the united nations to shoulder its responsibilities in accordance with the charter and the implementation of the resolutions relevant to the question. in seeking recourse to the united nations, we are guided by two considerations. first, it was in the united nations that the palestinian issue was created, through the palestinian partition plan. second, from the beginning, the palestinian issue has been inseparable from the united nations, since each was influenced by international attitudes prevailing at the time. they were both affected by changing spheres of influence and great-power rivalry, as well as by the demise of colonialism and the emergence of national developments in developing countries. no issue brought before the united nations has riveted world attention as acutely as the palestinian issue. no issue has made as many demands on united nations responsibilities or poised as great a challenge to its ability to live up to its declared alias as the palestinian issue. no issue has generated as many united nations resolutions as the palestinian issue. the fact is that the palestinian issue and the united nations are twins born out of war, twins which emerged, grew and suffered together. no one should assume that we are comfortable with that commonality of destiny. on the contrary, it is our hope that it will soon come to an end through the achievement of a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the palestinian problem and related issues. this should be done in accordance with the united nations charter and through the implementation of the resolutions of the organization, particularly the four that constitute the balanced foundation for any just and peaceful settlement. these are general assembly resolutions [number] ii of [number], which stipulated the partition of palestine, and [number] iii of [number] pertaining to the solution of the problem of the palestinian refugees. security council resolution [number] [number] of [number], which calls on israel to withdraw from the occupied arab territories and reaffirms the right of every state to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, and security council resolution [number] [number] of [number], which calls for negotiations among the parties to the conflict under appropriate auspices. this succession of resolutions, along with other similar ones, on one particular issue over a period of four decades, coinciding with the five wars caused by that issue, quite simply highlights the complications created by certain member states not conforming to the principles of the united nations. hence, the problem has persisted as a serious threat to regional and global stability and security. frankly, jordan, as a use tuber of both the community of arab states and the united nations, striving hard to preserve confidence in this organization, has suffered greatly from the failure to implement relevant resolutions concerning the palestinian question. my remarks are not intended to denigrate or write off the role of the united nations. bather, my intention is to urge an intensification of efforts and a greater determination to realize the organization's aims. as the late president eisenhower noted shortly after the suez war of [number] "he are approaching a fateful moment when either we must recognize that the united nations is unable to restore peace in this area, or the united nations must renew with increased vigor its efforts to bring about israeli withdrawal. . . . if the united nations does nothing, if it accepts the ignoring of its repeated resolutions calling for the withdrawal of invading forces, then it will have a omitted failure. that failure will be a blow to the authority and influence of the united nations in the world and to the hopes which humanity placed in the united nations as the means of achieving peace with -justice. " the united nations is at a similar crossroads today. to my mind, the future standing of this organization will be decided on the basis of its success or failure in achieving peace in the world, particularly in the middle east. just as the palestinian issue and the united nations have had a related history during the past four decades, the jordanian and palestinian peoples have shared the closest ties for several centuries, ties manifested through history and destiny, since the inception of the palestinian problem, at the end of the first world war, jordan has been closely connected with it. it has been seriously affected by its vagaries and has interacted vigorously with the people of palestine. in [number] the palestine problem assumed an international dimension, with the result that the united nations took over the responsibility of dealing with the issue. since then, jordan, because of its distinctive relationship with the palestinian people, has co-operated with the united nations and co-ordinated its efforts with it, along with its arab and moslem brethren, in the hope that this problem would find a solution. during the past [number] years, my country has pursued a constant policy of positive engagement with the efforts of the united nations, as long as they were geared towards a just peace, as stipulated in the charter. as is well known, in the wake of the [number] war, i personally participated in formulating security council resolution [number] [number] . our clear understanding then was that a just and lasting peace in the middle east depended fully on israeli withdrawal. our conviction was strengthened as a result of our contacts with several of the states concerned, including the united states of america. it was further strengthened by the fact that the principle of withdrawal was indivisible, and that aggression should not be rewarded. when our efforts failed, as had our attempts to bring about acceptance by israel of the principle of withdrawal in return for peace, that failure brought about the war of [number], when the security council adopted its resolution [number] [number] , leading to a cease-fire and emphasizing the need to implement the provisions of security council resolution [number] [number] . again we supported the resolution, and to that end took part in the geneva peace conference. subsequently the united nations recognized the palestine liberation organization plq as the legitimate representative of the palestinian people, thus paving the way to participation by the palestinian people, through its legitimate representative, in the peace process. as the foremost party to the conflict, the palestinian people ought to be the foremost party to peace. in september [number], during the summit meeting at fez, the arabs reaffirmed their collective desire for peace through the adoption of an arab peace plan formulated with the participation of the palestine liberation organization, and accepted by it. the arab nation, through a seven-member committee, persisted in its efforts. the committee was entrusted with the task of explaining the plan to the five permanent members of the security council in the hope that the peace process might be invigorated. his majesty king hassan ii of morocco headed the committee during its visit to united nations headquarters and to washington, while i led the visits to the other four capitals, which indicated, along with various international circles, their satisfaction with the arab move yet, the peace process remained dormant. on the basis of a number of realistic considerations, it became evident to us that the peace efforts required a new approach that would enable the participation of the palestine liberation organization in the peace process. in the light of these considerations, we held consultations with the palatine liberation organization, the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people, leading, on [number] february of this year, to an accord regulating joint political action by the jordanian government and the palestine liberation organization. the accord was to serve as a mechanism for the arab peace plan and part of the joint arab effort forming one of its links. this accord calls for the implementation of united nations resolutions relevant to the palestinian question through an international conference with the participation of the five permanent members of the security council, as well as all the parties to the conflict. following the conclusion of the accord, jordan and the palestine liberation organization then proceeded to make contact with a number of great-power capitals for the purpose of intensifying the peace process. because of the special relationship between the united states and israel - the party that has so far blocked the road to peace - jordan made intensive representations to washington in the hope that the united states would shoulder its responsibilities as a super-power with a stake in world peace, a record of human rights and a history of faith in freedom and in the right of peoples to self-determination. it was hoped that the united states would join hands with the many other countries that supported this initiative and bring its influence, coupled with theirs, to bear on rallying the will of the international community in order to achieve stability, peace and prosperity, so as to serve the interests of all the nations of the region and beyond. he are prepared to negotiate, under appropriate auspices, with the government of israel, promptly and directly, under the basic tenets of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . these negotiations must result in the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] and resolve all aspects of the palestinian problem. it is jordan's position that the appropriate auspices would be an international conference hosted by the secretary-general of the united nations, to which the five permanent members of the security council and all the parties to the conflict would be invited for the purpose of establishing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the middle east. my country believes that the palestinian question and the middle east crisis fall squarely within the responsibility of the united nations, as well as those countries with a special interest in the conflict. it thus regards any consultation on the middle east situation between the united states and the soviet union as both necessary and positive. consequently, we look forward with great hope to the forthcoming meeting between the two leaders, ronald reagan and mikhail gorbachev, and we wish their meeting every success. the arab faith in peace is equaled only by our faith in right. peace is one of our most sacred creeds. it is our greeting in prayers, and also used by the inhabitants of heaven, as stated in the holy koran. to us, peace is an attribute of god and has the connotation of right, as both peace and right have a common meaning. since [number], in this spirit, the arabs proceeded towards peace, without success, while israel, because of its victory at that time, has allowed its bent for expansion to take precedence over the desire for peace. it proceeded to announce the annexation of arab jerusalem and the syrian golan heights, to expropriate over half the territory of the west bank and to plant settlements in every part of the occupied territories. some leaders in the israeli government publicly proclaimed their opposition to giving up those territories and adopted extremist policies geared towards realizing their aggressive objectives and frustrating the peace effort. if israel persists in its intransigence and places obstacles in the way of peace or if it succeeds in exercising a negative effect on the united states or other countries, the result will be the collapse of any hope of achieving a peaceful settlement of the middle east crisis. together with any country or countries, supporting its negative stance, israel will have to bear the responsibility for lost opportunities as well as for the growth of extremism, whose consequences are not difficult to predict. the absence and suppression of justice can only open the way for extremists to exploit such a condition and to perpetrate acts of violence against innocent people. i hereby state before the assembly jordan's unwavering position in the condemnation of terrorism, irrespective of its nature and source. in so doing, i am reaffirming the resolution taken by the arab leaders at the summit meeting held in casablanca last month. we naturally reject the misleading attempts by those who equate terrorism with movements of national liberation and the right of peoples to resist occupation. as i have already noted, the middle east is beset by a ferocious war in the gulf, which has entered its sixth year, as well as by the palestinian question, which lies at the heart of the arab-israeli conflict, now almost [number] years old. the two conflicts have wreaked havoc on stability in the region, draining its resources and threatening world peace. and both will continue as long as the international will to restrain them remains fragile or missing. the bleak situation in the middle east is in stack contrast with the region's potential, given normal circumstance. we hardly need to be reminded that this area, which is a crossroads between three continents, was the cradle of civilization which gave direction to man's future progress, or that it was the home of the great religions, of the world's holy books and illustrious prophets, or that it was the original setting for the arts and sciences, or that it was islam which unified the peoples and the countries of the region under the banner of a single language, homogeneous in character, and a message of love at -- inspiration for all mankind. it is time that peace prevailed in this important region, for the good of its own people and for the rest of the world. now is the time to work together for a brighter future marked by effort, constructive action and positive achievement. i look forward to a day when the parties to the conflict will till the soil, reap the harvests, plant trees and enjoy the fruits of their labor, in confidence and security. i also look forward to a time when all the children of abraham can have access to their religious sites in the holy land in freedom and peace, guided by a spirit of amity, love and faith in one god. much has been said about the holy city of jerusalem representing an insurmountable obstacle to peace. i say to you that jerusalem is rather the key to peace, the gate through which the warm rays of peace will engulf all the people of the entire region. home of the monotheistic religions, jerusalem can be none other than a unifying force for the noblest of human aspirations namely the desire for lasting peace. one of the prophets of judaism, christianity and islam was lost for [number] years in the wilderness. it is my hope that after [number] years of uncertainty in the wilderness of fanaticism, hatred and conflict, there will emerge a future of promise, when palestinian and jew can live in peace in the land of peace where hope will replace fear, trust replace suspicion, where amity will edge out bitterness, and understanding will prevail. a rare, historic opportunity now lies before the united nations, an opportunity for a just and comprehensive peace in the middle east. this opportunity should not be missed, as has been the case with many previous ones. without your efforts and support, i am afraid that the budding promise of peace will wither before it has had the chance to grow. let us marshal our resources in the cause of peace. let us make our concern for the future the only constraint in our calculations. faith in peace is the cornerstone of the united nations, just as the united nations is the cornerstone of peace, which is itself the basis of all progress and prosperity. our organization is now [number] years old - an age in the life of man signaling the start of a new phase, characterized by a growing experience and the emergence of wisdom and vision, a greater sense of responsibility and a flowering of moral courage. we sincerely wish the united nations a similar progress towards a more determined will, greater co-operation and a renewed commitment to the principles of the charter - for the good of mankind and civilization, and in the cause of peace. may god guide our steps, bless our deliberations in this session, and move us towards a resumption of the long march towards co-operation and a spirit of human accomplishment. thank you, mr. president and colleagues, and peace be upon you, and god's mercy and his blessings.

mr. amerasinghe's election comes at a time when the international community has begun to accept the idea that the struggle of man for his rights is nothing more than a fight for recognition of his dignity, his worth and his entitlement to a full life in its economic and political aspects. in congratulating him, therefore, on his unanimous election to the distinguished office of president of the general assembly-a tribute to his country and a recognition of his wealth of diplomatic experience and international standing-we of the botswana delegation exhort him to maintain the momentum of the new vision, so that the thirty-first year of the life of this organization will be a illogical development from its last two years, including both regular and special sessions. [number]. may i also express our congratulations and thanks to the previous president, mr. gaston thorn, the prime minister of luxembourg, for his successful tenure of office and the part he played in the never-ending search for solutions to the intractable problems facing humanity, , and to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, for his untiring efforts in promoting the role of the united nations in international relations and the pursuit of liberty and human dignity. [number]. it is appropriate at this point to express the sincere condolences of my delegation to the delegation of the people's republic of china on the passing of its leader, philosopher and teacher. mao tsetung's qualities were such that they won respect and admiration from his great nation and from other nations as well. his memory will live long after us. may his soul rest in peace. [number]. resounding successes in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism in africa, indochina and other parts of the world are a victory for the indestructibility of the spirit of man, determined to assert his faith in his larger freedom. imprisonment and torture, incendiary bombs and napalm, shot-gun volleys and war planes-in fact, all the sophisticated weaponry in the arsenals of 'those sworn to resist change-succeed only in the destruction of the flesh but not the crushing of the soul and spirit of those bent on vindicating the justness of their cause. little did our founders guess that, at this time in this century, the [number] members in [number] would have increased to [number]. [number]. in congratulating the new member admitted at the thirty-first session-seychelles-we equally congratulate those freedom-loving nations which continue to assist colonial peoples to achieve their universally cherished objective their independence and freedom. it is our fervent belief that the new nation will bring with it constructive realism and contribute significantly to the ideals and objectives enshrined in the charter of our organization. but even as we rejoice in welcoming the new state to this assembly, we feel concerned about those whose membership is thwarted and frustrated by super-power ideological rivalry. i refer in this regard to the people's republic of angola and the socialist republic of viet nam. my delegation sees, in this act, gross interference in the internal affairs of small states, a denial of their right to self-determination and a travesty of the principle of universality of membership. being a small state itself, botswana can only plead, for what it is worth, that every effort should be made to ensure the immediate admission to the organization of the states concerned. [number]. since the seventh special session, there has been a series of conferences preoccupied with the establishment of the new international economic order. i refer in this regard to the fourth conference of african ministers of trade held at algiers in november last year the third ministerial meeting of the group of [number] in manila in january and february [number] the fourth session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctadj, held in nairobi last may and the fifth conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, held in colombo last august-to name only a few. it is worthy of serious note that, at all these conferences, developing countries made their full contribution to the international dialog in the genuine search for lasting solutions to the ever-deteriorating world economic order. [number]. many of us in the developing world entertained great hopes for the outcome of the fourth session of unctad. we had hoped that the principles enunciated at the sixth and seventh special sessions would be taken a step further. you are aware, mr. president, that the achievements of the month-long session fell far short of expectations and were cynically described as "unctad labors and brings forth a mouse" by one publication. [number]. this organization has had the opportunity of address-ing itself to the new international economic order at two special sessions. what had to be said has been said, and there will be no point in repeating it here. to sum up, i only wish to say first, that developing countries are pressing for a change in the present international economic system, which is acknowledged by all, developing and developed countries alike, to be unjust and inequitable secondly, that the said change should bring about an equitable transfer of resources, including the transfer of technology and thirdly, that new institutional economic arrangements should be created and deliberately designed to be development-oriented. we commend to this assembly the recommendations of the fifth conference of non- aligned countries see a [number] [number] , [number]. the struggle for freedom and self-determination in africa, asia, the middle east and other parts of the world continues relentlessly and unabated. the dangers of political domination and oppression, and the denial to peoples of their human rights, spread far and wide. new political definitions are being coined to disguise aggression, and established international concepts are deliberately distorted to gain political advantage annexation by force and possible extinction of the territories of western sahara and timor, the encouraged secession of the island of mayotte from the rest of the comoro archipelago, expansionist designs in belize and djibouti apartheid and racial discrimination resulting in enforced self-accommodation through degrading capitulation by transkei are all, without exception, called self-determination. [number]. botswana is committed to the principle of the right of peoples to freedom and self-determination, and we find it difficult to accord any form of legitimacy to these arbitrary acts of political domination. botswana is fully aware of the reality of the existence of power relationships. we accept the existence of different political and social philosophies, ideologies and systems. we believe that only on justice and the right of all peoples to genuine self-determination and not on coercion or the destabilization of smaller nations aimed at changing their national policies or controlling their resources or even undermining their development efforts- should states members of this organization build-their international political order. as a member of the non- aligned movement, botswana welcomes the observation of those who advise that the competing ideologies of east and west should be confined to those centers of power, thus releasing the energies of developing countries for the consolidation of their independence, political stability and economic development. [number]. it is now two years since turkey landed troops in cyprus, and since then there has been little or no progress towards a peaceful settlement that would preserve the unity, sovereignty and integrity of this country. the exodus of refugees over the so-called "atta line" and the entrenchment of foreign troops in this country, as well as the progressively hardening attitudes evident as the inter- communal negotiations proceed with little or no success, are a matter of serious concern to the united nations. [number]. in a country that could very well have provided an example of peace, security, tolerance and mutual under-standing between different ethnic communities the "dehellenization program" in the so-called federated turkish state of this island nation is direct interference in the internal affairs of cyprus and a violation of its territorial integrity. our fear is that as the prospects for the solution of the problem recede the situation of refugees will become even more desperate. [number]. my country has consistently supported the sovereignty and territorial integrity of cyprus as a free, independent and unitary state. botswana does not accept that the existence of different ethnic groups in any given independent country provides a justifiable excuse for militarily powerful neighboring countries of similar ethnic background to interfere in, and determine by force of arms, the future national ethnic character of that state. [number]. the state of tension and insecurity of the peoples of the middle east continues to occupy the attention of our organization despite the interim accords on the disengagement of forces in the sinai and suez, and on the golan heights, which we welcomed last year. these agreements had given us reason to be hopeful for progress towards a just settlement. our expectations have been disappointed. israel continues to occupy arab lands acquired by force and pays no regard to the resolutions of the united nations. we call upon the western powers, in particular the united states, to bring its power to bear on israel to withdraw from all occupied arab lands. botswana recognizes the right of all states in the middle east to secure and internationally recognized boundaries. [number]. my delegation has noted with interest the withdrawal of the question of korea from the agenda of this session. botswana, however, continues to call for the dissolution of the united nations command, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from korea, dialog, and the peaceful unification of the country. advantage should be taken of the withdrawal of the korean question from the agenda of the current session for the matter to be settled by the korean people themselves without any extraneous external influences or preconditions. [number]. the agenda of the thirty-first session of the united nations is a long one covering varied subjects. if i should appear to have glossed over certain issues or even not mentioned some altogether, this should not be misinterpreted as being indicative of a lack of interest or that, in the view of my delegation, such issues qualify for a lower rating. the reason is that, speaking as late as we do and having had the advantage of listening to various speakers before us, we are satisfied that the essential subjects have been adequately discussed. [number]. botswana urges this organization to continue to work for general disarmament and that the vaunted helsinki agreement and the cooling of tension in europe should be extended to other parts of the world. botswana fully supports the resolution of the non-aligned nations reiterating previous resolutions that the indian ocean should be a zone of peace and that the unhealthy rivalry between the super-powers in this region should be seen as endangering peace and the security of all the littoral and hinterland states in the area see a [number] [number], annex iv, resolution [number] . [number]. botswana as a land-locked and graphically dis-advantaged state attaches much importance to the work of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea. my delegation hopes that the united nations will continue to play a leading and constructive role in the issue before it to ensure a successful outcome f the conference, successful because it takes into account the interests of all nations, big and small. [number]. my delegation believes that the continuing arms race is inconsistent with the international call for universal peace and security, for this can only be realized through general and complete disarmament. nor is the arms race and the proliferation of nuclear armaments compatible with recent efforts to achieve a new international economic order. the channeling of huge economic resources towards the production and stockpiling of these sophisticated weapons undercuts international efforts aimed at the socio-economic development of developing nations where the infusion of aid is required to create reasonably acceptable conditions of living, thus, while we recognize the obstacles and difficulties involved, we are sympathetic to the idea of the convening of a world disarmament conference for the promise and hope it holds for the future of mankind. [number]. a scrutiny of the structures and mechanisms of the united nations reveals areas that require re-examination. the seventh special session in [number] laid the groundwork for the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the united nations system. this was not an isolated development, but the recognition of the deficiencies of the present structures and the need for a review of some of the most important organs within the united nations. botswana supports such a review. [number]. it is not necessary for my delegation to remind this assembly that botswana has common borders with minority-ruled rhodesia, colonially subjugated namibia and minority-ruled and racist south africa. botswana has variously been referred to as a front-line state or as an island of sanity in a turbulent sea of racial bigotry, racial hatred, white supremacy and black degradation, suppression of the legitimate aspirations of the indigenous populations and the denial of their human rights and self-determination, and apartheid, severally referred to as "separate development", "multiracialism", "multinationalism" or "plural societies". the history of the united nations is almost synonymous- with the repeated and sustained but unheeded, scorned and rejected warnings by the organization of african unity oa uj and other peace-loving nations that racial relations and conditions in southern africa constituted a threat to world peace and security. it had to take the downfall of the portuguese fascist regime and in particular the tragic events in angola to awaken this organization-particularly those members who share a - common history, ethnic heritage, imperialist associations, economic interests and security arrangements with the minority regimes-to the reality of the situation and to their responsibilities in upholding the charter of the united nations. [number]. free africa's efforts in the decolonization of that continent have consistently been frustrated by the collaboration of the west with the enemies of freedom. millions of africans in southern africa continue to wallow in the slough of human degradation a id to squirm in the misery of conditions created by defenders of western civilization. it is to southern africa that i now wish to turn my attention. [number]. on friday [number] september the rebel prime minister ian smith issued a statement which, among other things, conceded the inevitability of change and therefore accepted the principle of majority rule, set the period leading to independence at two years, and accepted the creation of an interim government consisting of a council of state with parity of racial groups but with a white chairman. the said council would then set up a council of ministers with an african majority and an african chief minister, and white members responsible for the portfolios of law and order, and justice. [number]. the presidents of the front-line states not the "so-called" but genuinely the front-line states of angola, botswana, mozambique, tanzania and zambia-meeting at lusaka on sunday, [number] september, while welcoming smith's declaration generally, registered their reservations on certain proposals which, if accepted, would have had the effect of "legalizing colonialist and racist structures of power", called upon the united kingdom to convene urgently outside zimbabwe a conference to be attended by the "authentic and legitimate representatives of the people of zimbabwe ", and reaffirmed their commitment to the liberation of zimbabwe and to the armed struggle. the conference to be called by the united kingdom would have to address itself to the structure and functions of the transitional government its establishment the modalities for convening a full constitutional conference to work out the independence constitution, and the establishment of the basis upon which peace and normalcy can be restored in the country. [number]. the declaration by the front-line presidents evoked various comments in southern africa and abroad "they agreed in advance and now have shown their total unreliability and irresponsibility", said p. k. van der byl, minister for foreign affairs of the rebel regime "if a peaceful solution in rhodesia is to be found, the american and british governments should clear up the confusion", said vorster, prime minister of south africa "certainly something has gone wrong with the kissinger plan", said de villiers graaf, leader of the opposition united party of south africa. [number]. on the credit side, both the united states department of state and the united kingdom foreign office recognize the qualified acceptance of the proposals by the african presidents and appreciate the danger of negotiating directly with smith in the absence of the authentic and legitimate representatives of the people of zimbabwe. [number]. the important question now being asked is why the front-line presidents had not expressed their reservations before the acceptance by ian smith of what he referred to as the "package deal", or whether in fact the presidents had agreed to the detailed terms of the smith statement in advance. the front-line presidents did not know in advance the detailed terms of the statement issued by the rebel prime minister, nor did they make any commitment to accept them once they were known. to regard the stand taken by the front-line presidents as a condemnation or rejection of the agreement negotiated by the united states secretary of state is, at best, an untimely and mischievous agitation by those who oppose the liberation of zimbabwe. [number]. self-determination is one of the basic principles in the african liberation struggle and african statesmen will not a'jow themselves to usurp the role of nationalist movements by negotiating detailed constitutional arrangements on their behalf. this, we implore even those who assist us, to refrain from doing. [number]. botswana welcomes what has come to be known as the kissinger initiatives. in our view negotiations and the armed struggle are complementary strategies in the liberation effort. the armed struggle impels negotiations meaningful negotiations showing practical progress result in the deescalation of armed warfare. while therefore we appreciate the efforts deployed by the united states secretary of state to prevail upon rebel smith to declare his acceptance of the inevitability of change to majority rule, we should recognize the fact that, without the successes registered by the nationalist guerrilla cadres in the armed struggle, without the sacrifice, both human and material, and the sustained efforts of the front-line states to awaken the conscience of the nationalist movements to their collective responsibility in the liberation of their motherland, without the support and determination of oau to liquidate the remaining pockets of colonialism from the african continent and, last but not least, without the assistance -material, financial and otherwise-of freedom-loving peoples, the kissinger initiatives would probably not have achieved the success they have. to miss this point would be to misread the rhodesia situation and the determination of the rebel regime to resist change. [number]. we concede the desirability of unity among the nationalist movements of zimbabwe. it would be wrong, however, to make such unity a precondition for the conference. many free countries in africa today negotiated their independence constitutions through multi-party delegations. what is vitally necessary is that the zimbabwe nationalists should do everything in their power to lead their country to majority rule and independence in the shortest possible time. [number]. in concluding this topic i wish to express my delegation's concern at the danger of introducing divisions among african states in order to strengthen hegemonism and spheres of influence. african countries are classified as hawks or doves, communist or western-oriented, progressives or reactionaries. for us in botswana, the problem of liberation and independence is the problem of the reassertion of human rights and dignity. therefore the form of government the zimbabweans choose should be the result of the exercise of their unhindered right to self-determination, without pandering to any particular ideological interest. the stage for the immediate transition to majority rule is set and it is for the rebel rhodesia regime to take advantage of it, failing which the armed struggle will certainly continue until a military victory is won. [number]. the government of south africa continues to defy the united nations resolutions on namibia. the so-called turnhalle constitutional talks, based on ethnic identities, are an extension of the "bantustan" apparatus to a territory under the trusteeship of this organization. the security council has proved impotent in asserting its right over its own territory and has instead taken effectual measures, the result of which has merely been to keep the question alive. [number]. the continued intransigence of rebel smith in zimbabwe can be blamed on the united kingdom as the administering power. prime minister vorster and his government are responsible for the inhumanity of apartheid, but the continued colonial status of namibia and the degradation of its indigenous people is a blot on the integrity and effectiveness of the united nations. [number]. the time for maintaining symbolic interest in the namibia question is past. the western powers should now accept and exercise their full responsibility in delivering namibia to the people of that territory, for it is they that have consistently stopped mandatory action being taken against south africa and consequently undermined the authority of the united nations council for namibia. [number]. we welcome the steps now taken in this direction by the united states secretary of state, mr. kissinger. we hope the south african prime minister, mr. vorstsr, finds it possible to negotiate with the south west africa people's organization fswapoj under the auspices of the united nations and outside of namibia. that would be a positive step towards the solution of the namibia stalemate. to make the talks meaningful in the search for a genuine solution to the problem and in order to create a healthy atmosphere in the territory at this crucial period in its history, it is imperative, in the view of my delegation, that the nationalist movements should not be denied the participation of their leaders now in prison. [number]. basic to all discussions and negotiations is the requirement that namibia should emerge as a unitary state and attain its independence in the shortest possible period. the policy of "divide and weaken" which is applied by the south african government to the african people in the subcontinent stands in direct contradiction to the south african national motto "ex unitate vires ", which applied to the whites. nation-states are not created by whipping up racial and tribal differences or by exacerbating ethnic animosities. [number]. from the foregoing it will have become clear that the botswana delegation, while conceding that the turnhalle constitutional talks have done some spade-work in examining options for the independence constitution of namibia, considers that the greatest achievement of the talks has been to expose and highlight all the characteristic undesirable features of a government based on the will of the minority determined to perpetuate their privileged position under the guise of their protected minority rights. it is our fervent hope that the proposed geneva conference will re-evaluate its objectives, which should be the granting of independence to a unitary state of namibia and self-determination for its united people. [number]. what we say is no academic or political theory, impractical to implement. states in southern africa and even in this assembly know only too well that botswana is a non-racial state with strict adherence to the rule of law. there are minority groups who, numerically, are even smaller than those to be found in namibia there are different ethnic groups, yet nowhere in our independence constitution are there guarantees of the entrenchment of minority rights. one of our cardinal principles is unity, and it is in unity and complete equality that we celebrated our tenth anniversary of independence last month, and it is this unity-not disunity or federalism -that we consider to be a right of the people of namibia. [number]. the world has been shaken awake by recent events in south africa. for those who have always conceived south africa as a peaceful country where the african people-or the bantu, as they are called there-are happy because, it is claimed, they have more hospitals, more schools, and higher incomes than anywhere else on the continent, it will have been a traumatic awakening, a rude shock. south africa has always been depicted by its white rulers as the envy of the continent. they cite as proof of the better conditions the ingress of foreign bantu labor-or, as the south african deputy secretary of information put it in a united states television interview saturday, the foreign bantu "vote with their feet". [number]. the unrest "no, there is no crisis", the south african authorities retort. "the people have been put up to it by agitators, by communists, by black power slogans. if the black people want majority rule, they can have it in their own bantustans such as the transkei, where the soils are among the most fertile in south africa. if they want to share power with the white man, no. violence shall be met with violence and no concessions will be made in an atmosphere of arson and looting by irresponsible elements. " [number]. what i have just said expresses in a nutshell the deep-seated attitude of the south african government on the continuing riots where more than [number] unarmed black people, most of them children, have been shot dead, many more injured and maimed, hundreds more arrested, and a number have sought refuge in homelessness. it shows callous indifference to human suffering, a determined refusal to admit the realities of the situation which they have themselves created in their religious adherence to the outmoded belief of their chosen role as a bastion of white civilization in africa. [number]. we must accept the fact that the unrest in south africa today-in soweto, cape town, durban and else- where-is a reaction against the philosophy and practice of apartheid-apartheid which is essentially violence, violence against human rights, including the right to be born of any race, at any place and time, the right to home and security anywhere in the country, the right to education and professional training of one's choosing in keeping with one's natural ability, the right to ownership of property, movable and immovable, the right to sell one's labor to the best market, the right to live a free and full life as a citizen of south africa-in short, the right to be a human being. [number]. we must accept the fact that the unrest in south africa is not just an inspired and transient effervescence of political excitement or temporary political emotionalism, but that it is a spontaneous yet concerted demonstration of the strong resentment by the youth of the country of the humiliating and dehumanizing conditions which they, their parents and grandparents, and generations before them, have endured without respite. it is a call to the conscience of south african whites to abandon their supremacist posture. [number]. while we concede that south africa is a great country, with trade and other relations with many countries represented here, and that it draws inspiration from its recognition by us all that it is a wealthy country and stands athwart vital trade routes to the east, we must accept the fact that the unrest in that country is a call to the conscience of the world community, particularly of the western powers, not to sacrifice the indigenous people of africa on the altar of mercantile and mercenary interests and ideological hegemonism. [number]. we noted with interest the recent shuttle diplomacy of secretary of state kissinger in southern africa. i have already conceded botswana's support for this initiative, although not for the details included in the declaration by rebel ian smith. we are, however, waiting with curiosity to know what initiatives the secretary undertook in relation to south africa itself. we in africa have many times before now warned of the threat to international peace and security posed by the racist policies of south africa and its balkanization of the country into "bantustans". we do not see the bogus independence of the transkei or any other "bantustan" as a solution to the problem, nor indeed do we consider the attempted appeasement of coloreds, by promising them better waiting-rooms and the inauguration of their cabinet council, as the answer to their plight. botswana, in common with all countries which have suffered colonial situations, cherishes the principles of majority rule and self-determination for all peoples, the blacks, coloreds, indians and whites of south africa included. the acceptance by any of these groups of ethnic, racial or religious balkanization is a criminal betrayal of the entire population of south africa. [number]. complete equality in the context of south africa may seem a remote prospect, but so did it seem a distant dream to the portuguese colonialists. it is our belief that, if mr. kissinger failed to tell prime minister vorster that a government elected by, and representative of, the people as a whole is what africa and the world community want for south africa, then his shuttle efforts in southern africa will be preserved in the archives of american history under the label of one of william shakespeare's classics, "much ado about nothing". peripheral and cosmetic concessions are not what the people of south africa want. they want to lead a full life as full citizens of their own country. [number]. to conclude my statement, i wish to observe that, with all the fearful warnings and signs of events to come, it behooves the government of south africa to reorder its society in a democratic way and to spare posterity the misery, racial hatred, chaos and wanton loss of life which we have had the misfortune to witness in indochina and elsewhere. for the bell that has tolled for the fascist [number] portuguese regime and now tolls for rhodesia and south-west africa will toll for south africa next. [number]. edward gibbon saw history as a register of the crimes, follies and misfortunes of mankind. it is time south africa stopped the crimes and follies of apartheid and spared the black people of that country further misfortune.

allow me first to congratulate the president and wish him every success in carrying out his responsible task. the delegation of poland will do its best to assist him in his important functions. i also pay tribute to the outgoing president, mr. hennadiy udovenko, an eminent statesman from ukraine, a country with which we have developed good- neighbourly ties of friendship and cooperation, for his excellent guidance of the work of the assembly during its fifty-second session. i would also like to assure the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, not only of our respect and admiration, but also of our continued support for his tireless efforts to make the united nations live up to the expectations of the twenty-first century and to the ideals set out in the charter. we have a saying in poland that is variously attributed to the chinese or to the jews two nations well steeped in suffering and in wisdom unfortunate one, you shall live to see your dreams satisfied. and i, indeed, have come to experience the full measure of that truth. ten years ago a dissident, i could barely even dream that i would be at the helm of my free nation? s foreign affairs, and in that role preside over the organization for security and cooperation in europe osce , an organization which spans three continents in its attempt to promote security and cooperation in a conflict-torn world. and yet those [number] years ago, had i imagined that such a future were possible i would probably have believed that a man in my position could indeed help change the world, make it a better, safer place. like so many of us present here in this hall, i had to learn the bitter lessons of the limitations of power. these lessons should indeed teach us humility, but not serve as an alibi for not assuming our obligations. the world today is a better and safer place than it was [number] years ago, before the fall of the berlin wall. for all the needless suffering, the agony of hunger, the scourge of ethnic hatred and war, the shame of underdevelopment, the evil of oppression that human beings had to endure in so many places on the face of the planet these are less than a decade ago. and even now the perpetrators attempt to conceal their doings, to show it is not so, and more, that suffering is contentment, war is peace, and oppression is liberty. hypocrisy, as we all know, is a compliment sin pays to virtue. the world is a better place because time and time again evil has been avoided, circumscribed or reduced thanks to preventive action taken by concerned states. this action could be something as simple as sending food [number] where there is none, or as complicated as over a dozen nations pooling their military resources to prevent a new outbreak of ethnic hatred in bosnia, and helping to rebuild that devastated nation. the world will never be the same. the world economy is currently confronted with the biggest financial challenge in a half century. we note the increasing interest on the part of politicians as well as economists in market intervention and capital controls. obviously, a serious situation may indeed call for desperate remedies, but the really serious risk to the world economy seems to lie in a retreat from free market ideals and principles. actions to limit the spread of weapons of mass destruction are an evident reflection of efforts made to consolidate peace and international security. systematic progress in the field of nuclear disarmament, apart from important american-russian and american-chinese agreements, could become even more notable if the parliament of the russian federation, heeding the appeals by the international community, ratified the start ii agreements. we expect and hope that the indispensable decision will be taken in moscow with no further delay. we welcome the decision of the geneva conference on disarmament to enter negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons and other nuclear weapons and other nuclear explosive devices. this is a significant and indispensable step for the further consolidation of the global regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. at the same time, we witness with concern and regret the developments in south asia that are so dangerous to peace and international security. although we do not question the right of any nation to sovereign decisions on issues concerning its national security interests, nothing, in our opinion, justifies acceptance of the nuclear option. the choice of the road of nuclear armaments by india and pakistan comes as a blow to the ideals personified by mahatma gandhi. together with the entire international community, we address to the leaders of india and pakistan an appeal to refrain from any actions that could make the situation worse in the indian subcontinent and to join, immediately and unconditionally, the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty ctbt . the sixteenth-century polish humanist jakub przyluski wrote since man is . . . more inclined to live in society than bees, ants or cranes, an isolated life is a thing most contrary to human nature. man could then neither suffice to himself, nor come to the rescue of others. . . and since nature has established some kind of affinity between us, and the same definition encompasses all humankind, we are to consider it vile if man threatens man. we, indeed, consider it vile if man threatens man. but it is in our nature, or at least in our better nature, to come to the rescue of others, the more so if by making others more secure, our own security is enhanced. furthermore, neighbours usually know best the nature of the problems affecting the neighbourhood they are therefore best placed to try to resolve them. that is why the concept of collective security is becoming so increasingly important and popular. but we must all learn this if this organization is to successfully negotiate the transition into the twenty-first century. the united nations has grown beyond the hopes and expectations indeed, beyond control. many of its specialized agencies accomplish their important jobs quietly and efficiently. we have perfect relations with many of them, especially with the united nations development programme office in warsaw. the secretary-general is to be praised for his efforts to make the united nations a better example of how the world? s institutions could function, rather than a cartoon of the way they actually do. but he can do this only with our support. also, we can no longer delay the reform of the security council and the general assembly. i am sure all of us look towards these changes with some dread, because knowing how wrong things could have turned out, we cannot believe that they have been going right until now. the united nations is ripe for change. one of the most pressing issues on the united nations reform agenda is the financial crisis. it is true this crisis is due in great part to the mismanagement of resources and, at times, excessive spending. but at least as much can be attributed to the deficit brought about by some members? refusal to pay their dues on time. true, it is in large part because that pressure that a favourable climate for change emerged within the institution itself. it has become a truism to say that peacekeeping is ineffective when there is no peace to keep, and that peacemaking is impossible if there is no will to sustain the unavoidable costs. but this does not mean that [number] peacekeeping is ineffective. a wide spectrum of examples, from cyprus to moldova, shows that the contrary is true. but even in a successful peacekeeping operation we run the risk that we will not only keep the peace but also preserve the hatreds, envies and jealousies which were the root causes of the conflict in the first place. in this sense, each peacekeeping operation must also be one of peacemaking. armed conflicts between states are giving way to internal conflicts, as in rwanda and in the former yugoslavia. consequently, the united nations peacekeeping forces are being faced, in many cases, with the dilemma of having to depart from the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the state that is being torn apart by a civil war. we remain convinced that when a direct threat is posed to peace and security, the united nations must be properly equipped to discharge its role and should not remain indifferent and ignore human suffering. poland is proud of its continuous participation in united nations peacekeeping efforts, following our old tradition of struggle for freedom, ours and yours . we are currently providing the largest contingent of troops involved in united nations peacekeeping operations. we are convinced that the organization should not allow the highest price to be paid in terms of the lives of women and men serving in the field under the united nations banner. the security of people in united nations peacekeeping and humanitarian operations must be ensured. my country finds itself at the centre of european transformation. our aspirations to join european and trans- atlantic political and military structures are in the process of being satisfied, fulfilling the dreams of a nation long subject to the cataclysms of european history. but far from turning our back on our neighbours who as yet remain outside these structures, we indeed wish to intensify our cooperation with them. we believe this would be conducive to a better climate on the continent, and in the best interests of both our neighbours and our allies. this is especially true of our cooperation with other central european nations. poland, solidly anchored in collective security and regional cooperation structures, can develop in peace and security and substantially contribute to the development of others. if there ever was a win-win scenario, this is it. it would be arrogant and unhelpful if we believed we could give lessons to others. but we do believe deeply that our experience of the last decade shows that nations can move away from authoritarianism, through negotiations what we called round-table negotiations to then successfully build a democratic system based on the rule of law, individual freedoms, freedom of economic enterprise and political democracy. to those, near or far, who proclaim that theirs will be a different course, based on the presumed specificity of their culture, history, customs and circumstance, we say, please reconsider. do not waste the creative energy of your nations in futile experiments and grotesque performances. this will not work. and time is a resource none can afford to waste. but at the same time, to those who would say, follow us, for history has proved that we are right , we would like to say that even among friends we can differ. we do not believe too much in the efficacy of punishment and sanction. rather, we expect that nations need to develop apace. we can but help them on their way. this is best seen in the functioning of the organization for security and cooperation in europe osce , which my country has the honour of chairing this year. it would be hard to imagine a collection of nations more geographically, historically, economically, culturally and politically diverse. assuming the chairmanship of this organization for [number], we have faced important questions and challenges. can the organization that is the heritage of the past successfully cope with the challenges of the future? is it needed during a period of both globalization and regionalization, a period of multi- polarity, when we are striving for the universalization of the earth? s civilization? will it be able to prevent conflicts and regulate inter-state relations? the polish chairmanship started at the moment of significant changes in the so-called european security environment when the atlantic alliance decided on its enlargement when a conflict erupted in kosovo, threatening south-eastern europe with destabilization when the countries of central asia, born from the territory of the former union of soviet socialist republics, signalled their more intensive interest in joining the current of values that are the foundation of the osce and when signs of another crisis appeared in russia. there arose the question of how to include osce activity in united nations efforts for peace and security. we have found constructive and positive answers to many of those questions. the organization of an all- inclusive membership of the states of the region, from vancouver to vladivostok, turned out to be necessary to respond to threats left by the cold war. two priorities [number] came to the fore to prevent conflicts by reaching the roots at their early stage of appearance and to strengthen human rights and democracy, which the osce calls the human dimension . we have also taken up the ambitious challenge of preparing a european security charter, which would help to facilitate the functioning of cooperation in security within the osce, and would make it possible for all states, regardless of their membership in alliances or other groupings, to participate in the common effort of building a safe, democratic and united europe. we want the osce community to have neither centre nor peripheries, neither more equal nor less equal. in many cases, as in the conflicts in kosovo or tajikistan, the lesson was bitter. one of the conclusions is that in the contemporary world, no organization can act alone. the consolidation of standards of civilizational cooperation within the osce must be coherent with the activity of other organizations, in this case the united nations, the european union, the north atlantic alliance, the council of europe and subregional organizations such as the council of the baltic states. we need this solidarity. there i wish to comment on the resolution adopted by the security council yesterday concerning kosovo. it was an example of unity and solidarity, and i hope it will send a message to stop the bloodshed in that region and stop the activities of all those who are trying to introduce violence, repression and terrorism there. the osce has been able to engage in preventive diplomacy. we have done so together we have strengthened our collective security together we have fielded a host of projects in almost every imaginable sphere of human collective activity. in all fairness, one has to take into consideration the conflicts avoided elsewhere in the balkans, as well as in central asia and in the caucasus. we do not proclaim to be a model for others. the organization itself developed almost by chance, as a fortuitous assembly of the members of the two cold-war blocs. but we have been able to manage the transition and to set standards that we all try to maintain. maybe other regions of conflicting interests could use some of our experience, both the successes and the mistakes. in the middle east, we are facing a challenging and difficult time. poland is committed to a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in that region. therefore, we are deeply concerned by the stalemate in the peace process, and we strongly support all efforts to revitalize it, on the basis of security council resolutions, the principles of the madrid conference and the oslo accords. in many aspects the world is now a safer and better place to live in than it was a decade ago. but there are new threats and dangers. we must deter and defeat terrorist acts. poland continues to promote the idea of the elaboration of the comprehensive convention against organized crime, which should generate wide and efficient cooperation between states, since organized transnational crime cannot be successfully suppressed by any state alone. borderlines are blurred. ordinary crime blends with the organized underworld, which in turn intermingles with the terrorist community, and that in turn finds support and relief in more than one of the world? s capitals. drugs and guns are replacing more conventional currencies as the universal currency of evil, profits from one serving to promote the dissemination of the other, in a concerted assault on human life itself. it is indeed a culture of death which seems to unite those who put guns and drugs into the hands of the young and teach them to hate others because they are of the wrong faith, race or nation. we cannot counter that evil with the same decisiveness, haste and cunning. we can, however, continue to support the alternative a culture of life, founded on respect for the individual, his inalienable rights, dignity and freedom. in terms of everyday reality, this means that the determined effort of all states is required to implement the basic conventions guaranteeing these values to implement them at home and to refuse to tolerate their violations abroad. of these conventions, perhaps none is more important than the universal declaration of human rights, whose fiftieth anniversary we have been solemnly celebrating. and yet, among states whose representatives have expressed their attachment to that document, not a few deny their citizens the basic rights the declaration guarantees. obviously, the powerful political interests which lie behind such behaviour will not bow to simple declarations, nor will the international democratic community use force to implement its values. it is our deep conviction that we should continuously adapt united nations human rights machinery to present and future developments in this area. the biggest challenge we have been facing over recent years is the violation of human rights in the context of armed conflicts and tensions of a domestic or civil character. for years the international community has not been able to [number] cope with this problem, although in the meantime the united nations has developed a significant peacekeeping capacity. it is only after the traumatic experience in the former yugoslavia and in the great lakes region that the approach has changed. no man is an island no state is an island. connected, as the polish writer whom i quoted said, by a common definition of our humanity, we cannot help but try to implement the noblest goal, incarnate in the name of this organization the nations united, in our common humanity, our planet and our future.

[number]. this universe, full of clash and clamour, can it become more harmonious in its very diversity? harmony, diversity peace, justice, equality these are the ideals which our organization embraced after the worst test that mankind has ever been put to. man was revealed in all his nakedness, his moral bankruptcy, his monstrousness. [number]. but some [number] years later, the world is facing a crisis, and beyond the challenges of illiteracy, famine, malnutrition, economic disorder, armaments and ideological wars, we discern a rather bleak future. we must avert it. [number]. before continuing my reflections, would this august body allow me to perform the pleasant duty of transmitting to it the best -wishes for its encouragement and full success of his imperial majesty bokassa i, whose coronation will coincide with the end of this session. his majesty expresses the ardent hope that our work can go forward in tolerance and calm, so that we can find the proper ways and means to promote a lasting peace, real detente and a new and more just international economic order. [number]. the socialist federal republic of yugoslavia has been able firmly to translate into practice these principles which are dear to my country those of non-alignment and genuine national development. therefore, on behalf of the central african delegation, i warmly welcome the election of the president for the thirty-second session. his experience and expertise in international affairs, i am sure, gives him the capacity to lead our work to a successful conclusion. [number]. my congratulations go also to. mr. amsrasinghe, the permanent representative of sri lanka, for the perfect tact he showed as president of the previous session. [number]. we express to secretary-general kurt waldheim all our support, our deep sympathy, for the delicate and valuable task he has in seeing to it that the purposes and principles of the charter are observed. he does this task with the modesty and discretion we have come to expect of him and which are guarantees of his effectiveness. quite rightly, my country voted for his second term. [number]. the central african empire welcomes with particular pleasure and pride the admission to our organization of the republic of djibouti and the socialist republic of viet nam. those countries have shown us yet again, through their heroic struggle and their determination, that the just cause always wins. we are sure that the republic of djibouti and the socialist republic of viet nam will bring new life to our organization. [number]. i mentioned a rather bleak future. [number]. in southern africa, the stronger the wind of freedom blows, and the greater black awareness becomes, the more violent become the death throes of the minority regimes and the greater grows the risk of conflagration throughout the continent. here and in other bodies, my country has said, and i repeat, that the central african empire joins the international community in reaffirming its condemnation of any discrimination for reasons of race, colour or creed. my country, the melting-pot of african civilizations at the heart of africa, holds the position traced by the philosophy of our great national party, the movement for social development of black africa, the philosophy of "zo kwe zo" and "zo ay eke zo" in other words, every man is a man. [number]. in namibia, the central african empire reaffirms its support for all the authentic forces, and particularly the south west africa people's organization, and will continue to support initiatives such as those already under way, to see to it that in [number], finally, that territory will become effectively independent. [number]. zimbabwe is still a source of concern. so many efforts have been made to re-establish legality and justice. [number]. despite the efforts undertaken by the international community at geneva and maputo and by the front-line states, ian smith entrenches himself in his position by a number of clever delaying tactics. such an attitude is without a future and can only lead to chaos. events cannot be deflected from their course. the black majority will inevitably come to power under the flag of the patriotic front, recognized at the last session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the organization of african unity, held at libreville in july. [number]. these hotbeds of tension, which will soon be eliminated, have, unfortunately, been joined by others. africa has become the field of choice for hegemonic conflict and an attempt is being made to implant foreign ideologies. from this rostrum i affirm and proclaim that the central african people has chosen its path and nothing can deflect it from it. we dare to believe that the expression "africa for the africans" will be heard and understood throughout the world. [number]. international peace is dangerously threatened in the middle east. the refusal to recognize the identity and the individuality of the palestinian people, the occupation of arab lands, the plundering of the land of the arab populations, the difficulties of coexistence between communities with different origins and religious beliefs constitute, in our opinion, among other causes, the signal characteristics of this explosive situation. [number]. despite the establishment of committees of all kinds, the peace plans proposed here and there and the goodwill missions which have followed one on the other, tension continues to increase. [number]. thus we note, with apprehension, that the delays in a settlement of the question constantly give the highest degree of concern to the international community, because of the latest events which have escalated the confrontations, bringing wounds and bloodshed to the region. [number]. over and above all the differences, we consider that there is a people which has a right' to a fatherland and to recognition of its legitimate rights that is the palestinian people. [number]. however, within the framework of a peaceful settlement laid down by our organization, the parties in conflict must find the political will to seek solutions which transcend all other motivations. in any case, my country will continue to bring all its support to the effective application of the relevant resolutions adopted by our organization, among others, resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] of the security council, for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region. [number]. in the eastern mediterranean, that is in cyprus, efforts have been undertaken, within the framework of a peaceful settlement of the matter, on the basis of resolutions [number] xxdc and [number] xxx , but little progress has been made. [number]. the central african empire will contribute to any initiatives, within . the framework of our organization, to preserve the independence of cyprus and initiate a reconciliation between the two communities within an indivisible and free state. [number]. i cannot pass over in silence the terrible problem of the arms race which involves ever more murderous and sophisticated weaponry. everything leads us to believe that international detente, which has been so ardently sought by our organization is far from having been attained. the nuclear and thermonuclear tests, the control of the seas and oceans for military and hegemonic purposes and the insidious proliferation of atomic and conventional arms make disarmament, we must say, a distant prospect. what would we not do to devote this infinite potential of intelligence, knowledge and colossal wealth that has been thus diverted to the solution of the problems of poverty, ignorance and disease, which are the lot of most of the inhabitants of the world. [number]. -my country will never stop protesting most vigorously against the folly of this headlong charge to death and will support always and in every forum the promotion of the kind of peace which is not necessarily just the absence of war but a true peace between peoples. therefore, we optimistically await the special session of the general assembly and the world disarmament conference. [number]. this analysis of the international situation should serve to strengthen within our organization our will to bring about necessary and urgent changes in a spirit of sincere friendship, tolerance and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. [number]. almost a year ago my country underwent a radical change at the institutional level. on [number] december [number], the central african people, united in the national party, the movement for the social development of black africa, freely and in complete sovereignty adopted a new constitution which raises the republic to an empire and proclaims his majesty bokassa the first emperor. [number]. this act of national sovereignty, the establishment of the central african constitutional monarchy, demonstrates the originality and the will of the central african people to confirm, in national independence, a new democracy designed to bring about the full flowering of the central african personality and the harmonious economic development of the empire. [number]. hence, concerned to associate the central african people closely with their own destiny, the constitution provides for a national assembly elected by universal suffrage and an economic and social council, and makes the supreme court the supreme guardian of constitutional freedoms. [number]. furthermore, the constitution accords the central african people the fundamental rights laid down in the united nations charter and the universal declaration of human rights and, in particular, confers upon central african youth and women a special place enabling them to affirm their identity and play their full part in the nation. [number]. finally, the constitution makes the emperor the arbitrator and regulator of the proper functioning of the institutions. he symbolizes the national unity of the empire and assures its. enduring future. [number]. every country freely chooses its path, and does so in strict observance of the fundamental principles of our charter. the central african people has chosen its path, in accordance with its aspirations. [number]. we wish for peace. my country another switzerland - has always wanted and always sought peace, basing itself on sincere friendship as the way to better co-operation with respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. it is our expectation that the same should be true reciprocally. [number]. that is why we shall respond to any attempt at interference in our internal affairs and any attempt to lay down the law to us. let those who seek to give lessons, and whose acts tend to do the most harm to relations between states, reflect on these words of alain peyrefitte "we cannot have an insight into the present situation without an insight into history. " let these givers of lessons look into their own history. [number]. what can be said that has not already been said about the pressing need to establish a new international economic order based on equity, growth and above all, justice? [number]. my country, which is land-locked, feels acutely the effects of economic and financial- disorder, particularly the deterioration in the terms of trade aggravated by inflation. [number]. of course, many conferences and approaches to the matter have been either held or proposed. the last to date, the north-south dialogue, despite a few agreements obtained, has not produced the results so long awaited by the developing countries. none the less, we must note that a move has been made, as we must fully appreciate the lome convention between the european economic community and countries of africa, the caribbean and the pacific. [number]. furthermore, the problem of the release from indebtedness of . the developing countries, particularly those countries most affected, must find a rapid solution, if we are to be able to talk of solidarity. similarly, the specific conditions, and needs of the developing countries must be taken into consideration on the basis of preferential treatment, in accordance with the economic declaration of the fifth conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, held at colombo in august [number]. [number]. it is in this spirit that the central african delegation appeals to the developed countries and the international organizations to facilitate the transfer of resources by increasing the real value and volume of assistance to developing countries, in accordance with general assembly resolution [number] s-vii of the seventh special session. my country also supports the idea of convening a conference of donor, creditor and debtor countries to study the means of easing the burden of indebtedness of the third world. [number]. my country also supports unreservedly all measures aimed at putting an end to the devious practices of transnational corporations and at drawing up an international code of conduct for this purpose. [number]. the establishment of a new international economic order is a long-term collective task, of course, but the fundamental problem remains the awareness and the political will of the "have" countries to bring this about. [number]. it is up to the disadvantaged countries to strengthen their solidarity, because the primary responsibility for their development is their own. [number]. in this respect, the results of the conference on economic co-operation among developing countries, held in mexico last year, and of the ministerial conference on economic co-operation among african countries, held at kinshasa also in [number], are highly encouraging. [number]. furthermore the success of the first conference of heads of state and government of the organization of african unity and the league of arab states, held in cairo this year, also gives cause for satisfaction. the important measures laid down in the declaration, the programme of action and the agreement on the organization and methods to be adopted form a sure basis for a relationship of co-operation between africans and arabs in the political, economic, financial, commercial, technical and scientific fields. [number]. we are sure that such horizontal co-operation is part of the irreversible tide of history. [number]. we certainly expect a great deal from international co-operation, but it must be in addition to national efforts. the central african empire, within the framework of "operation bokassa" a strategy for economic and social development is making vast efforts in the struggle against under-development. there are many examples to prove this to men of goodwill. we shall mention here only the case of the port works at bangui, mongoumba, mainly financed from the national budget and intended to solve the delicate and difficult problem of the interruption of navigation on the ubangui. [number]. to complete the national effort under the programme to provide an outlet from its land-locked situation, my country sets great hope in the building of a railway between bangui and the ocean, and in the trans-africa highway between lagos and mombasa. the central african empire, through me, declares itself ready to accept any assistance making it possible to carry out these ventures, which are vital for its economy and for the exploitation not only of resources already known but also of those revealed by satellite and known as the "bangui anomalies". of course, this must be in the spirit of dialogue and confidence which the central african government has always shown. [number]. but the central african empire, land-locked country, cannot dissociate the thorny problem of being land-locked from that of the law of the sea. therefore, it greatly regrets the inconclusiveness of the sixth session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, recently held in new york, as the central african delegation, from this rostrum on the same occasion last year, had expressed its hope of seeing the work of that conference achieve positive results. [number]. we launch a heart-felt appeal to the countries which have the technology, to their spirit of solidarity, so that a consensus may be found in the negotiations to be held at geneva in [number] during the seventh session of that conference. [number]. the position of the central african empire is dictated by the following principles of equity that every country should enjoy freedom of transit and access to the sea that, since the high seas are open to all states, the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the exclusive economic zones are the common heritage of mankind and that the exploitation of those immense resources must not be carried out only for the benefit of those countries which have the advanced technology but also for the benefit of mankind as a whole. [number]. finally, in the same spirit, we also appeal to the international community and its various organizations to ensure that special terms for transport are offered to the land-locked countries of the third world. [number]. after having mentioned and considered with representatives the events that are of concern to our world in this third decade of the united nations, i cannot but reflect on the progress made in the twentieth century. [number]. intelligence, science and technical expertise have dangerously increased man's power, giving a more than disquieting dimension to his instinct of domination. a system of ethics is needed to make him aware of his actions and his responsibility towards others. [number]. that restraining influence, that rampart of solidarity, is of course to be found in the united nations. that is a human endeavour subject to success but also to vicissitudes. none the less my country, the central african empire, remains optimistic and is confident about it, because the united nations remains the privileged place where together, large and small, rich and poor, we can deliberate and seek ways and means likely to create effective conditions for co-operation for peace and international security. [number]. on [number] october [number], from this rostrum, his imperial majesty bokassa i, on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the united nations, said "the second united nations development decade ought to be both the second development decade and the disarmament decade. i think it would be pointless to refer to a disarmament decade if an ever-growing multiplicity of situations of wretchedness, hunger and frustration did not give hundreds of millions of men, who would have little to fear from an apocalyptic death from modern weapons, the ultimate recourse of a different sort of death, but one which in the end analysis is just as final. " [number]. those words still hold good today and, in closing, i should like to join representatives in hoping that tomorrow will be a more cheerful outlook. let us hope that at least it will be less bleak.

for the united nations and the system of collective security that it represents, the past year has been a traumatic one. our organization could ill afford the loss of the dedicated and experienced members of staff who were killed by an act of terrorism in baghdad on the [number] august. i do not diminish the contribution of each and every one of those who lost their lives in the cause of humanity if i give individual mention to sergio vieira de mello. i would like to pay particular tribute to his work in bringing to birth the new state of timor leste, which has become the latest member of the united nations. we are living in a period of great insecurity. we are stalked by fear fear of war, terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, famine, disease, ethnic and religious hatred, and organized crime. governments are acting, individually and in groups, to shield their people from these threats. however, the nature of the challenge requires coordinated global action. fortunately, we have the united nations organization, which brings together the nations of the world in the service of international peace and security. if we did not already have such an organization, we would surely have to invent it. the tragedy for mankind is that we do not make the most effective use of it. we are frequently told by commentators that the united nations has failed. all too often, it is difficult to disagree. so, who is to blame? to answer that question we have to ask what is the united nations? the answer is to be found in the charter. this organization was established in the name of the peoples of the united nations. when the united nations fails, it is because we, the governments that represent the peoples of the united nations, have failed, individually or collectively, to meet our obligations. our most common failing, i would submit, is that we frequently overlook the fact that this organization was created to serve not just our own nation, but all mankind. too often, members seek to use this [number] organization to pursue their national interests by seeking to have it adopt resolutions that are partial or biased by ignoring its resolutions when these do not suit them and by encouraging action on certain issues and conflicts while blocking action on or even consideration of, others. all too many of us have been guilty of such an approach. we simply cannot afford to continue with this attitude. the world is fast changing. every day brings a new awareness of just how interdependent we all are. the option of shutting ourselves safely away behind protective walls no longer exists. we have to learn to live together, to share the resources of this planet and to look after each other. we can retain our national, cultural and religious identities, but we need to recognize that we are, first and foremost, all members of the human race, and we must act accordingly. we need a viable system of global governance that can ensure international peace and security. to be viable, such a system must possess two essential qualities effectiveness and legitimacy. to be effective, it requires the unambiguous support of the entire community of nation states. its decisions must be respected and, where necessary, we must be ready and able to act to secure such respect. to retain legitimacy, the system must be seen to work in the interests of the entire international community. i appeal, therefore, to the governments represented at this session of the general assembly for a change in our attitude to the united nations. let us cease treating it as a tool useful only to the extent that it can deliver on our national agenda. instead, let us use the united nations to harness our collective resources in the interests of each and every member of mankind. to adapt the words of president john f. kennedy, let us ask not what the united nations can do for us, but what we can do for the united nations. the united nations needs reform. we all accept that. our institutions are not sufficiently effective and, in some instances, are not adequately representative of today s membership. we have discussed these issues at great length, but we have balked at taking the hard decisions. the time has come to put the interests of the wider international community before narrow national concerns. we are fortunate, at this moment, to have as secretary-general a man of the stature of kofi annan a man who is held in universal regard and who is seen to stand for the interests of the entire international community. he has not shrunk from grasping the nettle of reform, and in his address to this assembly he called on the members of this organization to grasp it with him. we must find the courage and generosity to take up this challenge. the past two years have been a particularly sober period in the history of mankind. there has been so much death and destruction across the globe. how much of this might have been avoided if the united nations had been better able to fulfil the noble purposes set out in the charter? i do not claim that it is possible to eradicate man s capacity for evil or to totally eliminate the tendency to seek to resolve disputes through violence. but i do submit that a stronger, more resolute, more respected and more active united nations might have prevented some of the suffering of the past two years. the world today is very different from that which existed when the charter was drawn up. it is smaller, more crowded, more combustible. isolated pockets of human habitation have been brought together by a population explosion, migration, faster and cheaper air travel, television, the internet, the growth of free trade and the development of weapons of mass destruction. what happens in one part of the world can increasingly have an instant and dramatic effect in another part. this evolution has raised questions concerning the interpretation of two important provisions of the charter. the first is paragraph [number] of article [number], which in effect excludes the united nations from intervening in matters that are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state. yet the problem arises increasingly in our global society as to whether and when a matter can be considered as falling entirely within the domestic jurisdiction of a state. some situations are clearer than others. in my view, when events within a country threaten international peace and security, they become the legitimate interest of the international community. similarly, i cannot accept that the international community should stand by and accept the large-scale, flagrant and persistent violation of human rights. we have received sharp lessons in the past. the trigger for intervening to prevent an attempted genocide should not be the moment that refugees begin to flood across the border. [number] at the same time, international intervention raises serious questions. it can also pose serious risks to the international regime. clearly, intervention is objectively called for in some extreme cases. but there is a need to work carefully through this concept with a view to forging an international consensus around it. another issue that has recently come to the fore and was highlighted by the secretary-general is that of article [number] of the charter and the conditions under which member states have the right to act in self- defence. the development of weapons of mass destruction in the period since the signing of the charter, and the appearance of non-state actors with the capacity for mass destruction, raise serious questions as to the point at which a state might consider it necessary to act in self-defence. this is also an issue that requires serious reflection. my government would be deeply concerned at the widespread acceptance of a doctrine of pre-emptive strike. given the ever more lethal nature of modern weapons, the risk of large-scale death, destruction and escalation are enormous. more effective than striking pre-emptively, of course, is to pre-empt the risk of conflict through a wide range of steps in the diplomatic, economic, humanitarian and other areas. we should devote more attention to dealing with the root causes of conflict. we must seek to identify potential conflicts as early as possible and deal with them before they get out of hand. where conflict nevertheless becomes a possibility, we should act more assertively to head it off. we simply cannot afford to accept the existence of so-called forgotten or ignored conflicts. any conflict that threatens international peace and security is the united nations legitimate business and should be on the agenda of the security council. i would now like to touch briefly on a number of specific issues that are of concern to my government. the conflict between israel and the palestinian people continues to pose a serious threat to world peace. my own country s difficult national experience shows that there is no such thing as a straight line to peace. our experience in ireland clearly demonstrates that farsighted leaders cannot allow their efforts to be held hostage by terrorists and extremists. they must have the wisdom to look beyond the politics of the last atrocity. what is more, leaders must be prepared to deal with each other. as the nobel laureate john hume once said, you make peace with your enemies, not your friends . president arafat has a responsibility to lead his people away from violence and back to the negotiating table. it is a responsibility that he must assume. threats to expel or assassinate him are deeply misguided and dangerous and can only further delay efforts to achieve a settlement. lasting peace can only be achieved through negotiation. palestinians must realize that violence has failed. terrorism is wrong and has brought nothing but misery to both israel and palestine. it has made compromise more difficult than ever. israel must see that repression and attempts at physical separation will not deliver long-term security. the most effective means for israel to secure a peaceful future would be to accept the palestinian people s right to a viable state of their own on the basis of the [number] borders. israel should immediately reverse its policy of building settlements, settler-only roads and a security wall on palestinian territory. it is imperative that the parties re-engage in the task of implementing the road map, leading to a two- state solution based on the vision enshrined in security council resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] . they need the support of the quartet. but such mediation will not succeed if it is, or is perceived to be, one-sided. we must be careful to ensure that our demands are balanced and that we hold both sides equally to account. the people of iraq are suffering from events that in most cases are not of their making. we want to see this suffering brought to an end as soon as possible. the iraqi people can only play a part in that by rejecting those who engage in violence and industrial sabotage. the occupying powers must be scrupulous in meeting their obligations under international law. the iraqi people need and deserve the support of a united international community in the political and economic reconstruction of their country. the united nations, with its unique experience and legitimacy, is essential to efforts to help the iraqi people recover their sovereignty as soon as possible and to forge a new iraq, at peace with itself and with its neighbours. we look to the members of the security council at this crucial moment to assume their responsibilities and to reach an agreement on a new resolution that reflects the interests [number] of the people of iraq and that can enjoy the necessary support of the region and of the broad international community. the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons poses a serious threat to international peace and security. we must recommit ourselves to controlling the spread of such weapons, and working towards their complete elimination. this can only be achieved through a comprehensive and rigorous system of international treaties and obligations that are verifiable and universal. ireland, with its partners in the new agenda coalition, will continue its efforts in respect of nuclear disarmament during this year s general assembly. ireland calls on all states who are concerned about the issue of weapons of mass destruction to become constructively engaged in the multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation process. there can be no room for double standards. we must also remain resolute in our determination to counter the threat of terrorism. we owe it to the victims of [number] september, and to the victims of terrorist atrocities before and since then. the measures put in place by the security council have made it more difficult for international terrorist networks to organize and to finance their activities. these organizations, however, do not stand still. we must remain vigilant and redouble our efforts to make it impossible for the agents of international terror to operate. in doing so, however, we must be clear that the need to act against terrorism offers no license for action contrary to the united nations charter, or against the body of international human rights and humanitarian law that we have so painstakingly constructed. we must also seek to deal with the causes of terrorism. terrorism is not some kind of original sin. no child is born a terrorist. at some point in their lives, some people become terrorists. we have to identify how and why. and if we find that young people are being indoctrinated into terrorism, we have to deal with those who seek to incite hatred and terror. if we find that they act, however wrongly, in reaction to real or perceived injustice, we have to confront that fact and, as far as it is possible, seek to eliminate the reality or perception of that injustice. to seek to understand the causes of terrorism should not be misunderstood as being soft on terrorism. on the contrary, it is an essential step in its elimination. i can speak from experience of developments in my own country for many decades. the government and people of afghanistan face important challenges in the coming year, in particular the adoption of a constitution and the holding of national elections. severe difficulties stand in the way, especially the precarious security situation. the sustained and wholehearted support of the international community is required if afghanistan is to recover from its long ordeal. for ireland s part, it has delivered on its pledges to the reconstruction of afghanistan. in africa, encouraging progress has been made in the past year towards the resolution of some long- standing and intractable conflicts. we urge the parties to the conflict in the democratic republic of the congo to implement the commitments that they have entered into. neighbouring states must abide by their commitments and their obligation not to interfere in the area. sierra leone remains on track, with the help of the united nations, towards a future and peaceful development. and progress has been achieved in liberia. i want to pay tribute to the efforts of those member states that have contributed to this positive development. their continued engagement, along with the united nations, will be indispensable in helping the people of liberia to consolidate what has been achieved and to build peace in their country. i am pleased to inform the assembly that my government in the next few days will recommend to our parliament that ireland s defence forces participate with a sizeable contingent in the forthcoming united peacekeeping operation in liberia. respect for human rights is an essential foundation for peace and security. lack of respect for human rights is at the root of many conflicts, internal and international. the promotion of human rights is rightly the concern of the international community as a whole. it must remain a central task of the united nations and must be integrated into all united nations activities. there is no room for complacency. we must all recognize that no country, including our own, is perfect. we can all do better. i pay tribute to the many brave individuals around the world defenders of human rights who risk [number] discrimination, imprisonment or worse to ensure that governments live up to their human rights obligations. the establishment of the international criminal court was a clear signal of the determination of the international community to bring to justice those who are involved in genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. ireland, together with its partners in the european union, will continue to offer firm support to the international criminal court, as its work gets under way. i urge those who have not signed or ratified the rome statute to do so, and i urge all states to adhere firmly to the principles on which it is based. the peace process in northern ireland remains a major priority for the irish government. regrettably, due to diminishing trust between the political parties, the devolved political institutions in northern ireland were suspended nearly one year ago. since then, we have been working to re-establish the trust and confidence necessary to restore and sustain these institutions. this involves both ensuring that all vestiges of paramilitary activity are consigned to the past and that all parties commit themselves to the full and stable operation of the democratic institutions of the good friday agreement. following intensive negotiations, we came tantalizingly close in april to making the required breakthrough but unfortunately did not get matters fully resolved at that time. after one of the most peaceful summers on the streets of northern ireland, the process is now entering another decisive phase of challenge and opportunity. developments over the next few weeks will have a crucial bearing on whether elections which i believe should take place before the end of the year will be held in an atmosphere that is conducive to forming a working administration on the other side of the polling day. for this to happen, all of the pro-agreement parties must show leadership and courage, face up to their responsibilities and take the decisions they know are right, and encourage their constituencies to reach out to others. as partners in this process, prime minister blair and i and our two governments are working closely together to support and encourage all those political and community leaders who are taking risks for peace. from other areas around the world struggling to escape from a legacy of violence, we in ireland know all too well that a process of conflict resolution cannot rest still. either it continues to move forward or it loses momentum and direction and falters. to complacently assume that current opportunities for progress can be deferred until a more politically convenient moment is both wrong and dangerous. in the case of northern ireland, the moment of opportunity is now and it is my hope that in the weeks and months ahead all of the parties who subscribed to the good friday agreement will collectively rise to that challenge. poverty and insecurity go hand in hand. the efforts of the united nations to promote international peace and security must be closely aligned with its work in tackling the root causes of poverty. when i launched the united nations human development report in dublin last july, i noted how powerful a reminder it was that the world is becoming a more unequal place. according to the report, [number] countries the great majority of them in africa are poorer now than they were in [number]. a world where more than [number]. [number] billion people continue to live on less than a dollar a day, where [number] million children are orphaned because of hiv aids and where women in the poorest countries are [number] times more likely to die in childbirth than women in rich countries is inherently unjust and hence insecure. at the united nations special session on hiv aids in [number], i said ireland would increase its contribution to the fight against hiv aids by an additional [number] million per year. last year, our spending on hiv aids programmes exceeded [number] million a ten-fold increase over the past three years. the millennium declaration called for a global partnership for development, and as in any partnership, there are responsibilities on all sides. undertakings on official development assistance, debt relief, and governance must be achieved. we must be rigorous in assessing our progress in [number], as we committed ourselves to doing. at the millennium summit, i committed ireland to reaching the united nations target for official development assistance of [number]. [number] per cent of gross national product by [number]. since then, ireland has increased its official development assistance to [number]. [number] per cent and remains committed to reaching the target by [number]. [number] fair and open international trade is essential for global peace and prosperity. it is an integral part of the multilateral system that we are pledged to protect. i regret that it did not prove possible to reach agreement at the recent world trade organization talks in cancun. i understand the frustration of those who consider themselves unfairly treated in global markets. but if we turn our back on the multilateral trading system and allow trade and investment to be diverted and distorted by bilateral and regional arrangements, we will damage perhaps irreparably the best tool available to us to make serious inroads into poverty and to raise standards of living on a global basis. let us redouble our efforts to achieve an agreement that offers fair market access and at the same time allows all of us to preserve the essence of our unique cultures and environments. the past year might have been a difficult one for the united nations, but events have demonstrated that for the people of the world it is the indispensable organization at the centre of our system of collective security. we have invested it with unique legitimacy and authority. people around the world look to it in hope and expectation. let us work together to make sure that the united nations is an organization worthy of the ideals enshrined in its charter, worthy of the trust of those who rely on it for help and protection, worthy of the idealism and dedication of those who work for it and worthy of the sacrifice of those who have given their lives in its service. as the secretary-general made clear when he addressed this session of general assembly we are at a fork in the road. let us be sure to take the right road.

let me begin by adding my voice to the many salutations directed to mr. ban ki-moon on being elected as the secretary-general of the united nations. i wish him a fruitful tenure of office, trusting that through his work the poor of the world will have good reason to increase their confidence in this organization of the nations of the world. again, i reiterate the many thanks to her excellency ms. haya rashed al khalifa, for the good work she did as the president of the general assembly at its sixty-first session. equally, my congratulations go to mr. srgjan kerim on his election as the president of the general assembly at its sixty-second session. we meet here today, under the theme of responding to climate change, at this session, which marks the half-way point in the freely agreed period during which the nations of the world committed themselves to work, individually and collectively, to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs . billions of the people of the world know as a matter of fact that the consequences of climate change be it droughts, floods or unpredictable and extreme weather patterns undermine our common efforts to achieve the mdgs. today, we all understand that the costs of doing nothing about climate change far outweigh those of taking concrete measures to address this challenge. it is clear that delaying action on this matter of climate change will hit poor countries and communities hardest. yet the pace of climate change negotiations is out of step with the urgency indicated by science. i would therefore urge that we collectively aim for a significant advance in the multilateral negotiations when our negotiators meet in bali in december this year. together, we must ensure that we build a fair, effective, flexible and inclusive climate regime under the united nations framework convention on climate change and its kyoto protocol, and we must agree to this as a matter of urgency. though we have different responsibilities, and developed countries clearly have an obligation to take the lead, we all have a common duty to do more and act within our respective capabilities and in accordance with our national circumstances. the world summit on sustainable development correctly reaffirmed sustainable development as a central element of the global action against poverty and the protection of the environment and identified important linkages between poverty, the environment and the use of natural resources. these linkages are real to billions of the poor the combination of their empty stomachs, their degraded environment and their exploited natural resources, for which they benefit nothing, defines hopelessness and a heart-wrenching existence. many of these wretched of the earth know from their bitter experience how their resource-rich areas were transformed into arid, uninhabitable and desolate areas forcing migration to better-endowed regions, thus exacerbating conflicts and the struggle for scarce resources. gathered here as representatives of the peoples of the world, we know very well that climate change, poverty and underdevelopment are not acts of god but human-made. clearly, the starting point for a future climate regime must be equity. a core balance between sustainable development and climate imperatives will have to be the basis of any agreement on a strengthened climate regime. any deal on fair use of the ecological space will have to be balanced by a deal giving all countries a fair chance in the development space. under the aegis of the united nations, but also within our regional bodies, we have adopted many programmes and declarations, with clear implementation targets aimed at addressing the challenges of climate change, poverty and underdevelopment. as this conclave knows very well, the many lofty agreements include, among others, those adopted at the rio earth summit, the copenhagen social summit, the millennium summit, the world summit on sustainable development and the monterrey international conference on financing for development. at all these summits and others, we have adopted declarations using moving and solemn words that express our profound understanding of the gravity of the challenges facing the modern world and have unequivocally committed ourselves to defeating any and all of the miserable and dehumanizing conditions facing large parts of humanity. indeed, this collective asserted, in paragraph [number] of the millennium declaration resolution [number] [number] we will spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty. . . . we are committed to making the right to development a reality for everyone and to freeing the entire human race from want. yet the poor, whose hopes have been raised many times as we have made declaration after declaration against poverty and underdevelopment and as we are doing now on climate change can be forgiven for thinking that this important global leadership often sounds like an empty vessel. that this collective is able to express, always eloquently, the dire circumstances characterizing poverty is without doubt. however, this organization, which should pride itself on visible actions and results in the fight against climate change and poverty, finds it difficult to demonstrate decisive progress in that regard. the reasons for that are not hard to find. although the concepts of freedom, justice and equality are universal and fully embraced by the united nations, this global organization has not itself transformed and designed necessary institutions of governance that are consistent with the noble ideals that drive modern democratic societies. because the nations of the world are defined by the dominant and the dominated, the dominant have always become the decision-makers in the important global forums, including at this seat of global governance. accordingly, the skewed distribution of world power political, economic, military, technological and social replicates itself in multilateral institutions, much to the disadvantage of the majority of the poor people of the world. indeed, even as we agree on the important programmes that should bring a better life to the billions of poor, the rich and the powerful have consistently sought to ensure that, whatever happens, the existing power relations are not altered and therefore that the status quo remains. the results of that situation are that the united nations can and does correctly identify problems and appropriate solutions necessary for making the world a better place for all of humanity. naturally, the dominant and the powerful very often respond positively to agreed programmes if these would advance their own narrow interests. at the same time, the poor will continue to strive for improvement of their wretched conditions. they therefore see the united nations as a natural instrument for helping to accelerate the process of change for the better. hence, they correctly see implementation of all united nations programmes as being central to the efforts relating to climate change and the struggle against poverty and underdevelopment. yet the cold reality is that it will be difficult for the united nations, in its present form, to fully implement its own decisions and therefore to help the poor to swiftly achieve the millennium development goals mdgs . indeed, until the ideals of freedom, justice and equality characterize this premier world body itself, the dominant will forever dictate to the dominated, and the interests of the dominated which are those of the majority of humanity will be deferred in perpetuity. thus, noble statements will continue to be uttered on all matters facing the majority of the people of the world, such as the need to successfully conclude the doha development round, while little is done to implement the many critical agreements necessary to pull the poor out of the morass of poverty and underdevelopment. we in my own country are of the firm belief that we will achieve the mdgs. having emerged from more than three centuries of colonialism and apartheid, we inherited two interlinked economies, which we characterize as the first and second economies. the two economies one developed and globally connected and the other localized and informal display many features of a global system of apartheid. as south africans, we have sought to strengthen the first economy and to use it as a base for the transfer of resources to strengthen and modernize the second economy, and thus embark on the process of changing the lives of those who subsist in the second economy. indeed, without the requisite resource transfers, it will not be possible to achieve the mdgs, because our second economy cannot on its own generate the resources needed to bring a better life to millions of poor south africans. i mention this because, as we all accept, central to the global attainment of the mdgs is the critical matter of resource transfers from the rich countries of the north to the poor countries of the south. many developing countries especially those of my own continent, africa do not have the material base from which to address and attain the mdgs on their own. accordingly, there is an urgent need for massive resource transfers through development assistance, investment, trade, technology transfers and human resource development to these poor countries if we are to achieve the mdgs and successfully adapt to the devastating impacts of climate change. if we do not succeed in building a climate change regime that balances adaptation and mitigation, underpinned by the transfer of technology and financial resources, we will place an unmanageable burden on future generations. in that regard, given africa s specific and dire challenges, we believe it is important to enter into a partnership with africa using the african union s programme the new partnership for africa s development nepad , which the assembly has adopted, so that the measures that the continent has undertaken, with limited resources, for the regeneration of all the african countries can be strengthened by support from the international community, guided by the programmes of the united nations. as history teaches us, it was because of the massive resource transfers in the aftermath of the second world war that western europe recovered and was set on its development path. a similar intervention helped to put a number of asian countries on their own development trajectory. the question we should ask is, why is there an absence of the same resolve to assist poor nations today? the global village to which we constantly refer should encourage us to expand human solidarity. thus, we would build a durable bridge over the river dividing our common global village and regrettably ensuring that one human being lives a fulfilling life while another experiences a miserable existence. representing the citizens of the world, we have set for ourselves programmes requiring that all of us work together to create better living conditions for humanity and ensure that we achieve that which is necessary for our mutual prosperity. together, rich and poor, developed and developing, north and south, we can and must truly hold hands and address the challenges of climate change and sustainable development, work together to defeat poverty and underdevelopment and ensure that every human being is saved from the indecencies and humiliations that are inseparable from poverty. but to do that, we need first and foremost to implement the decisions that we have adopted freely in this eminent house of the representatives of the global community. and so, let our actions speak louder than our words.

i should like first to extend my heartfelt congratulations to his excellency mr. samir shihabi upon his election as president of the general assembly at this historic forty-sixth session. i am pleased also to have this opportunity to express my respects and appreciation to his excellency mr. guido de marco for the very able manner in which he presided over the forty-fifth session. on behalf of the government and the people of japan, i wish to extend a hearty welcome to the countries that have been newly admitted to united nations membership the democratic people's republic of korea, the republic of korea, the federated states of micronesia, the republic of the marshall islands, the republic of estonia, the republic of latvia and the republic of lithuania. with these seven new member states and with the cambodia an supreme national council occupying its country's seat, i am glad to see the organization's enhanced universality at the very time when the united nations may be expected finally to attain the high ideals held for it since its founding. lastly, i wish to pay a high tribute to the secretary-general for the important contributions he has made for world peace. in a span of just two years the world has undergone a historic change with the end of the cold war and with the gulf crisis. the international community is thus in a historic time of transition as efforts are being made to fashion a new world order. now, as the world moves from confrontation to cooperation, tremendous possibilities are opening up for human progress. this shift has provided new impetus for the resolution of regional issues through dialogue. it is clear that the process of bringing an end to the gulf crisis has had a favourable impact on progress towards the peaceful resolution of conflicts in the middle east, cambodia, western sahara, angola, central america, afghanistan and elsewhere. prospects for the future are bright in europe as well, with the [number] integration of the european community and its link-up with the european free trade association, and the return of the east european states to the european fold. at the same time, however, it must be recognised that the world is beset by the uncertainty and instability common to any time of transition. there is also the danger that religious, ethnic, territorial and other disputes may resurface as the cold war structure is dismantled. the gulf crisis was resolved through the resolute action of the international community, and it is essential hereafter that we fully understand the characteristic features of this time of transition and respond unerringly. in this respect, japan is profoundly concerned about developments in yugoslavia and supports the efforts of the european community and others to mediate a peaceful resolution to that conflict. the situation that is emerging in the soviet union is one of historic transition toward the universal values of freedom and democracy as we approach the twenty-first century. home to three-fourths of the earth's population, many of the world's developing countries continue to suffer from the problems of grinding poverty, sluggish growth, burgeoning debt and population growth. it is the responsibility of the international community to work for sustained development in these countries. in addition, with increasing interdependence, humankind is faced with a spate of problems, such as those concerning the global environment, refugees, drugs and terrorism, which no one country or region can solve on its own but for whose solution we must all join together, on the basis of the realization that the world is one. at this historic time of transition, each country throughout the world is called upon to forge a new approach appropriate to the new era, and then all must work together in a shared effort to create a new world order. with a sense of sincere contrition over the past war, the japanese people are resolutely determined never again to become a military power. in the more than [number] years since the second world war, while striving to attain the level of development that it enjoys today, japan has worked tirelessly, through a wide range of economic and other exchanges, to translate into actual policies the philosophy of living, and the resolve to live, as a nation of peace. in considering the circumstances that enabled japan to achieve its present prosperity in an international climate of peace, i believe that the new international order that we seek must be one that strives, first, to ensure peace and security secondly, to respect freedom and democracy thirdly, to guarantee world prosperity through open market economies fourthly, to preserve an environment in which all people can lead rewarding lives and, fifthly, to create stable international relations founded upon dialogue and cooperation. these goals are basic tenets of japanese policy and are consistent with the purposes of the united nations as set forth in its charter. in this new era of collaboration and cooperation, the united nations will be expected to play a central role in surmounting the many challenges facing the international community. this view was also expressed in the political declaration of the london summit. dedicated to peace in full recognition of its past experiences and cognizant of the global responsibilities that accrue as a result of its economic strength, japan has a historic mission to make the maximum possible contribution to our common efforts to achieve the goals of the new world order. the international community coalesced magnificently around the united nations in response to the crisis in the gulf. japan, too, extended maximum cooperation to the efforts of the countries concerned to restore peace to the gulf and to the front-line countries hard hit by the economic dislocations resulting from the war. as a result of japan's participation in this international response to the blatant challenge to the rule of law and the violation of peace, there developed among the japanese people a heightened awareness that, as a peace-loving country, japan has an obligation to contribute actively to efforts led by the united nations to secure and maintain world peace. accordingly, after the cease-fire japan dispatched to the gulf region japanese disaster relief teams to address environmental problems and to provide refugee relief, and also dispatched minesweepers to ensure navigational safety in the gulf. although a ceasefire is in effect, numerous problems remain, including the questions of establishing international borders, of monitoring the cease-fire, of battling the reparations issue, and of eliminating iraq's weapons of mass destruction. the resolution of these issues has been entrusted to the united nations. it is essential that iraq faithfully comply with all security council resolutions so as to facilitate their smooth and prompt implementation, and that it cooperate with the work of the special commission on the destruction of weapons of mass destruction. likewise, recognising that all member states have an obligation to support these tasks of the united nations actively, japan will continue to be unstinting in its support. the gulf crisis is past, but for the sake of long-term regional stability, it is essential that remaining issues, such as the problem of peace in the middle east and the security of the gulf, be resolved. this will require the active involvement of the international community as a whole, respecting the initiatives and wishes of the countries in the region. through the efforts of the united states and the soviet union, progress is now being made towards holding an international conference on peace in the middle east, and we very much hope that all of the parties concerned will strive to conduct these negotiations flexibly and realistically and that they will succeed in their shared endeavour. japan intends to intensify its dialogue with the parties concerned and to extend all possible and appropriate cooperation to efforts to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, in line with security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . there are a number of lessons to be learned from the gulf crisis. the first of these is that once armed conflict erupts it inevitably causes tremendous human suffering and takes vast amounts of human and material resources to resolve. from this it is clear that conflict prevention is a matter of special urgency and deserves highest priority. if the united nations is to be able to engage effectively in preventive diplomacy, it is essential that the secretary-general, the security council and the general assembly each function effectively within their realms of responsibility. in an effort to add substance to the draft declaration on fact-finding by the united nations that has been submitted at this session of the general assembly, and to enable the secretary-general, with the support of the security council and others, to move vigorously at a very early stage to prevent conflict, japan would like to propose the establishment of a conflict-prevention system based on the following measures. first, the secretariat's ability continuously to monitor and analyse information relating to possible conflicts should be substantially strengthened. secondly, on-site fact-finding missions should be dispatched. thirdly, early warnings should be issued as the situation requires. fourthly, good offices and mediation efforts should be undertaken under the authority of the secretary-general. japan hopes to work together with other member states during this session of the general assembly for the early establishment of an effective system for conflict prevention. the second lesson to be learned from the gulf crisis is that the amassing of massive arsenals by one country through the international transfer and proliferation of weapons contributes to aggressive behaviour when such actions are tied to that country's political aims. thus, the most important issue in the wake of the gulf crisis is that of strengthening efforts in the fields of the international transfer of conventional weapons and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and missiles. this is an area in which japan has long taken active initiatives. there is an urgent need to establish a united nations reporting system that would enhance the transparency of such international transfers of conventional weapons. japan has advocated the establishment of just such a system since march of this year. prime minister toshiki kaifu announced at the kyoto conference on disarmament issues in may that japan would be submitting a draft resolution to this effect to the general assembly at this session. at present, we are consulting with the countries of the european community and others concerned, and re hard at work drafting this draft resolution. given the importance of establishing such a system as soon as possible, i very much hope it will find wide support throughout the general assembly. recognising that there may be some technical issues involved in ensuring that such a system operates smoothly, we are prepared to cooperate with the united nations in hosting a meeting next year in japan to elaborate these issues. likewise, should the need arise, we are also prepared to offer appropriate cooperation to enhance the database capabilities of the department for disarmament affairs for the implementation of this system. as the only country to have suffered the devastation of atomic weapons, japan is working for the ultimate abolition of all nuclear arms and has proposed a step-by-step approach to the cessation of nuclear testing. i pay a high tribute to the united states and the soviet union for having concluded the strategic arms reduction treaty this year. i hope that still further efforts will be made towards nuclear disarmament. at the same time, i would point out in regard to the current situation in the soviet union that the international community very much hopes that that country will ratify and fulfil its treaty obligations in the field of arms control and will maintain the strictest control over its nuclear arsenals. furthermore, it is very important that the nuclear non-proliferation treaty npt gain greater universality, and i have long called upon all countries that have not yet done so to accede to this treaty. i am sincerely gratified by france's decision to sign the npt by china's announcement, during prime minister kaifu's recent visit, of its intention to become a party to it and by south africa's accession to it. i very much hope that france, china and all other countries that have not yet done so will become parties to the npt promptly and that the treaty will be extended wall beyond [number]. in order to strengthen the npt, it is also important to reinforce and improve the safeguards system of the international atomic energy agency, and for this purpose japan has proposed a system which includes the use of special inspections. it is deplorable that there is still a country that is a party to the mpt but has not yet concluded a safeguards agreement as called for by the treaty, and i hope that this situation will be rectified as soon as possible. on the question of chemical weapons, as i stressed in the statement i delivered at the conference on disarmament in june of this year, it is important that the negotiations on the chemical weapons convention be concluded at the earliest possible date, before we lose the momentum provided by the gulf crisis. there is very little time until the mid-[number] deadline and i hope the conference on disarmament in geneva will continue its work even while the general assembly is in session. the position of japan on the question of missiles was set forth in its appeal at the tokyo conference on the missile technology control regime this march, and it is hoped that all countries will adopt the regime guidelines. the gulf crisis demonstrated anew how very important it is that conflicts be resolved peacefully through international cooperative efforts led by the united nations. at the same time, it made the world aware once again of the importance of united nations peace-keeping operations to ensure that a cease-fire once established is not breached. in today's changing world, the peace-keeping operations are an increasingly important and indispensable activity for promoting the resolution of regional conflicts, and it is expected that they will be further activated in the months and years ahead. enhancing their function and authority will require broader participation in terms of personnel from the united rations membership and a more stable financial base. so far, japan has sought to buttress the peace-keeping operations by voluntary contributions to start-up costs and by subscriptions to the trust fund for such operations. further, the government of japan has just presented to the national diet a bill that would put in place new domestic arrangements enabling japan to strengthen its contribution to efforts for world peace in terms of personnel while continuing to extend financial cooperation. the wave of reform under way in the soviet union gives us hope that it may be possible to develop a new cooperative relationship with that country in the context of the new international political and economic order. japan sincerely welcomes the historic changes taking place in the soviet union, and intends to work to develop a new relationship based upon the following principles. first is the principle of strong support for, and solidarity with, the total thrust of the reforms in soviet domestic and foreign policy and of enhancing and expanding appropriate and effective assistance. the second is that of dramatically strengthening and enhancing multifaceted cooperation with the republics, especially our neighbour, the russian republics. in this connection, japan very much appreciates the view expressed by the leadership of the russian republic that the distinction between victor and vanquished has no place in the creation of the new world order, and hopes to strengthen new cooperative relations along these lines. the third is that of expanding appropriate cooperation so that an open soviet union can be accepted as a truly constructive partner in the asia-pacific region. the fourth is that of actively supporting expanded cooperative relations of the soviet union with international economic organisations, including a special association with the international monetary fund and the world bank, so as to integrate the soviet union into the world economy. the fifth and most important is that of concluding, in line with the principle of law and justice, as emphasised by the russian republic, a peace treaty between our two countries by way of resolving the territorial issue at the earliest possible time and hence effecting a fundamental development in our bilateral relationship. japan is confident that such a dramatic improvement in japanese-russian and japanese-soviet relations can make a creative contribution to the structuring of the new world order that we all desire. there are still a number of unresolved conflicts and disputes in the asia-pacific region. as an asian-pacific country itself, japan is pursuing an active foreign policy so as to create an international order for ever free of confrontation and division. in this sense, the fact that south korea and north korea have joined the united nations simultaneously at this session is an event of historic significance, and one we welcome as heralding peace and the relaxation of tensions on the korean peninsula. i very much hope that south korea and north korea will continue to work for peaceful unification through direct dialogue in keeping with the principles of the united nations charter. thus i appreciate the constructive proposal for peaceful unification which resident roh tae hoo made in his statement this morning. for its part, japan has been engaged in negotiations since the beginning of this year for the normalisation of its relations with north korea, and intends to continue to negotiate in good faith so as to contribute to peace and stability on the peninsula. there is at long last good cause for optimism that a comprehensive settlement may be achieved in cambodia. recognising that the promotion of dialogue among the cambodian parties themselves is the most important factor for peace in that country, japan has undertaken a number of diplomatic initiatives, including the hosting of the tokyo meeting on cambodia last year. we thus sincerely welcome the recent progress made by the supreme national council under the leadership of his royal highness prince samdech norodom sihanouk. japan very much hopes that the paris conference on cambodia will be reconvened at the end of october, that lasting peace will be attained with appropriate united nations involvement and that vigorous nation-building efforts in accordance with the will of the cambodian people will begin as soon as possible. japan also welcomes the rapid progress that is being made to bring about domestic reforms in south africa, including the abolition of the legal foundation of apartheid. we hope that discussions for the drafting of a new constitution will commence soon. japan is ready to support the efforts of all parties concerned for the establishment of a free and democratic society without racial discrimination in south africa. turning to the situation in afghanistan, japan welcomes efforts to achieve a political settlement, including the secretary-general's five-point proposal and the agreement by the united states and the soviet union to end their arms shipments to combatants there. japan continues to support the tireless efforts for peace of all the parties concerned. many of the developing countries of asia, africa and latin america are beset by increasingly grave economic and social difficulties. it is vitally important for all the world that development be promoted and prosperity achieved in those countries. with the threat of nuclear war having receded and ideological conflict being a thing of the past, this is now the international community's most important responsibility. it is essential that we support those developing countries that are making self-help efforts for economic reconstruction and development in close consultation with international organisations, and it is especially imperative that the necessary financial resources, including resources from the private sector, be made available by the industrialised countries. japan is working to enhance its official development assistance under its fourth medium-term target, and it is also steadily implementing its capital recycling programme. in view of the special needs of the least-developed countries, japan cooperated with the united nations capital development fund uncdf to host the least-developed countries tokyo forum this may to study ways to deal with their problems. in an effort to widen further the loop of cooperation, japan is planning to convene in tokyo in [number] a summit-level african development conference to address the problems of african countries. the maintenance and strengthening of the free and multilateral trading system is indispensable to world economic development, and the successful conclusion of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt uruguay round is both the most important issue facing the world economy and a priority foreign policy issue for japan. japan intends to cooperate with the other countries concerned in making every possible effort to conclude the uruguay round by the end of the year. as a prerequisite to sustained prosperity, it is most urgent that we work to resolve the many global environmental issues threatening the very survival of the human race and to create a world more congenial to human life. however, threats to the world environment, global warming, depletion of tropical forests, destruction of the ozone layer and encroaching desertification have grown more serious in recent years. during this international decade for natural of disaster reduction, which commenced last year, it is essential that we redouble our efforts to prevent and mitigate natural disasters. resolving these global environmental issues will require that people everywhere transcend the barriers that separate them and work together. the united nations conference on environment and development to be held next year is an important opportunity for all countries to join together and agree on ways of ensuring a congenial environment for the future. as an industrialised asian nation, and one that has managed to reconcile the dual demands of development and the environment, japan hopes to contribute to building a cooperative framework for industrialised and developing countries, and is determined to take active initiatives for the success of this conference. it is also from this position that we intend to continue to play an important role in the negotiations for the framework convention on climate change. hoping to support the upgrading of developing countries' ability to deal with the need for environmental conservation, japan intends to continue to implement vigorously its development assistance, including the establishment of the united nations environment programs international environmental technology centre in japan and its support for the sustainable management of tropical forestry resources through, for example, the international tropical timber organisation. creating a world in which human values are respected and people everywhere can lead lives of dignity is beyond the capabilities of any single nation and is truly a task for all humankind. as the first step in creating such a world, it is essential that the fundamental human rights of everyone be guaranteed, and that all people be enabled to exercise their god-given abilities. believing that respect for human rights la a universal value and the foundation of world peace and stability, japan is making an active effort to have human rights respected and promoted world-wide. we are thus concerned that there are still some countries where these fundamental human rights are not yet respected. the wave of democratisation in eastern europe has swelled to a major current of democratisation world-wide and has sparked global reforms. this april the government of japan stated that its official development assistance will be extended with special attention to the following considerations the trends in military expenditures by the recipient country, its efforts to promote democratisation and to introduce a market-oriented economy, and the situation with regard to securing basic human rights and freedoms. in line with this approach, japan intends through its aid to support and contribute to efforts for democratisation and economic reforms world-wide. the tragedy of an increasing number of refugees and displaced persons generated by regional problems and armed conflicts in many parts of the world is a direct affront to the concept of respect for humanity. it is imperative that the entire world join together in extending relief to these unfortunate people, said to number some [number] million, and japan intends to continue its vigorous assistance through the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees and other international bodies. in this regard, japan feels it would be appropriate for a working group, to be organised with the participation of international organisations and other interested parties, to study the possibility of a system to forecast new flows of refugees and to issue early warnings. there is an urgent need to strengthen the ability of the united nations to provide relief assistance in the event of major emergencies. measures must be taken to strengthen the coordination and cooperation structures among the humanitarian relief agencies under the secretary-general and also to ensure that the relief activities of these agencies have maximum effect. believing that it would be useful for all countries and united nations agencies to form a stand-by network for the provision of whatever personnel and relief goods they can offer, japan intends to take an active part in such an international endeavour. it is hoped that the united nations will play a central role in international cooperation for the creation of a new world order. never before in the nearly half a century the united nations has been in existence has support for it been so widespread and expectations so high. this is perhaps the first time ever that conditions have been so favourable for achieving the high ideals envisioned by the organization's founders. we are at a historic watershed, and whether the united nations will be able to achieve the great things that people everywhere expect of it and to create a better world for the twenty-first century depends upon what uses we make of it and how well we as member states support and defend it. indeed, the united nations is what its member states make it. at present i would be hard pressed to say that the united nations is capable of fully and effectively meeting our expectations. we need to create a strong and efficient united nations able to respond fully to the needs of this new era. it is imperative that all states that value the united nations work together and with the secretary-general in strengthening the functions of the organisation. japan, for its part, will be unstinting in its cooperation. i should like, in this connection, to remind member states once again that the "former enemies" clauses in the united nations charter are utterly inappropriate historic relics which should be promptly deleted. this session of the general assembly is a historic one that will consider the new world that is emerging in the wake of the cold war and the gulf war and the great reforms in the soviet union. recognizing that it has a historic mission to do everything it can for the world order consistent with its position as a nation of peace, japan is determined to make the maximum effort for the realization of a peaceful, prosperous and humane world for all. we need to give further impetus to efforts of this kind in order to achieve tangible progress. let us join together to ensure that this forty-sixth session will prove to be truly significant by providing that impetus.

on behalf of spain, i would like to congratulate ambassador ashe on his new responsibility as president of the general assembly and to convey to him our firm support and best wishes. his abilities are a guarantee of good work for the next [number] months. i would also like to thank his predecessor, his excellency mr. vuk jeremi. , for his effective work during the past year and to wish him success in his new role. this general assembly is the hub of the international system. in it, we all have the same rights, regardless of our size, population or economic development. it is the organ of the united nations that embodies the sovereign equality of states. the decisions we take here present the international community with a body of opinion that is difficult to rebut. this is the debating hall of global legitimacy. we are all permanent members here, and it is here that multilateralism takes on its full meaning and effect. spain has faith in the united nations and is firmly committed to the organization, because we subscribe completely to the purposes and principles it embodies. our commitment to the united nations is not mere rhetoric. spain is the sixth largest contributor to the system. that commitment legitimizes our aspiration to serve the goals of the united nations in the security council in the [number]-[number] biennium. we shall do so in the same spirit of dialogue and consensus as on the most recent previous occasion when the assembly placed its trust in spain. in the [number] years that have passed since then, my country has continued to demonstrate by its actions its resolve to faithfully serve the goals of the united nations the maintenance of international peace and security, the peaceful resolution of conflicts, international cooperation for development and the promotion and observance of human rights. the maintenance of international peace and security is a prerequisite for the progress of humankind. spain believes firmly in the threefold values of peace, security and development, which is why more than [number], [number] spanish soldiers have served in united nations peacekeeping operations and humanitarian missions in every region of the world since [number]. spanish troops are currently serving under the blue flag of the united nations in the united nations interim force in lebanon, where since [number] they have helped to ensure peace and stability in a country that is located in a particularly turbulent region. spain works to promote disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control, and it took an active part in the arms trade treaty negotiations. we have also participated in various international initiatives to prevent nuclear terrorism. spain has suffered the violence of terrorism and knows that new threats from non-state factions call for a global response through international cooperation. we must comprehensively implement the united nations global counter-terrorism strategy and arrive at a global convention to combat that menace, which transcends borders. the people of spain know from experience that the responsibility for terrorism lies with the terrorists alone it is exclusive to them and non-transferable, whatever its perpetrators may claim. we should always honour the memory of the victims, which is key to denying social or moral legitimacy to terrorism of any kind. our commitment to working for peace and security in the world was made evident this year during the crisis in mali. spain initially supported the african-led international support mission in mali, and thereafter the deployment of the united nations multidimensional integrated stabilization mission in mali. spanish troops in the european union mission in mali are training the country s armed forces, which are responsible for ensuring the country s national sovereignty and territorial integrity, with full respect for human rights. mali is defeating terrorism and has regained its territorial integrity, an unquestionable success that we can all be proud of. but it is only the first step. the return to constitutional order, with the holding of presidential elections, marks the start of a second phase of building the open and inclusive institutions that are essential to mali s future. in the long term, we must continue to support development throughout the sahel as the only way to promote security, democracy and prosperity in the region. the entire assembly should welcome the role played by african organizations in that crisis. special recognition is due to the african union, which celebrates its fiftieth anniversary this year. spain has very close ties with africa. that continent s concerns are ours, too. we participate in the african union s summits and in funding the new partnership for africa s development, and we were the first non-african country to contribute directly to the african union commission s budget. spain has launched a strategic partnership with the economic community of west african states ecowas and continues to strengthen its ties with other regional organizations in africa. we back up those commitments with genuine support. over the past four years, spain has contributed [number] million to ecowas and the same amount to the african development bank. for the past two years, we have been witness to the courageous and determined efforts of arab peoples to assert their dignity, consolidate their democratic systems and exclude those who promote violence and the violation of fundamental human rights. the road to democracy is not easy, but there cannot and must not be any turning back. democracy has to be an effort undertaken by all of society, working towards coexistence and inclusiveness, an effort which is based on dialogue, tolerance and respect for human rights. that undertaking should be embraced by every country, not just at the political level but also at the social and economic. to support those processes of democratic governance, spain has launched the masar programme, aimed at governments and civil society in north africa and the middle east. the assembly is aware that the situation in syria has become an intolerable, heartbreaking human tragedy, as well as a growing threat to regional and international peace and security. the brutal attack with sarin gas against civilians in damascus confirmed by the report of the united nations mission to investigate allegations of the use of chemical weapons in the syrian arab republic see a [number] [number] has been widely condemned in the international community, which firmly believes that that act must not be repeated or go unpunished. the proposal by russia and the united states that will allow international control and the subsequent destruction of all stocks of chemical weapons in syria has been applauded by all. it is now necessary for the security council to adopt a resolution to establish a legally binding prohibition on the use of chemical weapons in syria and to ensure their mandatory destruction. much rests on that question. as the secretary-general remarked, it constitutes a challenge to international security, one that if not resolved will represent a collective failure. spain firmly believes that only political dialogue between the parties will put an end to the increasingly violent conflict, as was highlighted by the report a hrc [number] [number] presented to the human rights council. therefore, we support the efforts of mr. lakhdar brahimi, joint special representative of the united nations and the league of arab states for syria, to promote a political transition in syria. spain is confident of the success of the geneva ii conference. in that respect, i reiterate before the assembly my call to the parties to demonstrate a constructive attitude. spain will continue to bolster the opposition forces in order to ensure an orderly and inclusive transition to democracy. finally, it is essential to maintain the humanitarian effort to help reduce the suffering of syria s internally displaced population and that of the refugees in neighbouring countries. in a related context, i wish to emphasize that the middle east peace process is taking on a new perspective. last year, in this very forum, it was decided by a significant majority to recognize palestine as a united nations observer state. the current negotiations are perhaps the last chance to reach a just, comprehensive and lasting peace for the two states, israel and palestine, to live in peace, security and prosperity. at this crucial time for the region, the political leaders concerned, with the support of the international community, must take the bold decisions necessary to achieve the historic goal of peace, and thereby promote stability in the entire region and the world. my country is a staunch advocate of dialogue and the use of peaceful means for the settlement of disputes. we believe that conflict prevention is one of the main instruments for ensuring peace and security. therefore, we have participated in the peacebuilding commission, the establishment of the alliance of civilizations and the establishment, with austria and saudi arabia, of the king abdullah bin abdulaziz international centre for interreligious and intercultural dialogue. we believe in mediation for the peaceful settlement of disputes. that is why we are a member of the united nations group of friends of mediation. within the group, together with morocco, we have launched the initiative on mediation in the mediterranean region, which has recently started producing results. the general assembly has developed a consolidated, universal legal doctrine on decolonization, which spain has endorsed wholeheartedly. once again, i must submit to the assembly the question of gibraltar, which the organization included in [number] in the list of non-self- governing territories awaiting decolonization. the only such territory remaining in europe, it affects our territorial integrity. since that date, the united kingdom has ignored the mandate of the general assembly and the commitment made to spain in the [number] brussels declaration. that anachronism continues to inconvenience the citizens of gibraltar and the surrounding area. resting its case on the legitimacy granted by the universal doctrine of the general assembly, spain once again reiterates its call to the united kingdom to resume bilateral dialogue and regional cooperation. western sahara remains one of the unresolved issues at the united nations. spain supports the search for a fair, lasting and mutually acceptable solution, one that provides for the self-determination of the people of western sahara within the framework of the united nations and in accordance with the purposes and principles of the charter. accordingly, spain fully endorses the work carried out in that respect by the secretary-general and his personal envoy. i would like to highlight the contribution of latin america and its regional organizations to multilateralism. their constructive input on global issues, such as the environment and development, is of fundamental importance. during the forthcoming ibero-american summit in panama, we will address global challenges in the political, economic and social contexts and offer some joint responses. the general assembly has declared [number] the international year of water cooperation. the human right to water and sanitation is essential for sustainable development and the fight against poverty. that is why, in [number], spain set up the cooperation fund for water and sanitation, endowed with [number] billion for projects in latin america. moreover, conscious of the strategic value of water in ensuring peace and security, spain and algeria have planned to launch a water strategy for the western mediterranean. thanks to the work of the united nations, there is broad awareness of the crucial importance of the fight against climate change, which is a direct and immediate priority. next year will be the year of the small island developing states and will provide an excellent opportunity to jointly address the problems they face. their efforts to adapt to climate change and to mitigate its harmful effects must be supported, as they produce the least pollution yet suffer the most from its consequences. as a nation, spain acts in solidarity and has made every effort to promote the achievement of the millennium development goals mdgs . it has channelled its solidarity through the multilateral system of the united nations in the belief that that system guarantees the principle of neutrality in the allocation of funds to effectively achieve the ultimate goal, namely, the eradication of poverty. in [number], spain, together with the united nations development programme, established the mdg achievement fund, which has had a real impact on the lives of [number] million people through more than [number] programmes in [number] countries, disbursing almost [number] billion. the evaluation of the fund, which concludes its activities this year, will be a key reference both for analysing compliance with the mdgs and for developing the post-[number] development agenda. the preparation of that agenda is the central theme of this session of the general assembly. for spain, the post-[number] agenda should be focused on truly sustainable development, should be universal and should acknowledge the importance of transparent institutions in achieving inclusive growth. we must therefore clearly define the sustainable development goals in order to complete the process that began in rio de janeiro last year. however, it must not be forgotten that only a little more than two years remain to achieve the mdgs. while we can be pleased with the progress made in many areas, there is still a long way to go. as the spanish economy starts to grow again, we will significantly support these efforts with generous, intelligent and effective investment in development cooperation. my country s solidarity can also be seen in terms of humanitarian aid, for which spain is the world s eighth largest donor. the united nations is able to respond to humanitarian crises in west africa and the sahel faster and more effectively, thanks to the world food programme humanitarian aid storage and distribution centre that we built in las palmas de gran canaria. spain has always been a crossroads of cultures, religions and traditions. ours is an open, pluralistic and tolerant country that respects and integrates the diversity that comes with globalization. the protection and promotion of human rights is a responsibility of the institutions to which all citizens must contribute. spain was the third country in the world to ratify the optional protocol to the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights, and i urge other states to do likewise. we also take a special interest in promoting the rights of persons with disabilities. that is why we joined the philippines in co-facilitating the outcome document of the high-level meeting on the realization of the millenium development goals for persons with disabilities resolution [number] [number] , which took place just a few days ago. i am proud to say that in recognition of that commitment, spain has been awarded the franklin d. roosevelt international disability rights award, which her majesty queen sofia accepted a few days ago in this very city. we will also continue to support the work of un-women, as we have since its inception. equality between women and men, the full participation of women in all areas, and efforts to end violence against women and girls are indispensable for true development and constitute a priority for spain, both nationally and internationally. our commitment to multilateralism is inseparable from our desire for a decisive and efficient united nations. that is why this session of the general assembly must tackle the issue of security council reform, which can be achieved only through the broadest possible consensus founded on the principles of accountability, transparency and cooperation, with a view to enhancing the legitimacy of and support for the council s actions. it is also necessary to bring the organization into line with its means and to rationalize resources so that, together, we may achieve more with less. we therefore give our unconditional support to the progress being made towards system-wide consistency and the delivering as one initiative, to which spain is the leading contributor. at the same time, the universal character of the united nations means that we must preserve its multilingualism. in [number], spain announced its candidacy to become a non-permanent member of the security council for the [number]-[number] biennium. my speech today has underlined the main reasons why i believe that spain has shown, not with mere words but with concrete actions, its readiness to serve the united nations in the security council, with the same commitment to dialogue and solidarity that we have shown since joining the organization. we have but a single objective to uphold human dignity. all our efforts in favour of peace, freedom, democracy, justice, human rights and sustainable development are directed towards that goal. spain knows that its efforts to uphold human dignity will bear greater fruit through the united nations, just as the general assembly may be sure that, in this endeavour, it can count on spain.

thank you for the opportunity to address the general assembly of the united nations. sixty years ago, representatives from [number] nations gathered to begin deliberations on a new international bill of rights. the document they produced is called the universal declaration of human rights, and it stands as a landmark achievement in the history of human liberty. the declaration opens by recognizing the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family as the foundation of freedom and justice and peace in the world. as we gather for the sixty-second session of the general assembly, the standards of the declaration must guide our work in this world. achieving the promise of the declaration requires confronting long-term threats. it also requires answering the immediate needs of today. we nations in this hall have our differences. yet, there are some areas where we can all agree. when innocent people are trapped in a life of murder and fear, the declaration is not being upheld. when millions of children starve to death or perish from a mosquito bite, we are not doing our duty in the world. when whole societies are cut off from the prosperity of the global economy, we are all worse off. changing these underlying conditions is what the declaration calls the work of larger freedom, and it must be the work of every nation in this assembly. this great institution must work for great purposes, to free people from tyranny and violence, hunger and disease, illiteracy and ignorance and poverty and despair. every member of the united nations must join in this mission of liberation. the first mission of the united nations requires liberating people from tyranny and violence. the first article of the universal declaration begins by stating that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. this truth is denied by terrorists and extremists who kill the innocent with the aim of imposing their hateful vision on humanity. the followers of this violent ideology are a threat to civilized people everywhere. all civilized nations must work together to stop them by sharing intelligence about their networks and choking off their finances and bringing to justice their operatives. in the long run, the best way to defeat extremists is to defeat their dark ideology with a more hopeful vision the vision of liberty that founded this body. the united states salutes the nations that have recently taken strides towards liberty, including ukraine, georgia, kyrgyzstan, mauritania, liberia, sierra leone and morocco. the palestinian territories have moderate leaders mainstream leaders who are working to build free institutions that fight terror, enforce the law and respond to the needs of their people. the international community must support these leaders so that we can advance the vision of two democratic states israel and palestine living side by side in peace and security. brave citizens in lebanon and afghanistan and iraq have made the choice for democracy. yet, the extremists have responded by targeting them for murder. this is not a show of strength it is evidence of fear and the extremists are doing everything within their power to bring down these young democracies. the people of lebanon and afghanistan and iraq have asked for our help, and every civilized nation has a responsibility to stand with them. every civilized nation also has a responsibility to stand up for the people suffering under dictatorship. in belarus, north korea, syria and iran, brutal regimes deny their people the fundamental rights enshrined in the universal declaration. americans are outraged by the situation in burma, where a military junta has imposed a [number]-year reign of fear. basic freedoms of speech, assembly and worship are severely restricted. ethnic minorities are persecuted. forced child labour, human trafficking and rape are common. the regime is holding more than [number], [number] political prisoners, including aung san suu kyi, whose party was elected overwhelmingly by the burmese people in [number]. the ruling junta remains unyielding, yet the people s desire for freedom is unmistakable. this morning, i am announcing a series of steps to help bring peaceful change to burma. the united states will tighten economic sanctions on the leaders of the regime and their financial backers. we will impose an expanded visa ban on those responsible for the most egregious violations of human rights as well as their family members. we will continue to support the efforts of humanitarian groups working to alleviate suffering in burma. and i urge the united nations and all nations to use their diplomatic and economic leverage to help the burmese people reclaim their freedom. in cuba, the long rule of a cruel dictator is nearing its end. the cuban people are ready for their freedom. and as that nation enters a period of transition, the united nations must insist on free speech, free assembly and, ultimately, free and competitive elections. in zimbabwe, ordinary citizens suffer under a tyrannical regime. the government has cracked down on peaceful calls for reform and has forced millions to flee their homeland. the behaviour of the mugabe regime is an assault on its people and an affront to the principles of the universal declaration. the united nations must insist on change in harare and must insist on freedom for the people of zimbabwe. in sudan, innocent civilians are suffering repression and in the darfur region, many are losing their lives to genocide. america has responded with tough sanctions against those responsible for the violence. we have provided more than [number] billion in humanitarian and peacekeeping aid. i look forward to attending a security council meeting that will focus on darfur, chaired by the french president. i appreciate france s leadership in helping to stabilize sudan s neighbours. the united nations must answer this challenge to conscience and live up to its promise to promptly deploy peacekeeping forces to darfur. secondly, the mission of the united nations requires liberating people from hunger and disease. article [number] of the universal declaration states that everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, and medical care. around the world, the united nations is carrying out noble efforts to live up to these words. feeding the hungry has long been a special calling for my nation. today, more than half the world s food assistance comes from america. we send emergency food stocks to starving people, from camps in sudan to slums around the world. i have proposed an innovative initiative to alleviate hunger under which america would purchase the crops of local farmers in africa and elsewhere, rather than shipping in food from the developed world. this would help build up local agriculture and break the cycle of famine in the developing world, and i urge our united states congress to support this initiative. many in this hall are bringing the spirit of generosity to fighting hiv aids and malaria. five years ago, in sub-saharan africa, an aids diagnosis was widely considered a death sentence, and fewer than [number], [number] people infected with the virus were receiving treatment. the world responded by creating the global fund, which is working with governments and the private sector to fight the disease around the world. the united states decided to take these efforts a step further by launching the [number] billion emergency plan for aids relief. since [number], this effort has helped bring cutting-edge medicines to more than a million people in sub-saharan africa. it is a good start. so earlier this year, i proposed to double our initial commitment to [number] billion. by coming together, the world can turn the tide against hiv aids, once and for all. malaria is another common killer. in some countries, malaria takes as many lives as hiv aids, the vast majority of them children under the age of five. every one of these deaths is unnecessary, because the disease is preventable and treatable. the world knows what it takes to stop malaria bed nets, indoor spraying and medicine to treat the disease. two years ago, america launched a [number]. [number] billion malaria initiative. other nations and the private sector are making vital contributions as well. i call on every member state to maintain its focus, to find new ways to join this cause and to bring us closer to the day when deaths caused by malaria are no more. thirdly, the mission of the united nations requires liberating people from the chains of illiteracy and ignorance. article [number] of the universal declaration states that everyone has the right to education. when nations make the investments needed to educate their people, the whole world benefits. better education unleashes the talent and potential of citizens and adds to the prosperity of all of us. better education promotes better health and greater independence. better education increases the strength of democracy and weakens the appeal of violent ideologies. so the united states is joining with nations around the world to help them provide a better education for their people. a good education starts with good teachers. in partnership with other nations, america has helped train more than [number], [number] teachers and administrators. a good education requires good textbooks. so, in partnership with other nations, america has distributed tens of millions of textbooks. a good education requires access to good schools. so, in partnership with other nations, america is helping nations raise standards in their schools at home and providing scholarships to help students come to schools in the united states. and in all our education efforts, our nation is working to expand access for women and girls so that the opportunity to get a decent education is open to all. finally, the mission of the united nations requires liberating people from poverty and despair. article [number] of the universal declaration states that everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment and to just and favourable conditions of work. in the twenty-first century, this requires ensuring that people in poor countries have the same opportunity to benefit from the global economy that citizens of wealthy countries have. the united nations provides vital economic assistance designed to help developing nations grow their economies and reach their potential. the united states agrees with that position. we have dramatically increased our own development assistance, and we are delivering that aid in innovative ways. we started the millennium challenge account to reward nations that govern justly, fight corruption, invest in their people and promote economic freedom. with this aid, we are reaching out to developing nations in partnership, not paternalism. and we are ensuring that our aid dollars reach those who need them and achieve results. in the long run, the best way to lift people out of poverty is through trade and investment. a nation that is open and trading with the world will create economic rewards that far exceed anything it could get through foreign aid. during the 1990s, developing nations that significantly lowered tariffs saw their per capita income grow about three times faster than other developing countries. open markets ignite growth, encourage investment, increase transparency, strengthen the rule of law and help countries help themselves. the international community now has a historic chance to open markets around the world by concluding a successful doha round of trade talks. a successful doha outcome would mean real and substantial openings in agriculture, goods and services, and real and substantial reductions in trade-distorting subsidies. the world s largest trading nations, including major developing countries, have a special responsibility to make the tough political decisions to reduce trade barriers. america has the wi11 and flexibility to make those necessary decisions. our negotiators are demonstrating that spirit in geneva. i urge other leaders to direct their negotiators to do the same. and i am optimistic that we can reach a good doha agreement and seize this once-in-a-generation opportunity. in the meantime, america wi11 continue to pursue agreements that open trade and investment wherever we can. we recently signed free-trade agreements with peru, colombia, panama and south korea. these agreements embody the values of open markets, transparent and fair regulation, respect for private property and resolving disputes under rules of international law. these are good agreements. they are now ready for a congressional vote, and i urge our congress to approve them as soon as possible. as america works with the united nations to alleviate immediate needs, we are also coming together to address longer-term challenges. together, we are preparing for pandemics that could cause death and suffering on a global scale. together, we are working to stop the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. together, we are confronting the challenges of energy security, environmental quality and climate change. i appreciate the discussions on climate change led by the secretary-general last night. i look forward to further discussions at the meeting of major economies in washington later this week. the goals i have outlined today cannot be achieved overnight, and they cannot be achieved without reform of this vital institution. the united states is committed to a strong and vibrant united nations. yet the american people are disappointed by the failures of the human rights council. that body has been silent on repression by regimes from havana and caracas to pyongyang and tehran, while focusing its criticism excessively on israel. to be credible on human rights in the world, the united nations must first reform its own human rights council. some have also called for reform of the structure of the security council, including an expansion of its membership. the united states is open to this prospect. we believe that japan is well qualified for permanent membership on the security council and that other nations should be considered as well. the united states will listen to all good ideas, and we will support changes to the security council as part of broader united nations reform. and in all we do, i call on member states to work for an institution that adheres to strict ethical standards and lives up to the high principles of the universal declaration. with the commitment and courage of those in this hall, we can build a world where people are free to speak, assemble and worship as they wish a world where children in every nation grow up healthy, get a decent education and look to the future with hope a world where opportunity crosses every border. america will lead towards that vision, in which all are created equal and free to pursue their dreams. that is the founding conviction of my country. it is the promise that established this body. and, with our determination, it can be the future of our world.

it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the presidency of this general assembly session. we are confident that the posts you have assumed in your country and the international respect that you enjoy will facilitate the task entrusted to you in leading the deliberations of this session of the general assembly to their desired objectives. i would also like to express our appreciation to the minister for foreign affairs of namibia for his efforts in leading the work of the previous session to a successful conclusion. i would be remiss if i failed to thank the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, for his efforts to maintain the principles and purposes of the charter and for the distinguished role he has played in crystallizing the idea of convening the millennium summit last week. it was indeed an unusual event in united nations history. the historic millennium summit declaration confirmed unequivocally and clearly the commitment of all the heads of state and government of the world to the principles and purposes of the charter of the united nations. we believe that the absence of any substantial difference between the charter and the declaration is an important achievement in itself. the historic declaration issued by the millennium summit may be considered, in one way or another, as a renewed vote of confidence in the charter, particularly, as the world has recently witnessed major changes and dangerous challenges. one may therefore conclude that the principles and purposes adopted by peoples and nations do not undergo major changes with the passage of time. it would be wrong to underestimate the significance of this conclusion for the history of the united nations. the end of the cold war did not prevent the peoples and nations of the world from denouncing and condemning crimes of aggression, ethnic-cleansing, foreign occupation, oppression, extremism, injustice, corruption, racism and double standards. nor did this make us hesitate to glorify many noble objectives, such as freedom, peace, equality, solidarity, tolerance, human rights and social justice. it is fortunate that third world countries and poor countries host large populations with bountiful resources and great heritage. this constitutes a safety net for those countries that were able to contribute to maintaining the principles and purposes of the united nations when drafting the millennium declaration. this explains the lack of any reference to the new world order, either in the millennium summit declaration or in any other official text. regrettably, however, this becomes evident in reality, whereby hegemony seems to have the upper hand in the international arena. strengthening the role of the united nations was the main topic on the summit's agenda. this role would also become clear in reforming the security [number] council and expanding its membership. the united nations membership considers the council the organization's primary organ. this reform process should be accomplished by expanding the security council membership, the granting of equitable and fair geographical representation and the gradual phasing out of the use of the right of veto, which contradicts the concept of democracy, particularly when its aim is nothing short of undermining the democratic process. united nations peacekeeping operations have contributed to creating conditions conducive to ending the deterioration of security conditions in many countries of the world. throughout the past years, the syrian arab republic has done everything it could to preserve the security and safety of united nations peacekeeping personnel and to ensure that they successfully carry out their missions and mandates. but peacekeeping operations must be confined to enforcing united nations resolutions and those of international legitimacy. the security council has therefore to enforce its resolutions so that peacekeeping operations will not simply become operations to impose the status quo, which makes the achievement of true peace a very elusive objective. the peace process launched in madrid has been losing its momentum, incentive and compass, day after day and year after year. the security council, which has the authority and international legitimacy to enforce its own resolutions, has been kept out of the middle east peace process. it has become a silent witness to the fact that the peace process in the middle east has reached a dead end. it has become quite obvious to all those involved in the peace process, both inside and outside our region, that continued israeli occupation of arab territories which is sometimes explained by israel's psychological need for security and at other times by superstitious myths is the major obstacle on the road to peace. those futile claims, which have no foundation in reality whatsoever, have caused the peace process to become an endless negotiating process with neither end nor resolution in sight. at any rate, the serious and carefully considered negotiations that syria has conducted have proven to the international community at large, and to arabs in particular, two main things first, that israel is neither desirous of, nor serious about, pursuing a just and comprehensive peace in accordance with united nations resolutions and, secondly, that syria has the right to a full return of the entire golan, to the [number] june [number] line, without concessions or compromises. we would like to mention another fact known to our foes and friends alike. that fact is that syria has unreservedly supported every arab and palestinian right during every stage of the peace talks. it did not take those positions to embarrass anyone or to negotiate on their behalf. as a matter of principle, syria has been, and continues to be, committed to the inalienable rights of the palestinian people to return to their lands, to self-determination, and to establish their independent state on their national soil. on that basis, syria presented its position clearly and firmly at the meeting of the jerusalem committee that was convened in morocco at the end of last month in support of the rights of muslims and arabs to full and uncompromised palestinian sovereignty over al-quds al-sharif. the arabs are an ancient and time-honoured nation known for its religious tolerance. but tolerance is one thing and conceding one's rights is something else. territory and sovereignty are matters of national dignity that can never be forfeited or compromised. at the millennium summit, the countries of the world expressed their belief that we live today in an age of international law and under the united nations charter, international legitimacy and human rights, and not in an age of the law of the jungle and futile religious claims to justify the usurpation of other peoples' land by force. this requires from the international community and the united nations a more firm and non-selective stand in defending the charter and international law and in prompting israel to respect international legitimacy and international conventions and to implement the resolutions of the united nations. the brotherly lebanese people have achieved a historic milestone, thanks to their solidarity and that of their state, in strongly resisting israeli occupation. syria stood by lebanon firmly in order to ensure the full implementation of resolution [number] [number] . syria will always stand by lebanon and support all its national issues, especially the ones concerning the return of all its territory and the return of its hostages held in israeli jails. in this regard, we urge the donor countries to fulfil their commitments to help lebanon rebuild what israel has destroyed, particularly the [number] damage it caused during its occupation of southern lebanon. from this international forum, syria would like once again to stress the great importance it attaches to maintaining the territorial integrity of iraq. we call for relieving the suffering of the iraqi people by lifting the economic sanctions that only affect the people. we also stand against any measures taken against iraq outside the context of united nations resolutions so that those resolutions will retain the necessary credibility to bring about their implementation. we also deem it necessary to find a just and humane solution to the question of kuwaiti and other prisoners of war, within a practical framework agreed upon between the kuwaiti and iraqi sides. we do not want the issue of prisoners of war and missing persons to remain outside the human and political framework that will allow us to arrive at a solution. syria also calls upon the security council to quickly and permanently lift the sanctions it imposed against libya. libya has delivered on all its commitments under security council resolutions. we fully support libya's demands. in view of the strong, brotherly relations between syria, the united arab emirates and the islamic republic of iran, we call upon the two neighbouring countries to pursue negotiations to resolve peacefully the dispute over the three islands on the basis of the principles of good neighbourliness and mutual respect. syria believes that the establishment of a trilateral committee to pave the way for direct negotiations between iran and the united arab emirates through the creation of favourable conditions is a practical initiative. we hope that it will allow the two parties to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. we would like to welcome the achievements of the representatives of somalia in forming a temporary somali parliament and electing mr. abdikassim salad hassan as president of democratic somalia. we consider these achievements as major pillars for the restoration of somali state institutions. we call upon the international community to redouble its efforts to help somalis carry out the tasks of reconstruction and rehabilitation. the continued tragic situation in afghanistan is a source of great concern to us. we are convinced that the problem of afghanistan can only be solved by stopping the fighting and beginning negotiations aimed at achieving national reconciliation. it must also be solved by finding an acceptable and permanent political settlement that brings about security and stability for the afghan people. many arab and islamic countries fear that continued and senseless fighting in afghanistan may lead to undermining the concept of the state in that country and to destroying its heritage and whatever is left of its historic traditions. syria welcomes the discussions convened at the highest level in pyongyang in june [number]. we express the hope that this rapprochement between the two koreas will contribute to achieving the aspirations of the korean people in reunifying the peninsula through peaceful means. there was a consensus in the statements delivered at the millennium summit and in the summit declaration about the need to exert all possible efforts to rid humanity of the humiliating and inhumane conditions of extreme poverty, in which more than a billion people live. the summit stressed the commitment of member states to basic human rights, as well as to the right of every country to development. we think this will require developing a new economic international order that is just, fair and democratic. it will also require finding a multilateral commercial and financial system characterized by transparency, equality and non-discrimination. we must also find the best mechanism possible to solve developmental problems, especially on the african continent. such a system should also give preferential treatment to developing countries in order to facilitate investment and the transfer of technology and know-how. that would allow for full, effective and equal participation by the south in the process of decision-making at the international level. although these requests seem far- fetched now, they will in the final analysis serve all parties and states, whether they be rich or poor, in the north or in the south. we had fervently hoped that a just and comprehensive peace in the middle east would have been achieved by the beginning of the twenty-first century and with the ushering in of this new millennium. nonetheless, we remain optimistic. peace will remain our strategic choice and that of all peoples who aspire to a bright future in which peace, security and prosperity prevail for human beings everywhere.

my most sincere congratulations go first to his excellency mr. han seung-soo on his election as president of the general assembly at its fifty-sixth session. his outstanding personal qualities and the consistently valuable contributions of his country, the republic of korea, to united nations activities are clear guarantees that the stewardship of the current session of the general assembly, which started under dramatic and sorrowful circumstances, has been entrusted to a safe pair of hands. i would also like to renew my heartfelt congratulations to our secretary-general on the well- deserved awarding of the nobel peace prize and on his election to another term in office. romania will continue to support his commendable endeavours towards reforming the organization in a way that should enable it to cope effectively with the challenges, old and new, of our modern world. the horrific terrorist attack of [number] september was a rude awakening for all of us. it brought into focus both the abyssal evil we have to confront and the high value of human solidarity in the international response to it. it also shed new light on some problems that the international community has been facing for quite a while and accelerated certain processes, the far- reaching consequences of which are still not easy to predict. there can be no ambivalence or half measures when it comes to condemning and effectively combating terrorism and militant, violent fanaticism of any kind. the tragedy that befell the united states and the united nations host city affected all humankind and created a new resolve to bring to justice the perpetrators and those who support, abet or harbour them. we share the views of the president of the united states, mr. george w. bush, that what is at stake is not just america s freedom but that this is the world s fight, civilization s fight, the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom. belief in those fundamental values have inspired the noble concept of the dialogue among civilizations, so eloquently expounded by the secretary-general in his address to the assembly. indeed, it is only through dialogue that points of convergence can be identified and cooperation becomes possible on matters that acquire significance once they become the object of shared concern. from the very beginning. romania joined the international democratic community in its ongoing campaign against evil-doers and their supporters for a safer and freer world. the consensual view of the romanian nation across the political spectrum was unequivocally expressed in parliament s decision to make romania s air, maritime and land space available to the united states and the north atlantic treaty organization and to provide access to any other facilities that our partners may require. this is tangible proof of our commitment to acting as a de facto member of the north atlantic alliance. my country firmly supports the relevant resolutions recently adopted by the general assembly and the security council, and we have already undertaken the necessary steps to ensure their full implementation in romania. regional solidarity is also essential. at a very recent conference on the common fight against terrorism, held in warsaw on [number] november, the heads of state of central and eastern europe reflected upon their past common experiences and voiced their determination to stand firmly united in the fight against terror for as long as it takes. it is also appropriate to [number] highlight here the meaningful work done by the bucharest-based southeast european cooperation initiative regional crime center for combating transborder crime, involving active inputs from [number] countries. the center should build upon its current activities in order to enhance its contribution to the worldwide fight against terrorism by making good use of existing liaison systems, intelligence-sharing and joint task forces. i fully agreed with secretary-general kofi annan when he recently said that we must not let the terrorist attacks distract us from the rest of the work we have to do. in no way do these tragic events make the broader mission of the united nations less relevant. indeed, the new focus on terrorism should not divert us from the core business of the world organization. the agenda of this session is both comprehensive and substantial. we share the view that a large portion of our work should be devoted to seeking practical ways to implement the broad agreement reached at the millennium summit along the lines indicated in the secretary-general s visionary road map report. we support the secretary-general in his efforts to integrate human rights into the whole range of united nations activities. we encourage closer cooperation between the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, other united nations agencies and mechanisms and regional structures that have extensive expertise in this field, such as the organization for security and cooperation in europe, whose chairmanship-in-office is currently held by romania. we regard the enhancement of the united nations peacekeeping capability as a top priority. recent experience in the balkans and elsewhere has taught us that proper policing can be at least as important as the use of military might in modern-day peacekeeping and peace-building operations. that is why romania has decided, in addition to its previous commitments in the area, to contribute a significant contingent of military policemen to the international presence in kosovo to assist the transition from conflict to stability. the united nations can become a focal point for constructive interaction with regional or subregional structures and specialized organizations of civil society in dealing with concrete problems ranging from conflict prevention to peace-building and post-conflict rehabilitation, reconstruction and sustainable development. probably the greatest challenge to the international community is still how to reduce economic and social disparities and to achieve sustainable growth and poverty reduction within and between all countries through appropriate policies and well-focused institution-building. the world s leaders have pledged to engage political determination, financial resources and innovative policies to reduce global poverty by half before the year [number]. this is most commendable, but it may prove to be more difficult to accomplish than originally envisaged. the [number] september attacks have affected not only world security but also the global economy, which in the preceding months was already showing signs of a slowdown. the consequences are likely to be far- reaching and much more dangerous than those of the [number]-[number] asian financial crisis. the volume of international trade, which increased by almost [number] per cent in the year [number], may decline by as much as [number] per cent in [number]. people in developing countries in particular are going to be hurt again. the united nations has an essential part to play in promoting further integration of the world economy in accordance with the principles of sustainable development. but let us face the reality we live in a world where the developmental gap between the centre and the periphery, between north and south, between rich and poor, is still wide and growing wider. the existing mechanisms for an orderly transfer of resources appear to have been sadly inadequate. one would expect that the recent shock, and the renewed sense of global solidarity that it has triggered, would prompt us into action to address the underlying causes of blind anger misery and hopelessness. the war against terrorism can be truly successful only if it also becomes a war against poverty, illiteracy, disease and intolerance. i trust that the collective wisdom and goodwill of responsible politicians everywhere will be able to produce new and effective international mechanisms meant to combine the vision of sustainable, environment-friendly development with good governance and the generalized observance of basic human rights. we see disturbing signs that the increasing polarization with regard to wealth creation goes hand in hand with a deepening knowledge divide. the [number] emerging knowledge economy has scarcely heeded the injunctions of globalization. it still appears to the eyes of many to be self-serving and parochial. however, it is precisely the link between economic development and the advancement of knowledge that should give the laggards a chance to catch up through a more rational utilization of resources, including intellectual resources. we hope to see a new pattern of open networking which will benefit each country especially those that are less developed as well as the international system as a whole. again, existing institutions do not seem creative or flexible enough to address this challenge. the united nations system may become the catalyst for concerted action in public- private partnerships to bring the digital dividend into every community and every home. the knowledge gap is compounded by the ubiquitous phenomenon of brain drain from the developing to the developed world. the problem is almost as old as the united nations itself. how to reverse that trend, transforming it into a brain regain , is another major challenge facing us all. to put it simply, what we have here is a steady, not-so-hidden flow of subsidies from the poorer nations to the richer ones. after all, most of an education budget comes out of the taxpayer s pocket. banish the thought of regarding the individual as the property of the all- powerful state that notion is dead and gone. but it may make sense to start thinking of some sort of legally binding international instruments built on a broader interpretation of the concept of intellectual property to ensure a fairer distribution of the benefits of knowledge. the european union has recently regulated the transfer of players between soccer clubs. what about a similar contractual arrangement between, say, polytechnic university x club and microsoft club ? some experimental domestic schemes have worked well in linking industry to higher learning by resorting to market mechanisms. why should we not consider international intellectual partnerships, mutually beneficial for countries having advanced technologies and infrastructure and those generating creative human energies? romania supports the strengthening of the united nations through comprehensive institutional reforms on the basis of the set of proposals now before us. as the secretary-general rightly noted, the united nations should turn from a culture of reaction to one of prevention, aiming at the root causes of the prevailing negative phenomena. we look forward to an increasingly effective general assembly regaining its central position in the united nations family, as called for in the millennium declaration. experience shows that enhanced regional cooperation can be both the engine and the result of globalization. in a regional format, states can implement innovative strategies for better access to resources and markets. regional organizations are poised to become a significant factor in the global community. regional cooperation makes it possible to capitalize on the advantages of globalization while reducing its risks. a set of policies can be successful only if it relies consistently on the fundamental aspiration of ordinary people to a peaceful and decent life. the current unprecedented level of knowledge will, i am confident, enable us to find the requisite resources, both in ourselves and in society, for greater tolerance, mutual respect and constructive dialogue, as opposed to the primitive inclination to hatred and intolerance. it is incumbent on the united nations, the only international organization of universal vocation, to identify within itself the resources for the resolution of problems of global concern. the united nations should keep working tenaciously to renew its structures and improve its operational performance as we advance into the new millennium. romania is ready and willing to add its contribution to that effort.

mr. president, on behalf of the japanese delegation, i wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the twenty-ninth session of the general assembly. at the same time i wish to express my profound appreciation to mr. leopoldo benites, the former president of the general assembly. i wish to recall that mr. benites, with his broad perspective and objective judgment, superbly guided the twenty-eighth session and the sixth special session of the general assembly, both of which were confronted with a number of difficult problems. [number]. on this occasion i should like to extend my sincere congratulations and a warm welcome to the delegations of the people's republic of bangladesh, grenada and the republic of guinea-bissau on their admission to the united nations at the current session. [number]. against the background of the steady consolidation of detente among the major powers, the world's today searching for a new international order based tin a just relationship among all states. however, it is also a sobering fact that the world of today is still confronted with the task of bringing about peaceful settlements of local disputes and tensions which have not yet been eradicated. at the same time the world is, on the one hand, exposed to the dangers of frequent nuclear testing and the further proliferation of nuclear weapons and, on the other, it is facing the grave challenge of finding a solution for diverse international economic and social problems which can well affect the whole of mankind. in the present situation of the world, which is confronted with problems of historic gravity affecting both peace and prosperity, it is my firm belief that the only course left for individual members of the international community is to work within the broad framework of international co-operation in seeking to achieve their own prosperity and peace rather than blindly seeking benefits solely for themselves. [number]. the successive efforts the major powers have made during the past few years to seek understanding and co-operation rather than confrontation have resulted in the promotion of dialogs even among states with different political and economic systems. despite that trend, however, some parts of the world have witnessed the emergence of fresh tensions and disputes and have continued to suffer from instability. [number]. with regard to the korean peninsula, i believe that we should reaffirm the aspiration of the people of korea to the peaceful reunification of their country, as manifested in the consensus reached in the general assembly last year, and that we should continue, as. in the past, to follow developments in the question of korea, keeping in mind the fact that both the republic of korea and north korea still entertain a common desire to bring about detente through their dialog and increased contacts. [number]. in cambodia, to our deep regret, fighting still continues, and no breakthrough towards a peaceful settlement is yet in sight. i earnestly hope that the unfortunate state of affairs in cambodia will be brought to an end at the earliest possible date through talks between the parties concerned. for this purpose, all the parties concerned should indeed devote serious efforts to achieving a peaceful settlement of the cambodian problem, and the united nations, for its part, should spare no effort to achieve this goal. in accordance with this belief, i consider it encouraging that the secretary-general made the following statement regarding peace in cambodia in the introduction to his report on the work of the organization "i hope also that the time will come when the united nations may be able to play a more active role . . . " ibid. , p. [number] . [number]. with regard to laos, the government of japan sincerely welcomed the establishment last april of a national coalition government for the reconciliation of the laotian people, an event which may mark an important turning-point in the effort to establish a lasting peace in all of indochina. [number]. in the middle east, the trend towards peace has been gaining momentum since the fourth middle east war, last october, and japan, like other peace- loving countries of the world, entertains earnest hopes for the future progress of the peace conference in geneva. [number]. the problems which immediately confront the united nations the situation in indochina, the fourth middle east war and the recent armed conflict in cyprus seem to indicate that detente among the major powers does not necessarily lead to immediate reductions in local tensions. in this regard i wish to commend the peace-keeping operations of the united nations, which have played a significant role in the restoration and maintenance of peace, as well as in preventing the recurrence of fighting in the middle east and cyprus. - however, in view of the magnitude of the hopes entertained regarding the peace-keeping operations of the united nations, the fact that all past operations were established on an ad hoc basis and that the united nations had to improvise solutions to problems arising from their establishment and administration makes us apprehensive about whether the united nations can take truly prompt and effective action in the event of similar emergencies in the future. therefore i would express my sincere hope for the early establishment of guidelines for peace-keeping operations on the basis of lessons drawn from our past experiences. at the same time, i wish to assure the assembly that the government of japan will continue, as in the past, to extend every possible assistance to peace-keeping operations. [number]. another area in which the united nations is now expected to play an important role is in the solution of various problems with which the african countries are confronted, particularly in the attainment of self-determination and independence by the peoples of the non-self-governing territories and the abolition of racial discrimination. i firmly believe that the early solution of these problems will contribute immensely to the promotion of world peace. accordingly, the government of japan welcomes the decision by the new government formed in portugal last april to recognize in principle the right to independence of the territories under portuguese administration africa. i sincerely hope that it will not be long before these non-self-governing territories accede to independence by peaceful means and are admitted to the united nations as peace-loving states. in the same spirit i wish to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the government of the republic of guinea-bissau on its attainment of independence and to the provisional government of mozambique, established on [number] september, on its achievement of an important step towards full independence. at the same time, the government of japan wishes to reaffirm its unchanging and basic position in opposition to south africa's policy of racial discrimination and to south africa's continued occupation of namibia, as well as to the white minority rule in southern rhodesia. the government of japan will continue, as in the past, to observe strictly the relevant united nations resolutions, including those requiring economic sanctions against southern rhodesia, and will continue to provide the fullest possible co-operation with the peoples of africa for the early achievement of their aspirations. [number]. at this point i wish to invite the attention of the assembly to the emergence of a situation which as i said at the beginning of this statement, should be a source of serious concern for all countries, regardless of their size and geographical position, in view of the dangers it constitutes for the survival of all mankind. [number]. the first of these dangers is that of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. on [number] may this year after a lapse of [number] years, another state conducted a nuclear explosion for the first time. meanwhile the nuclear-weapon states, for their part, conducted intensive nuclear tests, both in the atmosphere and under ground, within a short span of time, in defiance of the opposition of world opinion to these tests. [number]. i cannot fail to express the grave concern of the government of japan over the possible consequences of the recent series of nuclear explosions which may well open the way to the further proliferation of nuclear weapons in the world. to block such a dangerous trend towards nuclear proliferation is today undoubtedly a matter of the utmost urgency, and the concerted efforts of the international community are urgently required for the achievement of this goal. this is assuredly the well- considered view of the government of japan, which is now making the necessary preparations for the ratification of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons resolution [number] xxii , annex , in keeping with its fundamental policy of dedicating itself to the cause of peace and renouncing nuclear armaments. at the same time, i wish to state with renewed emphasis that, for the concerted efforts of the international community to become truly effective, it is indispensable that the nuclear-weapon states, which bear special responsibilities, make positive contributions in keeping with those responsibilities. [number]. as has been pointed out repeatedly in the past, any effective and fasting measures for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons require the efforts of the nuclear-weapon states, in particular efforts to promote nuclear disarmament, starting with a comprehensive nuclear test ban, and also efforts to produce tangible results leading towards the realization of effective measures to strengthen the security of the non-nuclear-weapon states. [number]. in the field of the peaceful uses of atomic energy, we fully recognize the need to promote inter-national co-operation. to lessen the risk of further nuclear proliferation, however, we should not only strengthen the existing regime of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons but also bring nuclear activities of states not parties to the treaty under safeguards equal in stringency to those of the treaty. here again, one can hardly overemphasize the necessity for states which supply nuclear technology and materials, and above all the nuclear-weapon states which are the principal suppliers to maintain a cautious attitude and manifest a spirit of co-operation with the purposes of the treaty. [number]. in view of the special importance and great urgency of preventing nuclear proliferation in order to maintain peace and security in the world, it is our firm-belief that the united nations the security council in particular should seriously address itself to this question and should play a central role in dealing with this issue. in accordance with this conviction, i venture to propose that the security council be requested by the general assembly to study possible measures which might be adopted by the united nations for securing the more effective prevention of nuclear proliferation, taking fully into account the outcome of the review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, to be held in geneva next may. [number]. i should like to observe, in connexion with my earlier reference to the special responsibilities incumbent upon the nuclear-weapon states, that the agreements reached between the united states and the soviet union early in july this year, and particularly the agreement pertaining to a partial underground nuclear test ban, do represent a valuable forward step towards the achievement of complete nuclear disarmament. however, i must state also that this agreement, although valuable, still falls far short of giving full satisfaction to the government of japan, and we hope that still further efforts will be made in this area by the states concerned. [number]. it may be recalled that the government of japan submitted a draft convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons at the conference of the committee on disarmament this year. in the same spirit, my government welcomes the agreement reached between the united states and the soviet union last july under which they are considering a joint initiative on this matter. it is my sincere hope that the agreement thus reached between those two counties will produce a breakthrough to facilitate the solution of this problem. [number]. i should like now to turn to the second problem that is of concern to the world community in its aspirations to peace and prosperity. this is the problem of the present instability in the world economic and social situation, including the problem of natural re-sources. as our position was made clear at the sixth special session of the general assembly regarding the resources problem itself [number] th meeting , i should like to deal particularly with the role the united nations should, in our view, play in the afu 'pt to solve such problems. [number]. there exist innumerable problems in the various fields of the world economy, such as energy, natural resources, food, population, the sea and the sea-bed, and the environment, which vitally involve the very existence of mankind. solutions should be sought for these problems with great urgency. i believe that most of them can be solved only through global, comprehensive and co-ordinated programs and, in this context, every country is looking increasingly to the role to be played by the united nations, the most universal and comprehensive international organization. [number]. we held the sixth special session of the general assembly, on resources and development, last spring and the world population conference in bucharest last august. in addition, the world food conference will take place in november. those conferences, together with the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, which was held to establish a new legal order for the sea, provide good examples of the roles now being played by the united nations. [number]. in order for the united nations to respond effectively to these problems, it has become increasingly necessary to combine and co-ordinate all the efforts of the united nations family and to make integrated plans for that co-ordination. however, because of the insufficient co-ordination among various united nations bodies, the activities of the united nations system as a whole show duplications. there is a tendency for the activities of the united nations system in the economic and social fields to proliferate without limit, because of the lack of serious consideration in fixing priorities for projects and in setting up new funds and institutions. it is abundantly clear that the united nations activities will not provide an active and efficient response to the requirements of the age if this situation remains unremedied. [number]. therefore, for the purpose of discharging effectively its responsibilities in the economic and social fields, in response to the expectations of every country in the world, the united nations assuredly must strengthen its capacity for comprehensively planning and co-ordinating economic and social activities in the united nations system, with a view to utilizing efficiently our limited financial and human resources and concentrating these resources upon the activities that are most needed. [number]. it is, in my view, the economic and social council that should be the central forum for such planning and co-ordination. i should like to propose that the council, taking into account the achievements of the world population conference, and the results that we expect from the world food conference to be held in rome, should study concrete ways to co-ordinate programs carried out by bodies within the united nations and outside, while at the same time formulating the vision of "the earth in the twenty-first century" and "the future of mankind". i believe that, when such a study is made, the qualitative aspect, which takes into consideration the quality of life, should be fully considered, along with a quantitative approach to the problem of human existence, so that mankind, recognizing the interdependence of nations, can put into effect a rational distribution of the world's limited supply of food and other resources, permitting everyone to lead a life of dignity, worthy of human beings. [number]. although japan is far from being rich in natural resources, it is endowed with high standards of education and technological proficiency. we intend, by utilizing this endowment, to provide financial and technical co-operation for the development of the world economy. in pursuance of those efforts, and in response to the request made at the sixth special session of the general assembly, my country is now providing the most seriously affected countries with assistance in the forms of commodity aid, debt relief, and aid on a grant basis, by adding at least [number] million to the level of assistance achieved during the past year, with a view to contributing to alleviating the difficulties that confront those countries as a result of the energy crisis. i am glad to add that we are now considering additional contributions, if necessary. the contribution to which i referred is being provided in spite of the serious effects of the present energy crisis on the economy of my country. i should like to take this opportunity to express our strong expectation that all other potential donors will make similar efforts. [number]. i believe it was made clear at the recent special session of the general assembly that the traditional north-south concept, which has become accepted in the field of economic and social development, should be fundamentally reviewed. i say this because it is becoming obvious that the gap has widened between developing countries with natural resources and others with very limited such resources, and the necessity is being increasingly felt tkat all countries with the capability to assist, whether in the north or in the south, should strengthen their cooperation in helping to develop relatively less fortunate developing countries. this trend prompts a fundamental re-examination of the traditional concept of how aid should be given. in the provision of aid for development, it is essential to expand mutual co-operation from the. viewpoint of equity and solidarity, avoiding the creation of a particular group of countries enjoying prosperity while other groups suffer from severe difficulties. in my view, therefore, those countries which are endowed with capital and technology, as well as those with natural resources, have a duty, as members of the international community? to co-operate in aiding the expansion and development of the world economy by utilizing their special assets. i firmly believe that the declaration on the establishment of a new international economic order, adopted at the sixth special session of the general assembly, can acquire useful significance only by taking such an approach. [number]. in view of the importance of all the subjects which i have mentioned, we cannot avoid confronting the problem of strengthening the united nations. one of the problems we face is the fact that the united nations is prevented from performing effectively and smoothly because of its accumulating budget deficit. i should like to take this opportunity to call once again on all member states to take concrete action in order to find ways to solve this problem. together with the strengthening of the financial basis of the organization, it is also important to emphasize the reinforcement of the organizational framework of the united nations. more than a quarter of a century has passed since the charter was adopted, and there has been a great change in the international atmosphere in which the organization finds itself. it would be desirable for us to face this change and prepare ourselves for future developments, bearing in mind that the united nations should not become incapable of adjustment or lack the flexibility that the times require because of the gap between what was expected in the charter and the changed circumstances. we have repeatedly stated that there is no change, of course, in japan's support for the basic ideals of the united nations and the principles of the charter. but in view of the altered circumstances, we note that the question of charter review has again been placed on the agenda of this session item [number] . i should like to emphasize that our intention is to see the united nations evolve, in fact as well as in theory, into the sole, comprehensive and universal international organization for world peace and prosperity, as the world enters into a new era. we should like to ask the understanding and the support of all member states for japan's hopes for this great organization. [number]. in this statement, i have made two proposals on the basis of my firm belief that the role to be played by the united nations will become more and more important in the world of today, since the goal of a truly stable global peace is still distant, in spite of the basic trend towards detente. [number]. the first proposal is that the general assembly recommend that the united nations, in particular the security council, study measures for securing the effective prevention of nuclear proliferation on the basis of the outcome of the review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non- proliferation of nuclear weapons. the second proposal is that the economic and social council, as the organ for the overall co-ordination of the economic and social problems of the world, be asked to formulate its vision of the future of mankind. admittedly, the implementation of these two proposals is fraught with enormous problems, and it cannot be completed within a short period of time. because of the importance and scope of the proposals, however, i am convinced that they deserve serious consideration by the united nations which is dedicated to the promotion of peace and justice in the international community.

i would like to join previous speakers in congratulating you, sir, on your election as president of general assembly at the sixty-sixth session, and wish you every success in that highly responsible post. i thank your predecessor, his excellency mr. joseph deiss, for his productive work during the last session. i also express my profound respect and gratitude to the secretary-general, his excellency mr. ban ki-moon, for his leadership and dedication to revitalizing the united nations organization. with regard to the theme of this year s general debate, we welcome the adoption at the sixty-fifth session of resolution [number] [number] on strengthening the role of mediation in the peaceful settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and resolution. in that document, the general assembly reiterated that all member states should strictly adhere to their obligations, as laid down in the united nations charter, and reaffirmed, inter alia, the commitment to respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all states. azerbaijan looks forward to the relevant guidance for more effective mediation, as indicated in the resolution, and we are ready to actively contribute to its elaboration. unfortunately, we have to admit that [number] [number]-[number] not all states approach their international obligations responsibly and comply with the generally accepted norms and principles of international law. for almost two decades, we have witnessed the flagrant violation of the united nations charter and other documents of international law by the republic of armenia, which has perpetrated aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the republic of azerbaijan. as a result of that aggression, almost [number] per cent of the territory of azerbaijan remains under occupation and about [number] million azerbaijani refugees and internally displaced persons are unable to return to their homes. in [number], the security council adopted four resolutions resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] [number] [number] and [number] [number] demanding the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of armenian forces from all the occupied territories of azerbaijan and reaffirmed the sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of the internationally recognized borders of azerbaijan. the same appeals were made also by other international organizations. unfortunately, armenia continues to ignore the calls of the international community. what is even more worrisome is that, instead of preparing its people for a peaceful, prosperous and stable future in friendship and cooperation with the neighbouring countries, the leadership of armenia continues to publicly incite the future generations to new wars, violence and aggression and to propagate, by all means, the dangerous ideas of animosity and hatred towards not only azerbaijan, but also other peoples of the region. illegal activities in the occupied territories of azerbaijan, including the implantation of ethnic armenian settlers, as well as the destruction and appropriation of historical and cultural heritage, represent another source of serious concern. such activities serve to further consolidate the current status quo of the occupation, securing the results of ethnic cleansing and colonization of the seized lands, as well as to seriously hamper the prospects for conflict resolution. earlier in this hall, we heard a very aggressive and unconstructive statement by the president of armenia. he openly confirmed that destructive policy of armenia. see the field assessment mission conducted by the minsk group co-chairs of the organization for security and cooperation in europe in october [number] to the occupied territories of azerbaijan, stated, inter alia, that the status quo of the occupation was unacceptable and urged armenia to put an end to its illegal practices in those territories. as a country suffering from the occupation of its territories and the forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands of its citizens, azerbaijan is the most interested party in the earliest negotiated settlement of the conflict. our position is well known to the international community. it is based on strict adherence to the norms and principles of international law, according to which the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible and must be rejected resolutely and unconditionally. it is absolutely illogical that the leadership of armenia, which has implemented the total ethnic cleansing of not only the occupied territories of azerbaijan, but also of the azerbaijani population in its own territory, is trying to apply the principle of self- determination. it is obvious that one cannot expel peoples from their homes on ethnic grounds and, at the same time, speak about self-determination for those who remain on the same grounds. azerbaijan recognizes that the right of peoples to self-determination can be implemented only at all times in conformity with the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations and with the relevant norms of international law, including those relating to territorial integrity of states , as enshrined in the helsinki final act. azerbaijan is confident that the conflict resolution must start with the withdrawal of armenian armed forces from the occupied territories, within the fixed timetable, followed by the restoration of communications, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and the creation of conditions for the peaceful coexistence of azerbaijanis and armenians in the nagorno karabakh region within the territorial integrity of azerbaijan. that step-by-step approach, which has been proposed by mediators and supported by the international community, except, unfortunately, the leadership of armenia, can bring durable peace, stability and predictability to the region. azerbaijan still maintains its interest, motivation and patience in that very hard and sensitive process of [number]-[number] [number] negotiations. we believe that the international community will convince the armenian side to respect the generally accepted norms and principles of international law and cease abusing the right of azerbaijanis to live within their own territories, including the nagorno karabakh region. in return, we are ready to guarantee the highest level of self-rule for that region within the republic of azerbaijan. i would like to touch upon another important issue of the international agenda palestine. azerbaijan reaffirms its adherence to the position expressed by the majority of the united nations member states. we reiterate our long-standing solidarity with the people and leadership of palestine, and believe that the time has come to reach a breakthrough in that long-standing and very important issue. the time has come for palestine to be fully represented at the united nations. azerbaijan is determined to contribute further to the realization of the development goals and objectives agreed within the united nations. in recent years, azerbaijan has enhanced its humanitarian assistance to support international and national efforts aimed at eradicating poverty and promoting sustainable development and global prosperity for all. we pay particular attention to addressing the special needs and vulnerabilities of developing and least developed countries, as well as those recovering from natural disasters and suffering from climate change, in particular small island states. the recent humanitarian crisis in the horn of africa once again demonstrated the importance of global solidarity. azerbaijan has provided urgent aid to support the ongoing efforts towards the eradication of famine in that region. the government of azerbaijan is currently considering additional funding to support the international community in ramping up its efforts to respond to the humanitarian situation and contribute to a mid- and long-term sustainable solution to the crisis in the horn of africa. proceeding from the fruitful cooperation between the united nations and the government of azerbaijan, resolution [number] [number], entitled building connectivity through the trans-eurasian information super highway , initiated by azerbaijan, was adopted at the sixty-fourth session of the general assembly on [number] december [number]. as the main coordinator of the project, azerbaijan has conducted a feasibility study and is financing the secretariat of the project. we have taken a number of steps towards the establishment of a consortium, comprising of major telecommunications operators in the region. azerbaijan has always been a place of coexistence and tolerance among various faiths, ethnic groups and philosophies. it is one of the unique places where different cultures and civilizations meet at the crossroads between east and west and north and south. as a bridge between cultures and an active member of the group of friends of the alliance of civilizations, azerbaijan feels responsible for promoting interreligious and intercultural dialogue based on mutual respect and understanding. thus, over the past years, we hosted a number of high-profile and action-oriented events, including the summit of world religious leaders in april [number], the world forum for intercultural dialogue from [number] to [number] april [number] and other similar events. desiring to contribute further to the maintenance of international peace, security, stability and prosperity, azerbaijan has put forward its candidature for a non-permanent seat on the security council for the term of [number]-[number]. the elections will be held this year on [number] october at the general assembly. the year [number] marks the twentieth anniversary of azerbaijan s membership in the united nations, although, unlike other candidates from the group of eastern european states, we have never had an opportunity to become a member of the security council. azerbaijan s election to the security council would contribute to redressing the underrepresentation of small developing states and bring a more balanced membership to that united nations organ. the government of the republic of azerbaijan would highly appreciate the valuable support of the states members of the united nations for its candidature for a non-permanent seat in the security council.

allow me first of all, on behalf of the delegation of the democratic people s republic of korea, to congratulate mr. didier opertti, minister for foreign affairs of uruguay, on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its current session. we believe that his rich experience and diplomatic skill in dealing with international affairs will lead this session to fruitful results. we also express our gratitude to the former president, mr. hennadiy udovenko, for his successful stewardship of the fifty-second session of the general assembly. at the same time, i wish to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to secretary-general kofi annan for his efforts devoted to the maintenance of international peace and security. it is the wish and aspiration of humankind to make the forthcoming twenty-first century peaceful and prosperous. in this connection, we believe that working out appropriate ways and means to achieve that end should be the main focus of the current session. the next century should be one of independence. in order to build a world free of all forms of domination and subordination and to ensure equality among all countries and nations, independence should be realized throughout the world. only when all member states adhere to the juche character and the national character and firmly maintain independence in all fields of state activities can international peace and security also be ensured. at the first session of the tenth supreme people s assembly of the democratic people s republic of korea, held on [number] september this year, our people unanimously reelected with high esteem the great leader comrade kim jong il as chairman of the national defence committee. the chairmanship of the national defence committee is the highest post of the state, organizing and leading the work of defending the country and the destiny of the people, as well as strengthening and increasing the defence capabilities of the country and state power as a whole through command over all its political, military and economic forces. it is a sacred and important post that symbolizes and represents the honour of the country and the dignity of the nation. the election of our great leader general kim jong il as chairman of the national defence committee is the most significant event in the sacred cause of strengthening and developing our republic and in achieving prosperity and happiness for all generations to come. it is a vivid expression of our people s absolute trust in, support for and boundless loyalty to their leader. some time ago, our people enthusiastically celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the democratic people s republic of korea. what pleased our people most at this emotional juncture was the fact that our scientists and technicians successfully launched into orbit an artificial satellite, kwangmyongsong no. [number], using a multi-stage rocket carrier developed by us in our own way, with our own knowledge and [number] per cent our own technology. it was the first of its kind in the country. the successful launching of our first artificial satellite was an historic event demonstrating the might of our scientific and technical development, and it will make a great contribution to safeguarding world peace and enriching the store of science and technology for humankind. in the last [number] years, the government of our republic has been able to safeguard the sovereignty of our country, advance the socialism chosen by our people towards victory and defend peace on the korean peninsula by holding fast to the juche character and the national character, while firmly maintaining independence in all fields of state activities. throughout the country our entire population is now fully determined to glorify our socialism, which is centred on the popular masses, under the banner of the republic founded by our great leader comrade kim il sung, the founding father of socialist korea. the people uphold the leadership of the respected and beloved general kim jong il. in the near future, the world will see the independent and peace-loving democratic people s republic of korea develop into a prosperous power. the reunification of korea and peace and security on the korean peninsula have long been a main area of concern for the international community. from the viewpoint of both the misfortune and suffering of a nation [number] and the peace and security of a region, the division of the korean peninsula should not last any longer. due to the fact that korea has not yet been reunified, military confrontation and tensions grow increasingly aggravated between the united states, japan and south korea, on the one hand, and the democratic people s republic of korea on the other. as a result of the present military manoeuvres against the democratic people s republic of korea on and around the korean peninsula, there is a growing danger that either the twentieth century may close or the twenty-first century may open with another korean war. this danger should be removed by all possible means. in order to remove the danger of war and ensure a durable peace on the korean peninsula, the reunification of the country should be achieved without fail. independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity are the three principles of national reunification agreed upon between the north and the south. these principles were also welcomed and supported by the united nations. the government of our republic consistently maintains that korea should be reunified by means of confederacy on the basis of the three principles of reunification. in april this year, our great leader, comrade kim jong il, advanced the five-point policy for the great unity of the entire nation as part of his continued efforts for national reunification. the main elements of the five-point policy are the principle of national independence a change in policy by the south korean authorities towards reconciliation and alliance with the north dialogue for the unity and reunification of the whole nation the promotion of coexistence, co-prosperity and public interests between the north and the south and solidarity and coalition between the north, south and the international community. the government of our republic will spare no effort to achieve these points. we have been consistently in favour of dialogue for reunification and to improve relations between the north and south of korea. the north-south dialogue should be conducted on the basis of the principles of placing the common interests of the nation above all, removing distrust and confrontation between the north and the south and subordinating everything to the cause of national reunification. no one should be allowed to use dialogue for dishonest political purposes or to perpetuate the division of the country. if the south korean authorities show their sincere desire for reunification by taking practical actions such as abolishing the national security law and the like we will meet with them at any time and hold dialogues and consultations to discuss the common destiny of the nation and work together for national reunification. in order for the korean people to resolve the questions of national unity and reunification by themselves, concerned countries, including the united states and japan, should refrain from hindering the efforts of the korean people. the united states army is the main military entity in south korea and has long been in belligerent relations with us. this is a quite abnormal phenomenon in today s post-cold-war international relations and the product of anachronistic thinking. it is the united states military entity and no other that constitutes the major obstacle in the way of the independent and peaceful reunification of korea. in this forum, we once again strongly urge the united states to withdraw its forces from south korea and to end its belligerent relations with us. the states members of the united nations should no longer claim to be unaware that the name and flag of the united nations continue to be abused to conceal these belligerent relations. we are convinced that the most appropriate way of maintaining peace on the korean peninsula is to dissolve the united nations command in south korea and to conclude a peace agreement between the democratic people s republic of korea and the united states. this is our unchanging position. japan should not hinder the cause of our reunification by aggravating the tense situation on the korean peninsula. japan must discharge its responsibility for the korean question by sincerely apologizing and providing compensation for its enormous crimes against our people, instead of attempting to declare war against us by drawing up so-called emergency legislation , aimed at keeping pace militarily with the united states, the belligerent party with us. recently, too, the japanese authorities behaved unreasonably when they publicly questioned our satellite launch and acted rashly in taking the issue to the security council, insisting that it respond to our launch. this was a flagrant mockery of the international community. if our satellite launch is a serious security concern, japan s satellite launches should be top priority for the security council s consideration. [number] with just one year to go before the twenty-first century, the united nations is faced with the task of building a new world free from all forms of domination and subordination. new challenges in safeguarding world peace and security, achieving the denuclearization of the world and ensuring social progress and economic development require the united nations to find appropriate new measures. almost all the recent attempts by a few big countries, as opposed to the united nations membership as a whole, to deal with international matters have met with failure. this proves that the era of power politics and big-power arbitrary action ended with the cold war. the united nations is now at a crossroads. it can either be dictated to by big countries or become the organization of a new era in which the purposes and principles of its charter are safeguarded and fully realized. the reform of the united nations should correctly reflect this reality. at present, the most undemocratic organ in the united nations system is the security council. the current composition of the council does not represent the general united nations membership and the veto power of its permanent members often subverts the wishes of the majority of member states. if the united nations is to be democratized, the security council should be reformed. to this end, the expansion of the non-permanent category should be given precedence, thus correcting, to a certain extent, the current imbalance in the council s composition. its working methods must be improved for the sake of transparency. priority should be given to the developing countries in the expansion of the council s permanent membership. any state that has failed to atone for its past is not eligible for permanent membership. as for relations between the general assembly and the security council, the authority of the general assembly should be enhanced decisively. recent events in southern asia, witnessed by the entire world, remind us all that disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, should remain a priority on the agenda of the united nations. although several years have elapsed since the end of the cold war, nuclear stockpiles around the world have become more sophisticated rather than being reduced. when the international community called for a ban on all nuclear explosive tests, the nuclearweapon states opted for subcritical tests. the proliferation of nuclear weapons cannot be prevented so long as the nuclear-weapon states pursue a monopoly of nuclear weapons. the policy of the nuclearweapon states to provide a nuclear umbrella and their double standards in dealing with nuclear issues are among the obstacles to making nuclear disarmament a reality. the united nations should decisively strengthen its role in the field of disarmament. in this regard, we believe that there is a growing need to convene a fourth special session of the general assembly on disarmament. the issue of human rights needs to be dealt with objectively and impartially within the framework of the united nations. in today s international relations, the human rights issue has became synonymous with intervention in the internal affairs of other countries. attempts to impose the values of one nation upon others are rampant. consequently, the rights of people to choose and the sovereign rights of nations are being infringed. the united nations should reject the politicization of human rights and never tolerate double standards in the implementation of human rights instruments. the twenty-first century should be devoted to development and cooperation. economic development and the sustained growth of the developing countries should become a main theme in international economic relations. to this end, the current inequitable international economic relations need to be redressed and the external debt issue resolved. economic sanctions run counter to the ideal of cooperation, are anachronistic, and only incite confrontation among nations. countries that see economic sanctions as an instrument of power and authority should pay due attention to the fact that many people, at home and abroad, are increasingly sceptical about and opposed to them. globalization has caused the monetary crisis in asia, increasing the poverty and marginalization of the developing countries. the united nations should find ways to meet this new challenge. it should play its rightful role in strongly promoting the spirit of collective self-reliance of the developing countries and urging the implementation of official development assistance by the developed countries. the delegation of the democratic people s republic of korea appreciates the efforts of the countries of asia, africa and latin america to develop regional and subregional cooperation in the spirit of collective selfreliance. we also support syria and other arab countries [number] in their just struggle to seek a fair and comprehensive solution to the middle east problem and appreciate the efforts of the countries of africa to promote peace, security and development there. i take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the governments, organizations and individuals of various countries, as well as the united nations and governmental and non-governmental international organizations, for their humanitarian assistance with the damage caused by several consecutive years of natural disaster in my country. the democratic people s republic of korea is an independent peace-loving state and its government consistently adheres to the fundamental ideal of independence, peace and friendship in its foreign policy. the government of our republic will develop relations of friendship and cooperation with all countries respecting its sovereignty and continue to make every effort to ensure peace on the korean peninsula and to safeguard peace and security in north-east asia, in conformity with the purposes and principles of the united nations charter. my delegation will contribute to the best of its ability to the successful deliberation of all items on the agenda of the current session.

[number]. mr. president, i extend to you and your country the warm congratulations and sincere best wishes of the government and people of vanuatu on your election to the high office of president of the thirty-eighth session of the general assembly. this promises to be a most significant session and perhaps one of the most critical international gatherings of modern history. we are confident that your leadership will be equal to the task and will reflect your many years of diplomatic experience and expertise, your careful and considered judgement and the courage and candour for which you and the government and people of panama are noted. [number]. under your guidance we anticipate the same thoughtfulness and impartiality which our deliberations enjoyed during the last session under the very capable leadership of mr. imre hollai of hungary. his also was a difficult tenure and one which earned the gratitude of the entire international community. [number]. we also believe that congratulations are in order to another outstanding diplomat, mr. davidson hepburn, the representative of the bahamas. his candidacy for the office of president of this year's general assembly strengthened the democratic process within the united nations and was a visible and dignified expression of the vitality of the organization's democracy. his candidacy was also important for two other reasons. first, he represents a country which, like ours, is a small isled developing state. very often the particular difficulties and needs of such states are overlooked within the international arena. secondly, his country is in a sub region, the caribbean, which like our own sub region, the south pacific is similarly often overlooked. it is our hope that mr. hepburn's candidacy will at last signal an awakening to the fact that all nations, like all people, are created equal. [number]. panama is also a country small in size but great in stature and reputation. thus, this year's friendly contest for the presidency of the general assembly made winner of us all. it afforded us the unique opportunity to choose between two highly qualified candidates from smash countries. for this reason we salute you both and say to you that we will all be forever grateful. [number]. we also congratulate the government and people of saint christopher and nevis, another small island developing into a state, on their country's attainment of independence and on becoming the is8th member of the united nations. its presence in our midst strengthens the organization and its democracy and bears witness to the universality of mankind and this world body. [number]. it is occasionally necessary to applaud and exercise in democracy here at the united nations because some do not always practise what they preach. there are those who espouse a belief in the dignity and quality of all? mankind and all nations yet ignore the smaller countries until they seek our votes on a specific item. there are those who profess a belief in freedom of expression yet the general assembly does not welcome the exercise of such freedom by smaller states that may, on occasion, hold different positions from those they have taken. there are those who like us believe in a free market of ideas. however, they do resent when the mood strikes them to close the market or force it to move elsewhere because they do not always like the ideas being presented. [number]. obviously such thinking is not only irrational but also painfully short-sighted and rather childish. for mankind, the united nations is still a great organization, it is certainly not perfect. nothing mankind has yet created can claim that distinction. however, it is perhaps the best and most important institution we have? yet created. if we have the will it can be strengthened and made better, but only if we have the will and if we respect and enhance its decisions and its democratic processes. [number]. this is not to say that these critics do not come from democratic societies. in fact, the irony is that their own societies are in many ways models of democracy for the protection of individual rights. we simply wish that they would pause for a moment to reflect on the democratic ideas of other societies, including those that stress the protection of collective rights. furthermore, we wish that everyone would lend stronger support to the practice of democracy than to the exercise of power in international deliberations. [number]. we in vanuatu owe a great deal to the united nations, as does every other nation that was a colony at the close of the second world war. others who owe a great deal to the united nations include millions of persons who are no longer ravaged by hunger and disease or who have a place to sleep or who can read because of the work of the united nations specialized agencies? big nations and small nations owe a great deal to the organization because it has provided a universal forum for discussion and exchange where there was none before. [number]. naturally, the united nations cannot be given credit for every advance mankind has made since [number], but it can certainly be credited with enough to make us all proud. not the least of the world body's accomplishments is that it has brought us together from all corners of the globe and made it somewhat easier for us to communicate to get to know each other, bridging unnatural gaps of suspicion and distrust. the united nations cannot be named if we, the members, have not taken full advantage of this opportunity. [number]. we in vanuatu are fortunate. ours is a free and open society, and we are situated in a region with neighbours who respect our tight to draw our own conclusions and develop our country in our own fashion. we are its unique manner and its still unrealised potential. one of our fondest wishes is that people from other regions will get to know and appreciate us and our region a little hit more. for us, this session of the general assembly is an important step in that process [number]. it is always a rare and unique privilege to address the general assembly. this year the privilege is even rarer and more unique because of the presence of so many distinguished heads of states or government here at this thirty-eighth sessions. most have come in response to the appeal made at the seventh conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, held at new delhi in march [number], and the subsequent urging of the highly esteemed chairperson of the movement of non-aligned countries, our good friend mrs indira gandhi, prime minister of india. all have come in recognition of the fact that the united nations, despite its shortcomings and its critics, continues to be the best, and perhaps the last hope of mankind for our very survival on this planet. in no other forum are all of the peoples of the world represented. in no other forum do representatives of the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the proud and the humble, the well-educated and the undereducated of the entire world sit together and in theory, if not always in fact, work together for solutions to the problems which threaten our very existence as a form of life. [number]. the attendance of so many world leaders at this year's session signifies a long-overdue recognition of the importance of the organization. we hope that it will also signify a renewed commitment on the part of all of its members to the letter and to the spirit of the charter. we hope too, that it will signify a firm determination to take seriously the admonition of our able secretary- general, who, in his most recent report on the work of, the organization said, "a continuous effort to contribute to the implementation of united nations decisions should be an integral part of the foreign policy of member states to a far greater extent than it is at the present time. " - [number]. in his report, the secretary-general has once again demonstrated the candour and insightful analysis which we have come to expect of him and his excellent staff and which is so essential if we, the members of the united nations, are to take the necessary steps to strengthen the organization and make it more effective. we must remember that the failures and shortcomings of the united nations are the failures and shortcomings of the membership. all of us, large and small, old and new, developed and developing, share this responsibility. either i shall make our work here meaningful and successful or we shall by our own actions reduce it to meaningless irrelevance and abstraction. the choice lies with us. our respective peoples perceive the united nations through our actions and attach as much meaning to its pronouncements as we ourselves do. [number]. no one can deny that the united nations, and indeed mankind, is at this very moment at one of those important and innumerable crossroads which recur in the course of human history. at this moment, we are faced with daily reminders of how technology has figuratively reduced the size of the globe and brought us all closer together. unfortunately, the very same technology has far too often fuelled, in some people, an uncontrollable greed and desire to rule and control the resources of other people. thus, although we live in a world of great abundance, which is capable of producing even more, far too many people live in a world of constant scarcity. this scarcity is not only a scarcity of material goods, which would be difficult enough to explain and cope with, but a scarcity of respect and of opportunity. [number]. it is this tatter scarcity which is most distressing and most inexcusable as we stand poised on the brink of the twenty-first century, it is this scarcity more titan any other factor which has been to the seemingly never-ending series of global shockwaves and confrontations between the world's "haves" and its "have-nots". [number]. the world's super-powers certainly have their own contradictions and causes for conflict. however, it would be a grievous error to attempt to define all of the worlds present problems in terms of super-power rivalry. rivalries between states and even between social systems come and go. however, the aspirations, goals and dreams of people all people, men, women and children are constant. all want the same things -a better life, understanding and respect. [number]. is there a better institution to address itself to these aspirations and dreams than the united nations we think not. can the united nations do so with greater charity and more effectiveness we think so. should the world community continue the investment it has already made in the united nations without doubt. we believe that the united nations has already given us all a favourable return and justified its existence many times over. [number]. we must remember that the united nations is an outgrowth of the second world war alliance against the axis powers. as such, the organization represents an international alliance against fascism, militarism and racism. [number]. it was never intended to be, and because of its nature and the realities of our world it can never effectively be, an alliance against communism any more than it can, or even should, be an alliance against capitalism. the social and economic system that any country chooses to live under is a matter that is best left to the people of that country. this is true regardless of that country's name, size or location, be it the united states or be it nicaragua. [number]. the united nations has been at its best in heaping to prevent another world war and in helping promote and accelerate the process of decolonization. it has been a platform for the denunciation of one economic and social system by the proponents of another. such crusades are best left to other bodies, as they seriously hamper and undermine our effectiveness. it would be wise for all of us to remember that the world's two foremost powers are both significant stronger than the rest of us. neither one needs any of us to fight its battles. however, the consequences of any such fight affects each and every one of us. therefore, we have as much of an interest in the rational and reasonable exercise of the tremendous power possessed by these two great nations as they themselves do. [number]. our search, therefore, must be for some common ground or common denominator on which they and we can continue our quest for peace, development and survival. let our children decide the future, but let us ensure that there will be a future [number]. in assessing the current state of the united nations, one is reminded of the story of the two individuals who, upon looking at the same glass of water, had different observations. one, the pessimist, observed that the glass was half empty. the other, the optimist, observed that the glass was half full. that story applies to any assessment of the united nations and of world affairs. yes, there are vexing problems which plague the acted and seem as if they will never be resolved. in south africa and the middle east a pervasive pattern of attitudinal and militarised racism has bequeathed a legacy of intercommunal strife which at times appears to be immune except by force of arms. in south-east asia more than four decades of ceaseless and unremitting warfare and destruction have left the people and their and devastated. in south and central america, the just and legitimate strivings of people for justice, equality, land, bread and freedom have been labelled subversive by the despots who rule every facet of their lives. fascistic death squads operate with impunity and include among their victims defenceless peasants, priests, nuns, teachers and school children. in the south pacific, we find most of the worlds remaining non-self-governing territories, and we find the part of this world that has faced the greatest exposure to nuclear tests, with little regard for the safety of human beings and the environment. in reaction to those conditions of poverty, disease and illiteracy they have been forced to endure, the peoples of africa, asia and south and central america and the caribbean have themselves begun the process of changing the conditions of their lives. naturally, the various peoples of the south pacific is also an integral part of this process of change. it should also came as no surprise that a great many people from the developed world are also part of this process of change. some of them share in our history and have themselves been cruelty exploited. all of them share our vision of the future. at times this process of change has moved forward quietly and almost imperceptibly. at other times it has proceeded dramatically with a mighty roar and great turbulence. in most instances the manner in which the process proceeded was determined by those who sought to abort the process of change. "power concedes noting without a demand, " observed frederick douglass. "it never did, and it never will, " said that great son of africa, who with his people helped end legal slavery in the united states over [number] years ago. today his words are as prophetic and as meaningful as they were then "if there is no struggle, there is no progress. those who profess to favour freedom, yet deprecate agitation are men who want crops without ploughing up the ground. they want rain without thunder and lightning. they want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. " those words should be borne in mind during our deliberations, particularly on those items which seem to remain on our agenda with no apparent solution in sight. [number]. after so many years, it is not easy to understand why the people of palestine cannot return to their homes. it is difficult to comprehend why south africa must be given even more inducements to end its illegal occupation of namibia. it is difficult to fathom how rational minds can treat the neo-fascist regime in pretoria like a civilized nation, which it is not, rather than like the outcast and pariah which it is. [number]. some have suggested that we, the international community, have not been patient enough or that we are not moderate enough in considering these issues and in framing resolutions on these topics. others argue quite convincingly that we have already been too patient and that we have no right to be any more moderate than we have been. after all, they say, how patient and how moderate was the international community four decades ago in the face of the same fascism, the same militarism and the same racism that we are counselled to be to patient with and so moderate towards today [number]. perhaps there is an argument that can be made for toning down some of these resolutions. we do not know. we simply know that we have not yet heard valid reasons for voting against resolutions that seek to redress valid grievances. [number]. it seems to us that those with publicity proclaim an intention to embrace south africa must themselves accept responsibility for resolutions which criticize such an embrace. to do otherwise is to suggest that some of us are above criticism, and certainty our creator never intended that any of us think that of ourselves. that would be the height of arrogance and would undoubtedly bring down the indignation and the wrath of the creator. [number]. the situations in title middle east and in southern africa is indeed tragic. they are tragic for the victims who live in those areas and tragic for us, all of mankind, as well. [number]. for the victims, the people of those areas, our primary feelings are not feelings of pity, sympathy, soar- row or pessimism. towards them, our primary feelings are feelings of support, solidarity, encouragement and optimism. to them we are grateful, for they renew in all of us the very best of human qualities. our pity, our sympathy and our sorrow are reserved for those people who choose to remain on the side-lines, passively accepting, or for those who tragically imitate israel and south africa in other regions. [number]. indonesia is a country which we have long admired and respected. it is a country which by its actions helped inspire the decolonization process and tater became a founder of the movement of non-aligned countries. it is a large and powerful country which we consider a friend. [number]. although vanuatu is indonesia's friend, we also realize that a true friend is not one who tells another simply what he wishes to hear. difficult as it may be, a true friend must on occasion be painfully honest and tell a friend what that friend may not wish to hear. such is the case with respect to indonesia's invasion, occupation and attempted annexation of east timor. [number]. east timor is another small south pacific country, like our own. its people fought on the side of the allies during the second world war and paid dearly for their commitment to what became the ideals of the united nations. like more than two thirds of the nations represented here today, the people of east timor saw the post-war era as the time to re-assert their own political and social independence. tragically, indonesia's military rulers interrupted east timor's decolonization process as that process was in its final stages. [number]. the resulting brutalization of east timor's people has also brutalized indonesia's image as a nation. how can one so large justify such heavy-handed repression of a small neighbour. hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women and children had to nay with their lives and so many mote are still paying of sudden disappearances, detention without explanation, and torture. why has every effort to provide even the minimum humanitarian assistance to the beleaguered people of east timor been thwarted by the indonesian authorities? certainly, no rational person would suggest that there is an acceptable double standard on questions of colonization, colonialism and human rights. where is it written that colonialism is wrong only when the colonial power is a european nation? where is it written that the systematic denial of fundamental human rights, including the very right to life itself, is evil only when the violator happens to be a european nation? [number]. if we accept indonesia's actions in east timor, then with what legal authority do we challenge israel's annexation of jerusalem and the golan heights? if we accept indonesia's brutality in east timor, then with what moral authority do we challenge apartheid? if we, the former colonies of the world are not true to our own pronouncements on colonialism and human rights when it comes to east timor, then we have not yet reed ourselves from the old discredited values of those who called themselves our masters. [number]. it is not easy, nor is it a pleasant experience, to be compelled to focus so critically upon the actions of a country which was once a mode and an inspiration to our own people and others who were colonized. it is, however, more difficult and less pleasant to bear witness to what has been done to the people of east timor. it is also difficult to comprehend the more bankruptcy of those who speak so eloquently on other matters, but who remain silent on the question of east timor. [number]. we as a nation are not cynical enough to have interests which would lead us to close our eyes to the injustices imposed on our fetor human beings in east timor. were we to acquiesce in indonesia's actions, we would not be true to the charter of the united nations nor to ourselves, or to our children and the future we would bequeath to them. [number]. we are reminded of an important directive issued during the struggle to free guinea-bissau and cape verge from colonial domination "hide nothing from the masses of the people. tell no ties, claim no easy victories. " those words are as appropriate here in this chamber today as they were in west africa in [number]. [number]. we, therefore, once again appeal to indonesia to save its soul as a nation and to be true to its heritage and stature by negotiating a speedy and complete withdrawal of its forces from east timor. let the people of that country decides their own fate, and let the united nations assist in that process. this is why we have a united nations. [number]. new caledonia is another non-self-governing territory in the south pacific and another example of why we have the organization. it is also another matter which coils for us, the international community, to "tell no lies, claim no victories". [number]. new caledonia is the world's second largest producer of niece. therefore, the struggle by its people to gain their independence has posed and undoubtedly will continue to pose a second question who will control the enormous economic potential of this small developing country [number]. without a doubt, all of us here today are well aware of the role that economics played in the colonization of most of the world. we are also certainly aware of the fact that it is the mineral wealth of namibia and of south africa that lies behind the complicated political web spun by those who do not wish to see the people of those countries control their own resources. new caledonia's people face similar obstacles for the same reasons. [number]. in new caledonia, as in southern africa, the settler population usually acts contrary to the interests of the indigenous population. this the world understands and has come to expect. [number]. what is less well understood, however, is that the settler population, having its own narrow and specific interests to protect, often acts contrary as well to the broader interests of the metropolitan power. such became the ease in algeria and in zimbabwe such is the case in namibia and in south africa and such is the ease in new caledonia. [number]. generally speaking, metropolitan powers do not have a direct interest in the maintenance of rigid and exclusionary social codes which hamper economic growth and development. this is particularly true when those social codes, by whatever name they are called, are operable far from the physical environs of the metropolitan power. thus, apartheid, or segregation, comes to be seen as outmoded, unnecessary and even threatening to the broader, more general economic interests of the metropolitan power. eventually, the metropolitan power may, for its own purposes, even seek to appear to be paying a leading role in ending a particularly odious social code. [number]. naturally, none of this occurs overnight. it takes time for the contradiction to arise, more time for it to be recognized, art even mere time for the effort to reconcile it to be put into operation, in the meantime, those who have been victims of the social code usually have begun their own process of change. generality speaking, wit they have in mind is a more far-reaching and fundamental change. the metropolitan power then faces a dilemma. on the one hand, it is in a sense captive to a restive and obstinate stir population. on the other hand, it finally reaches toast its tong-term interests are best served by making a more reasonable and rational accommodation with the indigenous population. its main preoccupation now becomes how to buy itself sufficient time to make the necessary accommodation and how to balance the competing antagonisms of the settlers and the indigenous population. [number]. in this respect new caledonia differs from south africa primarily in the nature of the metropolitan power. south africa no longer has one easily identifiable metropolitan power. france, on the other hand, is dearly the identifiable metropolitan power which both the setters and the indigenous population now petition. [number]. new caledonia is similar to south africa in the hardened racial attitudes of some of its european settlers. to them, the indigenous kayak population is not worthy of the basic and elementary dignity, respect and legal rights that most human beings are now able to take for granted. the people of new caledonia have extended a warm and open hand of friendship to all who would work together in a free and independent nation. theirs is a vision of a non-exclusionary south pacific nation in which all human beings would be treated as equals. [number]. we believe that the government of france is sincerely searching for answers to the questions raised concerning new caledonia's future. the reforms that france has introduced have certainty helped, and they demonstrate a sincere commitment to an effort to and some common ground upon which the competing interests may be framed. the south pacific forum, at its meeting at canberra on [number] and [number] august, took note of france's efforts in this regard. however, we, the south pacific heads of government, also declared our support for independence for new caledonia, and we urged the french to consider, in conducting an act of self-determination, the desirability of excluding from the short-term or non-permanent residents of new caledonia. this is in recognition of the fact that to be the exercise of self-determination must be by the of a particular country themselves, and those who have not even lived there but have been brought there and permitted to vote m order to outweigh the wishes of the legitimate population must not take part, in its totality, the canberra communiqu supports the right of self-determination. it urges the various sectors of the nation to work closely with france to ensure a peaceful transition to independence. it is laudable in its aims and practical it its approach, including the decision to review the situation next year and to consider the desirability of re-inscription of new caledonia on the united nations list of non-self-governing territories. [number]. the vanuatu government is confident that new caledonia will soon assume its rightful place as an independent nation. toward that end, we urge members of the united nations to keep themselves apprised of the situation in this economically important tend and to support the initiatives of new caledonia's people, as have the governments of the south pacific. [number]. we in the south pacific have another major preoccupation, in addition to our concern for the remaining non-self-covering territories in our area. all our governments, including those of australia and new zealand, have taken strong stands against nuclear testing in our area. [number]. the peoples of the pacific have always respected and been at peace with their environment. to us, our lands, our skies and our ocean have always been a source of spiritual guidance as we as a means of sustaining life. others have now come to our area to conduct tests, store material and dump wastes that would not be tolerated in their own waters and on their own tends. despite the strong representation of all governments in the area, this reckless disregard for human life and the environment continues almost unabated. our opposition is based on moral as well as scientific grounds, invitations by france or by any other nuclear power to visit test sites wit never reduce the strength of our moral objections. we, the people of the south pacific, have made it clear that we want an immediate end to the testing of any and ail nuclear weapons in our region. it is for this reason that our government supports proposals for the establishment of a nuclear-free pacific. this past july we were proud to host an international conference on a nuclear-free and independent pacific. to all but the most myopic observer, it is clear that the two go hand in hand indeed, we submit that it will in fact be difficult to achieve a nuclear-free pacific until there is an independent pacific and until the respective peoples of the area are free to decide for themselves whether this defilement of our land, sea and air shall continue. [number]. economic development in the south pacific is a difficult and somewhat elusive goal. some of our count- tries are blessed with abundant mineral resources, seem with abundant agricultural resources, and others with neither. most are under populated. all are separated by many miles of ocean, mass communications and transportation are major problems. finally, this latter character exacerbates our present state of underdevelopment and preoccupies us all. for these reasons, the united nations convention on the law of the sea is so important. it is our hope that someday this convention will be acclaimed and unanimously accepted, as it has already been by an overwhelming majority of our neighbour. being a stall island state ourselves, we support the concerns of other such states that their territorial integrity be respected and preserved. we too have a territorial dispute with a major power. we hope that france will in good faith negotiate an accept with us and that the islands of matthew and hunter will once again be administered as part of our country, which they are. both the movement of non-aligned countries and the united nations have begun to focus on the unique problems of small island developing states. the recently concluded conference of experts hosted by the government of grenada is a very positive step in the right direction. it is our hope that the work of the conference can continue and deceive the support of the entire international community. [number]. we recognize that the problems of small islands developing states are only one of a host of economic problems plaguing the world today. the depressed state of the world economy, with the universal phenomenon of international inflationary pressures, is a major concern the need for international monetary reform and the expansion of international trade is well documented. the twin needs of greater north-south dialogue and greater south-south economic trade and co-operation are also well known. so many major economic problems confront us today that one hardly knows where and how to begin cataloguing them. [number]. the resolution of these problems is going to necessitate a serious and long-term commitment by each of us. perhaps it will be painful, but we should probably begin with critical self-examinations of our respective histories, policies and priorities. [number]. none of us is perfect, large or small, developed or developing. those who pontificate and preach to us that we must follow the same path of development that they followed understand neither history nor economics. the world is different today from what it was [number] years ago, or even [number] years ago, and our objective conditions are certainly different. modern technology has rendered obsolete much of what we learned and have dramatically increased the gap between those nations which "have" and those which "have not". [number]. no nation today has the luxury of developing in isolation, at its own pace. radio, films, television, books, newspapers and magazines all bring the affluent world to the attention of the citizens of all countries. very few governments exist today which can resist the attendant pressures to bring that or a comparable good life to its own citizens. [number]. wealth that was created, at least in part, as a direct consequence of legalized slavery, colonialism and the theft of other people's natural resources is inaccurately portrayed as resulting solely from the hard work and natural intelligence of those who came to possess that wealth. [number]. it is not at all possible or even desirable for us to develop our countries by rigid imitations of the west or the east. we cannot isolate ourselves, but we most certainly can develop our own methodology and our own healthy economy and social mix. we certainly do not have the option of salting to distant shores and stealing land or having people to labour for us. as others have in the past. even if that option were available, it is not the way we would choose to develop. while we do not live in the past, we most certainly remember our shared history. [number]. this is not to suggest for one moment that things today are as one-sided as we might like to believe. we, the developing countries are also imperfect. some of us have neglected to practise what we preached. some are afraid to be candid in assessing our own performances, as if our adversaries and friends did not already know where we have fallen short. some continue to make capital mistakes others among us continue tic make soda mistakes. some manage to make both. [number]. for us to begin to take corrective action, we must first be true to ourselves. for us to be taken seriously, we must first take ourselves seriously. we will undoubtedly command as much respect as we demand by our own efforts, our own consistency and, most importantly, our own sacrifices, personal and institutional [number]. now more than ever we must respect the universality of mankind and plan for the future. there are literally dozens of pressing problems confronting the international community today. bach successive crisis seems to overshadow the previous one. [number]. perhaps none in recent memory was as dramatic as the downing of the korean air lines flight [number]. few incidents have captured the public's attention as that did. few incidents have as dramatically pointed to the need for better communication and understanding and for the strengthening of the united nations. there is no doubt that [number] people lost their lives needlessly. this in itself is a great human tragedy, and we convey our very deepest condolences to the families and friends of the victims. [number]. we do not know if the world will ever know what events really led up to this tragedy and what really happened just before the aircraft was shot down. it is possible that both sides are telling the truth as they perceive the truth to be. we do not know. [number]. we do not believe there can ever be any justification for shooting down a civilian aircraft, except perhaps in the extremely remote possibility of averting a far greater immediate human disaster. we believe that the soviet union made a tragic mistake and inexplicably compounded the mistake in its immediate aftermath. [number]. however, we do not believe that blame or guilt in this instance lies with any one nation. this was a tragedy for all mankind and not just for any one state or group of states, it proves nothing about any particular social or economic system. this was a failure by mankind, all mankind, it reveals the heightened sense of international insecurity that the arms race, cold war rhetoric and tests of military preparedness have brought us. [number]. this tragedy tells us that the technology of destruction is far more advanced than is the technology of communication and the technology of the prevention of destruction. n the normal course of events, we would learn from such a tragedy and develop more effective safeguards to prevent a recurrence. unfortunately this does not appear to be the ease, and this is even more of a tragedy. [number]. it saddens and concerns us to see the international atmosphere further poisoned by hatred and recriminate- tons. now more than ever, the world cries out for the leadership of wise statement. where are the leaders with the wisdom and the courage to say, "let us sit down and reason together", to say, "let us make sure this does not happen again", to say, "let us put an end to the suspicions and distrust which gave rise to this incident" [number]. why are those who were silent when a libyan airliner was shot down by israeli fighters so vocal and articulate now why are those who were silent when a cuban airliner was blown out of the sky by a terrorist bomb so morally outraged now all human life is sacred, and none is more sacred than another. the lives of east timorese and vietnamese are sacred. the lives of pays- tinian s and lebanese are sacred. the lives of iranians and raise are sacred. the lives of chileans and filipinos are sacred. the lives of cypriots and guatemalans are sacred. without exception the loss of any human life is a tragedy. the number of victims or their nationality does not make the tragedy any worse or deepen our sorrow. those who stress the individual aspects of human rights should understand this better than anyone. [number]. why are those who are so willing to isolate the soviet union so unwilling to isolate south africa why is it vital to keep channels of communication open to south africa, but not to the soviet union why is south africa considered a civilized state, but not the soviet union [number]. ours is a smelt country, and admittedly we do not know the answer to every question. however, there are many things we are certain of. one certainty is that those who ally themselves with the evil practitioners of apartheid or other forms of racism cannot complain to us when others move into the moral vacuum they themselves have created. to them we say "if we are to believe in your moral superiority, it is time for you to demonstrate it in southern africa, in east timor, in the middle east, in central america and in other parts of our troubled globe". [number]. for emphasis, we wit repeat and stress again and again that both the soviet union and the united states are very big and very powerful countries. neither need vanuatu or any other country to fight its betties, and certainty not the battle between these two giants. however. as human beings, we have a great deal at stake. [number]. we do not want these two great powers to fight unless they limit their weapons to their respective moray strengths and their powers of persuasion. we have as much to lose as they do, should tidy insist on fighting with military weapons. we cannot stop them, but we can and do try to urge caution and restraint. the only weapons we have at our disposal are truth, our faith in mankind and our own powers of pet suasion. [number]. we now papacy to either country to step forward and, in the name of humanity, say "we have all had enough of this madness". let one begin by dismantling one weapon and it the other folio suit by dismantling another. which one begins the process is no longer important, just as which one began to stockpile the weapons is no longer important. the people of both the soviet union and the united states, along with the people of many other countries, made tremendous sacrifices four decades ago which led to the creation of the united nations. now it is time for one more enormous sacrifice it is still not too late. [number]. the entire world is waiting for us, all of us, to move forward in the name of the human race. now each nation represented here today must ask itself whether it wishes to be part of the problem or to be part of the solution.

niger is gratified by your election, sir, to preside over this session and through me assures you of its full support as you carry out the important mission that has been entrusted to you. we wish you every success. i also wish to address to your predecessor, mr. jan kavan of the czech republic, my sincere congratulations on the skill, dedication and foresight with which he guided the work of the general assembly at its fifty-seventh session. i should further like to reiterate niger s great appreciation to secretary-general kofi annan for the wisdom and efficiency with which he has guided our organization in a particularly difficult international context. on [number] august, sadly, international terrorism struck yet another symbol united nations headquarters in baghdad. the attack claimed many lives, including that of the special representative of the secretary- general, sergio vieira de mello. niger reiterates its unequivocal condemnation of that barbaric act and reviles all terrorist acts committed anywhere in the world. the government of niger welcomes our organization s determination to provide all necessary assistance to the iraqi people, despite all the intimidation to which it has been subject. such determination, however, can achieve results only if the united nations is given a key role in managing the process of rebuilding a free and democratic iraq that is the master of its own destiny. the maintenance of international peace and security must remain a priority objective of the united nations. in this respect, in addition to our ongoing war against international terrorism, we must pursue our efforts to free the world from the specter of weapons of mass destruction and the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. in that connection, the first biennial meeting of states to consider the implementation of the united nations programme of action to prevent, combat and eradicate the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects at the national, regional and global levels noted that, despite progress made since the adoption of the programme of action, control of firearms and their use remains limited. that is why niger firmly supports the elaboration of binding legal instruments on the marking, tracking and sale of such weapons. for niger, the regional approach must be given pride of place in the settlement of conflicts, since it is [number] increasingly recognized that most conflicts in africa have a subregional dimension. that is the case in particular in west africa, where stability in the mano river region is linked to the situation in liberia. it is also the case in central africa, where stability in the great lakes region is linked to the situations in the democratic republic of the congo and in burundi. that is why the government of niger feels that the strengthening of regional peacekeeping and security capacities, the cornerstone of the collective security system, must be based on enhanced cooperation between the united nations and regional and subregional organizations. with regard to the jammu and kashmir conflict, niger believes that, despite the recent incidents, the improved relations between india and pakistan, which opened diplomatic relations in august, provide an unprecedented opportunity that must be seized to achieve a political settlement through the organization of a referendum on the self-determination of the kashmiri people, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the security council. in the middle east, the vision of a sovereign and viable palestinian state, peacefully coexisting with israel, must become a reality. in this regard, it is more urgent than ever before for the two parties to the conflict to agree to a ceasefire, comprehensive adherence to which would help relaunch the road map, which is showing signs of withering. moreover, the eventful history of the israeli-palestinian peace process a history marked by recurrent setbacks and dashed hope requires us to acknowledge that only the presence of an international interposition force can guarantee an end to the bloody violence and create conditions for the effective implementation of agreements. thus, niger makes a heartfelt appeal to the united nations, the security council in particular, to ensure that this question be reconsidered with all due attention and in full responsibility in the interest of world peace. niger is deeply dedicated to the noble ideals of the charter and therefore strives for regional and global peace and is actively participating in efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament. in that context, my country has always subscribed to the standards of the international atomic energy agency iaea in order to achieve full transparency in the production, sale and delivery of uranium. that position is reflected in our decade-long cooperation with all actors in the uranium sector. we allow for no ambiguity. niger continues to be ready, as it has always been, to submit to the authority of the iaea for any verification related to the production and sale of its uranium. i wish to recall that, in this sphere, my country, in accordance with article iii of the treaty on the non- proliferation of nuclear weapons, has accepted, in agreement with the iaea, the monitoring and guarantee system which, when implemented in good faith as it is in niger, offers absolutely no opportunity for the kind of clandestine transactions of which my country was so unjustly accused. the development goals defined in the historic millennium declaration must remain an ongoing concern of the international community and guide global action aimed at the establishment of a stable and just socio-economic order involving greater sharing and solidarity. we cannot overemphasize the fact that the achievement of these goals requires reflection in specific action of all commitments undertaken at the major international conferences and summits. what in fact have we been seeing? the international scene continues to offer the paradoxical and somewhat ignominious image of a world of enormous wealth in which the overwhelming majority of inhabitants still lives in total destitution. despite the commitments made and the consensus reached by governments of the entire world on this issue, we are obliged to note that the terrible vise of poverty, ignorance and disease has only been tightened around the poor peoples of the third world in general and of africa in particular. when we know, for example, that, six years after the world food summit, [number] million people throughout the world continue to suffer from hunger and [number] million children suffer from malnutrition deficiencies, we can readily gauge the feeble support of donors for anti-poverty strategies, despite the lofty statements of intention that are occasionally mouthed. today more than ever, the situation should pull at the conscience of the international community and inspire us to greater solidarity and determination to fulfil our commitments. it is time to understand once and for all that the reduction of poverty is more than a moral imperative it is in fact a secure investment in the promotion of a world of peace, prosperity and social progress. [number] it is encouraging to note that, in recent years, africa has been at the core of major international conferences. from the brussels conference on the least developed countries to the johannesburg summit, as well as the monterrey international conference on financing for development, the world economic forum, the evian g-[number] summit and the world trade organization wto conference in canc n, to name but a few, africa has been at the heart of the debates. it should be noted that, while these meetings had the merit of having been convened, unfortunately they did not respond to the urgent and enormous expectations of the continent. in this regard, there is a need to ensure consistency in global economic governance through the strengthening of cooperation among the international organizations and of the compatibility of their decisions. it is only thus that the excessive marginalization of africa can be alleviated, because this is the appropriate way to bring the promises of increased official development assistance to fruition. similarly, it is important to increase the flow of direct foreign investment into africa. furthermore, given the limited results achieved by current debt-alleviation programmes the heavily indebted poor countries initiative in particular we must now recognize that the ultimate solution lies in the outright cancellation of the debt, the servicing of which is consuming the greater part of the budgets of african countries and fuelling capital flight. there is also a need for africa s trade partners fully to comply with their commitments, in particular by improving the access of african products to their markets and by eliminating agricultural subsidies that create distortions in world trade. the failure of the wto conference in canc n is a good illustration of the obstinate reluctance of the rich countries to take into account the legitimate aspirations of the poor countries regarding the establishment of just and equitable standards to govern world trade. and yet, solving the critical problem of agricultural subsidies and of access to markets would have made it possible both to enhance the badly tarnished credibility of the wto and to provide a measure of consistency to the declarations of intention made by the countries of the north. above all and unquestionably, it would have contributed to raising millions of people out of poverty. this lack of agreement means that the cotton workers of west africa, among others, can no longer live from their labour and may be excluded from international trade, to the benefit of more competitive producers who are being subsidized. canc n was a failed rendezvous of the doha round. wto will certainly have to adopt a new approach and prioritize the settlement of agricultural problems, which most agree are more important than the interests of the multinationals. the countries of africa are fully aware of the need to develop their relationship with their development partners within the context of interdependence, cooperation and mutual responsibility. in that regard, they acknowledge the importance of judicious national policies and good governance, which they consider to be indispensable to accelerated development and, above all, to achieving the [number] per cent growth rate required to achieve the millennium development goals. the new partnership for africa s development nepad is inspired by this consensual approach, based on a new relationship of cooperation between africa and the developed world. nepad, a symbol of africa s resolve to take its own destiny in hand, is the foundation on which the african union will rely to promote the growth and sustainable development of african countries, individually and collectively. while we call for a massive flow of investments and the growth of official development assistance to contribute to our development efforts, we, too, must comply with our commitments in terms of mutual responsibility. that is why my country, niger, firmly supports the implementation of the nepad peer review mechanism. the mechanism will play a key role in the continent s prospects as an instrument for building strong states dedicated to good governance and sustainable development. in drawing up through a participatory approach a national strategy for poverty reduction, the government of niger intends to become deeply involved in the dynamic process of establishing strong, stable and competitive economies in accordance with the objectives of the nepad programme of action. the strategy document serves simultaneously as a reference framework for poverty reduction policies and programmes and as an instrument to mobilize financial resources. we are convinced that the implementation of the poverty-reduction strategy will contribute to [number] improving the dialogue of policies, to further strengthening donor coordination and intervention, and to developing a multidimensional strategic partnership to translate into action the deepest hopes of the people of niger. from this rostrum, i solemnly reaffirm the deep gratitude of the government of niger to those international partners which, at the poverty-reduction forum held last june in niamey, proved their full adherence to the strategy and their commitment to supporting its implementation. in recent years, the world has undergone rapid and profound changes. these require us to adapt our organization s functions to today s reality in order to better to take into account the new challenges and legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the planet and not the specific interests of a tiny group of countries, no matter how powerful. that is why niger firmly supports the courageous reforms proposed by the secretary-general to strengthen and improve the functioning of the organization and to allow it effectively to cope with the challenges of our times. the long-awaited democratization of the security council must be accompanied by a strengthening of the role of the general assembly, the highest representative body, and of the economic and social council, the guarantor of the advent of a new economic and social order. the united nations is at a decisive juncture and must urgently regain the confidence of states and of world public opinion, which has been sorely tested by recent events. it is up to all of us to strive resolutely to that end, because, as the secretary-general has said, we are the united nations.

[number]. mr. president, first of all allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the lao people's democratic republic, to express to you my heartfelt congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly. i am convinced that thanks to your eminent qualities as a diplomat and your great experience of the united nations, you will honourably discharge the responsibility entrusted to you. rest assured that m this task you can count on the full collaboration of my delegation. i would also like, through you, to extend my sincere congratulations to all the vice- presidents. [number]. i should also like to congratulate and thank mr. indalecio lievano, the outgoing president, for the wisdom and effectiveness with which he guided the proceedings of the thirty-third session. [number]. i should like to express my great appreciation to mr. kurt waldheim, the secretary-general of the united nations, for his persevering and tireless efforts for peace and international co-operation. i wish him the very best of health and every success in discharging his noble mission. [number]. finally i should like to heartily congratulate the people of saint lucia, whose country has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-second member of the united nations, thus occupying its rightful place in the family of nations. [number]. since the last session of our assembly, several events have taken place in various parts of the world. some of them have fortunately created conditions conducive to the consolidation of detente and international co-operation, while others, on the contrary, are extremely disquieting, not only for the reasons i have just mentioned, but also to peace and security in the world. [number]. for all the non-aligned countries, which make up two thirds of this assembly, as for the entire international community, the most significant event of [number] was indisputably the sixth conference of non-aligned countries, which was recently held in havana, the magnificent capital of the republic of cuba. that conference was a great victory, not only for the government and the welcoming and hospitable people of cuba, who so carefully and impeccably prepared it, but also for all peoples who cherish peace, independence and justice in the world. at the same time it was a crushing defeat for imperialism and the reactionary forces which expended immense effort to sap the unity of the non- aligned movement in order to wreck it. to judge by the result of the sixth conference, on which we do not wish to linger, it is absolutely impossible to doubt the effectiveness of the movement and its staunch resolve to assume its responsibilities in the conduct of international relations. [number]. as a fully-fledged member of that community 9f non-aligned countries, the lao people's democratic republic heartily welcomes the success of the sixth conference and intends to play its full part within that movement, as we do in other international bodies, so as to make an active contribution to the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid and racism, and for peace, national independence, detente and the development of international co-operation. [number]. other events have contributed to the strengthening of international peace and security, and these are the resounding victories achieved by the peoples of asia, africa and latin america in their heroic struggle against the anti-democratic and anti-national regimes which are the instruments of imperialism and international reactionaries. [number]. however encouraging that situation may be, we must never lower our guard. on the contrary, we must persevere and step up our struggle, because experience as proved that the more the imperialists and international reactionaries suffer defeats, the more cruel and perfidious they become, both in their policies and their actions. [number]. we warmly welcome, first, the brilliant victory achieved by the people of fraternal kampuchea, which finally, on [number] january [number], overthrew the barbarous, genocidal and repressive regime of its tyrants. on this subject we should recall that, after having finally vanquished the united states imperialists and their lon nol henchmen, on [number] april [number] the heroic people of kampuchea, instead of being able to enjoy their hard- won peace and independence, because of the treachery of the pol pot-ieng sary clique and who obey only the reactionaries of peking beijing , met with a most tragic fate. indeed, practising an abject policy of genocide, the pol pot regime massacred more than [number] million kampucheans and transformed kampuchea into a vast unspeakable "neo-nazi slaughter-house". [number]. futhermore, in addition to the ghastly crimes they perpetrated against their own people the bloody regime of pol pot, on the one hand, created a permanent situation of tension in the border regions between kampuchea and my country and, on the other hand, entered into conflict with viet nam, beginning with murderous border incidents which became an open war against viet nam and which ended in the resounding victory of viet nam over the pol pot-ieng sary forces. that victory prompted the spontaneous uprising of the kampuchean people which resulted, on7 january [number], in the overthrow of the regime of the tyrants and the establishment of the people's republic of kampuchea. [number]. thus, the kampuchean people, under the guidance of the people's revolutionary council and the united front for the national salvation of kampuchea, became the true master of its country and its destiny. independence, sovereignty and freedom are once more firmly in the hands of the people of kampuchea, who are practising a foreign policy of peace, independence, friendship and non-alignment, thus consolidating peace and stability in indo-china, south-east asia and throughout the world. thus, the present situation in kampuchea is irreversible. [number]. it is a regrettable fact, however, that, after that great victory, the international reactionaries, in collusion with the imperialists, have persisted in trying to resuscitate the genocidal regime of pol pot which has been consigned to the past, by helping it still to claim a seat within our organization. these actions constitute a cynical interference in the internal affairs of the kampuchean people. [number]. as far as we are concerned, the lao people's democratic republic, in accordance with its position which has been repeatedly voiced, recognizes the people's republic of kampuchea as an independent and sovereign state which cannot and should never be subjected to threat or aggression by anyone. the people's revolutionary council of kampuchea, which is the sole legitimate and authentic representative of the kampuchean people, must take possession of its seat in the united nations and in all other international bodies. no question relating to kampuchea can be resolved without the participation of the people's revolutionary council of kampuchea. [number]. to respect the memory of the [number] million innocent kampucheans who were massacred and to render justice to the further [number] million who survived and who have suffered so much at the hands of a genocidal regime unprecedented in the history of humanity, we request the expulsion from the united nations of the representative of the murderous gang which in fact controls not one inch of the territory of the country and which no longer represents anyone, so that the people's revolutionary council of kampuchea may take its rightful seat. [number]. the lao people salute the victory of the iranian people, who overthrew and abolished a feudal, bloody, absolutist regime, thus becoming the true master of their country. [number]. we hail the brilliant victory of the people of nicaragua, wrested by force of arms from the fascist somoza dictatorship. that victory will give great momentum to the struggle of peoples in latin america and the caribbean against imperialism and in order to consolidate their national independence. [number]. in the middle east, the situation continues to be explosive. the palestinian arab people have suffered and continue to suffer from the exploitation and aggression of the israeli zionists and of the imperialists. the quest for peace through the camp david agreements and the so-called egypt-israel peace treaty16 only make the problem more serious and serve imperialism's designs for domination in the middle east. those agreements are not in the interests of the palestinian arab people, nor in the interests of the other arab peoples, nor indeed those of the egyptian people themselves. [number]. a lasting and equitable settlement of the problem must involve the total withdrawal of the israeli forces of "treaty of peace between the arab republic of egypt and the state of israel, signed at washington on [number] march [number]. occupation from all occupied arab territories, including jerusalem, and the unequivocal recognition of the inalienable right of the arab people of palestine to self-determination, as well as their right to establish an independent and sovereign state in palestine. [number]. the lao people s democratic republic supports the just struggle of the arab people of palestine under the guidance of the plo, their only legitimate and authentic representative. it supports the just position of the people of syria and other arab countries that are victims of zionist aggression, to the effect that they will not associate themselves with the separate deal. we favour the independence, sovereignty and unity of lebanon which is opposed to the attempts to dismember its territory by israel, and condemn the zionist aggression against lebanon. [number]. furthermore, the lao people's democratic republic is in favour of the independence, unity and non- alignment of cyprus. we are in favour of a peaceful settlement between the two cypriot communities. [number]. we support the people of afghanistan in their struggle to consolidate their independence against the subversive and perfidious manoeuvres of the expansionists and the imperialists. [number]. our unreserved support likewise goes to the peoples of democratic yemen and of ethiopia in their efforts to develop their societies, free from any domination or imperialist interference. [number]. we staunchly support the struggle of the korean people to bring about the independent and peaceful reunification of korea and we condemn the presence of foreign troops in south korea. [number]. in the african continent, colonialism, racism and apartheid, which are already too anachronistic for the end of the twentieth century, still continue in their misdeeds, their domination and savage exploitation of peoples and of the abundant natural riches of namibia and zimbabwe. thus the minority and illegal racist regimes of south africa and rhodesia have resorted to all sorts of lies and tricks, such as the rigged election farce and the establishment of puppet regimes. [number]. the lao people will staunchly side with the namibian and zimbabwean peoples and with the peoples of the front-line countries, who are the victims of the barbaric aggression of the minority racist regimes of southern africa. the lao people's democratic republic has recognized the saharan arab democratic republic as an independent and sovereign country. we support the struggle of the saharan people under the leadership of the frente polisario for independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the saharan arab democratic republic. [number]. in latin america, the fraternal cuban people continue to be subjected to an arbitrary blockade. the lao people's democratic republic, like all countries that cherish justice throughout the world, condemns that blockade and demands the immediate handing over of the naval base of guantanamo to cuba. [number]. the lao people wish to see the fruitful implementation of the treaties regarding panamanian sovereignty over the canal zone. [number]. we give our greatest sympathy and our unconditional support to the struggle of the chilean people to restore their democratic rights. we support the struggle of all the peoples of latin america against the imperialist monopolies to ensure full sovereignty over their natural resources. [number]. over the last [number] months, the world has noted with indignation the multifarious alliances formed by the imperialists and international reactionaries for purposes of infiltration in all regions of the world in order to provoke dissension and to sow discord among peoples. to carry out their policy of domination and expansionism, the imperialists and reactionaries do not hesitate to provoke conflicts and engage in armed aggression. [number]. thus, in south-east asia the international reactionaries, flouting the elementary norms of international law and the traditional conduct of nations, have become embroiled in a wide-scale armed aggression against the socialist republic of viet nam, which they have accused of having assisted the heroic people of kampuchea, threatened with extermination, in overthrowing their tyrants. since then protests such as ' 'hands off viet nam" have been made on the international scene and recently, during the sixth conference of non-aligned countries, thanks were expressed to viet nam and support was offered for its firm resolve to safeguard and to build up its beloved homeland and for its active participation in the work of national independence and peace among the peoples of the world. but, notwithstanding the universal condemnation of the aforementioned aggression, the international reactionaries have continued to display an arrogant attitude stating that they would teach viet nam a "second lesson" if they deemed it necessary. such acts of aggression could be committed against anyone as long as the peking leaders arrogate to themselves the right to teach sovereign states lessons. [number]. today viet nam is the victim tomorrow it may be the lao people's democratic republic, the people's republic of kampuchea or, indeed, other countries. in view of this grave situation now prevailing in south-east asia, we appeal to the international community to demonstrate vigilance in order to prevent another war, which might have incalculable consequences. [number]. as things stand as regards my country, the champions of reactionary power in peking, through their manoeuvres and hostile acts, oppose the revolutionary work of the lao people. they have massed several divisions of troops along our borders they have sent spies and pirates to laos, provoked constant disturbances, sown subversion, brought about division among the ethnic minorities of laos and gathered together all the exiled lao reactionary exiles into a trumped-up "lao socialist party". [number] . worse yet, in order to conceal their dark and evil designs, they have, under the fallacious pretext of "taking in refugees", on the one hand, goaded young people from laos to flee their homeland and to become refugees, and, on the other hand, attracted to south china several thousands of former soldiers and people who are hated by progressive lao society and who had sought refuge in thailand. [number]. at the same time, they have deployed enormous efforts to sap the friendship and solidarity existing between laos and viet nam and between laos, viet nam and kampuchea in the hope of weakening those three countries and of making preparations for the eventual overthrow of the new regime in our country. [number]. the lao people's democratic republic is an independent, sovereign country, a member of the non- aligned movement and a member of the united nations. we have a domestic and foreign policy that is independent and we are masters of our own fate and will allow no country to interfere in our internal affairs. [number]. after the total liberation of the country, the multinational lao people more than any other strives to live in peace, friendship and co-operation with other nations, especially with our neighbours, in order that we may concentrate all our efforts and national potential on rebuilding the country, which saw heavy destruction during the war, on improving our living conditions and on contributing to peace and stability in south-east asia and throughout the world. the lao people's democratic republic is a small country with a population of [number] million and a backward economy. therefore it is not in a position to threaten a country of about a billion people such as china. the lao people and the chinese people have long enjoyed good relations of friendship. the chinese authorities alone are responsible for the deterioration in the relations between our two countries. their derogatory remarks and fallacious propaganda will never succeed in turning the people of the lao people's democratic republic away from our independent policy or to break the great militant solidarity and friendship between the lao people, the vietnamese people and the kampuchean people. we demand that the peking leaders put an end to their threat to laos and respect our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. [number]. the abiding foreign policy of the lao people's democratic republic is one of peace, independence, friendship and non-alignment. that policy is in line with the geopolitical situation in laos and our future and long-term interests and is a response to the profound aspirations of the peoples of laos and of south-east asia. [number]. we heartily welcome our relations of militant solidarity, friendship and fraternal co-operation with the socialist republic of viet nam and the people's republic of kampuchea, which are becoming ever stronger and more developed each day. [number]. we are continually developing our good relations with the soviet union and the other fraternal socialist countries. we are delighted at the fruitful good- neighbourly relations that we enjoy with the kingdom of thailand, and we strive to make the common border between our two countries one of peace and friendship. we want to do our utmost to develop friendly relations and many-sided co-operation with the countries of south-east asia in order to work to make that region a zone of peace, independence, neutrality, stability and prosperity. [number]. the focal-points of tension still to be found in various regions of the world as a result of imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism and expansionism are a serious obstacle to the development of detente and disarmament, towards which countries which cherish peace, independence and justice are striving. [number]. in the field of disarmament, we consider that the results of the work of the tenth special session of the general assembly of the united nations is an appropriate basis for concrete action. it is up to us more than ever before to envisage necessary provisions so that those results can be translated as quickly as possible into action. [number]. peace, and the security of peoples, can never be ensured by stockpiling weapons. every effort to curb the arms race, in conventional as well as in nuclear terms, and to reduce the existing stockpiles, deserves strong encouragement. it is in this spirit that my delegation is delighted by the recent signature of the treaty resulting from the second round of the strategic arms limitation talks in vienna by president brezhnev and president carter. we support the policies and efforts of the soviet union, as well as the other socialist countries, for peace, international detente, and disarmament. we consider that the treaty will open the way to several others on a more far-reaching scale, thus increasing the momentum of the process of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. [number]. in this context, we await with interest the conclusion in the near future of other international treaties, particularly that concerning the non-use of force in international relations, since we are convinced that that type of treaty will help to promote a climate of trust which is useful for disarmament. [number]. for these same reasons, we appreciate, and, indeed, support the initiative taken by the czechoslovakian socialist republic in requesting the inclusion of an additional item called "adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament" in the agenda of the present session of the general assembly, and we welcome the decisions taken at the last session of the general assembly regarding the item on the preparation and education of societies for life in peace as well as on international "disarmament week", proposed respectively by the polish people's republic and the mongolian people's republic. [number]. we likewise consider that the convening of a world disarmament conference, the need for which has been recognized by everyone, will enable us to achieve measures which will speed up our march towards the final goal of general and complete disarmament. [number]. we reaffirm our support for the proposal to make the indian ocean a nuclear-free zone of peace , free of any foreign military base we support the demands of the coastal peoples and governments for the dismantling of the military and nuclear base on diego garcia. [number]. we share and support the idea that the dissolution of blocs, pacts and military alliances will help strengthen, develop and render irreversible the process of international detente. [number]. accordingly, we consider that the inclusion on the agenda of this session of the general assembly of an item called "inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations", proposed by the union of soviet socialist republics, is most timely, and we fully support it. [number]. we favour the creation of nuclear-free zones and zones of peace wherever this is possible, with the consent of all states concerned. [number]. as regards detente and reducing tension between nations, we welcome the fact that negotiations between the soviet union and china for normalizing their relations have been resumed. we appreciate and support the just position and serious attitude of the soviet union in trying to achieve concrete results, and thus extend the sphere of detente to all regions of the world. [number]. the gap between the developed countries and the developing countries becomes ever wider. this situation, which cannot last much longer without endangering international peace and security, is a result, as we all know too well, of the persistence of the unjust basis on which international economic relations rest. these relations, characterized by dependence, exploitation and inequality, have shown themselves for a long time now of being incapable of stimulating the development of under-developed countries and contributing to the elimination of their economic and social ills, which were engendered by centuries of colonial, neo-colonial and imperialist exploitation. [number]. in order to remedy that serious situation, the sixth special session of the general assembly, which met in [number], examined the problem of international economic development in all its aspects, and adopted by consensus a declaration and a programme of action on the establishment of a new international economic order that would be more just and more equitable. five years have elapsed since the adoption of those texts, and the economic situation of the developing countries, far from improving, has continually grown worse. however, despite this highly disturbing fact, negotiations have proceeded within the united nations and in various specialized bodies to implement measures which have been advocated to establish the new international economic order but the results have been meagre be-cause of the lack of political will on the part of most of the developed market-economy countries, which are hanging on to their vested privileges. the recent failure of the fifth session of unctad, held in manila last may, is a perfect demonstration of that point. [number]. it is imperative, in the interests of balanced and harmonious development of all countries, both developed and developing, as well as in the interests of safeguarding international peace and security, that the developed market-economy countries put an end to their dilatory practices and adopt a policy of real effective co-operation with the developing countries. this could make it possible for the new international economic order to emerge. [number]. before concluding, i should like to reaffirm the commitment of my country to the purposes and principles of the united nations, which have always guided our conduct in our relations with other countries. we are convinced that scrupulous respect for these principles by all member states will help to contribute to the advent of a better world a world where detente, disarmament, co-operation and peaceful coexistence will reign. the work of this session will bring us closer to that goal. the delegation of the lao people's democratic republic will spare no effort to make an active contribution to that goal, and we hope for the brilliant success of the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly.

let me first extend to you, sir, on behalf of my delegation and in my own name, our sincere congratulations on your election as president of the general assembly at this session. indeed, it is a matter of pride for all small island states, and mauritius in particular, to see you presiding over the assembly. my delegation wishes to assure you of its full support and cooperation during your tenure of office. let me also express my government's deepest appreciation to your predecessor, his excellency mr. jan kavan of the czech republic, for the remarkable manner in which he presided over the general assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to the secretary-general, his excellency mr. kofi annan, for his dedicated leadership of our organization. i wish to assure him of our full support in his appeal for radical reforms of our organization and the setting up of a high-level panel to address the issues of peace and security, and institutional reform. since we were here last autumn, many events of global importance have occurred. the war against iraq was waged and hostilities were declared at an end, but peace and stability in iraq have yet to be restored. terrorism has continued relentlessly on its path of ghastly attacks and indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians. the geographical shift, however, in the terrorist attacks is becoming increasingly a disturbing development. multilateralism, which was almost condemned to a premature burial, is being re-energized. unfortunately, the recurring problems of hiv aids, malaria, poverty, lack of development, conflicts and the ready supply of small arms and light weapons have continued to inflict death and suffering on an unprecedented scale, particularly in africa. the attack against the united nations compound in baghdad contains countless messages. the most significant of them is that our organization is in urgent need of major overhaul and reform, as rightly stated by the secretary-general. the premature deaths of the special envoy of the secretary-general to iraq, the late sergio vieira de mello, and other dedicated staff members of the united nations, whom we deeply mourn, should make us reflect on the dangers behind foreign policy initiatives that undermine or ignore the united nations. the international community is deeply attached to the legitimacy the united nations confers on its actions. it is our collective duty to refrain from taking any measures likely to weaken it. these horrendous terrorist acts have demonstrated anew the crucial need for the international community to tackle the root causes of terrorism. as all small islands, we in mauritius remain highly vulnerable in respect of our security and terrorist threats. with limited means at our disposal, coupled with the multiple demands on our scanty resources, we find that it is only through international efforts and cooperation that we can win the war against terrorism. we are particularly anxious that there should be concerted and sustained action and a commitment to cooperation at the international level with a view to eradicating the scourge of terrorism. all countries must cooperate to stem the flow of cross-border infiltration. the financing of terrorism and the proceeds of transnational organized crime need to be closely monitored. not winning the war against terrorism as well as that against transnational organized crime is not an option for the world today. mauritius views with concern that, despite the stated commitment of the international community to the cause of disarmament, the actions of many countries do not match their rhetoric. the new challenges to security and disarmament should compel us to look anew at the potential threat posed by nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction and to pursue more vigorously efforts towards their total elimination. we reiterate our appeal to the nuclear powers for the early convening of a conference on nuclear disarmament as a first step towards complete disarmament, keeping in mind that such a regime must be comprehensive and non-discriminatory. [number] over the last year the international community's ability to tackle political conflicts and find lasting solutions has been dismal. the situation in the middle east continues to preoccupy us. despite the various initiatives, including the latest road map, violence remains unabated and we fear that recent developments in the region will unleash further killings and destruction. no solution will be possible there unless all the protagonists are taken on board. exclusion as a policy is destined to fail. we continue to believe that president arafat is an essential part of the solution, and any attempt to sideline him will be detrimental to any peace initiative. we call on both israel and the palestinian authority to exercise utmost restraint and to pursue their efforts for the implementation of the road map with a view to putting an end to the occupation and the succeeding generations of palestinians in refugee camps. the establishment of a palestinian state at the earliest should be the priority of the international community. the situation in iraq is disquieting. it is important that the iraqis regain as soon as possible total sovereignty and assume control over their own destiny through a democratic process. the united nations has, in the view of my delegation, a leading role to play in this process and must be empowered to do so. the african continent has been plagued for too long by conflicts and wars, which have led to the loss of thousands of innocent lives and the squandering of enormous wealth and resources. small arms and light weapons have in fact become the weapons of mass destruction on the african continent. these weapons drain african resources and we appeal to those countries that manufacture and market those weapons of destruction to ensure that africa does not continue to be their killing field. nonetheless, during the past two years, the african continent has demonstrated an unprecedented momentum in its efforts to seriously address these conflicts and to search for lasting solutions. there is, however, some good news out of africa and everything is not gloomy. the transformation of the organization of african unity into the african union, the coming into operation of the various commissions of the union and the election of commissioners on a gender-equal basis at the maputo summit in july last are clear indications that africa has chosen a new path and is confident that it will be able to meet the challenges ahead. it is a matter of great satisfaction that peace is now slowly returning to the troubled areas on the continent. the conflicts in sierra leone and angola have ended. a government of national unity is in office in the democratic republic of the congo. efforts under the auspices of the intergovernmental authority on development igad for a comprehensive and lasting resolution to the conflict in somalia have been crowned with success. we do recognize that years of conflict will not be easily forgotten, but what is reassuring is that african leaders are maintaining a hands-on approach to these situations. the recent developments in liberia and the restoration of the constitutional order in sao tome and principe confirm the ability of african leaders to effectively address issues affecting their continent. there is fresh confidence in the african leaders' ability to deal with flashpoints. the implementation of the peace and security council of the african union will go a long way towards preventive action being taken. we recognize that we will have to bear primary responsibility for the peace and security of our continent. the new partnership for africa's development nepad is our basic instrument of empowerment. having decided to take our destiny in our own hands, we are not going to engage in the blame game, but we will take action to reverse poverty and to promote good governance. we will do whatever is necessary to attract investment. the establishment of the african peer review mechanism within nepad will ensure that economic development takes place in the spirit of good governance, democracy, transparency and accountability. it is comforting, therefore, that this homegrown african initiative has received global recognition. the assistance of the group of eight and countries like india in the implementation of the objectives of nepad is much appreciated. we noted with regret that the rate of official development assistance to developing countries is decreasing, contrary to the commitment made in monterrey. [number] we therefore call on the developed countries and other key specialized institutions in the monetary, financial and development fields to deliver on their implementation plans for the monterrey consensus during the october high-level dialogue. monday's high-level segment on hiv aids, in which more than a hundred delegations took part, demonstrates the extent of the concern of the united nations membership to the pandemic of hiv aids. we welcome the initiative of the general assembly to maintain global awareness of the problem and to ensure that effective action is taken urgently to stop the spread of the pandemic. i mentioned earlier the need for reform of our organization. it is imperative that the necessary reforms of the united nations be undertaken to reflect in a more realistic manner the political realities in the world today. the united nations charter must be amended to provide for a security council that is more democratic and more representative of today's world. should permanent membership of the security council with veto power be retained, we consider that india should be admitted with such a membership at the earliest. likewise we believe that the african continent should be adequately represented at the same level. we would also urge a review of the veto power, which has been used in the past and continues to be used for purposes outside the letter and spirit of the charter. may i welcome the decision of the security council to lift the sanctions on the libyan arab jamahiriya. the situation of small island developing states sids will be the focus of attention in september [number], when mauritius hosts an international meeting for the [number]-year review of the barbados programme of action. this barbados [number] meeting will allow us to make a full assessment of the programme of action and evaluate its success and shortcomings. we need to constantly remind the international community about the fragility and vulnerability of sids where ecology and geography combine to inflict irreparable damage. mauritius and all other small island developing states attach great importance to this international meeting and hope that it will harness more efforts on the part of the international community to provide the required assistance to the small island developing states. i call on this assembly to lend the necessary support to make this international meeting a success. in this regard, let me express my appreciation to the commonwealth and la francophonie for their active interest in supporting the cause of small island states. as the current chairman of the alliance of small island states aosis , may i inform the assembly that the [number] alliance member states and observers consider the international meeting to be a very important occasion for reaffirming the partnership for sustainable development that grew out of the rio conference. in mauritius next year we expect to establish an appropriate framework for partnership and cooperation. the time has come to enshrine the special case of small island developing states as an important component of focus and attention on the part of the international community. we appeal to the international community to support this process and ensure the full and effective participation of all sids at the meeting and to ensure, as well, its own participation in it. access to information and communication technologies remains a fundamental concern in africa. while such technologies are often promoted as an instrument that will allow countries to leapfrog stages in development, there is a real fear that the digital divide could very well prove to be yet another handicap that adds to africa's marginalization. we therefore urge that particular attention be paid to issues of access and infrastructure. my delegation wishes to underscore that mauritius, like many other small island states, has high hopes that the plan of action of the world summit on the information society will provide concrete action in favour of small island developing states, whose geographical isolation, remoteness and other inherent constraints warrant special attention. the failure of the world trade organization wto ministerial conference at cancun has dealt a blow to the multilateral trading system. that is very unfortunate, as there are no winners but only losers. for small developing countries in particular, a strong rules-based global trading system provides protection [number] against the unilateralism of powerful trading countries or blocs. the serious imbalances in the wto system, coupled with the lack of effective and operational rules and disciplines to address their development concerns, resulted the failure of cancun. we should pick up the pieces from cancun and try to construct a trading system that guarantees equity and fairness for developing countries. only such an approach will provide the legitimacy that the wto system so badly needs to deliver on the doha development agenda. in order to successfully respond to the multifaceted challenges we are facing in the world today, we are convinced that the international community should rededicate itself to the values of solidarity, tolerance, mutual respect and cooperation. the belief that countries can be immune from what other countries do is no longer tenable. the need for international cooperation, rather than confrontation, is critical. a new international order is essential if we are to avoid a collision of cultures and religious beliefs. this is the last occasion on which i will address the general assembly in my capacity as prime minister. in six days' time, i will relinquish my current post and accede to the presidency, while my deputy prime minister will be sworn in as prime minister. i am confident that he will be accorded the same collaboration and friendship that i have enjoyed during my tenure in office. before i conclude, however, i renew my appeal to the united kingdom to take all measures to complete the process of the decolonization of mauritius. for years, mauritius has consistently reaffirmed its sovereignty over the chagos archipelago, including diego garcia, here and in all international forums. i sincerely regret that this issue has not been resolved. i therefore reiterate our appeal to the united kingdom, as a country known for its fair play and for championing human rights, and to our friends in the united states, to engage in a serious dialogue with mauritius over the issue of the chagos archipelago so that an early solution may be found. the removal of the chagossians under false pretences resulted in gross violations of human rights. hopefully this aspect of the matter will be resolved through the british courts shortly. i also appeal to the french republic, with which we have excellent relations, to resume the dialogue with a view to returning tromelin island to mauritian sovereignty. with those words, i bid the assembly goodbye.

my country extends heartfelt congratulations to mr. vuk jeremi on his assumption of his responsibilities as president of the general assembly at this crucially important session. we also express our appreciation to his predecessor, mr. nassir abdulaziz al-nasser of the state of qatar, who left an indelible mark on the general assembly. we meet again in the quest for development, equity, and peace. last year, our debate took place against the backdrop of rapid, often violent, geopolitical change, as well as continuing economic instability and uncertainty. last year s general debate, though marked by winds of change and clouds of uncertainty, was not without hope and optimism. member states anticipated meaningful progress at the united nations summit on sustainable development. we predicted a robust and legally binding arms trade treaty. we embraced popular, home-grown calls for political change. and we scanned the economic horizon for encouraging signs of recovery and growth. today, global optimism, though still enduringly present, is in scarcer supply, as the international community has encountered the challenges of a new world and found itself wanting. our global structures, including the united nations, are faced with changes of a scope, scale and rapidity that substantially outpace our ability to react, partly exceed our capacity to respond, and demand a level of courage, principle and decisiveness that is not sufficiently matched by our political will. today, we are not merely spectators watching a moment of global change rather, we are nations in the valley of decision, confronted with two questions that we must answer what is our vision of tomorrow s post-crisis, post-conflict world? and how, collectively, can we achieve that vision? our avoidance of these fundamental questions threatens to set our assembly adrift and rudderless, shirking responsibility and afraid of action. we must resist the temptation to bury our heads in the shifting sands of meaningless resolutions while we studiously disregard our imperative quest for a unifying principle and purpose. to succumb to such a temptation would be to condemn this institution to a future marked not by new ideas, but new rationalizations. our noble battle of ideas will descend into a battalion of excuses of blame-sharing and buck-passing of soundbites disguised as insights. such a future, which we are on a path to realize, would do a disservice to our respective states, our international obligations, and the proud history of the united nations. we would, by our impotence, acquiesce to the possible obsolescence of this organization, as peoples and governments would, justifiably or not, turn elsewhere for the solutions to global challenges. such a future can and must be vigorously avoided, in the interest of our peoples collective advancement and humanity. in our caribbean region, the global economic and financial meltdown continues to be felt most acutely by the poor, the youth, the elderly and the vulnerable, who bear no responsibility for the rampant financial speculation and unregulated movement of capital that spurred the crisis. today, four years into an externally imposed meltdown which has produced negative or marginal growth across the caribbean, our region is forced to contemplate the implications of a potential lost decade of development. our region is not immune to the economic pressures and fissures that have turned other parts of the world into tinderboxes of social unrest and political upheaval. our citizens, who have nobly struggled under the weight of externally sourced contraction, austerity and hardship, are not possessed of limitless patience or endurance. our hard-won development gains are in jeopardy, and our settled political stability is in possible peril. the international community cannot ignore our plight based on a distorted calculus of middle-income status and relative prosperity, or on simplistic, even offensive, stereotypes of caribbean paradises. small, highly indebted middle-income developing countries, like those in the caribbean, which are very vulnerable to natural disasters and international economic convulsions, have special concerns which the international community is obliged to address properly, in partnership with the peoples of our region. external shocks derived from nature or the workings of an uneven, casino capitalism, are not merely episodic to our caribbean they are a constant feature of our regional economies. central to our urgent re-examination and reconfiguration of the existing economic apparatus is the recognition that our modern context and individual national characteristics do not lend themselves to strict classical or keynesian economic prescriptions or their variants. in the case of saint vincent and the grenadines and our caribbean neighbours, our peculiarities of small size, openness and vulnerability require uniquely home-grown economic policies that are rooted not in any prevailing ideology or fashionable theories from outside, but in a sensible, flexible and focused practicality. we have little interest in esoteric arguments about the role of the state in economic activity, because, historically, our national governments have been a force for good in the stimulation, diversification and growth of our economies in tandem with the private and cooperative sectors. while we welcome and solicit assistance and consultations with the relevant institutions and organizations, such consultations ought to be free of the type of textbook orthodoxies or formulaic prescriptions that are inapplicable to our times and circumstances. our path to development must be our own. the cause of development, as a goal and as a right, has suffered from the neglect of the international community in recent, post-crisis years. within the united nations system, the current budget for peacekeeping dwarfs the resources allocated to fostering development, even as we recognize that most conflict is rooted in underdevelopment. the age-old pledges of development assistance have been skirted, and their fulfilment delayed, by states that cite their own struggles with the global economic fallout. as a result, even as we contemplate post-[number] sustainable development goals, it is painfully apparent that the millennium development goals will not be met across large swaths of our planet. the poor, especially in asia, africa, the pacific, latin america and the caribbean, can hardly be expected to wait any longer for relief and sustainable development. saint vincent and the grenadines is thankful to the nations and organizations that have found it possible to continue extending their hand in cooperation with our people, even in difficult economic times. the support and assistance of those states and organizations is a mark of their friendship, solidarity and strong global citizenship. the prolonged global economic uncertainties have propelled the international economy into a dangerous new phase. even the international monetary fund has so concluded. in the process, the crisis has found the principals wanting, even unaware of the extant condition, with no clear idea as to the way forward. in both economics and politics, the ancien r gime is passing. the discerning acknowledge that a transition is at large, but immense challenges arise immediately from at least four pertinent queries first, is the transition manageable, or must it be played out in a chaotic manner? secondly, assuming that the transition is manageable, how is it to be managed in the most efficacious way, and in whose interest? thirdly, is this transition a dead end? and fourthly, given that the transition itself, like all human conditions, is dynamic, what is the destination of this transition? it is a truism that men and women make history not in circumstances of their own choosing, but in those which they meet, which they inherit, and which emerge on their watch. noteworthy is the fact that the histories of nations and the ghosts of the dead weigh heavily on the brains of the living. often unacknowledged is the abiding truth that each people possesses its own history, its own legitimacy, its own nobility and its own trajectory for further ennoblement. unfortunately, the power of some to define things globally distorts these elemental truths. it is well known that the lion s view of history does not coincide with that of the gazelle or the lamb the elephant and the ant do not see things eye to eye. but human beings possess the capacity to go beyond the limitations of the animal kingdom. that is fundamentally why we have gathered together under the rubric of the united nations, with a charter so uplifting and magnificent in its ideals and purposes as to constitute the best hope for the human race. arrogant and unbridled power, from whatever source, is thus to be contained. it is always wise to remember that the greatest exercise of power is restraint in the use of that power. that is true within and between nations. it is the surest way for the malevolent across the globe to be accorded no space to flourish and to be defeated. it is within this context that the text of a prosperous, safe, independent palestinian state must be written alongside a secure state of israel, living in friendship and non-belligerence. this is a matter of grave urgency the injustice meted out to palestine must end now. so, too, must continue our global quest for interfaith dialogue and an alliance of civilizations, initiated by the governments of qatar and turkey, respectively. similarly, let us not forget our pledge of solidarity to haiti. likewise, reparations for the genocides committed against indigenous peoples and for african slavery must continue to be pursued vigorously on our international agenda. all of that and more is achievable by the united nations. thus, our collective will can bear fruit abundantly through the strengths and possibilities of wise leadership, peaceful dialogue among and between sovereign nations, international cooperation and regional compacts. closer to home, our developmental and political partnerships increasingly reflect a spirit of strengthened regional integration and greater south- south cooperation. in the immediate post-colonial phase of our national development, the nations of the caribbean and latin america often have had stronger and closer relationships with distant colonial powers and developed nations than we did with the countries in our immediate neighbourhood. after centuries of colonial conquest, settlement and exploitation, our deepening bonds of friendship, cooperation and integration within the caribbean and latin america are a fundamental manifestation of our states growing independence and political maturity. saint vincent and the grenadines enjoys membership in a number of interconnected circles of regional integration. the organization of eastern caribbean states oecs is in an economic union with a shared currency, judiciary and nascent representative assembly. the [number]-member caribbean community caricom also furthers the cause of caribbean integration with important implications for trade and the free movement of people. our state is a proud member of the bolivarian alliance for the peoples of our america, which has created bonds of socioeconomic solidarity and cooperation among caribbean, central and south american states. the caribbean forum of african, caribbean and pacific states, the association of caribbean states, and the community of latin american and caribbean states are also home-grown manifestations of our peoples desire to forge linkages and partnerships with our regional brothers and sisters. the strength and genuine cohesion of those growing regional integration initiatives is built on a solid foundation of shared experiences and values, which deserve the support of the united nations. the members of oecs and caricom are bastions of good governance, democracy and the rule of law, and we share those experiences and aspirations with our south and central american sister states, which have also established unshakeable foundations of democracy and good governance after fitful periods of political unrest and foreign interference in the past. the upcoming [number] october presidential election in the bolivarian republic of venezuela is but one example of the manner in which that country and the region continue to institutionalize popular, participatory democratic systems that reflect and respect the will of the people. as we strengthen relations with our immediate neighbours, we remain deeply committed to our historical ties and traditional friendships. the bonds that we share with our friends in europe, canada, the united kingdom and the united states are as strong as they are mutually beneficial. as a multi-island nation, the people of saint vincent and the grenadines have always been highly migratory and outward- looking so much so that even the words of our national anthem memorialize our proclivity for travel to distant lands. many of the largest and most vibrant cities of our nationals exist not in saint vincent and the grenadines, but in major metropolitan hubs, including those in brooklyn, toronto and london. those productive and hard-working centres, and many others, have immeasurably enriched their adopted homes and provided needed remittances to relatives in the land of their birth. we remain grateful to those friendly states that have opened their doors and embrace to our migrants, and we view the ongoing, hassle-free movement of our peoples back and forth as the truest testament of our friendship and solidarity. the recent increase in regional conflicts and unrest around the world cannot be ignored. the hopefulness and idealistic optimism that were much in evidence during the early days of the so-called arab spring have been replaced by a cynical fatalism and rampant opportunism in many important quarters. in other continents, some nations flirt with border wars, while others grapple with insidious and barbaric terrorism. in the midst of the global upheaval, we have witnessed the aggressive re-emergence of those that would seek to reshape the world in their own image and to their own purposes. would-be interventionists, unilateralists and hegemons, both new and old, have rushed to fill and exploit political vacuums, to settle ancient grudges and to strengthen their grip on global or regional power. it is a pattern that predates colonialism and the cold war and one that once again brings into focus many of the united nations founding principles. those principles cannot be ignored, reinterpreted or sacrificed on the altar of poll-driven political expediency and electoral ambition. we have bound ourselves together in the solemn goal of promoting peace, not fostering wars of self-determination, not unilateral intervention of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, not the callous disregard for the well-being of our fellow human beings. to depart from those principles, explicitly or by implication, would be to abandon the better angels of our nature and to succumb to the forces that made this institution necessary in the first place. the war against global terror is real, and it is being fought by all responsible states on multiple fronts. saint vincent and the grenadines is firm and unequivocal in its rejection of all forms of terrorist activity and its revulsion at the methods and twisted logic that accompany that barbarism. our friends and brothers in the united states of america are unfortunately and disproportionately targeted by those repulsive killers, most recently in the deeply saddening murder of christopher stevens, the united states ambassador to libya, and some of his staff. we support unreservedly the determination of the united states to bring ambassador stevens s killers to justice. at the same time, we are baff led by the continued reference to the republic of cuba in some quarters as a state sponsor of terrorism. the undisputed evidence is that cuba neither supports nor harbours terrorists of any type. indeed, the cuban government, itself a victim of orchestrated terror campaigns, has cooperated on numerous occasions with the governments of both allies and ideological opponents in the fight against terrorism. it has also played a useful and constructive role in facilitating peace talks between governments and armed rebel groups in latin america. those facts are not contested. therefore, to label cuba a state sponsor of terrorism, in any context, is to cheapen our shared global struggle against that insidious scourge. in his famous [number] speech to the general assembly, then president fidel castro observed that hysteria could go to any length and was capable of making the most far-fetched and absurd claims. that particular absurd and far-fetched claim, like the absurdity that undergirds the continued economic embargo against cuba, is one that is best abandoned. the fascinating rapprochement unfolding across the taiwan straits between the people s republic of china and the republic of china on taiwan lends practical weight to the reasonable and overdue call for taiwan s meaningful participation in the specialized agencies of the united nations. my country and several others in the caribbean and central america bear witness to taiwan s principled conduct of its intergovernmental relations. surely the time has now come for this exemplar of the magnificent chinese civilization to be permitted to participate in the work of various agencies of this world body. allow me to turn to certain existential challenges facing my country, my region, and the world. saint vincent and the grenadines is angered by the continuing and inexcusable failure of the states assembled in this hall to move decisively towards a meaningful and legally binding climate change treaty. entire nations, represented here today as friends and equals, may simply cease to exist as a result of our inaction and political cowardice. other nations, including my own, are already the victims of increasingly intense and frequent storms, hurricanes and weather events. these changes not only threaten our way of life but risk reversing our recent development progress. the islands of our planet are at war against climate change, warming temperatures and rising seas. that war is not a future event, it is a present-day and ongoing battle. as all of us in this assembly are aware, it is a war that we are currently losing. the survival of our islands is at stake, and the responsibility for immediate change lies undisputedly with those whose reckless pollution over generations has led us to the brink of catastrophe. in a different time and context, winston churchill inspired his people with the words we shall fight on the seas and oceans. . . we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be . today, know this we shall fight the rising seas and encroaching oceans and defend our islands right to exist at any cost. we call on all nations to join us in the fight, for that is a war that can still be won. our negotiations to arrest climate change are not merely some arcane academic or diplomatic pursuit, and they cannot be treated as some interminable, run-of-the-mill united nations process. let us set aside narrow, short-term interests and act as we are capable of acting for the benefit and protection of all mankind. another existential threat whose solution has fallen victim to united nations paralysis is our common pursuit of a global, robust and binding arms trade treaty. in the caribbean, over [number] per cent of homicides are committed with firearms, a remarkable statistic for a region that produces not one single gun or bullet. saint vincent and the grenadines has a largely unarmed constabulary and lacks a standing army, yet we struggle daily against an influx of illicit and untraceable firearms that pose a grave threat to our national security and way of life. the producers of firearms, as well as the source and destination markets for illicit narcotics, can and must cooperate to restrict and regulate the international f low of small arms, light weapons and ammunition. while we have failed in our initial attempt to forge an arms trade treaty, i call on members at this session of the general assembly to redouble their efforts to negotiate a binding agreement in this matter before we reconvene next september. this year it is imperative, too, that the united nations continue its focused work in the fight against non-communicable diseases, which the caribbean community has rightly placed at the forefront of the global agenda. the people of saint vincent and the grenadines are strong and fiercely independent. ours is an independence forged in the heroic struggles of our indigenous and garifuna peoples against genocide and hardened in the fires of our resistance to slavery, indentureship, and colonial and neocolonial domination. our strength, independence and sovereignty do not permit us to look to the united nations or any other country or group of countries for the solutions to our own problems and challenges. however, as a small state in an interconnected world, we recognize that many of the difficulties we face have been born and incubated beyond our national boundaries. the united nations therefore is our primary multilateral forum to address and confront those externally imposed challenges. my statement today is not intended merely to chronicle the global ills that have befallen saint vincent and the grenadines. no. it is a call for principled and practical global action to address and resolve these problems. to do so, we stand ready to work with the president and with all states in this assembly to effect meaningful change throughout our planet. as the great novelist ernest hemingway once wrote, moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. yet it is the one essential, vital quality of those who seek to change a world which yields most painfully to change . today, saint vincent and the grenadines calls on this body, and on all nations assembled here, to harness that essential moral courage to produce change in a world whose potential is limitless, and whose problems are soluble. the rhetoric of change and hope may lack the cachet that it enjoyed hitherto, but we still believe that our peoples and governments possess within them the courage and conviction collectively to change and materially improve the condition of our nations citizens. let us at this sixty-seventh session of the general assembly establish conclusively that that faith is well placed. we move with our burdens from yesterday. we go forward with our strengths and possibilities tomorrow.

at the very outset, i wish to take this opportunity to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the presidency of the united nations general assembly at its forty-fourth session. your election to this high office is an expression of confidence in your great diplomatic skill and your wealth of experience that will contribute to a successful conclusion of our work. my delegation and [number] are confident that you will be able to give this session wise guidance. i also wish to extend our congratulations and thanks to your predecessor, mr. dante caputo, for his excellent service as president of the general assembly at its forty-third session. our congratulations and appreciation also go to the secretary-general for his unceasing efforts and devotion to his work for the united nations. as [number] approaches, we are leaving behind a decade much of which has been characterized by a succession of international crises in many parts of the world. however, many fundamental changes and developments have also taken place in the closing years of the 1980s. the easing of tension between the super-powers has gained momentum, as demonstrated by the summit meetings between the united states and the ussr and between the ussr and china. the drive for peace in many parts of the world has led to attempts by the united nations and other regional organizations to resolve problems which in the last decade seemed insoluble. in afghanistan, the soviet union has withdrawn its troops, although a political settlement and durable peace remain to be achieved. in namibia, the terms for a settlement have been agreed. we hope that very soon namibia will be able to hold a free and fair election, and we look forward to welcoming namibia in our midst as a fully independent and sovereign nation. the iran-iraq war has stopped but the process of reconciliation has been very slow. as for south-east asia, there are ongoing regional as well as international efforts to resolve the kampuchean problem. we should continue to strive for a peaceful solution to the conflict. it is encouraging to note that the international situation has changed, bringing a new attitude to solving conflicts. there is a more conciliatory trend now. this is in line with the principles of the united nations that call on its member states to settle disputes by peaceful means. hence, the principles of the united nations have increasingly gained in importance as instruments promoting peace and stability in the world today. furthermore, the current improvement in the world situation has been effected by the responsible attitude of member states of this world body in respecting those principles. these developments should offer better prospects for peace around the world. it is a sad fact that the negotiation of disputes does not always guarantee complete peace and stability. in a number of cases, while negotiations have taken place, violent hostilities or rivalry between the parties concerned continue, and thus hinder a comprehensive solution, thus perpetuating the misery of the ordinary citizens. we have arrived at just such a position in the attempts to settle the problems in the iran-iraq war, afghanistan, the middle east and kampuchea and in other cases. this does not augur well for the further improvement of the general world situation. in those conflicts where a comprehensive solution remains elusive, owing to failure at the negotiating level, the scourge of war will remain a threat. peace is not merely the absence of war. unless it is realized that the cessation of hostilities must be accompanied by a genuine desire to resolve disputes at the negotiating table, conflicts around the world will be far from being settled. i am particularly concerned that despite increasing international efforts, peace and stability have not been achieved in such areas as the middle east, south africa and kampuchea. the palestinian problem remains a matter of great concern to the international community. the cries for justice and freedom in the occupied palestinian territories continue to fall on deaf ears. despite world condemnation, israel still continues to pursue its aggressive policy and to refuse to recognize the leadership of the palestine liberation organization. such a negative attitude, especially towards the convening of an international conference, will only lead to the escalation of violence and fighting in the occupied territories. my delegation feels that the international conference would be useful in bringing all parties concerned to the negotiating table. we also wish to reaffirm our view that the palestine liberation organization should be included in the conference as the sole and legitimate representative of the palestinians. the intensity of the conflict in lebanon saddens us. the international community watches in horror as the population endures daily carnage. while there is no simple solution to the [number]-year-old conflict, we should not leave lebanon to its own fate either. in the name of humanity, we urge those who have influence with the opposed parties to continue to find a way to aid the conflict. in this regard, i welcome the effort of the arab league to appoint a tripartite commission. another depressing problem that continues to challenge this world body is the apartheid system of the racist regime in south africa. the regime not only arrogantly and stubbornly refuses the international calls to dismantle its evil system but also uses a policy of aggression to oppress the black population. thus, we would like to repeat our support for the international community in calling on south africa to stop its racist policy of apartheid and to grant the black majority of the south african population their basic rights to equal opportunities and equal participation in the political process. in this connection, we would also like to reaffirm our support for the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions on south africa in order to put greater pressure on the regime to end its oppressive policy of apartheid. in our own region of south-east asia, it is regrettable that the recent international conference in paris did not succeed in bringing about a comprehensive settlement of the problem of kampuchea. once again, the parties concerned in the conflict could not agree on the elements and terms for a lasting peace. the unilateral withdrawal of the vietnamese troops from kampuchea this month will not guarantee peace and stability in kampuchea, unless there is an answer to the question of the provisional or interim authority, from which the process of national reconciliation and assurances of the observance of the peace process should evolve. at the paris conference the parties concerned did not speak the language of reconciliation-, rather suspicion and rivalry predominated. the lack of success should be attributed as much to the absence of political will and unwillingness to compromise as to the failure to subordinate sectional interests to greater national interests. testing each other's strength on the battlefield in order to arrive at a solution is a dire option which would have disastrous consequences. however, despite the absence of progress in the recent international conference on kampuchea, the fact that it has taken place reflects the continued commitment of the international community to resolution of the long-standing problem through peaceful means. it is vital that we should not abandon that commitment to the finding of a peaceful comprehensive settlement. today i have pointed out some areas where some progress has been made and where disputes could be settled peacefully through negotiation and i have stressed the importance of pursuing negotiation as a better means of ending conflicts than settling them by force. we are all aware of the attendant difficulties, but it is our wish that this option of settling disputes by peaceful means should prevail. and so we call on the parties concerned to show the necessary political will and we call on all members of this body to support the united nations efforts to achieve the peaceful solution of conflicts wherever they may occur.

i an very pleased to congratulate you most sincerely. sir, on your election as president of the forty-first session of the general assembly. your well-deserved election to this high post, while a tribute to your great country, with which my own has excellent relations, also bears clear witness to your personal dualities as a seasoned diplomat. your inexhaustible knowledge and vast experience will be an indispensable factor in successfully guiding our deliberations at this session to fruitful results. let me assure you that my delegation will always be ready to co-operate actively with you in your efforts to discharge the heavy responsibilities entrusted to you. allow me also to take this opportunity to express my delegation's appreciation and gratitude to your predecessor, ambassador de pinies of spain, who, in presiding over the last general assembly session, showed the competence and devotion that are characteristic of an able and experienced diplomat. i am also pleased to pay my tribute to the united nations secretary-general? mr. javier perez de cuellar, for the untiring efforts he is exerting in promoting and advancing the purposes and principles for the attainment of which the united nations was founded. we have come here once more to exchange views and focus our attention and co-operation on important national and international issues whose solution are so vital to the promotion of international peace and security. we live in a world where three quarters of the population suffers from extreme economic difficulties and social maladjustments. half of this population is so poor and destitute that there is little hope for it to overcome its misery. it is not therefore difficult to understand that the overwhelming majority of the world's population has found it very hard to accept a world order in which the scientific and modern technological advances and achievements benefit only the few and where the gap between the developed and developing nation is widening so much that global peace and security are endangered. last year when we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the united nations, we came up with the inspiring motto of "the united nations for a better world". every one of us knew then that we needed better negotiations for a better world. unfortunately, since the beginning of the global negotiations in [number] no negotiations between the north and south have succeeded in finding remedies or solutions to the social and economic imbalances that plague our planet today. as a result, the economic situation in the developing countries, and especially in the least developed among them, has deteriorated drastically, thus making the third-world communities so vulnerable to the extreme dangers of man-made and natural disasters. the plight of the african continent has been debated at many international forums, because africa has been the victim of one crisis after another for many years. severe drought has afflicted many countries it has subsided temporarily -although there are many lingering effects - but it has caused incalculable damage to the environment and ecology and set in motion a chain of irreparable destruction to both plant and animal life. most alarming in the african continent is the precarious food situation resulting from crop failures. that has been compounded by persistent and prolonged drought that has devoured both plant and animal life, thus seriously affecting the livelihood of masses of the population, causing chronic hunger and malnutrition in many parts of africa and leading to famine in other parts. the african continent, faced with impending economic and social crisis, had to commit itself to the launching of a long-term programmer of economic and social development. this african commitment, coupled with the good will of the international community, prompted the general assembly to adopt resolution [number] [number] of [number] december [number], calling for the convening, from [number] to [number] may this year, of a special session of the general assembly at the ministerial level to consider in depth the critical economic situation in africa and to focus on it the international attention it deserved. we were gratified to note the commendable efforts that were made to ensure the necessary international good will and the commitment to support the efforts to alleviate the crisis situation by co-operating with the african governments on a bilateral and a multilateral basis - as envisaged in the african priority program for economic recovery, [number]-[number] and the program of action for african economic recovery aid development, [number]-[number]. we appreciate the willingness of the international community to contribute to the economic rehabilitation and development program for africa - though the extent to which the implementation of this program will be supported remains to be seen. the african continent is endowed with abundant agricultural, animal, mineral and water resources and has a great potential for human-resources development, which, in pursuance of the lagos plan of action and the lagos final act, is to be given a high priori. it is very important that the attainment of self-sufficiency in food production in the african continent be made one of the priority targets, in order to alleviate the constantly worsening food crisis. both the agricultural and the industrial sectors should be developed in an integrated manner and should be accompanied by the development and the improvement of an adequate transport and communication system. significant and serious investment in multifarious institutions for manpower training, energy resources and material development is needed to increase the chances of improving social services in education, health, hygiene, housing and employment. it goes without saying that african countries need to promote interregional co-operation in all fields that are deemed necessary for their economic, social and political survival. the east african countries of djibouti, ethiopia, kenya, somalia, the sudan and uganda, reaffirming their common desire to combine their efforts in confronting the dangerous effects of drought and other related natural disasters have, in conformity with the provisions of general assembly resolution [number] [number] and subsequent relevant resolutions, established the intergovernmental authority on drought and development igadd and adopted a plan of action to promote the specific programs and projects needed to strengthen those countries' national and regional capacities to combat the effects of drought and promote economic and social development. the necessary arrangements have been finalized for the igadd authority to carry out its responsibility of co-ordinating and supporting the efforts of the igadd countries to combat the effects of drought and to deal with the problems of medium- and long-term recovery and rehabilitation. confronting recurrent drought and its ramifications is a formidable challenge which cannot be easily overcome without the development of suitable and sound programs for recovery and rehabilitation. these programs cannot be successful without the full support of the international community for the igadd countries so that they can cope effectively with the difficult task of resolving drought problems in the region. it is for this reason that the countries of igadd reiterate their appeal to the international community for support, and wish to invite the donor countries to a pledging conference to be held in djibouti in march next year. may i at this point express our sincere appreciation and gratitude to all those member states, agencies and organizations that have assisted the countries of igadd in their efforts to establish the intergovernmental authority on drought and development. the nations of the horn of africa have always attached great importance to the development of active regional co-operation among themselves. he believe that the establishment and maintenance of intergovernmental agencies and organizations will help to create conditions conducive to greater tolerance, mutual understanding and good-neighborliness and thus lead to the development of meaningful co-operation in the improvement of trade, commerce, cultural exchange and tourism. we also believe that such co-operation will help to create a climate of trust in which our differences can be accommodated and more mutual respect and understanding can be created in order to benefit all the people of the region. the republic of djibouti is situated in one of the most arid regions in the world and the scarcity and irregularity of rainfall are impediments to undertaking any meaningful agricultural development. although there is the possibility of exploiting underground water, it will require a considerable amount of financial resources and technical expertise. although self-sufficiency in food is a desirable goal, the climatic conditions an non-agricultural tradition of the inhabitants are the main obstacles to agricultural development. livestock had been the principal livelihood of the population before the development of urban centers however, the overgrazing of pastoral land and the recurrent drought have brought about an environmental change which means that livestock rearing is no longer a viable means of subsistence. consequently the rural population has become more and more dependent on urban centers for their sustenance. s a result of such impediments to agricultural production and livestock rearing, djibouti is a net importer of almost all the food needed for local consumption. in the industrial sector, the country lacks raw materials and electric power is too expensive to be a source of energy for industrialization. the development of new and renewable sources of energy could lay the basis for meaningful industrial development. in this regard, we have accorded priority to the exploitation of geothermal energy, which is believed to exist in sufficient quantity to provide for a substantial part of the energy needs of the country. but the exploitation of geothermal energy requires technology, capital investment and skilled professional manpower. in these circumstances, it is appropriate to accord priority to the development and expansion of the service sector, which constitutes the basis of the country's economy. but this also will require structural adjustment, vocational training and improvement in the quality of services, which in turn will depend on the availability of the financial resources which djibouti cannot provide. at present, the country has to cope with difficult economic and financial problems resulting from multiple adverse factors, such as external debt, inflation, unemployment, the effects of the last drought and the presence of a considerable number of refugees from the neighboring areas. the palestinian question and its direct consequence, the situation in the middle east, have for the last four decades been the main concern of the international community as a source of potential threat to international peace and security. as long as the zionist aggressors continue to occupy palestinian and other arab lands and persist in their denial of palestinian rights in defiance of the relevant resolutions of the united nations and the principles of international law, the middle east will continue to be the powder keg that could blow up at ar. y time, with incalculable consequences for international peace and security. every attempt by the united nations to find a just and lasting solution to this problem has been flouted by the zionist expansionists, who perceived the united nations partition plan, creating one arab palestinian and one jewish state, as nothing more than a bridgehead to be used as a base for future expansionist aggressions. as subsequent events have demonstrated, israel's declared policy has become the non-recognition not only of palestinian national rights but also of the existence of the palestinians as a people, in an attempt to alienate them from the land on which they have lived since time immemorial. israel's declaration of independence signified, at the same time, a declaration of war on the palestinian arab people. the political motivation behind the cold blooded massacre of the civilian population, including women and children, at deir yassin, perpetrated by zionist gangs, was to terrorize the inhabitants into panic and cause them to flee the country. those dangerous developments led to armed conflicts that have five times plunged the region into bloody destructive wars, each time threatening international peace and security. the continuing occupation of the palestinian and other arab territories by israel and the concomitant oppression and repression of the inhabitants by the occupying authorities in their drive to accelerate the process of colonization and judaization, have become an expansionist strategy to force the arab inhabitants into exile so as to make a place for the jewish immigrants coming from all over the world. the palestinian people have suffered for a long tine, unless the united nations, which bears direct responsibility, responds urgently to their plight, the mounting hostilities will widen into a global conflagration. sporadic acts of violence and outrage can be eradicated only if the international community addresses itself decisively to the root causes, which are none other them the denial of the inalienable rights of the palestinian people, and the zionist expansionist policy. since this year has been dedicated by the general assembly as the international year of peace, it would be appropriate for the united nations to take decisive action on the question of palestine, which remains a constant threat to international peace and security. the member states of the united nations have already expressed their collective desire in general assembly resolution [number] [number] c to convene an international conference on peace in the middle east, under the auspices of the united nations. any peace initiative must be based on a comprehensive, just and lasting solution of the middle east problem, which ensures the complete and unconditional withdrawal of israel from the palestinian and other arab territories occupied since [number], including jerusalem, and which enables the people, under the leadership of the palestine liberation organization pud , to exercise its inalienable rights, including the right to return and the right to self-determination, national independence and the establishment of its independent sovereign state of palestine. in this regard, the arab peace plan adopted unanimously at the 12th arab summit conference, held in fez in november [number] and september [number], and endorsed by the extraordinary summit conference of the arab states held in casablanca in august [number], constitutes a landmark contribution towards the achievement of a comprehensive, just and lasting solution in the middle east. the continued israeli occupation of southern lebanon, in defiance of security council resolution [number] 19b2 , is fostering sectarian strife so as to destabilize the country and impede the process of national unity and reconstruction in lebanon. we request the united nations to discharge its responsibility by bringing about the total withdrawal of israel from lebanese territory. the intense struggle of the south african black majority to rid itself of apartheid has widened into a critical situation that calls for the serious attention of the international community. the apartheid regime of south africa has condemned the black south african majority to the most heinous conditions of racial segregation, racism and racial discrimination and confined it to degrading "native reserves", the so-called bantustans, which have become the most common pool for cheap labor to serve the repressive policy of exploitation in the interests of the apartheid regime and its foreign allies. moreover, the south african regime has created a hostile climate that has led to political and economic destabilization in the southern region and made the neighboring sovereign front-line states vulnerable to south african attacks and acts of unprovoked aggression against their territorial integrity to prevent them from extending moral and material support to the liberation struggle of the south african and namibian peoples. it is immoral and inhuman to allow the south african question to stagnate while the atrocities perpetrated by south africa continue to cause the disintegration and destruction of the very fabric of the black south african society, in flagrant violation of international legality and human tolerance, merely because the south african regime has shown its lack of interest in negotiating with the interested and concerned parties. we believe that the racist regime of south africa will neither abandon its apartheid practices against the black african majority nor coexist peacefully with the neighboring sovereign states unless it is made to buckle under the impact of concerted and genuine international pressure imposed by all developed and developing nations without any exception. we urge the peace-loving international community to consider seriously all aspects of socio-economic and military sanctions, including full and effective implementation of the arms embargo against south africa and especially preventing it from acquiring nuclear-weapon capabilities. we also urge the international community to put pressure to bear on south africa for the immediate release of nelson mandela and other political prisoners. the south african black majority deservedly needs all the moral and material support the international community can generously extend to it for the success of its rightful cause. likewise the front-line states should be supported in their efforts to defend themselves against the attacks and acts of aggression perpetrated by the armed forces of south africa. all international efforts that could weaken the repressive machinery of the apartheid regime must be welcomed by all peace-loving nations of the international community. in this respect, we support the commendable proposals made at the second paris conference on sanctions against south africa to intensify the efforts to abolish apartheid by imposing comprehensive mandatory sanctions against south africa. the world has become impatient with south africa's refusal to terminate its illegal occupation of namibia since its mandate over the territory was revoked and terminated by the adoption of united nations general assembly resolution [number] xxi , of october [number], after which the territory was placed under the direct responsibility of the united nations. subserviently the security council, in its resolution [number] [number] , of march [number], declared south africa's occupation of namibia illegal and called upon that regime to withdraw immediately its administration from the territory of namibia. defiant to all international appeals and refusing to terminate its illegal occupation of the namibian territory, the pretorial regime intensified its apartheid practices with increasing military and police repression to subjugate the namibian people so that the apartheid regime would meet less opposition to its robbing and squandering of the vast natural and mineral wealth of the territory. the encroachment of the apartheid forces has not been limited to namibian and south african territories but has gone beyond their borders. the south african regime, using the namibian territory as a launching pad, has repeatedly intimidated and waged war against the neighboring front-line states so as to destabilize and disrupt them and prevent them from extending support to the courageous people of namibia. it is high time that the international community denounced these acts of aggression by south africa and extended adequate moral, material and financial support to the front-line states to enable them to defend themselves against the repeated attacks of the apartheid regime of south africa. the namibian people, who have always fought colonization with great sacrifices, will continue to resist the exploitation of their land and the rapid depletion of their natural and mineral resources ly south africa and other foreign economic interests, in contravention of the relevant resolutions of the united nations and decree no. [number] for the protection of the natural resources of namibia. he are very confident that the courageous people of namibia, under the wise leadership of the south west africa people's organization swapo - their sole, authentic representative - will continue stepping up their rightful struggle for self-determination and the achievement of full independence. we commend swapo's patience and readiness to sign a cease-fire agreement with the south african regime within the context of security council resolution [number] [number] without pre-conditions or further delay. we believe that security council resolution [number] [number] is the only genuine basis for solutions that can lead to the peaceful independence of namibia. in this connection, we support the declaration of the international conference for the immediate independence of namibia, adopted in vienna, austria, in july [number], and the program of action following thereafter, to mobilize and strengthen further international support for the immediate and unconditional implementation of united nations security council resolution [number] [number] . any other plan or strategy that deviates from that of the united nations will only increase the intransigence of south africa and will encourage it to delay the freedom and independence of the namibian territory. the international community must exert every effort possible to give to the namibian people the moral, financial and material assistance needed to counter the south african aggression and to enable them to carry out their struggle under the wise leadership of shapo - their sole, authentic representative - to gain genuine freedom and independence. it is indeed disheartening to find ourselves once again addressing the fratricidal war between iran and iraq that has ravaged the gulf region for six years on end. notwithstanding the steadfast efforts of the secretary-general of the united nations, the organization of the islamic conference and the non-aligned movement, the conflict still rages with unabated intensity, wreaking destruction upon economic infrastructures that are indispensable to both countries for their economic and social progress. it is also taking a heavy toll among civilian populations, especially in the present phase of escalation. i should like to commend the constructive efforts undertaken by the member states of the economic co-operation council of the gulf countries in their endeavorf to put an end to this bloody and destructive conflict, which not only is depleting the human and natural resources of the countries involved but also is threatening international peace and security. in the present circumstances the only reasonable course of action left to the parties concerned is to start dialog without any further delay to achieve a peaceful solution of their differences. in this regard, we appreciate and support the wise and constructive initiative taken by the government of iraq to terminate this senseless carnage and destruction and its intention to enter into peaceful negotiations leading to the settlement of the crisis. it is our hope that the secretary-general of the united nations, the non-aligned movement and the organization of the islamic conference will persevere in their endeavors to put an end to the conflict and restore peace in the region. the chadian question has remained unresolved for many years, and the restoration of peace in -the country during that period of tine has evaded all possible solutions, while the sad fratricidal war has continued to ravage the country's human and material resources. he regret that the commendable mediation efforts exerted by several african heads of state in the search for reconciliation and peace have been frustrated. he urge the competent bodies of the organization of african unity oau to continue their commendable efforts to explore all possible channels to speed up the process of peaceful negotiations to achieve national reconciliation and lead to a lasting political solution for the unification of chad. with regard to the conflict in western sahara, we reaffirm our position in support of the sahraoui people in the exercise of their right to self-determination. in that regard we reiterate our support for the consensus reached within the oau to hold a referendum to allow the people of western sahara to exercise their right to self-determination in conformity with the spirit and resolutions of the oau. for several years afghanistan, a peaceful, developing and non-aligned country, has been a victim of foreign intervention, in violation of the purposes and principles of the united nations charter and of the obligation of all states to refrain, in their international relations, from the threat or use of force against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of any state. notwithstanding the persistent call of the inter , -tonal community for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the soil of afghanistan, the afghan people continue to suffer from the brutality of foreign occupation. it is therefore incumbent upon the international community to endeavor to put an end to the continued and serious suffering of the afghan people and to alleviate the socio-economic burden of neighboring countries where millions have sought refuge. we express our appreciation and support for the secretary-general's sustained efforts and constructive steps in his search for a peaceful solution to the afghan problem. the situation calls for the urgent achievement of a political solution that will enable the afghan people to exercise their full right to sovereignty by choosing the social, political and economic systems of their preference, in accordance with their national aspirations. it is now eight years since the kampuchean people fell victim to foreign military intervention. the persistent call of the overwhelming majority of the international community for the withdrawal of foreign troops from kampuchea has so far gone unheeded. he reiterate once again that the only way to put an end to the plight of the kampuchea people is to ensure the evacuation of foreign forces from the country a- the restoration and preservation of the country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and to allow the kampuchean people to choose freely the system of government they may wish to establish. the situation that has prevailed on the korean peninsula since the early 1950s is fraught with tension. he believe that the best way to foster better relations between north and south . korea is to create the necessary conditions that would enable the koreans themselves to undertake a constructive dialog to resolve their differences. a lasting . settlement can be achieved only if the koreans themselves can establish mutual trust without any interference from outside. the international community could not have chosen a better forum than this body to exchange views on matters so vital to its survival. as the assembly united us now, our thoughts cannot escape from the shadows of the gloomy pictures of the world environment, plagued with countless civil strifes, confrontations, conflicts and mass displacements of population as a result of the deteriorating third world economic situation, aggravated by the runaway global economy, by unrelenting natural disasters and by prevalent uncertainties in international economic relations. the ceaseless cry for help of the hundreds of millions of people suffering in squalid misery, starvation and abject poverty and of the tens of millions of homeless refugees and displaced persons, as well as the unbearable human suffering all over the world, add darker clouds to these gloomy pictures that have always crowded the panorama of our daily thoughts. despite all that, our strong faith in human solidarity in tines of crisis has taught us to trust that the spirit of true co-operation and understanding among the nations of the world will prevail over the consequent fears aid suspicion emanating from such unremitting hardships. we are confident that our need to live together in a peaceful and secure environment will transcend the reluctant and stunning state bate in global dialog and lead to better survival. our wisdom and deep foresight in safeguarding our inter pendent relationship will pragmatically guide our endeavors in all matters that influence the wellbeing of our world, in accordance with the purposes and principles enshrined in the united nations charter.

as head of the delegation of the republic of equatorial guinea, and on behalf of his excellency don santiago nsobeya efuman, minister for foreign affairs, international cooperation and francophone affairs, i am honoured to address the assembly. first, i congratulate you, sir, former prime minister of finland, on your election to preside over the deliberations of the general assembly at its fifty- fifth session. we also sincerely congratulate mr. theo- ben gurirab, minister for foreign affairs of our sister republic of namibia, on the excellent work accomplished during the previous session and on his acclaimed activities in coordinating the preparations for the millennium summit, which has just ended. i also take this opportunity to extend particular congratulations to the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, and his team for their full commitment to promoting the mandate of the united nations, as well as for the plan to strengthen its future work, as reflected in his outstanding report. we warmly welcome the republic of tuvalu to the united nations. just two weeks ago we celebrated within these four walls the most important event in the history of humankind, when our heads of state and government established general guidelines that must govern the future of our organization, and that form a strong foundation on which we can, and must, work. we must now follow up all the proposals and recommendations made by our leaders, with the firm goal of implementing them, which would result in a promising future for all nations those of the north and south and east and west. his excellency obiang nguema mbasogo, president of the republic, head of state and founding chairman of the democratic party of equatorial guinea, in his address on the first day of the millennium summit, affirmed that the turn of the century showed us a threatened world, one constantly in danger of collapse and in a permanent state of uncertainty about its destiny and the survival of humankind, one that conveyed an apocalyptic feeling that was shared by all alike nations large and small, rich and poor. in order to follow up the proposals and recommendations of the millennium summit, we must start with the fact that democracy begins at home. in our specific case, that means the united nations, which is our shared home, where the voice of the majority must prevail that is a basic principle of the historic san francisco charter of [number]. equatorial guinea therefore joins the call for urgent, much needed reform and empowerment of the united nations an appropriate formula for achieving the fair and just representation of the african continent and other regions of the world, which we regard as a fundamental issue, particularly with regard to the security council. if this is not achieved, an environment of distrust may result, as well as a weakening of the role of our great organization and its all-important task of promoting and ensuring international peace and security. at present, some individuals enjoy a level of wealth which in the past was inconceivable, while the [number] victims of poverty continue to suffer intolerable forms of deprivation. the poor remain marginalized and excluded, and day by day their ranks are increasing considerably. almost a quarter of the world's population now lives in poverty. today, pensions and social security protect many individuals from poverty, but poverty in old age remains prevalent around the world. poverty must be the main concern in united nations endeavours. the struggle against poverty must be strengthened, and if possible poverty must be eradicated, because the subject of poverty eradication is an ethical, social, political and economic imperative of humankind, as is finding solutions to the conflicts and fratricidal wars that take millions of victims in different parts of the world. poverty eradication requires an improvement in economic growth and in employment opportunities. the causes of poverty must also be tackled in the context of sectoral strategies, such as strategies for the environment, food security, health, education, population, immigration, housing, development of human resources, rural development, drinking water and sanitation. poverty eradication is therefore one of the primary tasks to which the peoples of the twenty-first century aspire, as an action which will promote the development and prosperity of the human being and will consolidate the culture of democracy and the respect for human rights. other problems that need analysis and solutions from the international community are the rights of the child, the integration of women in development and the thorny issue of the foreign debt. as for the rights of the child, we must see to it that the activities and the follow-up of the world summit for children are integrated with economic actions to be implemented as a result of the other united nations conferences held in the 1990s. in this respect, we must see to it that there is renewed thinking about the obligations stemming from the ratification of the convention on the rights of the child by each country and a renewed commitment to them. this must guide our actions in the future. as for the subject of women, we must eliminate all discriminatory practices against women and respect the procedures and the provisions that are inherent in the convention on this subject, as well as the recommendations stemming from the fourth world conference on women held in beijing in [number] and from the special session of the general assembly held in june [number]. on foreign debt, we fervently appeal to donors that they cancel the foreign debt of the developing countries with the understanding that the funds released will be injected into the most vulnerable sectors in the economies of those countries, such as education, health, water and sanitation. we are gratified that among the major areas of progress in the twentieth century we see a growing awareness in humankind regarding respect for and promotion of human rights, democracy and good governance. in our country, because of the imperative of survival and the objectives of well-being and progress, we will continue on the agreed path towards the necessary restoration of all the rights to which our vulnerable and marginal groups aspire, in other words women, children, the disabled, refugees and those persons displaced by crisis and disasters. at the present time in malabo, the capital of our nation, we have officially established the centre for the promotion of human rights and the committee in support of the equatorial guinean child. this committee was established under the chairmanship of the first lady of the nation, her excellency mrs. constancia mangue de obiang. we have also experienced democracy in a spirit of joy with fraternity and without divisiveness, as is described by our national anthem, and also without internal upheaval. the national constitution, known as the magna carta of akonibe, clearly stipulates the establishment and institutionalization of political pluralism in equatorial guinea. this has made it possible for a number of political parties to be established. these parties have signed a national covenant with the political party which is in power with the purpose of establishing and strengthening mechanisms for dialogue among the parties. at the present time, all are participating actively in aspiring to political power in the country. in this respect we thank god, the creator, for having inspired us in this model of participatory and peaceful democracy. in september [number] at the congressional palace of bata, the national economic conference was held with the participation of all social sectors in our country. in the final report of this important event, we find the recommendations for programmes and projects to be [number] implemented by the government in the short, medium and long-term as our economic development strategy. we cannot conceal our concern at the steady decline in international cooperation resources towards equatorial guinea, as we have recently seen in many of the projects and programmes that are implemented in the country with external resources. in this respect we want to avail ourselves of this forum to invite the international community to steadily increase the volume of international cooperation activities in equatorial guinea. with the primary purpose of ensuring peace and security in our subregion, we hope that the united nations will support the appropriate mechanisms for the maintenance of peace, security, stability, cooperation and development in the central african subregion, following the political will of the heads of state of that subregion, inspired by the establishment of the council of peace and security in central africa copax , a body for political and military agreement among the member countries of the economic community of central african states eccas . as regards the promotion of measures for the maintenance and the strengthening of peace and security, we have, within copax, a central african multinational force fomac and an early warning mechanism for central africa marac . the government of the republic of equatorial guinea has contributed with determination to financing these institutions so that they can function properly. we sincerely regret the armed conflicts that exist at the present time on the african continent and in other parts of the world, for example, the case of angola, the situation of the countries in the great lakes region and the crisis in sierra leone. we welcome the ceasefire in the conflict between ethiopia and eritrea, and it is our hope that the parties will undertake dialogue with a view to a lasting peace. likewise, we view with satisfaction the restoration of peace and authority in the sister republic of somalia. in this respect, we commend the united nations, the organization of african unity, the league of arab states, the islamic conference and all of those who directly or indirectly contributed to the arduous task of restoring peace to that country. we strongly condemn the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. we support the struggle against crime and the struggle against the global problem of drugs and related crimes and against illicit arms trafficking and international terrorism. we fully support the initiative reaffirmed by the central american countries in their commitment to make central america a region of peace, freedom, democracy and development and particularly to gradually and progressively stimulate the central american union to ensure a promising future for that region. in the middle east, we congratulate the commendable political work done by the president of the united states bill clinton to mediate a lasting peace in the region. we hope that a proper interpretation and implementation of the proposals and recommendations of our leaders at the summit, as well as the outstanding statements made at this distinguished assembly, will guide us towards a better and more prosperous future for all the nations of the world.

i should like, at the outset, to express to mr. essy and to his friendly country my government s and my personal congratulations on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-ninth session. we are confident that his abilities and skills will enable him to discharge his responsibilities in the best possible manner. i should like also to congratulate the members of the general committee on their election to that body. on this occasion i cannot fail to express the appreciation of the delegation of the state of qatar, as well as my personal appreciation, to mr. essy s predecessor as president of the general assembly, ambassador samuel insanally, who represents the friendly republic of guyana, for his excellent leadership and the work carried out during his tenure. it is also my pleasure to extend our congratulations to those states that have recently joined our international organization. we look forward to their constructive and effective participation in the activities of the united nations and to their defence of its principles. in that context, i salute the delegation of the republic of south africa and that country s great leader, nelson mandela, the first african president of the state, which, in this new chapter of its history, will undoubtedly be a new member representing the african continent and the international community. we are convinced that it will play an outstanding role, for which it is eminently qualified by its stature, as well as by its expertise in all fields. i should like also to reaffirm the state of qatar s full confidence in and special appreciation of the secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, for his commitment and devotion in the service of this international organization and for his efforts to uphold the noble principles of the united nations and to promote its international peace-keeping and peacemaking role in dealing with international problems and crises. this is a role that will undoubtedly increase in importance. the general assembly s forty-ninth session is being held in the shadow of dynamic and rapid changes in international relations. these rapid dynamic changes have not yet reached their culmination. we are in a period of transition wherein new patterns of international relations are constantly emerging. it is a period in which the so-called new international order is being formed. the most important underpinnings on which this new order must rest are, in our view, respect for the principles and purposes of the united nations and its charter, in particular, the principle of sovereign co- equality, the willingness of states to honour their commitments in good faith, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states, the control by states of their natural resources, the non-use and the absence of the threat of the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of other states, and the resolution of international disputes by peaceful means in accordance with the principles of international law through mediation, dialogue or through the international court of justice. with the ending of the cold war, a new era has dawned in the united nations. this international organization is now being resorted to increasingly and more urgently. the united nations mechanism is now squarely in the forefront of international efforts to face up to problems that in the past were intractable. such problems are now being examined and debated in a serious manner in the united nations and its specialized organs and agencies with the aim of finding suitable solutions thereto. in this regard, the state of qatar believes that the united nations and its specialized organs and agencies are the most appropriate framework for deliberation on issues relating to peace-keeping and peacemaking, the peaceful settlement of international disputes, questions of development and the forging of just and balanced economic and social relations. given today s challenges, there is no doubt that the solving of such problems should be the collective responsibility of all states regardless of size, if the solutions devised are to be compatible with the interests of the entire international community. therefore, the state of qatar supports efforts to restructure this international organization and its bodies in order to make them more democratic and dynamic so that they may become more suited to the task of satisfying new international requirements and dealing with the challenges of peace, development, the issues of international peace and security, as well as economic and social issues. these issues are dictated by the radical transformations in the patterns of international relations. first of all, there must be a balanced relationship between the general assembly as the principal political body, the security council as the body responsible for questions of security, and the economic and social council as the [number] body responsible for issues of economic and social development. in addition, the general assembly and its resolutions must be given a more effective role as a framework for deliberations and negotiations and for the adoption of resolutions on issues of international importance. this is fully in line with the commitment by all states to the principle of sovereign co-equality and the right of effective participation in the upholding of the common interests of the international community. no one state or group of states, regardless of stature or power, should monopolize the fashioning of the new international order in the absence of the united nations, which is the true representative of the international community. such a new order must be fashioned by all states collectively through the united nations, whose stature and efficacy must be enhanced and supported as the only forum for international deliberations, the body responsible for international peace and security and the body that has the overall responsibility for economic and social development, the protection of the environment and of human rights as well as for combating drugs and terrorism. in this context, i should like to express my support for the statement in the secretary-general s report "an agenda for peace" that democracy within the family of nations requires the fullest consultation, participation and engagement of all states, large and small, in the work of the organization. i should like to refer also to the statement in the same report that the employment of preventive diplomacy requires prior knowledge of potential disputes, participation in peacemaking and peace-keeping, support for the agreements concluded and the taking of measures that aim at resolving the economic, social and political problems that led to the dispute in the first place. we welcome the positive developments in the role of the security council and its ability to perform the role mandated to it by the charter, thanks to the new spirit of cooperation that emerged between its members and enabled it to take collective measures in respect of some very difficult and sensitive issues and to assume new responsibilities such as the expansion of its authority in respect of some peace-keeping issues through the administration of some areas during periods of transition and through the supervision of elections and the protection of human rights. none the less, we have some fears that the council may become an institution that is used to impose the will of the strong on the weak. therefore, we believe that the exercise by certain members of particular rights and privileges must not lead to hegemony by a limited number of strong states over the course of events in the world. thus we believe that the question of membership of the security council must be dealt with in a manner that takes into account the large increase in the membership of the united nations while putting some checks on the use of the right of veto. in addition, the international community must respect the resolutions of the general assembly and the security council. political will must be mobilized to implement those resolutions, to impose peace if conditions so require, or to negotiate peace if there is good faith and if the parties cooperate. we believe that this is the guaranteed means of protecting the new international order and of ensuring its acceptability, credibility and stability. we hope that the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations will mark the rebirth of a new, stronger and more democratic body. in this regard, we are encouraged by discussions, within and outside the united nations, regarding the restructuring of the organization and its various organs. these are very constructive, serious and objective discussions, and all the states of the world are participating in them. the state of qatar, proceeding from the wise instructions of the emir, his royal highness sheikh khalifa bin hamad al-thani, and his loyal heir, his royal highness sheikh hamad bin khalifa al-thani, has always participated by all means in the solution of issues related to the arab gulf, as well as the arab and islamic nation. we have supported the gulf cooperation council because it serves the interests of the gulf states and their peoples. we, as part of the region, believe that our security is closely linked to the region s. we have supported stability in the region and rejected every attempt to bring about regional changes by force. we believe that the security of the region requires cooperation amongst all its states on the basis of good- neighbourliness, mutual respect, non-intervention in internal affairs and respect for international law. we hold that all unresolved problems should be resolved by peaceful means, through dialogue, mediation or the international court of justice. [number] proceeding from this principle, the state of qatar supports the resolution by such means of the current dispute between the united arab emirates and the islamic republic of iran over the three islands of abu moussa and the two tumbs. on the arab level, the state of qatar has continually called for the airing of issues in the arab world and for reconciliation, in order to promote arab solidarity so that the arab umma may resume its role in history and in the march of civilization. we have followed with the greatest concern the regrettable events in the republic of yemen. since the dispute began, the state of qatar has participated in diplomatic efforts to contain it. despite the bloody and regrettable struggle, friendly yemen has maintained its unity. as you know, from the beginning we have stood on the side of legality and unity in yemen, and we have been eager to abide by these two principles in dealing with the issue, proceeding from our faith in the need to maintain the unity of the yemenite territory and people. as for the situation in iraq, our position is that the unity of iraq and its territorial integrity must be maintained. iraq must commit itself to the implementation of all relevant security council resolutions. it must recognize the sovereignty of the state of kuwait and its territorial integrity, as well as its internationally recognized border according to united nations security council resolutions. we also sympathize with the iraqi people and call for the alleviation of their hardship, taking into account the acute shortage of medicines and foodstuffs. concerning peace in the middle east, we support the process and hope that negotiations will achieve concrete progress on all tracks, particularly concerning lebanon and syria. last year, we welcomed the palestinian-israeli agreement as a landmark on the road to a just solution to the palestinian question. we now welcome the subsequent steps taken, namely the early transfer of authority and the expansion of self-rule, both of which are important steps towards the achievement of a just and comprehensive solution to the question of palestine. we also welcome the jordanian-israeli declaration as to the ending of the state of war between the two countries and the initiation of serious negotiations to resolve all problems, specifically those concerning water and borders. this declaration is also a landmark on the road towards a just and comprehensive solution to the arab-israeli conflict, on the basis of the madrid formula security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] the land-for-peace principle the full withdrawal of israeli troops from all occupied territories the golan heights, the southern part of lebanon, jerusalem the restoration of all inalienable rights of the palestinian people, including the right to self- determination and the creation of a state whose capital will be jerusalem, as it is a symbol of peace and is part and parcel of the territories occupied since [number]. during the transitional period, the situation in this territory, particularly its demographic aspects, should not be changed. i wish here to reiterate the need to put a stop to the process of israeli settlement, which is illegal and constitutes a major hurdle in the way of peace. proceeding from this, the general assembly should reaffirm, at its current session, all previous resolutions regarding the question of palestine and the middle east problem, and declare them unalienable. in order to push ahead the peace process in the middle east, we participated in the multilateral negotiations. we indicated that those negotiations did not replace bilateral negotiations but complemented them, and that they would lead to nothing unless a just and comprehensive peace was achieved in the region. in this regard, the state of qatar hosted, from [number] to [number] may [number], the fifth meeting of the working group on disarmament and regional security in the middle east, which developed from the multilateral negotiations. the position of qatar was stated as follows. first, support for all international efforts aimed at achieving agreement on disarmament on the regional and international levels, and support for the efforts of the disarmament conference in this respect. second, the arrangements of arms control after the achievement of peace should be based on legally binding and co-equal commitments by all parties under international law and in conformity with the united nations charter. third, arms control efforts on the international level have achieved remarkable success, particularly between the russian federation and the united states as indicated by the signing of start and all subsequent steps. yet those efforts have not achieved any tangible progress in the middle east, since one state continues to retain its nuclear capabilities. fourth, all states are called upon to accede to the non-proliferation treaty npt and to agree to abide by its safeguards and subject their nuclear facilities to international inspections. the region must be freed from all weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. in this regard, we wonder how the general conference of the international atomic energy agency could decide to resume its technical assistance to [number] israel, while israel continues to reject the npt and refuses to submit to its safeguards regime. we follow with great concern the situation in brotherly somalia. we hope that national reconciliation will safeguard the unity, independence and stability of somalia. on this occasion, we wish to support the decision by the arab foreign ministers to set up an arab ministerial committee that would monitor the situation in somalia and work towards the desired reconciliation alongside the secretary-general of the league of arab states. as for afghanistan, we express our concern over the continuing violence and call upon all factions to halt hostilities and work for a permanent and peaceful settlement that would give precedence to the interests of the afghani people. since the second world war, europe has not witnessed a tragedy such as that which is unfolding in bosnia and herzegovina. the suffering imposed on the muslim people through the atrocities of ethnic cleansing, genocide and mass killings at the hands of serb aggressors constitute crimes which far exceed all those committed in europe in the course of the second world war. despite the fact that the serbs reject the international peace plan drawn up by the five states and accepted by bosnia and herzegovina, no disciplinary action has been taken against the serb aggressors, while the embargoes are still in place against bosnia and herzegovina. in the very least, the international community should enable the muslims to exercise the right of self-defence, a legitimate right enshrined in the united nations charter. once again, together with other members of the islamic world we ask, why is it that there is all this procrastination in dealing with the serbs, and why are they allowed to hold on to the land they have acquired by force and on which they continue to practice the atrocities of ethnic cleansing? the international community is called upon to deal with this matter firmly with no double standards and in a manner that would guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of bosnia and herzegovina and guarantee for it an economic situation that may enable it to survive. this would certainly contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security in that sensitive region of the world. the state of qatar reiterates its condemnation of this aggression and reaffirms the independence of the republic of bosnia and herzegovina, its territorial integrity, its sovereignty and its unity with and its one indivisible capital, sarajevo. while we welcomed the resolution adopted by the united states congress and agreed to by the administration to lift the embargo against the republic of bosnia and herzegovina, we have been surprised by the latest resolution by the security council, which included a relaxation of the sanctions imposed on serbia and montenegro, the state that stands beside the serbian militias in their continuing aggression against the muslims in bosnia and herzegovina. we believe that the said resolution will have grave consequences as it rewards the aggressor and the forces that support that aggression and constitutes a retreat in the face of aggression, massacres and continuing ethnic crimes. in this regard, we call on the security council not to reward aggression. we call upon it to discharge its responsibilities towards the protection of the muslims in bosnia and herzegovina by declaring the entire republic of bosnia and herzegovina a safe haven. the council must ensure that no military assistance is allowed to reach the serbs. the muslims must be enabled to exercise their legitimate right to self-defence by the lifting of the embargo on their country. once again, we emphasize that the war criminals in the former yugoslavia must be brought to justice and support the demand by the organization of the islamic conference oic contact group on bosnia and herzegovina to be allowed to participate in all activities of the contact group of five. the world economy is slowly emerging from the state of stagnation which has lasted for far too long. a new period of varying degrees of growth has started, particularly in the third world. numerous elements had contributed to that situation. foremost among those elements was the burden of foreign debt which is being aggravated by the deterioration in prices of basic export commodities side by side with the paucity of foreign investments in the areas of production and the very high expenditures on armaments. the time has come for the international community, in particular the developed industrial states, to adopt effective measures that would make it possible to devise a definitive solution to the problems of indebtedness in the third world as a whole, and in africa in particular. the debt burden in africa has had many grave consequences which have affected the ability of the continent to grow and develop. despite the many debt rescheduling agreements concluded over the past few [number] years, the servicing of debt continues to consume over [number] per cent of all export earnings and continues to obstruct investment and human development. in this context, the dialogue between the north and the south should be reactivated in a more effective manner in order to find new means to achieve development in the third world and to rid the third world of poverty and underdevelopment. we believe that ridding the world of poverty and underdevelopment is an essential prerequisite of lasting peace and the welfare of mankind. undoubtedly, success in the dialogue between north and south and productive cooperation between them will promote efforts to reach a new more realistic and more balanced international economic order. the development of the south is not merely in the interests of its states and peoples alone, it is also in the interests of the north and its people. the developing world pins its hopes on international trade as a means of achieving prosperity for all. we therefore welcomed the recent success achieved with regard to the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt and hope that this success will result in the freeing of trade and of unrestricted competition in the world. the threats facing mankind today, and which will continue to face it in future, are not all political or military. there are questions of the deterioration of the environment, poverty, underdevelopment, drugs, the spread of life- threatening diseases, terrorism and violations of human rights which become more grave with each passing day. these non-political issues require urgent solutions before they become intractable and threaten all mankind. among the indications of the international community s concern with economic and social issues is the large number of international conferences devoted to such issues. over the past two years, the world witnessed the holding of several such conferences, including the world conference on human rights in vienna, the united nations conference on environment and development in rio de janeiro, and next year the world summit for social development will be held in copenhagen. each one of the conferences that have been convened has achieved results with regard to the issues it has dealt with by means of resolutions and recommendations and the international consensus surrounding those resolutions and recommendations. all we wish for here is that those issues should not be used as a pretext to intervene in the internal affairs of states, to deal with states in a discriminatory manner, or to impose conditions on providing economic or developmental aid. i refer in this connection to the idea of a carbon tax, whether individual or collective, under the pretext of protecting the environment. this is purely an economic issue which will harm the economies of oil-producing states, particularly those in the gulf. the state of qatar reaffirms its support for the united nations efforts to deal with the issues i have mentioned. the united nations is the ideal institution to face up to international and world issues with all their political, humanitarian, economic and social dimensions. inspired by the charter, it can achieve success by building a world based on relations of cooperation and mutual confidence, a world of justice and stability.

the united nations faces unprecedented challenges the recent past has brought about a worrisome erosion in the standing and credibility that this great organization has enjoyed [number] worldwide. use of military force without prior authorization by the security council and increasingly difficult and dangerous conditions under which united nations personnel operate in many places are but two examples illustrating this trend. secretary-general kofi annan has given a two- tiered response. first, he issued a call for an unequivocal commitment to the principle of multilateralism, upon which this organization is built. and secondly, he commissioned a report from eminent and highly experienced personalities on how the organization should address new threats and challenges. liechtenstein believes that this was the right response. an unequivocal and unwavering commitment from all of us is the basis for collective action and for observing the rules we have set for ourselves. only this commitment can give meaning to our decisions to tackle new challenges, and only this can enable us to further develop a rules-based framework in order to look confidently into the future. we must acknowledge the fact that the challenges we are facing today were not foreseeable when the founding fathers agreed on the terms which guide the work of this organization. at the same time, we must always recognize the charter of the united nations as the unique achievement that it is and examine our current ways of applying this great tool that was passed down to us. it is therefore our obligation to conduct an in-depth and sober analysis of these new challenges in order to make an informed decision about how best to address them within the framework of the united nations system. changes and creative approaches will be needed. we therefore very much look forward to receiving and considering the report of the high-level panel on threats, challenges and change established by the secretary-general. but however insightful their findings and however visionary their recommendations may be and we have high hopes that they will be the necessary decisions to expand the existing multilateral architecture will have to be made by us, the states gathered in this assembly on the threshold of the sixtieth anniversary of the united nations. not in [number] years. now. the time is right. in a globalized world, collective action is the necessary response to a great number of challenges. effective measures in numerous areas the environment, hiv aids, poverty-reduction, the fight against terrorism, to name but a few can only be taken on the basis of genuine and efficient global cooperation. such cooperation can only be successful if it is based on a set of transparent and clear rules applied in the same manner to everybody who participates in it. international law is clearly the primary instrument in this respect. however, we have witnessed contradictory tendencies in the area of international law, especially in the recent past. on the positive side, there have been landmark achievements, most notably the establishment of the international criminal court. for the first time in the history of mankind, there is an independent court, based on a statute negotiated by the international community at a diplomatic conference, that has the competence to try individuals responsible for the worst crimes when states themselves fail to do so. we are sadly reminded every day how much such an institution is needed. on the negative side, we have observed a dangerous erosion in the application of long-standing international law standards, most notably in the field of international human rights and international humanitarian law. the stage we have reached is critical and there can be only one response we must urgently reverse this trend and uphold the primacy of the rule of law, both nationally and internationally. we firmly believe that the rule of law is an indispensable element of sound domestic policies often referred to as good governance and an indispensable part of sustainable development worldwide. international organizations, including the united nations, are called upon to continue their efforts to assist states in establishing and applying the rule of law. we strongly support the efforts made over the past year to strengthen the role of the united nations in that respect. the rule of law at the domestic level must be complemented at the international level through full and unconditional respect for internationally recognized standards and transparent and fair rules in international decision-making. we have been very slow in dealing with the changes in the world and its consequences, most notably with regard to non-state actors who fall outside the framework of international law as we have known it in the past. we must ensure that all those individuals and groups that play a significant role in the international arena are not [number] allowed to move in a legal vacuum and we must clarify which rules apply to them. that, however, we can do credibly and thus effectively only if we, the governments representing states, continue to respect the standards we have created for ourselves. the one body that is particularly called upon in that respect is the security council to many, the epitome of the united nations as a whole. the council must meticulously observe the mandate given to it under the charter and ensure transparency and clarity in its decision-making. that is of special importance where the council s decisions directly affect the rights and obligations of individuals who are not entitled to individual legal remedies a situation which can be difficult to reconcile with the rule of law. a strong momentum is gathering for reform of the security council after more than [number] years of deliberations on that very complex topic. in light of the challenges before the council and the open questions concerning its role, in particular with regard to increasing legislative activities, successful reform must address all aspects. enlargement to make that body more modern and representative is one such aspect. we believe that it is not sound for a universal organization to have its major decisions in a truly vital area taken by only a handful of states. furthermore, the working methods of the council, its accountability to the membership as a whole and its mandate must also be addressed. liechtenstein, and its delegation in new york in particular, will continue to stand ready to make their contribution to that end. in accordance with the charter, the council acts on behalf of the entire membership in carrying out its duties, and its decisions are binding on all member states. all states should therefore take a strong interest in its work and make use of their opportunities to interact with and express their views to the council, whether they are members or not. more openness and inclusiveness in the security council are still both desirable and feasible. the question remains, however is the security council too powerful or do we simply lack the necessary system of checks and balances? we support a dynamic and strong security council and therefore tend to the latter view, with a clear focus on an enhanced role for the general assembly, the only universal organ of the united nations. the measures on revitalization upon which we were able to agree during the last session show us how far we still have to go. it must be our goal to make this assembly an efficient and effective body that can act and react quickly and with resolve. we are still very far away from that goal. the momentum gathered over the past year must be translated into further, bold measures and trigger a process that is not reversible. this is no time for complacency and no time for indifference. this assembly has historical tasks before it. we must leave lethargy and short-term national interests behind in the interest of the greater good. secretary-general kofi annan put it very aptly in his speech this past tuesday if we cannot reach agreement on the way forward, history will make the decisions for us. we must set a vision for the future and live up to our responsibility. we owe this to all future generations and to ourselves.

may i begin by congratulating the president on his election to preside over the general assembly at its fifty-second session. we are in good hands as we begin our work during what the secretary-general has called the reform assembly. i know, too, that my foreign minister, on whose behalf i am speaking, would want to warmly congratulate the outgoing president, ambassador razali ismail of malaysia, on his efforts during the past [number] months. it has been a challenging time, and he has demonstrated the decisive leadership we all expected of him. two years ago, at the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, world leaders undertook to give the twenty- first century an organization equipped, financed and structured to serve effectively the peoples in whose name it was established. with the year [number] now only [number] months away, we are still far from that goal. this is a matter of great concern to new zealand. we firmly believe in the united nations as a vehicle to a better life for the world's citizens, and not just for those who live now. we have a responsibility to strengthen the organization for our grandchildren and beyond. we must not let them and ourselves down by allowing an unreformed united nations to slide into increasing irrelevance. we do not pretend the process of reform is easy or finite. as the secretary-general has said, reform is not an event it is a process. a [number] [number], para. [number] our own in volvement on the intergovernmental track, including co- chairing the working group on the strengthening of the united nations system and the working group on an agenda for development, has given us a good appreciation of the complexities involved in producing positive outcomes acceptable to [number] member states. we know the secretary-general faces the same issues with his [number] july package. as with any package, it is inevitable that some member states will find fault with individual elements. but we are firmly of the belief that the package should be viewed as a whole. this will be for the greater good of the organization. difficulties with individual elements of the package should not be allowed to unpick the overall good which is in it. we appeal to member states to acknowledge this reality and to give the secretary-general their generous support. it is small countries like new zealand, and developing countries, which, as we see it, stand most to benefit from what the secretary-general is trying to achieve. to reform and strengthen the united nations effectively, we see a need to redistribute resources away from administration and into areas which are important for those of us who place a high priority on the united nations itself. we support efficiencies, not cost-cutting. the crucial difference between the two is that one approach seeks simply to save money without regard to the impact on the organization. we cannot support this. the united nations is too important to us to allow such a downgrading. an approach based on efficiencies allows us to reinvigorate the united nations by reinvesting the money saved from outdated administrative practices. this is central to the secretary-general's package. in particular, the proposal for a development dividend channelling resources freed by administrative efficiencies into strengthening the development activities of the united nations is most welcome. we can certify from our own national experience that the sort of management reforms proposed in the package do indeed lead to a reduction in administrative overheads, allowing more to be delivered in terms of substantive programmes. at a time when development funds are diminishing, the significance of this step should not be lost. new zealand is a country that is increasing its overseas aid by [number] per cent since the [number] united nations conference on environment and development, the rio summit. our contributions through the united nations system have also increased by nearly [number] per cent over the last five years. but the global trend is the opposite, particularly among the larger traditional donors. it is becoming harder and harder for governments to meet their charter commitment to promote the economic and social advancement of all peoples. one of the modest outcomes of the last two years of reform efforts within the united nations has been the elaboration of an agenda for development [number] reaffirming the primacy of development, setting objectives and recommending ways of achieving them. but, with the best will in the world, implementing that agenda will come to naught in the absence of adequate funding. the secretary-general's reforms are designed to deliver more for development. equally important, they are designed to boost confidence in the united nations, confidence which two weeks ago was given tangible form by mr. ted turner's billion-dollar grant to assist united nations agencies in key development activities. that generous offer has given the organization a real boost and could be a catalyst for leveraging further private-sector funds for development. we must support the secretary- general's efforts to make the united nations the best vehicle for delivering such assistance. member states need to trust the secretary-general to fulfil his responsibilities under the charter to give effect to the policy directions which they set. we need to be clear and realistic in the priorities we set for the united nations. we cannot mandate the organization with more and more new tasks and somehow expect these to be achieved within current resources. and, having set the priorities, we must resist the temptation to micro-manage. this will involve a sea-change in the way member states have become accustomed to operating. the fifth committee still makes decisions about staff numbers and placement within the secretariat, administrative decisions that in any modern organization would be the responsibility of its managers. we know that the transitional process of change will not be easy for those working in the secretariat either. but and we are conscious of our own experience in new zealand in instituting public-sector reform the managerial and results-based budgeting proposals in the july package will improve work performance and will deliver greater job satisfaction to those working for the united nations. the organization's most important resource is its people. the package recognizes the vital importance of investment in staff. if the best and brightest are to be attracted to and retained by the united nations, they must be recruited, trained, promoted and paid according to procedures which are as good as the best employed by member states. it is also important to stress here the loyalty owed to the secretary-general by those who work for him. he has the right to expect their full support for his leadership and for the initiatives he puts forward. anything less would be dishonourable, would subvert due process and would potentially disenfranchise member states. it could not be tolerated. i referred earlier to the intergovernmental track. it is worth touching on the key issues of security council and financial reform. on the former, new zealand will judge specific proposals for enlargement of the security council by the yardstick of democracy and the representativeness of the institution as a whole. increasing the proportion of permanent to non-permanent members runs counter to this principle. nor could a package on security council reform be acceptable to us without substantive proposals opening up and modernizing the workings of the council. sunshine, an american jurist once observed, is the best disinfectant. member states must continue to participate in the debate in the search for a consensus solution. on financial reform, new zealand is strongly concerned about the crisis facing the united nations. it is true that there are problems with the scales of assessments for both the regular and the peacekeeping budgets. the present floor has a negative impact on smaller, vulnerable nations, such as the south pacific island countries, new zealand's neighbours. this is just one example of the kind of problem that needs to be addressed. but those who want to see changes made to the scale need to offer genuine inducements, not threats. we cannot accept that any member state is entitled to withhold payments unilaterally or that the assessment of those countries that will not pay their dues should be picked up by others. all assessed contributions must be paid in full, on time and unconditionally. it is a violation of international legal obligations to do otherwise. this must be regarded with the utmost seriousness by member states. it undermines the organization's ability to operate. it penalizes, through damage to the organization, those member states that abide by their obligations. when the state responsible for the largest percentage of arrears owed to the united nations is also the richest, and when that state in addition attaches conditions to the payment of only a portion of what it owes, it is understandable that these actions should generate real scepticism in this assembly. this sorry state of affairs must be resolved quickly. but it can be resolved only on the basis of a credible commitment that all conditions will be eliminated now and that all payments will be made on time. and that means in january each year. [number] i would like to raise another reform issue which has not featured prominently in discussions to date, namely united nations regional groupings. it seems to us that this is an issue that deserves examination. the groupings are in need of revision to bring them up to date with present-day geopolitical realities. it is anomalous, for example, that our pacific island neighbours, members with us of the south pacific forum grouping, belong to the asian group while, for historical reasons, new zealand belongs to the group of western european and other states. the fundamental importance we accord our membership of the institutions of the south pacific forum, of the asia-pacific economic cooperation council and of the regional forum of the association of south-east asian nations asean , and our relationship with asean itself, should be able to be better reflected in the regional groupings. we accordingly see value in a reconfiguration of new york electoral groupings to bring them more in line with those used elsewhere in the united nations system, where new zealand in most cases sits with our south pacific partners and our east asian neighbours. developments in other regions will result in further anomalies in the present structure. we see at a future stage some long and complex negotiations over regional seat allocations for a revised system of regional groups. new zealand of course will join with others in negotiating new and equitable allocations of seats. while we look forward to the outcome of that process, we realize that it will not come overnight. in the meantime, and as a matter of high priority, my delegation is working to forge a closer relationship with the asian regional group in new york. i would like to close my statement by focusing once more on the utmost importance of member states' giving positive endorsement to the secretary-general's package at this general assembly, as new zealand will be doing not only because it provides a positive and concrete start to a reform process, but also because the alternative of not supporting the secretary-general will, in our view, seriously undermine the credibility of the united nations. for two years the united nations has been involved in the current reform exercise. but none of us can pretend that reform is an end in itself, or that introspection is an ongoing excuse for inaction. the united nations exists to deliver concrete, substantive assistance to the hundreds of millions most in need. no amount of self-analysis is a substitute for that. moreover, sustained emphasis on introspection will erode the organization's capacity, and possibly also its will, to perform the tasks for which it was created. the challenge now is to embrace the bold programme of reform outlined by the secretary-general, to use this general assembly to begin to implement it, and then to direct our energy where it rightly belongs, to taking practical steps to reduce suffering and build a better and more peaceful world like drawing up a solid, practical programme for alleviating poverty in the coming decade like establishing an international criminal court which will ensure that individuals are held responsible for war crimes like supporting and enhancing the united nations capability for preventive diplomacy and like invigorating the united nations capacity for peacekeeping. these are the standards by which the real success or failure of the united nations will be judged. new zealand is determined that the verdict will be a positive one. working together, we can ensure that it is.

mr. president, your unanimous election to the presidency of this assembly is sure proof of the eminent personal qualities with which you have been so generously endowed and which have won for you today the esteem and confidence of this assembly. that esteem, through you, goes to algeria, your motherland, which throughout the sombre years of its history has fought with courage and determination to achieve its independence, and which today, under the noble guidance of its leader, colonel houari boumediene, is the most successful example not only of the political, economic and cultural liberation of a nation, but also of a perceptive and tireless champion of universal social justice and of the full development of the third world. [number]. your election pleases us all the more since it comes at a time when africa, of which you are an illustrious son, is at a turning point in its total decolonization. we are convinced that your customary flexibility in negotiation, your dynamism and the clear thinking which has always characterized your approach to problems will enable our debates to reach realistic and practical solutions. my delegation would like to assure you that it pledges its full contribution to the success of this session of the general assembly. [number]. i am also called on to repeat our expressions of appreciation to mr. benites of ecuador, who during two sessions directed our work with wisdom, competence and devotion rarely equaled, especially in view of the exceptional circumstances of his presidency. [number]. this is also a good opportunity for us to reiterate to the secretarygeneral, mr. kurt waldheim, the expression of the confidence of my government because of his untiring and ceaseless efforts to render the organization an effective instrument in the service of peace, social justice and security in the world. we publicly recognize the keen awareness with which the secretarygeneral has discharged his noble mission, to promote, at whatever cost, cooperation among the nations. throughout his world travels his constant concern has been the endeavor to protect and defend understanding among men, peoples and nations. [number]. more than ever in the past, this assembly requires that we all become more keenly aware of our international responsibilities, in the interest of the fate of mankind as a whole. since the twenty-eighth session many changes have taken place in the world. it has been clearly demonstrated to us that it is high time for the organization to be given the adequate moral and material power, which is needed effectively to thwart the misdeeds of the ever present or latent forces of retrogression and reaction. [number]. my delegation is pleased to welcome the new states members of the organization, bangladesh, grenada and guineabissau, which, through their admission, have enlarged the family of nations. our particular welcome goes to the republic of guinea bissau, which has achieved its independence at the cost of so many sacrifices. our sister country knows very well what our sentiments were at the dawn of its hopes, and we express our best wishes as it takes its new path towards progress and full independence. [number]. in africa, the thaw in the situation in the territories administered by portugal is an event without precedent in the history of that country, which was the most unshakable bastion of colonialism. that development calls for adjustments on our part, and the international community, in order to carry out its mission properly, must channel that change towards a successful conclusion that is to say that on the one hand it should strike an appropriate balance between social justice and economic growth and on the other hand it should promote the maximum conditions for the exercise of equality and freedom for all men. [number]. the efforts towards decolonization made by portugal are appreciated by all of us. we know that the problem is to strike a balance between the imperatives of legal principles and the economic interests of the moment or of an era. that has often been the stumblingblock to the best of compromise formulas. lisbon needed real courage to come to such a change of heart, but it is urgent to transform intentions into actions. mozambique ar. d angola await impatiently the glorious sun of real, authentic and unclouded independence. [number]. the crises and tensions in certain corners of our planet, the deportations and separations of peoples and nations, have always been, and still are, a matter of great concern for my country, whether the problems concern palestine, korea, viet nam, cambodia or cyprus. my government still believes that any attempt to settle the crisis in the middle east must take full account of the legitimate aspiration and inalienable right of the palestinian people to return to the country of which they have been robbed, and to decide their own fate. [number]. the government of rwanda is following with great feeling the evolution of the situation in indochina. it hopes that the paris agreements on viet nam will be fully implemented in order to improve the fate of the vietnamese people as a whole, we are pleased at the very substantial improvement of the situation in laos and we follow with the closest attention, and with feelings of sympathy, the situation in cambodia, a country torn apart by a long and harsh internal war. it is high time that an equitable and rapid solution be found, to bring that war to an end and allow the cambodian people full opportunities of accomplishing the heavy task of national reconstruction and economic and social development. [number]. the korean problem is a cause of great concern. my delegation has never ceased to assert from this rostrum that the organization must deal effectively with that problem. after the withdrawal of foreign troops from the entire territory of korea, the peaceful reunification of the country, without foreign interference, is a matter for the korean people alone. it is for them, in the full exercise of their sovereignty and independence, to bring about democratically the reunification of the country and to ensure its future. that is why the organization should beware of sanctioning any acceptance of a separation between the korean peoples. rather it should facilitate renewed contacts between north and south korea with a view to reaching an equitable solution to this most important problem. [number]. finally the drama of cyprus still warns us of the fragility of peace on our planet. aims of geopolitical and strategic supremacy in the mediterranean and the balkan peninsula have created a new hotbed of tension, which could lead to incalculable consequences if it is not dealt with in time. the solution of the problem of cyprus will come only from concerted efforts, on a basis of sovereignty and free from all foreign interference, of the two communities inhabiting the island of cyprus. [number]. all sorts of foreign interference mark the four corners of the world, but indochina, more than any other region of the globe, has been a permanent source of conflicts and of insecurity. today, as yesterday, the strengthening of peace and justice is one of the great aims of the united nations. but everybody is aware that we live in a world of insecurity and injustice. this world which possesses this power of mass destruction this world of local conflicts, sought and tolerated on behalf of power politics this world where the most fundamental rights of men are daily flouted this world of great masses, that have become aware of their destinies in the modern era, but have not become free from hunger and misery this world, finally, where there is little security because many states have violated the principles solemnly proclaimed in declarations that reverberate around the walls of this house. [number]. the sovereign equality of all states, the noninterference in the domestic affairs of other states, the respect for the commitments undertaken in good faith, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the renunciation of the use of force, freedom and self-determination as well as universal social justice are the principles that should guide an international community worthy of our times and of future generations. [number]. unfortunately, reality does not reflect these principles. it is said that peace reigns among the great of this world, that there is detente but there are devastating conflicts in various parts of the planet. indochina, the middle east, cyprus and southern africa are still theaters of internal conflicts, sources of destruction and of misery. since the last world war there have been [number] local wars, all of them disastrous. the world today is full of contradictions and a series of euphemisms. thus, total and complete disarmament is no longer mentioned rather we talk about mutual control of armaments. peace have taken the name of detente among the great powers. hence there will be no "war" unless it is an atomic war and unless the superpowers are directly involved. [number]. these are the facts that we cannot resign ourselves to. far from finding an excuse for discouragement, the united nations should redouble its efforts to become more effective. universal morality advocates these efforts not only to thwart the nefarious forces of colonialism, racism and imperialism but also to silence weapons and to seek a new economic order which should transcend narrow egotisms and aim at universal social justice. [number]. peace, a thinker has said, does not come by accident it is created it is built it is a constant creation it can be imagined only as a supreme duty rather than as the fruit of a well meaning order coming from outside. we are duty bound within our means and . our specific responsibility to work for the building of peace and international security. our organization cannot expect lasting peace as long as the arms race and the perfecting of increasingly deadly weapons and their introduction into hitherto peaceful regions proceed uncontrollably. [number]. the international community cannot believe in peace when here and there in the world there are wars of attrition, struggles for influence, and millions of victims are claimed throughout the world. the international community will not know true peace as long as the unrepentant supporters of colonialism, apartheid and of zionism oppose with bad faith the appeals of this organization to abide by its recommendations and resolutions. [number]. the sixth special session forcefully proved that it is not only wars that violate peace but also social injustice. it is for this reason that we very clearly state that the international community will always be far removed from peace as long as three quarters of mankind possess only the right to live in poverty while a quarter of the inhabitants of the planet hold for themselves in their own consumer society [number] per cent of the wealth of the world. [number]. may i take this opportunity to deal with the problem of the present international economic situation. my delegation as well as others have expressed the views of their governments on the nature of the economic relations between the developed and the developing countries. i do not claim that i am bringing up a new subject, but i think that we should return to these matters more insistently than in the past since any objective observer of the present international situation must acknowledge the fact that there has been no tangible improvement on the contrary, there are signs of deterioration that constantly cause us concern and worry. [number]. in almost all the developing countries, economic relations with the developed countries are characterized by a dependence that is far too close. the developing countries are forced to export raw materials and to import manufactured goods. but in this field, injustice and inequality could become the rule and could be systematized to the detriment of those who are weak. [number]. for over a century the terms of trade have constantly deteriorated and still do so to the detriment of the poor countries. these countries cannot influence the market laws that are set by the wealthy countries without any consultations with the developing countries. thus the prices of raw materials follow the inherent factors of the political, economic and financial situation of the industrialized countries. [number]. the deficit in the balance of payments further aggravates the already precarious situation of our economies. the poor countries are deprived of a sizable amount of foreign currency upon which they were entitled to rely to cover the cost of imports they require in order to survive, such as capital goods and consumer items. the scarcity of these articles leads to a general increase in price since the local products inevitably follow the movement of inflation. [number]. we must also not forget that the reduction of imports has also reduced the revenues of states since in our countries customs duties generally represent the greater part of government revenue. since the prices received for exports have also followed a downward curve the state is forced to subsidize exports for obvious economic and political reasons. often this can be done only by reducing or eliminating export dues, which, again, is a drain on the national treasury and a policy from which we at the moment cannot escape. [number]. the situation that i have just outlined is serious enough to call on the international community to put an end to itfor, when all is said and done, proof has been given that in the long run the developed countries in turn may also suffer from an overall lack because of the breakdown in the harmony that should exist in international relations. [number]. in order to force the wealthy countries to take into account the interests of three quarters of mankind, some countries have already taken drastic measures to control the development and marketing of their own resources on terms which they themselves fix. but this is a decision that must fall to the sovereignty of each state, and my delegation has repeatedly and unreservedly supported this fact. we stress that the states that can today act in this way are not too numerous. it is therefore, more than ever, indispensable that an international understanding be arrived at on terms of trade between the wealthy and the poor countries. [number]. my delegation welcomes the conclusions and recommendations of the sixth special session, on raw materials and development. it was, in fact, encouraging for the international community to have recognized that it is urgent that everything possible be done to remedy the present situation by taking the necessary steps to improve the terms of trade for the developing countries by eliminating all maneuvers that might leave our countries in a deficit trade balance situation every year. [number]. but to achieve these goals, the international community must insist that the developed countries eschew all action detrimental to the poor countries. it is, therefore, urgent to take drastic measures to abolish the trade barriers with the developing countries. that trade must be carried out at prices that take into account the interests of the exporting countries. the various techniques designed to manipulate the raw materials market in order to force a decrease in prices must be eliminated from international trade practices, which must remain fair, sound and mutually advantageous. [number]. as i pointed out here at the sixth special session 2222nd meeting , for my country the question of world currency exchange is but one aspect of the much greater problem that covers the entire range of international relations, including the particular aspect of cooperation among nations. for years, the idea of international solidarity among the wealthy countries and the developing countries has been gaining ground. all the international conferences that have been held over the past decade have insisted, in vain, on the absolute necessity for the developed countries to lend their assistance to the economic and social development of the poor countries. those appeals have fallen on deaf ears and thus disturbing signs have been appearing more and more frequently in the gloom as the situation regarding assistance among nations deteriorates. [number]. in fact, since the world energy crisis, bilateral aid has been diminishing. multilateral aid, which generally draws its resources from investments made by the developed countries, will inevitably follow this trend if the attitude of those countries is not changed. this is why my delegation takes this opportunity to make a solemn appeal to the developed countries, urging them to maintain and to improve the volume and quantity of their aid to the developing countries. in this field, certain developing countries deserve particular attention, above all those which, as a result of the petroleum crisis, have lost considerable amounts in foreign exchange. [number]. however, the picture is not entirely gloomy. for the developing countries, it is encouraging to note that international cooperation relations have more and more been assuming new forms. in fact, besides those vertical relationships that have hitherto existed between the rich countries and those less favored, and principally between the former colonial powers and their ex-colonies, we are witnessing the birth of a new horizontal international cooperation. i mean the cooperation that has been in existence for some years now among the developing countries themselves. these relations already exist in africa, where efforts at regional integration are ready under way, with varying degrees of success. the friendly and fruitful relations that have been building for some time between the african states and the arab states constitute a specific example of such solidarity among the developing countries. more often than not it is a question of the type of cooperation that can speedily prove to be mutually advantageous to the partners involved. arab countries with capital available to them . can channel that capital into productive sectors and thus participate in the development of the african countries, while at the same time being assured of an adequate and reasonable return on their investments of capital. [number]. my delegation is gratified at the progress achieved in this field. by their decision to create a development fund, the arab countries that possess considerable financial means as a result of the petroleum prices have demonstrated to the world that the lofty proclamation of solidarity among the third world nations is not a mere exercise in rhetoric. the important actions they have taken in full exercise of their sovereignty deserve our admiration, for not only do they open up financial possibilities for the less favored countries but they also constitute a real change in international financial policy. [number]. here likewise we have a profound transformation in the conception, on the part of the developing countries, of what they have to do in order to win the war against ignorance and want. in fact, for some years now our countries have realized that the development of the third world will take place first and foremost through the efforts of the parties concerned, and that foreign assistance will only complement our own efforts. [number]. this realization on the part of the developing countries constitutes a guarantee to the wealthy countries that th assistance the latter may grant will not be wasted, for the simple reason that it is regarded by the beneficiary countries as a necessary complement for continued economic, social and cultural development of their populations, who mu be the first to benefit from assistance to development. for it is to my delegation an obvious fact that man must be the focal point of concern in any economic policy or plan or cooperation. [number]. since i have raised the problem of the economic, social and cultural development of our peoples, i should also like to set forth briefly the point of view of my delegation concerning the question of population growth, which is still a very timely subject. this obviously involves a complex problem that concerns individuals as much as states and each country as well as the international community as a whole and it is precisely because we are dealing here with a complex problem that the views expressed and the solutions proposed with regard to the question of population growth are far from receiving unanimous approval. some utter cries of alarm in a few years there will be too many human beings on the earth and there will not be enough to feed them. for others, more optimistic, the as yet unexploited potential of the earth will be sufficient, and the real problem is to mobilize all the manpower and all the technology, so that every human being, thanks to his own labor and assisted by international aid, will have every opportunity to lead a new and better life. [number]. my delegation is of the view that, whatever the opposing positions may be, this question, in the last analysis, cannot be isolated from the general political context. the international community as a whole is involved. it is for this reason that my delegation was highly gratified at the initiative taken by the united nations in convening the world population conference. we are very pleased that the third world succeeded in making itself heard there and was able to refute certain theories that all too often reflected only the selfishness of certain poorly disguised interests. for have we not, as a matter of fact, often heard it said that the developing countries should, at all cost, slow down the growth of their populations if they wish to develop? certain theoreticians have gone even further than that and have subjected foreign assistance to the conditions of this twentieth century malthusian policy. but in bucharest the bell tolled with a different sound. the third world wanted to see birth control matched by a simultaneous limitation on the waste that goes on in the industrialized countries in other words, they want to see a parallel reduction in both fecundity and inequality. [number]. my delegation is not unaware of truth of the profound realities and difficult problems created by the population explosion. on the contrary, rwanda is all the more aware of those problems in that we are confronted with them. in fact, though a small country, we must feed a population of an average density of more than [number] inhabitants per square kilometer. in certain regions our population density reaches [number] or [number] inhabitants per square kilometer. and may [number] add that the annual rate of natural increase stands at about [number] per cent, while at the same time our arable land is being exhausted day by day and our limited means do not permit us for the time being to modernize our agriculture and live stock raising so as to increase their yield. [number]. yet we believe that birth control, or, more generally, the slowing down of population growth cannot itself be set up as a valid policy. on the contrary, we are convinced that instead of being a goal, population policy must be considered as only one instrument among many used by a state to achieve its fundamental purposes, which must be primarily social and economic progress and the "welfare of its inhabitants. for after all, the latest discoveries of the scientists demonstrate that the present total resources of our planet could feed more than [number], [number] million human beings. for this reason we agree with those who say that the target in the field of population should be that of improving the standards and qualities of each individual's existence, bearing in mind, on the one hand, the diversity of conditions in the different parts of the world, and, on the other, the sovereign right of each country to determine its own population policies. [number]. my delegation also feels that we should no longer try to impose a population policy that would be valid for the entire world. that is thinly disguised imperialism. we can agree to the united nations coordinating national policies, but it must do so in absolute respect for the sovereignty of each state as also in respect for the right of each family to have the children it wants. [number]. as the french minister of labor and population, mr. michel durafour, stated "a population policy must be integrated into the general development policy that is a prerequisite for the prosperity of mankind. in this perspective, the developed countries must give their technical and financial assistance to the underdeveloped countries that request it. " [number]. that statement coming from the representative of an industrialized country is highly encouraging. we hope that the other developed countries will adopt the same view and, above all, will implement it in the interest of the international community as a whole. [number]. my delegation once again makes a solemn appeal to all the wealthy countries not to express international solidarity merely by declarations of good intent that are not followed up by concrete acts. we still see the insufficiency of official development assistance. that assistance not only falls short of the needs of the third world and of what the industrialized nations can afford but it is only half of the target set by the international development strategy for the second united nations development decade. that target was to bring official development assistance up to [number]. [number] per cent of the gross national product of the developed countries. but, unfortunately, we note today that official aid has not passed the [number]. [number] per cent of the gross national product of all those countries. [number]. in speaking of this economic selfishness, we may recall another matter that is also of current interest, namely, the law of the sea. this is surely a field in which international understanding and cooperation should replace the traditional egotism of nations. [number]. it is regrettable that the third united nations conference on the law of the sea that was just held at caracas concluded without arriving at very positive results. on the contrary, the positions of the wealthy countries and those of the poor countries were so opposite that we might even say that the conference was a failure. [number]. my country considers it normal that a coastal state should claim the right to a much larger maritime economic zone than the area that is at present held to constitute territorial waters. [number]. as regards the utilization of the sea, one principle has long prevailed, namely, the freedom of the high seas. to be sure, that principle corresponded with the colonial and naval interests of the great powers. it was a satisfying basis for world order at a time when oceans were only used for navigation and fishing and in a manner that was relatively harmless for the marine environment. but that principle has already begun to be challenged. the development of technology has made possible a far greater and more intensive exploitation of the oceans. thanks to modern technology, very possibly the resources of the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction can soon be exploited on an industrial and commercial scale. [number]. it is to be feared that these resources will only profit a small number of countries that possess the advanced technical means required for large scale exploitation of this common wealth. in this field again, economic selfishness on the part of the developed countries may become widespread to the detriment of the countries of the third world, if we do not elaborate a new regime that will take into account the needs of mankind in general and of the developing countries in particular. [number]. a hard task awaits the codifiers of the new law of the sea, namely, to reconcile the particularly wide divergences of interest between states. in fact, the great powers wish to maintain as wide a zone as possible, free from any restriction. on the other hand, the coastal states would like to monopolize the exploitation of the resources of the waters adjacent to their territories. it is therefore imperative that international law should succeed in taking account of the interests of both sides in order to ensure better worldwide cooperation. [number]. but there is another category of countries that follows questions concerning the law of the sea with an interest that is all the greater since they do not have a natural access to the sea the landlocked countries. my delegation asserts that, in order to survive, the landlocked countries must have free access to the sea and freedom of transit across the coastal states. and within the framework of international cooperation, they should also be able to take advantage of the harbor facilities and related services of the coastal states. [number]. we note that at present all countries seek to join or have already joined wide regional or international groups. cooperation in this field therefore is possible. there are numerous examples all over the world to prove it. we all know how the landlocked countries of europe have been able easily to gain access to the sea and thus develop their own maritime trade thanks to the understanding of their neighbors. all these examples prove that cooperation among the landlocked and coastal states is possible and that it can be consonant with respect for the interests of both sides. the new law of the sea will thus be founded on actual practice and will become a charter respected by everyone. [number]. it is imperative for all countries, including the landlocked countries, to be able to benefit from the wealth contained in the oceans. an equitable distribution must be carried out in the interests of the international community as a whole in order to ensure a balanced development which is an absolute condition for lasting peace among nations. [number]. we trust that all these appeals will be heeded and thus by combining all their efforts men will cooperate from now on in the effective creation of a world of justice, progress, understanding and peace. a world where with the prospect of a new world order, all men of all continents and of all races will at long last be able to enjoy freedom, equality and dignity.

i am particularly pleased to present our warmest congratulations to the president on the occasion of his election to preside over the general assembly at its sixty-eighth session. i am convinced that he will spare no effort to strengthen the gains made and to firmly establish international peace and security, so as to create an international system in which all of mankind enjoys well-being, stability and progress. the president s experience and political skills in heading his country s mission for over a decade are also factors that make him a natural leader during this session. i should also like to praise the efforts of his predecessor, mr. vuk jeremi. , and commend him for his interest in the problems of the african continent and his efforts to strengthen the principle of dialogue as an effective tool for consultation and the role of the rule of law and good governance. i would also like to thank the secretary-general, mr. ban ki-moon, for his unflagging efforts in the service of international peace and security and his focus on climate change issues and the fight against famine and deadly diseases, as well as on realizing the millennium development goals. last june, in the important speech that the president delivered to the general assembly on the occasion of his election to preside over the sixty-eighth session see a [number] pv. [number] , he outlined his ambitious programme of action, which takes into account the participation of women, youth and civil society in the post-[number] development agenda, the role of south- south cooperation, the role of human rights and the rule of law, and the role of information technology and communication in the proposed development agenda. those are important topics, and we thank him for including them. over the past two decades in step with the human development report some developing countries have experienced substantial economic change. however, the majority of developing countries, especially the least developed ones, remain very far from achieving the millennium development goals. on the threshold of [number], it behoves us today to implement plans and programmes that take into consideration the failures of the past and the challenges of the future and to effectively prepare the post-[number] development agenda. in that regard, we call upon the wealthy countries of the world to live up to their promises regarding the financing of development programmes in those developing countries that have such pressing needs. we also call upon those countries to implement an appropriate policy, under the supervision of the united nations specialized agencies and in cooperation with the international financial institutions, that will be based primarily on the following support for health and education systems debt forgiveness the transfer of the necessary technology the improvement of north-south trade the removal of customs duties on exports from the developing countries, especially the least developed countries, to the markets of the north the promotion of south-south cooperation, which will probably strengthen economic cooperation between group members the establishment of new international mechanisms that will be charged with overseeing regional complementarity, strengthening south-south relations, as underscored in the aforementioned human development report, which will facilitate the sharing of know-how, lessons learned and technology transfer between those countries. under the leadership of the president of the republic, mr. mohamed ould abdel aziz, our government is working to improve the standard of living of our citizens, despite our limited resources. in order to attain that objective, the government has pursued a rigorous educational policy, based on compulsory and widespread primary education and the strengthening of a modern secondary education with free higher education in several different fields. basic schooling is now available in almost all of our villages and cities. that was made possible thanks to the government policy of limiting anarchic urbanization by merging numerous villages. with regard to secondary education, all the departments throughout the country now have middle schools and many have high schools. that has allowed the children of people living in remote villages to continue their secondary schooling. high schools reserved for the most promising students were also established to take advantage of their talents and steer them towards specializations that meet the needs of the labour market. higher education took a large qualitative step forward. a university campus has just been completed in nouakchott. an islamic studies university has been opened in the interior of the country, as well as four specialized schools of higher education, including the school of mines, the polytechnic, the school of agricultural training and public works. the faculty of medicine has been strengthened and endowed with the means necessary to cover the shortfall in medical personnel in our country, in addition to the creation of four medical schools to train nurses and senior technicians. health, which goes in line with education, is a major challenge for developing countries and the african continent in particular. given that, our government has allocated an important percentage of its budget for that vital sector and has created national programmes to fight against such deadly diseases as aids, malaria and tuberculosis. in that connection, we have created four new fully equipped hospitals in various parts of the country, in addition to [number] primary-care clinics. we must also note the construction of a specialized oncology hospital, which is considered to be among the most sophisticated in the region. the health-care sector also works closely with united nations specialized agencies in organizing ongoing vaccination campaigns for children under [number] years of age. as with most developing countries, our country depends on imports of basic goods from the global market, which weighs heavily on our balance sheets, especially since the prices of such products are subject to fluctuations in the world market. aware of that, our government has pursued an economic and financial policy that would alleviate the effects generated from outside. our agricultural sector has therefore been able, thanks to the policy, to fulfil [number] per cent of the country s rice needs and [number] per cent of its need for other grains. wheat crops, which were recently introduced, have begun to produce. in that context, a sugar-cane cultivation project was launched to make sugar available locally. generally, our government has worked tirelessly in all sectors to ensure that its citizens can live in dignity. a free-trade zone has been created in nouadhibou the economic capital of the country and the third-largest city in population which will transform the region into an important economic centre benefiting the country and the region as a whole. in order to strengthen good governance and the fight against corruption, the inspector general and the court of auditors have been revitalized since president mohamed ould abdel aziz took office. significant funds in some sectors have been poorly managed, but have been reimbursed to the state. civil servants have been made accountable for the poor allocation of certain resources. agreements were reached to end the no-bid contract system. the lack of competitive bidding has undermined equity among the various economic drivers of national and international markets. transparency now prevails in the recruitment of civil servants thanks to competitive examinations fostering equality among men and women and providing hope to young people. merit- based candidate selection is now possible, leading to an end to nepotism and favouritism. the government s austerity policy, including its reduced administrative budget and increased investment budget, has contributed to the self-financing of the majority of the country s development projects. the policy has also led to reduced unemployment, which now hovers around [number] per cent. the policies have also contributed to an increased growth rate, which should attain, according to current forecasts, more than [number] per cent by the end of the year. we have also been preparing for municipal and legislative elections slated for the end of the year. that will strengthen good governance and allow our citizens to participate in the process of defining the country s future, and setting political and economic priorities for our country. our foreign policy is solidly based on a concern for strengthening good-neighbourly relations and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. we will work with our maghreb region arab and african with a sense of duty towards international relations and issues so as to disseminate a culture of peace, encourage dialogue and the resort to wisdom, and facilitate the role of diplomacy as a means of resolving conflicts and avoiding or ending war. president mohamed ould abdel aziz, who has not wavered in exerting his utmost efforts, as the head of the african union peace and security council, to find solutions to certain conflicts in the african continent, including in c te d ivoire, libya and mali. he has played a very important role, through his presence at subregional and international summits, focusing on peace and security around the world. for a number of years, the african sahel region has been subjected to all types of cross-border organized crime, including drug trafficking, arms trafficking, illegal immigration and kidnapping. we reiterate our call to the international community to support the states of the region in tackling those dangers, which have recently threatened the very existence of a states members of the united nations. that clearly shows that the states of the sahel cannot tackle the scourge on their own. based on its sense of duty, the islamic republic of mauritania, which has stood by mali since the beginning of the crisis, quickly opened its borders to our malian brothers and sisters who were seeking refuge in our territory. we have provided and continue to provide shelter for those individuals. our capital, nouakchott, over many months hosted a series of negotiations between the malian provisional authorities and the azawad groups, which led to the signing of the ougadougou accords, thus facilitating the preparations for the presidential elections. we take this opportunity to express our sincere congratulations to the people of the sister nation of mali and the hope that the changes will lead to a new era of well-being, security and progress. our country strongly condemns the horrific terrorist attack on the kenyan capital, nairobi, which cost the lives of dozens of individuals. for more than two years, certain countries of the arab region have experienced instability owing to the so-called arab spring. our country, respectful of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, expresses its full solidarity with the peoples of those countries. with deep concern and worry, we are following the most recent developments in the syrian arab republic. we invite all stakeholders to refrain from violence and any escalation of violence and, instead, to follow the logic of dialogue, aimed at finding a peaceful solution so as to spare the brotherly syrian people from suffering and tragedy. at the same time, with respect to the preservation, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the syrian territory, it is our hope that the mission of mr. lakhdar brahimi, joint special representative of the united nations and the league of arab states on the syrian crisis, will achieve success. it is our firm hope that a swift solution can be found that will bring an end to the bloodshed, destruction of infrastructure and economic devastation in sisterly syria. we hope that the people of egypt, yemen, libya and tunisia can quickly conclude their transition periods and build democratic institutions that will guarantee the rights and dignity of their citizens in an atmosphere of well-being and prosperity. our country pays close attention to the situation in western sahara. we reaffirm our support for the endeavours of the secretary-general and his personal envoy in their search for a definitive, lasting, fair and comprehensive solution that is acceptable to both parties. such a solution would bolster peace and security in the region and facilitate the building of a prosperous arab maghreb that is in step with the legitimate aspirations of its people. the arab-israeli conflict is considered a source of hostility and a threat to peace and security in a vital and critical region of the world. it remains so in spite of the legal framework and general conditions for the settlement of that dispute that have been established over the years by a series of security council and general assembly resolutions. those foundations were recently further backed by the arab peace initiative based on the land-for-peace principle. in spite of all of that, the conflict continues, as it has done for too long. we welcome resolution [number] [number], of [number] november [number], whereby the general assembly granted palestine the status of non-member observer state in the united nations. we hope that that resolution will mark the beginning of a new era that will see justice done for the palestinian people and their rights restored through the establishment of their independent and sovereign sate along the [number] june [number] borders, with east jerusalem as its capital. that would put an end to the suffering of the palestinian people, which dates back to the inception of our organization. based on the need to ensure justice, credibility and equity in the relations between the two parties to that conflict, and out of respect for the relevant resolutions and decisions under international law, the international community should live up to its historic responsibilities with regard to palestine. we reiterate our condemnation of the ongoing blockade against the gaza strip, and we condemn the massacres perpetrated by the israeli war machine against palestinian civilians and the destruction of their facilities. we welcome efforts, most recently by the united states administration, seeking the resumption of negotiations between the two parties. we hope that those efforts will contribute to the realization of the palestinian people s simplest right the establishment of their independent state. the commitments made by the international community through the united nations will go unrealized if the people of the world are unable to fulfil their potential for development, especially in developing countries, to live lives of dignity and freedom, and to enjoy justice and equality the very lofty principles for which our organization was created. these are the only guarantees of our success.

first, sir, please accept my warm congratulations and my fervent hopes for your successful achievement of the mission entrusted to you. your election to the presidency of the fifty-eighth session of the general assembly is a fitting tribute by the international community to the people of saint lucia. i am convinced that with your experience [number] and your distinguished intellectual and ethical qualities, you will successfully lead our work to be carried out in the best spirit. sir, i wish to convey to your predecessor, mr. jan kavan, the congratulations of the delegation of mali for the skill, dedication and spirit of initiative and the authority with which he directed the work of the fifty- seventh session of the general assembly. i also take this solemn occasion to pay well-deserved tribute to secretary-general mr. kofi annan for his dedication to the ideals of the united nations. the present session is opening in a context where the united nations is still confronting challenges to its very existence those challenges moved humanity [number] years ago to equip itself with an instrument of hope capable of meeting them. let us recall that the united nations were conceived to save ourselves from the demons of war and insecurity. the idea was to secure a state of grace one of man reconciled with himself and to create the conditions for reducing material want, uncertainty and poverty. flashpoints of tension fire and smoke exist and are developing in many places. poverty and distress are the daily lot of many inhabitants of our planet, particularly in africa. the arrival of the new millennium brought enormous hopes. we have barely turned to the third page of this millennium and new challenges are assailing humankind. upon us are other questions for which we must uncover the appropriate solutions so that our organization will remain true to itself and pursue its goals without succumbing to a hijacking of its mandate. the government of mali believes that the united nations remains an instrument of great value. defining the rules of the game is one thing applying them under the watchful eye of an impartial arbiter who has the necessary authority and the corresponding means to act is another. we need to work to make the united nations that authority and arbiter. for its part, under the distinguished leadership of mr. amadou toumani tour , president of the republic of mali, our country is steadfastly committed to supporting the united nations in attaining its objective the full development of humankind. at the national level, our president is firmly committed to strengthening the institutions of the republic and of communities, to promote democracy and human rights and to give a boost to good governance, economic growth and sustainable development. peace and security are among the principal values held and venerated by the peoples of the entire world as they are essential for their social and economic development. mali has been fully committed to the twin challenges of conflict prevention and conflict management. at the subregional level, mali has sent troops to liberia, and our president has been personally committed to solidarity with the government and people of c te d'ivoire in their search for coordinated political solutions to the crisis faced by that brotherly country. that testifies to the importance we attach to peace and stability. at the continental level, our country will unstintingly continue its tireless efforts within the african union, which have deployed continuously since the establishment of the african union to achieve stability, the guarantor for all economic social and cultural development. therefore, mali calls on all states to adopt a multilateral approach, subregional and regional cooperation and international solidarity, with rigorous respect for the sovereignty of states. the overall situation prevailing in the middle east, in particular the conflict in iraq, remains a burning issue of the day and a major concern for the international community. we should point out to the protagonists of these conflicts that war is never anything other than a political failure and that the victories of peace are no less renowned than those of war. peace between palestinians and israelis will garner more fame than all wars combined. the parties to the conflict should be mindful of that. in addition, we invite the international community to provide aid and assistance to the palestinian people and the palestinian authority because the destruction of palestinian infrastructure and the restrictions imposed as a result of occupation have caused a clear deterioration of the socio-economic fabric of palestinian society. it is therefore to be feared that the strategy of destruction will henceforth become a constant in how conflicts unfold in general. terrorism is one of the gravest threats to human security. combating that scourge requires strengthening national and regional capacities. it should be recalled [number] that mali has ratified all international legal instruments concerning terrorism and transnational organized crime, as well as the additional protocol. it is encouraging to note that the international community, in particular the united nations, has made the campaign against the proliferation of small arms and light weapons a major focus of concern. that is particularly reassuring because, for the last ten years, small arms and light weapons have weighed on the future and destiny of the peoples of africa. their adverse affects have been a great blow to human dignity, freedom and security. mali, which since [number] may [number] has held the presidency of the human security network, calls on all states to unite for the success of the initiative of the framework convention on international transfers of arms, currently being drafted, which is expected to be launched in bamako next october it will be an important step towards the establishment of the mandate of the heads of state and government of the economic community of west african states to transform the moratorium on small arms and light weapons into an international convention. in addition, mali continues to be deeply concerned by the phenomenon of child soldiers and calls for vigorous action to put an end to that practice, if we wish to save future generations from the scourge of war. for many reasons, the level of security for the world's population has considerably deteriorated in recent years. even today, in many african countries, people are often caught in the grip of conflicts involving guerrillas, rebel groups, civil war, ethnic war, clan war and clashes between militias, warlords and regular army forces. designing a political strategy based on the idea of human security has now become a very urgent priority. for its mandate at the head of the human security network, mali has made its priority the issues of education in human rights, children in armed conflict, the campaign against the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, gender in peacekeeping operations and food security. in the field of economics, the government of mali is adopting stimulative fiscal measures in order to attract national and international investment, in particular in the productive areas of cotton, mines and raising livestock. but those efforts are being hampered by the effects of globalization. in fact, in agriculture in particular, it is not so much poverty that offends as the conditions that engender that poverty. to give but one example, mali like other african, caribbean and pacific acp countries is suffering from the cotton competition with developed countries, which each year provide five times more funds in subsidies to their farmers than they do to development assistance. those subsidies have a direct impact on world cotton prices, which are lower than they have been for [number] years. that policy of cotton production and export subsidies by certain developed countries must be abandoned, because they are contrary to the rules and principles of the multilateral trade system. they are ruining african economies, depriving our farmers of their share of the world market, and exacerbating the poverty that we undertook to eliminate at the millennium summit. on another topic, mali welcomes the adoption of the almaty programme of action, whose aim is forge partnerships that will better meet the special needs of the landlocked developing countries. we believe that that programme makes it incumbent on the international community to devise a new framework of cooperation with respect to transportation and transit a policy that will help developing landlocked countries to integrate into the world economy and to speed up their socio-economic development. to do so, it is essential that this programme of action be implemented with diligence at all levels, with the active assistance of the technical and financial partners of the landlocked developing countries. given the major changes that the world is going through today and the many challenges that it faces, africa decided to crystallize its willingness to act through two initiatives the creation of the african union and the launching of the new partnership for africa's development. these two initiatives represent a clear and courageous vision of the way africa intends to shoulder its responsibilities with respect to its own development and its full integration into the world economy. we deeply appreciate the commitment made by the international community here at united nations headquarters to support the tremendous task of development in africa, and we welcome the actions of the group of eight aimed at establishing programmes [number] that will help translate into reality the commitments made in the african action plan. we hope that this example will be followed by the international community, because the implementation of nepad will require substantial and effective support. with respect to information and communication technologies, my delegation welcomes the upcoming holding, in december [number] in geneva, of the first phase of the world summit on the information society, which will offer the international community, and african states in particular, the opportunity to discuss the role of those technologies and their impact on socio-economic development. the second phase will be held in tunis, africa, and we hope that the summit will adopt specific measures to promote the development of the least advanced people in these areas. the world is in crisis, and the worldwide crisis at present is largely due to humankind's inability to comprehend and to take on the responsibilities required by the new role that is required in the world. in the context of this crisis, realities have changed also for the united nations. today we have to deal with those who had previously been overlooked. for mali, the united nations remains the living incarnation of this hope for peace and security. it is an unequalled instrument. but, like any other instrument, it can worn out if it is overused, and from time to time it needs to be reinvigorated in order to be more effective, efficient and modern and to perform better. our organization is at a crossroads. to quote a contemporary author, if we keep looking towards the past to prolong it, we are doomed. if we look towards a new horizon, then our strength, our creativity and the power of our intellect will do the rest. ' the past of our organization has shown its limits. we must now implement reforms that will allow us to realize our hopes for the future. global governance requires the democratization of the decision-making structures that will implement it. the current membership of the security council, for example, no longer meets the needs of our planet. its composition must reflect its universal nature. therefore, we are in favour of opening it up and expanding it to include other member states in order better to meet the complex challenges of the day. mali has taken note of the commitments made along these lines by the secretary-general in his most recent report and reaffirms the central role of the united nations in the implementation of international commitments and the fact that this can be done only if there is a dynamic and innovative partnership between developed and developing countries. the creation of the international criminal court, whose elected judges and prosecutor were sworn in this year, is certainly a success for the international community, which has fought against impunity and made it a subject of international concern. in fact, for two decades, the fight against impunity and respect for human dignity has mobilized all people of goodwill. although recent developments seem to indicate that prospects for the advent of an independent international judicial forum do not appear promising, i would recall that the path to follow involves not only resolving conflicts and establishing peace, but also requires our determination to work together. we are convinced of this, and therefore mali would plead for a strong icc a universal icc, acting as an instrument which cannot be deterred and which will help contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. in conclusion, i should like to recall that democracy, justice, freedom, peace, security, development and respect for commitments are common values that are our foundation for, and give us a sense of, our humanity. all people must be given their freedom and their dignity. we therefore call on all states to look to the future to imagine and to promote the lifestyle that corresponds to the aspirations of our people. to do so, we are determined to reject any sense of fatalism of whatever kind political, economic, social or cultural. indeed, today there are men and women who are capable, through their work and through their will, of realizing the aspirations of our peoples for well-being, peace, security, prosperity and sustainable development. now we can hope to build a new world a world that is rich in its diversity within the framework of the united nations and on new bases, a glorious world in which we can work together in a spirit of solidarity. some of those men and women, on behalf of the peoples of the world, paid with their lives for their [number] dedication to the lofty ideals of the united nations. let them always be in our thoughts and prayers. let us all work together. let us all continue to believe in the intrinsic nature of human beings in their basic dignity and kind-heartedness.

sir, i should like first of all to extend my warmest congratulations to you on the high office to which you have been called. your election is testimony to the esteem in which your country, zambia, is held by the entire world, and to the efficiency and realism of its international commitment. [number]. i should also like to take this opportunity to express our warm appreciation to your predecessor, mr. jorge illueca, who presided over the deliberations of the thirty-eighth session with skill and competence, and at the same time to express our conviction that under your presidency, whose firmness and efficiency we have already begun to appreciate, the general assembly will be able to accomplish significant progress on many of the questions on the agenda of this session. [number]. it gives me great pleasure to extend a warm welcome to brunei darussalam upon its admission to the united nations. italy views that admission as a new step towards the objective of the organization's universality. we intend to establish fruitful relations of co-operation with this new member. [number]. the international situation is increasingly in contradiction will the objectives of peace, social justice and human development set out in the charter of the united nations. while recognizing this contradiction, we must not become discouraged. unfortunately, as we all know, the united nations does not have suitable means of coercion, and we must therefore work to influence the conscience of individuals, in particular those of the young. [number]. however, we firmly believe that in their policies all states must show the will to give the organization a chance to work in defence of peace and respect for human rights. we feel that the common good must take precedence over specific national interests when certain questions are being considered. we all have a primary interest in ensuring that the united nations is able to act. i will give some examples of this. [number]. the question of the mines recklessly scattered in the red sea last summer is, in our opinion, a typical problem which the united nations should and could have tackled because the security of such a vital waterway is of concern to every state. to our great disappointment, this was not the case, and italy, like some other countries, felt it necessary to respond to the appeal of egypt and the other states directly affected. it was for that reason, and because italy is a mediterranean country, that we decided to help clear that waterway. [number]. there is another source of international tension that from time to time becomes acute. it concerns the fact that the norms relating to the extension of territorial waters and the rights of states over those waters and the contiguous zone are far from universally respected. we believe that even in this delicate area the united nations could work effectively to uphold the law within the framework of existing international provisions and to promote desirable improvements. [number]. finally, another field in which the united nations could effectively intervene, in addition to the good work it is already doing, is that of the fight against drugs a scourge that affects all the peoples of the world. it is, above all, our youth and their future that are threatened. we must therefore combine our efforts and use all possible means to ensure the success of such joint action. [number]. in his annual report, the secretary- general has drawn a clear picture of the work of the organization since september [number]. he stresses, among other things, that "the past year has been a time of a great-power tension accentuated by a lack of progress in disarmament and arms limitation". [number]. i believe that the suspension of negotiations on the control and reduction of nuclear weapons when international relations are going through such a difficult phase causes universal concern. other disarmament negotiations, such as those on the prohibition of chemical weapons and the prevention of an arms race in space, are almost at a standstill. the halting of the arms race would be in the interest, and would meet the aspirations, of all our peoples. the important statement in this respect made in this hall by president reagan on [number] september contained constructive proposals that we hope will find a favourable response. [number]. the italian government believes that every disarmament agreement has two crucial aims first, to achieve a balance of forces at the lowest possible level, taking into account the progress made in, and the complexity of, weapons technology and, secondly, to ensure verification of compliance with the agreements. we believe also that governments, without renouncing their own prerogatives, could take advantage of scientific advances in carrying out their task. thus, it would seem to us advisable to encourage high-level contacts between scientists of different nationalities, who could discuss the problems of disarmament and control objectively and make appropriate suggestions. the experience of recent years, especially in the field of nuclear arms reduction, has shown how difficult it is to keep the concept of the balance of forces, which must be based on accurate and objective data, free of historical and psychological prejudice. [number]. in my opinion, the general assembly would be able to play an important role in encouraging agreements on this subject, even outside the framework of the world organization. however, a prerequisite for that is, first of all, the renunciation of proposals which are not likely to win a consensus. furthermore, we must recognize that there is a close link, especially for the two major military alliances, between conventional and nuclear disarmament. today, more than ever, it is unrealistic to hope for genuinely significant reductions in one field without parallel progress in the other. the main thing is to prevent war, whether nuclear or conventional, especially since today it is conventional wars that really threaten international stability and co-operation. [number]. the conference on disarmament has a direct responsibility for the negotiations on the complete prohibition of chemical weapons, which my government considers to be of the highest importance. for our part, we requested and have supported the initiative taken by the united states in preparing a draft convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons, based on the principal results achieved at geneva during long years of negotiation. we believe that that document represents a solid basis for continuing efforts. we have also noted with interest the signs that the soviet union is ready to accept the principle of inspection to verify the destruction of stockpiles of chemical weapons. [number]. positive results in this field, if they can be achieved, would to some extent be testimony to the ability of the conference to respond to the worldwide desire to prevent an arms race in space. my government had sincerely hoped that by the middle of september a dialogue could have begun at vienna between the united states and the soviet union on the repercussions that research programmes in the field of space weapons could have on the strategic balance. obviously, that dialogue cannot ignore the objective being pursued also in the field of conventional and nuclear weapons. the vienna meeting could not be held because of the general climate of misunderstanding surrounding the disarmament negotiations, but we trust that more careful reflection will lead in the near future to the beginning of a dialogue which we believe to be both important and necessary. we hope that the high-level political meetings that have taken place in the past few days between the united states and the soviet union have provided an opportunity for a constructive clarification of their respective positions on the main problems of our time. [number]. notwithstanding the difficulties that i have indicated, i feel that in the field of security and disarmament there is a promising framework for dialogue in which the neutral and non-aligned european countries are actively participating. i refer to the conference on confidence- and security-building measures and disarmament in europe, meeting at stockholm. the high political level of the delegations present at the conference has given rise, since january, to some optimism among the participating states, which also reflects the state of mind of the general public. [number]. by ensuring the transparency of military activities in europe and thereby reducing the "risks of a surprise attack or of a conflict caused by a misunderstanding, the stockholm conference could contribute to the establishment of a climate of understanding and detente in the european continent. the preparation of an instrument which strengthens and gives specific content to the principle of the renunciation of the threat or use of force would provide a suitable basis the adoption of technical and military measures designed to increase confidence among european countries. [number]. one of the prerequisites for the successful development of the process started by the conference on security and co-operation in europe is that it should continue harmonious work in all the fields considered in the helsinki final act, including that of human rights and fundamental freedoms. in this respect, we cannot conceal our concern at the lack of progress and, even more, at the regressive trends in regard to the solution of these problems. this is all the more unfortunate because, at the beginning of next year, a meeting of experts will be held precisely in order to make progress in those fields. [number]. the problems of development and of relations between the industrialized and the developing countries also affect the international balance. this is a challenge we had to face even during the recent recession in our countries. but our task remains just as complex and arduous in present economic conditions. while there have been encouraging signs of recovery in some economic areas, difficulties nevertheless remain, and much work is needed to consolidate the economic recovery and extend its benefits to a broader range of countries. [number]. we have never believed that the crucial problem of economic relations between the industrialized countries and the developing countries can be solved by unilateral measures taken in a paternalistic spirit. we should keep this in mind when we tackle the imbalances and disorder caused by the recession. the interdependence of our economies has significance far beyond the strictly economic aspect. it involves a completely new idea of international co-operation, of its spirit and its instruments. interdependence requires a concept of co-operation based on dialogue, whose participants must be all the members of the international community. [number]. the fourth general conference of the united nations industrial development organization, held at vienna from [number] to [number] august [number], was an important stage in that dialogue. its results may not have satisfied all the expectations. for our part, however, we take the overall view that they were positive, even though some of the discussions must be continued by the general assembly at this session. in many respects, the fourth general conference did good work, which should facilitate the future task of unido when it becomes a specialized agency. [number]. the economic difficulties plaguing the whole world have struck with particular harshness the regions now suffering the scourge of drought and other natural disasters. entire populations are compelled to struggle for mere survival. [number]. italy, despite its own problems, has increased its bilateral efforts. we are convinced, however, that those efforts should be made in the context of international co-operation. we hope that such cooperation can assist in reviving the north-south dialogue. at the london economic summit, held from [number] to [number] june [number], the italian government unequivocally reiterated its support for all initiatives likely to revive this dialogue. also, we proposed that a world summit conference be held for a comprehensive and basic review of long-term north-south relations. [number]. more decisive international action would seem to be necessary to tackle the core of the problem that is, the indebtedness of the developing countries. more appropriate trade regulations must also be defined. italy has already ratified the agreement for the increase in the quotas of the imf and has agreed to the principle of the cancellation of the debts of the least developed countries, which have particularly serious balance-of-payments problems. for many years, italy has been emphasizing in unctad the need for the adoption of appropriate machinery to stabilize raw material prices. [number]. among our initiatives, i shall mention only the italian project for the sahel, which, because of the techniques chosen and the magnitude of the financing, seems to us to be an effective means to wage the struggle against famine in that vast region. we have also given high priority to problems affecting children. this has enabled us to co-operate even more closely with unicef. [number]. i turn now to the question of the middle east. after decades of negotiations and conflict, that region is still plagued by crisis the arab-israeli conflict has not been solved. we cannot but note that during the present year there has been a dangerous stalemate in the situation. the prospects for negotiation opened by the proposals put forward on [number] september [number] by the president of the united states, as well as by the decisions adopted on [number] september [number] by the twelfth arab summit conference, held at fez, have faded. bitterness and frustration have taken over, especially among those who have so far worked the hardest for a political settlement, as a member of the european community and as a mediterranean country italy is prepared to do everything possible to help to bring about a resumption of negotiations. the parties must not be given any reason to be tempted once again by confrontation, which could only bring more sorrow and ruin to all the peoples of the region. [number]. we believe that any lasting solution to the arab-israeli conflict must take into account the security requirements of all the states of the region, as well as the requirements of justice, which necessarily entails the creation of a palestinian homeland. the palestine question must return very soon to its rightful central position in the arab-israeli problem. in this respect, we address an urgent appeal to israel, for which only peace can open the way to the genuine security to which it is entitled and to great possibilities of co-operation within the region. [number]. even in the present phase of stalemate, some positive elements can be seen. there is a greater trend towards unity in the arab world. we think that this is a positive sign, because divisions do not lend themselves to any serious political commitment. egypt has returned to the organization of the islamic conference that is another positive sign, because the work of that organization will undoubtedly benefit from the contribution of such an important country. still another positive sign is the policy that saudi arabia, a country of such great traditions, is pursuing in favour of arab unity. finally, we are following with keen interest the dialogue between jordan and the plo. we hope that the palestinian movement will regain its unity and will advance towards negotiations, for it is only through negotiations that prospects for a successful solution to the important palestine question can be opened. [number]. we view with deep concern the prolongation of the conflict between iraq and iran. the military operations of recent months have clearly shown the serious risks entailed, particularly for the gulf states, in an intensification and expansion of the conflict. but, over and above the harm done to political balances and economic interests, it is the spectacle of the death and useless destruction caused by this conflict for more than four years that so disturbs us. yet it is possible to do something at the humanitarian level to relieve the suffering of the peoples of the two countries involved in the conflict. [number]. we have therefore warmly welcomed the efforts of the secretary-general to guarantee respect for civilians. the entire international community must join efforts to achieve a reconciliation of the positions of the two parties to the conflict, so that there may be a negotiated settlement indeed, on this point the two major powers are not in disagreement. [number]. as a mediterranean country, we have traditionally close ties with lebanon. in the past, italy has willingly made specific contributions to the efforts to bring peace to lebanon and to protect the local populations. the work of the italian peace contingent has been appreciated by all the parties concerned. [number]. we took a positive view, at the time, of the process of national lebanese conciliation worked out at the geneva and lausanne conferences. those conferences resulted in the establishment of the present government of national unity, in which all the lebanese factions are finally adequately represented. for our part, we are committed to supporting the efforts to ensure the country's reconstruction. finally, in my opinion, syria's contribution to the process of conciliation must be recognized. [number]. there remain, however, complex problems which have not been solved not only the domestic problems due to the wounds caused by a decade of civil war, but also the terrorism which lurks with tragic consequences, as proved by the recent attack on the united states embassy at beirut, a crime we strongly condemn. [number]. but all these problems will remain unsolved as long as part of lebanon's territory stays under foreign occupation. hence, we are convinced that a lasting settlement can be worked out only when the israelis withdraw from southern lebanon as a first step towards the withdrawal of all foreign troops from lebanese soil. the united nations, in particular unifil, has an important role to play in this regard. [number]. at the invitation of the italian government and in conformity with the provisions of the concluding document of the madrid meeting of representatives of the participating states of the conference on security and co-operation in europe, a seminar on economic, scientific and cultural cooperation in the mediterranean region will be held at venice from [number] to [number] october, within a political framework designed to achieve and maintain detente in the mediterranean region. apart from the states which signed the helsinki final act, the eight coastal countries of the mediterranean which are not part of the conference on security and co-operation in europe and the five competent organizations of the united nations system have been invited to the seminar. [number]. italy attaches great importance to the success of the venice seminar and intends to work actively for the continued development of mediterranean cooperation. [number]. in this same region, unfortunately, another crisis situation remains the problem of cyprus. the italian government wishes to reaffirm its full support and encouragement for the good offices of the secretary-general aimed at solving the problems of the island, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the security council. we address a warm appeal to all the interested parties that they do not fail to make their own specific contribution of goodwill. [number]. in the last few days i took part, at san jose, in an international conference whose goals of promoting peace, co-operation, development and respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights in as tormented a region as central america are certainly in conformity with the ideals of the united nations. the conference was attended by the [number] member states of the european community, together with spain and portugal, in anticipation of its forthcoming enlargement. i am glad to be able to announce that we reached constructive conclusions in the fields of political support and economic aid, which are the beginning of a closer relationship between europe and central america. in the economic field, trilateral initiatives are possible between the countries of the region, the european community and the united states or other industrialized countries. this important political result was made possible by the invitation of the president of costa rica and the ability shown by the five central american countries to rise above the differences which divide them. [number]. a few days earlier, the countries of the contadora group which were present at the meeting of the inter-parliamentary union at geneva did good work, resulting in the unanimous adoption from nicaragua to the united states of a proposal regarding central america. the work of the contadora group at san jose was also of vital importance. italy offers all its support so that the contadora plan for peace may be realized as soon as possible. [number]. the various processes of democratic normalization that have begun in south america, which can be seen in the affirmation of pluralism and freedom, reflect positive changes in a region where authoritarian and military regimes were, until recent times, in the majority. [number]. thus, we have welcomed with particular satisfaction the conclusion of the difficult process of restoration of democracy in argentina, a great country with which we have deep ties of blood, tradition and culture and which is now playing a new role not only on the continent but also on the international scene. we are following with sympathy and solidarity the difficult progress towards democracy of another latin american county, uruguay, to which we are also linked by deep ties. [number]. with regard to the dispute which still divides argentina and great britain, whose harsher aspects result from the-deadly conflict unleashed by the military regime, we appeal to the parties once again to resume dialogue as soon as possible, without prejudicial positions, as a first step to future negotiations. [number]. in other latin american countries, however, the development of democracy and respect for human rights are impeded in spite of the profound aspirations of their peoples for a better political system. we express the strongest disapproval of this state of affairs. in this respect, we are thinking particularly of chile. [number]. i come now to the economic problems. the enormous foreign debt of latin america may hinder these encouraging political developments if the inter-national community and institutions do not make an appropriate response. also at the request of the countries concerned, we have advocated in the appropriate international forums, in particular at the london economic summit that, in agreement with other western countries, possible solutions to this problem should be studied. [number]. turning to africa, we note that in addition to the crises, tensions, conflicts, natural disasters and nutritional problems which have become very serious and weigh heavily on the development of that continent, new elements have recently emerged which, although insufficient and limited, open up new prospects in the search for peace and stability. [number]. the agreements concluded in southern africa are positive. they are a step in the direction we have always advocated, namely, towards a political and negotiated settlement of the problems of that part of africa within a framework of respect for sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states. the withdrawal of the south african forces in angola is not yet complete other signs could even make one think of the possibility of a regression. we also note with regret the slow progress towards the independence of namibia on the basis of security council resolution [number] [number] . that resolution should, on the contrary, be implemented rapidly and unconditionally. the independence of namibia represents the touchstone for definitely assessing in a positive way the new elements of detente between south africa and its neighbouring states. our condemnation of the intolerable system of apartheid and of the policies of forced resettlement remains very firm. [number]. the recent agreement to withdraw the french and libyan troops from chad opens up prospects for peace in that country, which we hope will be achieved. this agreement will obviously have to be followed by concrete action aimed at national reconciliation. italy supports the efforts undertaken by the organization of african unity oau to promote an understanding between the government and the opposition. [number]. we also hope to see negotiations based on the principles of the charter of the united nations and that of the organization of africa unity to settle the conflicts in the horn of africa, a region with which we are closely linked by historic ties and ever-growing co-operation. ethiopia and somalia must rediscover the path of dialogue and co-operation they must also free themselves from the crushing burden of hostility, in terms of human and economic resources, which impedes development and the struggle against poverty. we hope that the solutions to the problems of that region will be based on respect for the territorial integrity of states within existing frontiers and for non-interference in internal affairs. these solutions should also take account of the historical and cultural identities of the peoples concerned. [number]. italy is following events in asia with the greatest interest. we are convinced that that immense continent, with its history, culture and wisdom and the capacity for work of its peoples, can make a fundamental contribution to peace, stability and progress in the world. italy is linked by ties of esteem and friendship with the asian countries from japan to the people's republic of china, to the countries of the association of south-east asian nations. the pacific region may take off economically for the benefit of all the peoples of the world. [number]. in this context, we believe that a political solution of the cambodian crisis, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the united nations, could free the asian continent from a very serious regional problem, thus releasing its energies for economic and social development. our position is the same with respect to the afghanistan crisis. [number]. the italian government is carefully watching events in the korean peninsula and hopes for the resumption of direct dialogue between the two parties, without external interference. such a dialogue in favour of peace could promote initiatives likely to help attain the priority objective of the unification of the peninsula. the recent contact between the red cross societies of the two koreas seems to us to be a positive step. another step forward might be an understanding between the two parties on their joint participation in the next olympic games at seoul, thus giving back to the olympics the universal character which was missing in the last two games. we also believe that the two koreas should be admitted to the united nations. this would not compromise, but would on the contrary help, prospects for reunification of the peninsula. [number]. like its nine partners in the european community, italy is contributing to the expansion of an economic and political community open to co-operation with all other peoples. our community is a factor for peace, equilibrium and progress in international society. its aims therefore as explained by the president of the council of ministers of the european community are in harmony with those of the united nations. [number]. the prospect of the admission of spain and portugal, which italy regards as a historical turning- point, and the proposals to build a more advanced institutional structure and lay the foundations of european union are likely to have a positive influence at the world level. [number]. in helping to overcome differences and find ways to resolve the difficulties and instability of the international situation, the european community believes it can also assist other peoples. through our efforts to establish close relations between countries on both sides of the atlantic and within a united europe, we are convinced we can strengthen the capacity of the west to contribute to the creation of a better future for all mankind. [number]. the building of europe is aimed at consolidating co-operation within our continent and, on a basis of equality, with the states of other regions. italy is working to give new impetus to the process of european integration, in the conviction that, together, our nations can more effectively offer the contributions of their culture, historical tradition and political experience. [number]. the good intentions and efforts of the europeans will, however, prove insufficient without coordinated action, for which all members of the united nations are equally responsible. that is why we offer our full co-operation to this great institution, without which, as the secretary-general stated in his report on the work of the organization, "the world would certainly be a much more dangerous and disorderly place".

it is a pleasure for me to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the general assembly. your unanimous election to this lofty post is a tribute paid by the international community to your country and to you personally. it also bespeaks recognition of your abilities and skills. to your predecessor, mr. amara essy, the president of the forty-ninth session, who demonstrated great dedication and a high level of efficiency, we should like to extend our deep appreciation for his efforts and skill. on this occasion, i cannot fail to express my delegation s appreciation to the secretary-general of our organization, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, for his tireless efforts to enhance the united nations and increase its effectiveness. through his supplement to an agenda for peace' , he has demonstrated once again high initiative in seeking to enable the united nations to rise to the challenges of today s highly complex world. this session of the general assembly convenes on an important occasion. in a few days, celebrations will commence to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the united nations with the aim of sparing humanity the repetition of the suffering it had endured as a result of two world wars. this historical occasion, which marks the end of the post-war era with all its ramifications, affords us an opportunity to take stock, while we celebrate, of the organization s progress over the past five decades, to evaluate its performance, and to seek the ways and means whereby it could overcome the negatives that in the past prevented it from achieving its goals. in so doing, we should put forward plans and programmes of action that would revitalize the united nations and enable it to face up to the challenges of the future and to establish a better world that would be consonant with principles of the charter and the common values and aspirations of all nations. last year, the world witnessed certain encouraging developments. the efforts deployed to promote international cooperation in the interests of economic and social development, to reduce environmental degradation and to combat the phenomena of poverty, terrorism and drugs continued apace. the dispute in mozambique was settled by peaceful means and peace in central america has been consolidated. all these developments and tendencies give cause for hope. however, we should not allow ourselves to be overly elated. civil wars and regional conflicts continue to wreak havoc and to undermine security and stability in many parts of the world. in the post-cold-war world there are many other challenges, which i shall address presently. before i do so, however, i seek your indulgence in allowing me to turn to another question that is not far-removed from the present international situation and the way small countries have come to be treated especially when they adopt independent policies and positions. i refer here to the dispute between my country and france, the united kingdom, and the united states of america over the pan am flight [number] incident, and the crash of the french uta aircraft. this dispute would not have continued for such a long time had the right approach been adopted and had there been any acceptance of the call for dialogue and negotiation in seeking to settle the dispute. as you know, over several years, and in complete secrecy, certain bodies that are claimed to be independent investigated the two incidents. suddenly and without the presentation of any evidence, britain and the united states of america surprised the world by declaring that the pan am flight [number] incident was the work of two libyans nationals. at the same time, france declared that circumstantial evidence pointed at the involvement of several libyans in the attack against uta flight [number]. although those who made the allegations did not corroborate them by any document, testimony or fact, the libyan arab jamahiriya, upon being notified of the allegations, announced that it was ready to cooperate in uncovering the facts surrounding the two incidents. i do not see any need to repeat the measures we have taken in [number] this regard, since i have enumerated them at the past two sessions of this assembly. moreover, we have informed all member states of our positions and initiatives, in this respect, in official documents that have been circulated to them. however, i should like to remind, briefly, that my country has condemned terrorism in all its forms, and has declared its commitment to the implementation of any action decided upon by the international community to combat terrorism. my country has also cooperated with the government of the united kingdom. british officials have themselves voiced satisfaction with libya s response. contacts have been initiated and are continuing with the french authorities with a view to determining the circumstances of the crash of the french aircraft. my country has spared no effort in searching for a feasible course of action with regard to the two individuals who have been suspected of having something to do with the incident of the american plane. libyan judicial authorities started to investigate this case but had to suspend the investigation because of the refusal of both the united states and british authorities to submit any documents or papers in their possession. despite the fact that the issue of the trial of the two suspects is determined by the [number] montreal convention, which gives libya the right to try them, the refusal by britain and the united states to abide by this convention, to which they are both parties, prompted libya to seek other solutions to the issue of the trial. in this respect, libya has submitted several proposals, including one that calls for resorting to the international court of justice, or trying the two suspects before a court whose venue should be agreed upon by the parties concerned. although the united states and british governments have both announced that their allegations have been built on specific facts and reliable information, the facts that have come to light over the past three years refute such assertions. in addition to the statement by the palestinian national, yusuf sha aban, before a lebanese court, there are the statements of the manager of a swiss electronics company which undermine the most important basis for accusing the two libyan nationals. the information published in tracking the octopus, a recent work of investigative journalism, points an accusing finger at other quarters. despite all this, libya continued to cooperate in seeking to reveal all the facts surrounding the pan am flight [number] incident. proceeding from this, libya accepted the proposal of the league of arab states, which calls for trying the two suspected individuals by scottish judges, under scottish law, at the seat of the international court of justice at the hague. the many secrets and mysterious dimensions of the lockerbie incident which have been uncovered have now been brought into sharp focus by, inter alia, the television documentary the maltese double-cross , william chasey s book the lockerbie cover-up and geoff simmons book libya the struggle for survival . in addition, several articles on this question have appeared in various newspapers, including the article published by the guardian of london on [number] june [number]. all these documentary revelations by the media refute the accusations levelled at the two libyans, and provide evidence that the incident was planned by professional agencies to cover up certain suspect activities. despite all this, libya, which, from the very beginning, declared that it is most interested in unearthing the truth regarding this incident, has not retreated from its declared position, namely that it has no objection whatsoever to the trial of its two suspected nationals before a court of law. libya s overriding concern in all this is to ensure that its two nationals get a just, fair and neutral trial, that would be free from any emotional or media influences and which would be conducted in accordance with the rules of international law which libya has always upheld and adhered to. the international court of justice can testify to our adherence to and respect for international law, as has been proven in three cases, the latest being the judgment by the court in relation to the territorial dispute between the jamahiriya and chad. although the judgment was against our position, libya, out of respect for international law, accepted the ruling of the court and implemented it in a constructive manner. this confirms libya s respect for international legality, to which one of the big powers pays lip service all the time, but does not apply. it even refuses to resort to the international court of justice because this big power believes in the law of force not the force of law. it is evident that the governments of the united states and britain are not keen on revealing the truth about the perpetrators of the tragic lockerbie incident. it has become abundantly clear that involving libya in this incident was a premeditated act that aimed at achieving certain objectives. otherwise, why should the two governments object to the trial of the two suspected individuals before the judiciary of a third country or before the international court of justice when this has been acceptable to the libyan arab jamahiriya and has been supported by most members of the international community, as represented by their regional organizations the league of arab states, the organization of the islamic conference, the organization of african unity, [number] and the non-aligned movement? what prevents the two governments from accepting the path of dialogue and negotiation as stipulated by the charter of the united nations? why is the security council being prevented from responding to repeated calls and appeals by over two thirds of the membership of the united nations on whose behalf the security council is supposed to act? and why the double standards when it comes to dealing with issues of international legality? furthermore, how can a certain major power explain the fact that while it claims to be keen on preserving this legality, its record shows that it has the least regard for the will of the international community, a fact that is attested to by that major power s continued support of a certain state and protection of that state from punishment for its refusal to implement international resolutions which now total [number], including dozens that have been adopted by the security council? the rejection by the two governments, of the united states and britain, of all libyan proposals and of all regional initiatives proves that they want this crisis to continue for as long as possible. evidence of this can be found in the fact that the more libya s positions are welcomed and the more widespread becomes the call for lifting the sanctions imposed on the libyan people, the more the two governments hasten to oppose such positions under the false pretext of libya s non-response to the resolutions of the council, thus keeping the libyan people hostage to unjustified sanctions. as if these countries are not content with the difficulties and pains suffered by the libyan people at the hands of colonialists and fascists people who fought on its territory, a war that killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of its people, and planted in their farms and under their homes millions of mines that still explode and injure innocent libyans. these mines also hinder libya s efforts to combat desertification, protect the environment, and expand economic and social development. it even seems that these countries are not content with the suffering of the libyan people so far, including the acts of terrorism to which the libyan people have been subjected such as the deliberate downing of a libyan civilian plane by israeli military aircraft in [number], which killed all its [number] passengers. also, in [number], hundreds of american fighters bombed libyan cities while their residents were asleep. this aggression claimed the lives of many people and resulted in heavy material damage. later, it was proved that the pretext used by the united states of america for this act of aggression was false and baseless. the deep desire to punish the libyan people also became clear when these countries insisted on depriving its civilian aircraft of necessary spare parts. in [number], this led to the crash of one of those aircraft and the death of all its [number] passengers. all this begs the question is it a desire to discover the truth, or is it a desire, a thirst to wreak revenge on libya because of the defeat of the united states fleet in [number]? so, where is the truth? is it the thirst for revenge, a vendetta waged by a major power against a small country, a vendetta that goes back [number] years? the libyan arab jamahiriya has sought a speedy and just solution to the dispute with france, britain and the united states of america. all libya asked was that the problem should be settled in accordance with the principles of the united nations and the rules of international law. for this purpose, we have knocked on many doors, but our efforts, and those of others, to solve the dispute and to lift the sanctions have faced continued rejection. furthermore, there are hints that other measures may be adopted to tighten the sanctions against us under the pretext that libya has not responded to the demands of the security council. this is not true. it merely represents manipulation and trickery with regard to the interpretation of those resolutions. now that i have reviewed this crisis for the fourth time before the general assembly and in order to avoid any further ramifications, we believe it is now incumbent upon this august assembly to intervene and to act in accordance with the powers entrusted to it by the charter in order to get the three countries to respond to the repeated calls for an urgent and peaceful solution to this problem, in accordance with chapter vi of the charter of the united nations. this assembly should also urge the security council to reconsider its resolutions in order to lift the sanctions. resorting to sanctions is not the proper way to solve differences between states, especially when such sanctions are unjustifiably imposed, as is the case with the sanctions imposed against the libyan people. these sanctions have led to the freezing of libya s assets, and prevented it from getting spare parts, including the parts needed for power plants and desalination machines. this in turn has hampered the libyan people s efforts with regard to development, and paralysed the activities of most economic sectors. the more serious aspect of the effects of these sanctions is the enormity of the material and human losses which i need not review here in detail, since we have detailed them in several official documents, the latest of which is united nations document s [number] [number] dated [number] june [number]. suffice it to mention here that the number of people injured in road accidents has reached [number], [number] of whom [number], [number] have died of their injuries while others continue to suffer from permanent injuries. material damage has exceeded ten billion dollars. moreover, the adverse effects of the sanctions have not [number] been limited to the libyan people. they have affected neighbouring countries and all the peoples of the region. here, i must repeat that the longer these sanctions continue, the more people will die and the greater the suffering and the damage. there is no reason whatsoever for remaining silent on the subject of injustice and the continuation of this wrong. for the assembly s information a road accident which took place two days ago on the road from tripoli to tunis resulted in the death of three members of a maltese delegation. as i have previously stated, the international political situation has witnessed new positive developments which my country welcomes. however, we must recognize that numerous challenges still face peace in the world and that, consequently, the international community is called upon to mobilize all its capabilities in facing up to those challenges. the continued deterioration of the situation in somalia and the intensification of tensions in that country require more regional efforts to persuade somali leaders to enter into additional political commitments and to work for the restoration of peace and permanent stability to their country. seeking to make the world more secure and more stable requires supporting national reconciliation efforts in afghanistan, promoting a satisfactory solution to the problem of cyprus, solving the problems in rwanda and burundi and settling the disputes in angola and liberia. it also requires putting an end to the repeated setbacks to peace efforts in the balkans, as well as sparing the people of bosnia and herzegovina, and other peoples of the former yugoslavia, more pain and suffering. in order to establish permanent stability in the gulf region, the unity and territorial integrity of iraq must be respected, and all interference in its internal affairs must cease. furthermore, the sanctions from which the iraqi people have been suffering should be lifted. in the context of any effort to consolidate world peace, serious action must be taken to resolve the problems of the middle east. it is unacceptable that the palestinian people should continue to be displaced from their land, while those who stay on that land are brutally treated. the overwhelming majority of the international community, which has continued to support the legitimate rights of the palestinian people over the past four decades, should take firm action to put an end to the israeli practices against the palestinians and the other inhabitants of the occupied arab territories in the golan and southern lebanon. the israelis must be deterred, in accordance with the charter of the united nations, from their continued defiance of the will of the international community. the incontrovertible truth is that occupation and expansion are the real aim of the israelis. their former and present positions and practices indicate that they do not want a just and comprehensive peace. their joining the so-called peace process is a mere smoke-screen, a mask they hide behind in order to perpetrate further occupation and enhance their superiority. a just, comprehensive and lasting solution to the problems of the middle east cannot be achieved by ceding the administration of local affairs in gaza and jericho, but rather by the liberation of all occupied arab territories and the full enforcement of all the rights of the palestinian people first and foremost being their return to their homeland, self-determination, and the establishment of their own independent state in palestine, with al-quds as its capital, a state where arabs and jews alike would live together. there is no alternative to this solution. the solutions being put forward these days, regardless of all the talk about how desirable their results would be, will not lead to the results aspired to by the palestinians, simply because those solutions are unrealistic and ignore the facts of history. the continued existence of nuclear weapons and the increased stockpiling of these and other weapons of mass destruction are among the principal concerns of the international community. when the first review conference of the states parties to the non-proliferation treaty npt was held in the first half of this year, it was hoped that that conference would lead to satisfactory results. however, what actually happened was that certain nuclear powers brought to bear unprecedented pressures that made it possible for the npt to be extended indefinitely. my country declared its opposition to this extension, and we remain convinced that extending the treaty in that manner would never serve the objective of nuclear-weapon disarmament. the npt has not achieved universality, and its many shortcomings have not been properly addressed. in our view, ridding the world of nuclear terror will not be achieved through gains obtained by manoeuvres and unconventional measures, but rather through serious measures, which must be taken by the nuclear states. in this context, the procurement of nuclear materials must be ended, and nuclear states must commit themselves to a deadline for the complete elimination of all nuclear weapons. these states should put an end to nuclear tests and conclude, at the earliest possible time, a comprehensive test-ban treaty. furthermore, the nuclear [number] states should demonstrate the political will required to conclude an effective treaty guaranteeing the security and safety of non-nuclear states. another situation that requires speedy corrective action involves the unjustified restriction on the transfer to non-nuclear states of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. above all, measures should be taken to guarantee the universality of the npt. my country attaches the greatest importance to this issue, because the region to which we belong suffers from a security imbalance, owing to the israelis tremendous nuclear capability they have more than [number] nuclear warheads and nuclear facilities that are not subjected to international inspection. this represents a threat to the security and safety of the peoples of the region. no one should keep silent about a situation of this kind or accept the extension of the npt as long as such a situation continues. if the indefinite extension of the npt is to be with the complete support of all, international action must be taken to meet all these widely expressed requirements and to guarantee accession by all to the treaty, including, in particular, the israelis, who must agree to subject their nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of the international atomic energy agency, as well as fixing a timetable for the dismantling and destruction of their nuclear stockpiles. in reviewing the international economic situation, it becomes clear that the economic development of most developing countries, especially in africa, is still sluggish and subject to fluctuations and imbalances. the present indicators give the impression that this situation is likely to deteriorate further unless effective measures are taken to reverse it. the fact is that the economic difficulties of the developing countries are not the result of a lack of legislation or plans. for example, africa has adopted plans and strategies to promote development and has concluded a treaty that aims at economic integration. however, the problem lies in the unjust criteria still prevalent in international economic relations. these require realistic and responsible solutions without the imposition of politically motivated conditions. the conferences that have been held over the past few years have created new opportunities to improve the prevailing economic and social situation. we hope that the consensus agreements emanating from those conferences will generate the necessary political will for the implementation of the resolutions taken by those and other international forums, including the commitments announced during the united nations conference on environment and development. what is more urgent is the need to take immediate action to address the external causes of economic deterioration in developing countries, namely the increasing tendency towards protectionism, declining terms of trade, shrinking official development assistance and restrictions on the transfer of technology. in addition, it is necessary to deal with unjust practices in international economic relations such as coercive economic measures, including boycotts, the freezing of assets, the confiscation of property and the prohibition of the export of spare parts, which has been applied by certain developed countries against a number of developing countries, including my own. such measures not only impede development and run counter to the charter of the united nations, to the resolutions of the general assembly and to the orientation towards the establishment of a system of international economic relations based on justice and fairness, but also constitute a violation of the norms of international law. the western countries that manufacture the needed spare parts, medical supplies and water-desalination and power-generating equipment, by taking such coercive measures, violate their commitments under free-trade agreements. this should serve as a warning to whoever deals with those countries, because there is no guarantee that such measures will not be applied to them as well. last year and the year before, wide-ranging discussions were held on the restructuring of the united nations. these discussions have shown that there is a need to review and change the procedures and methods of work of the security council so that it may be able to seriously and fairly address questions that touch on international peace and security. during the meetings of the working group established by the general assembly to look into the question of equitable representation in and increase in the membership of the security council, as well as into other related matters, my country declared its support of the call for enhancing the powers of the general assembly, including giving it the right to deal with questions of peace and security in the world, in conformity with the provisions of the charter. my country reiterates its conviction that reforming the security council and increasing its membership should be part and parcel of an integrate process of reform that must be guided by the principles of the sovereign equality of states, equitable geographical distribution and the need to democratize the procedures and methods applied in the security council, including the process of decision-making. [number] libya has been among the first to call for the elimination of all the obstacles that hamper the work of the security council, particularly, the veto power. today my country takes satisfaction in the fact that this call, which libya made [number] years ago, now has the support of many countries. this shows that those countries have now become convinced that there is no longer any justification for the power of the veto and that its continued existence breaches one of the principles of the united nations, namely, the equality of states. it is that veto power which impedes all efforts aimed at the democratization of the membership and functions of united nations bodies. since becoming a member of the united nations, my country has played an active role in and contributed to many achievements of which the organization can be proud. my country will also contribute to whatever the organization seeks to achieve in the future. based on this, we have actively participated in the international conferences recently organized by the united nations on population, social development, human rights, and women. this we did in the same spirit that inspires our country s international activities at other levels. that is why libya has participated in all efforts aimed at strengthening the arab maghreb union. we are proud to see that this union has advanced steadily and has taken serious initiatives to serve the peoples of the union and to protect their gains. libya works with the same determination to adopt effective measures to enhance cooperation and strengthen confidence and security in the mediterranean region in order to remove the causes of tensions there. this includes our efforts to close foreign military bases in the mediterranean region and to secure the withdrawal of military fleets from its waters. proceeding from its positions of principle, libya has been at the forefront of the defenders of the aspirations of peoples, whether in the field of decolonization, the protection and maintenance of human rights, or the enhancement of the role principles of justice and fairness should play in international relations. libya has also sought to solve a number of regional disputes by peaceful means. in this spirit, it has undertaken several mediation missions including, for example, assistance in solving the problems in the southern philippines and helping to arrest the deterioration of the dispute between sudan and uganda, as well as those between nigeria and cameroon and greece and turkey. libya has also contributed to efforts aimed at halting the escalation of the dispute between india and pakistan, and has helped in containing events in north niger and mali. in this current session in particular, libya takes pride in the fact that these positions have had wide- ranging effects that were reflected in the trust placed in my country by arab states and the group of african states which unanimously nominated libya to the membership of the security council for the coming two years. while expressing its high appreciation of this arab and african stand, libya would like to thank, in advance, all the countries that will support our candidature for that seat. we should also like to confirm to everybody that libya will support all efforts aimed at the realization of the purposes of the united nations and, in cooperation with members of the security council and other members of the organization, will work to enhance the role of the united nations in the maintenance of international peace and security, and in closing ranks with other countries in facing up to the dangers that threaten peace and security in the world. at the beginning of this statement, i said that this session of the general assembly had a special significance. this is due to the fact that we believe that the historical occasion under the aura of which this session convenes, namely, the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, will afford us all an opportunity that should be seized an opportunity to realize peace, security and prosperity for humanity. in our view, the starting point in this direction lies in hard work to establish the structure of a new international order. such an order, however, should not be built according to the wishes of the few who seek to impose their hegemony on others in deciding the fate of the world, and to dictate their own methods of dealing with international relations. the new order that would satisfy us all should be built on the common aspirations of all. it should be an order that guarantees full equality to all countries an order that must respect the free political, economic and social choices of all peoples. the new order should protect and enhance human rights. it should create conditions conducive to the settlement of disputes and conflicts and to the resolution of differences among states by peaceful means. it should be an order which provides security and stability, and should make it possible for all nations to aspire after development and to be optimistic about the future. this new order should embody the noble concepts and ideals enshrined in the charter namely, the need to unite our strength to save humanity from the scourge of war, to realize justice, to respect the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of [number] international law, and to promote better standards of life in greater freedom.

this session of the general assembly is taking place at a time when the international community is faced with formidable challenges and threats of a much more complex nature. global problems ranging from poverty, violence, inequality and disparity, terrorism, natural disasters and other acute problems have been further impeded by the current global financial, food and energy crisis. as we live in an increasingly globalized and interdependent world the solutions demand our concerted action. the main theme of this session, namely, the impact of the global food crisis on poverty and hunger in the world, is most timely. steep increases in staple food prices lead to a global food crisis. today millions of vulnerable people in poor countries who were probably making ends meet, face even greater challenges. it is a tragic setback that more than [number] million additional people have been driven into hunger and poverty because of the food crisis. the economic challenges posed by soaring food prices are daunting. they take a toll on inflation rates, breed economic protectionism, and further impede economic development for developing nations. those countries also had to cope with consequent macroeconomic implications concerning the nexus between food price increases and the overall inflation rate. the government of mongolia, having recognized the urgent need to address the food crisis, took the necessary actions at both policy and practical levels to reduce its severe impact on the vulnerable strata of its population. my government has designated this year as the year for food supply and safety and aims to achieve three main objectives promoting food production to reduce the country s dependence on imported goods [number] [number]-[number] raising public awareness about food quality and ensuring safe food production and processing in the country. in pursuit of the first objective i launched at the beginning of this year the third national crop rehabilitation drive, or campaign to reclaim virgin lands, to revive domestic agricultural production. as a result of that nationwide campaign mongolia is expected to ensure self-sufficiency in major staple food products by [number]. countries throughout the world find themselves intimately affected by oil price hikes. in our case the situation is aggravated by the fact that the surge in imported petroleum prices tends to be followed by overall price increases. coal remains the primary energy source used for electricity and heating in many countries. the use of inefficient coal-burning technology causes air pollution, impacting negatively on the population s health and the environment. therefore, research, development and deployment of clean coal technology are indeed top energy priorities for coal-producing countries such as mongolia. the most effective way to mitigate these factors is to improve energy efficiency and pursue energy diversification. in this regard, mongolia commends the efforts of member states and international organizations in research and development and the deployment and transfer of innovative energy technologies such as renewable sources, cleaner and lower carbon technologies and nuclear power. these efforts are crucial as we seek to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. ensuring energy security is a challenge that requires a comprehensive solution both nationally and internationally. no country in the world is endowed with or has developed all possible energy sources, so every country has a vested interest in energy cooperation and has something to contribute to it. mongolia gives special priority to energy cooperation in our region. an institutional foundation for such cooperation has already been laid with regular sessions of the senior officials committee on energy cooperation in north-east asia. the first session of the committee, hosted by the mongolian government in november [number], established the intergovernmental collaborative mechanism on energy cooperation in north-east asia. the tavan tolgoi, mongolia s huge coal coking project has an important role to play in such subregional cooperation. such subregional cooperation in the energy sector, combined with ongoing efforts to spur the implementation of the greater tumen river initiative, could be conducive to furthering the prospect for economic integration in north-east asia, one of the most dynamic and diverse regions of the world. since the adoption of the millennium development goals mdgs in [number], we have passed the midpoint in our efforts to implement them. progress on mdg implementation around the globe reveals a sharply contrasting picture. some countries find themselves in more advanced stages of achievement, while others are still lagging far behind on all or many important goals. thus, there is an urgent need to foster an effective global cooperation aimed at assisting off-track countries in their efforts to reach the relevant targets by [number]. in this regard, my delegation looks forward to tomorrow s high-level discussion to come up with bold and specific commitments to action. with rich deposits of coal, copper, gold, molybdenum and uranium, most of them still largely untapped, mongolia indeed has an unprecedented opportunity to embark upon the path of rapid economic growth and sustainable development if we are able to overcome the partisan divisions which have in our recent past all too often obstructed our onward movement. it is with this in mind that the two main political parties, in an unprecedented move, set aside their long-standing differences and formed a unity government only a few days ago, following the fifth democratic general elections, of [number] june. the result of the elections, concluded to have been free and fair by more than [number] observers from more than [number] countries, gave an undeniable majority to my party, the mongolian people s revolutionary party mprp with [number] out of the total of [number] seats in parliament. however, in the face of the pressing need to forge a national consensus on major development issues, the mprp has decided voluntarily to give away its right to unilaterally form its own government and has concluded an agreement with the mongolian democratic party. our two parties historic decision to work hand in hand is testimony to our commitment to the well-being and prosperity of the people of mongolia. [number]-[number] [number] i call it the fourth historic choice of my people over the last [number] years, following the declaration of independence in [number], the abolition of feudalism in [number]-[number] and the embrace of democracy in [number]. i am most confident that this unity will greatly contribute to pulling our efforts together to collectively succeed in achieving the mdgs by [number] and our mdg-based comprehensive national development strategy by [number], thus substantially improving the living standards of our people and upgrading mongolia to a middle-income country. in our globalized world, no nation can achieve its goals all on its own. that includes mongolia. constructive engagement in world affairs through multilateral cooperation mechanisms, with the united nations at the centre, and deeper integration into the world economy will thus continue to be the cornerstone of mongolia s foreign policy. i understand all too well that the existence of a stable, peaceful and prosperous world is a condition for the fulfilment of my government s or any other government s promise to its people. with this in mind, i wish to reaffirm mongolia s strong resolve to continue its active engagement in the work of the united nations and other multilateral organizations and processes, and our commitment to the world organization as a central coordinating instrument of the common efforts of the family of nations to address the complex challenges of our times.

on behalf of the government of the lao people s democratic republic, i would like to extend my sincere congratulations to you, sir, on your election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-ninth session. i assure you of our full support and cooperation in the discharge of your duties. i would also like to sincerely commend his excellency mr. john ashe for the successful completion of his work as president of the assembly at its sixty-eighth session. we have just over [number] days remaining for the attainment of the millennium development goals mdgs . while many countries have made considerable achievements and will achieve the mdgs, others, like the least developed countries, have seen slow progress and face various challenges in achieving all goals within the time frame. moreover, complex regional and international situations, such as armed conflicts, political unrest, pandemics and environmental degradation, among others, have inevitably brought about more obstacles to those countries efforts to realize the mdgs. against that backdrop, based on past experience, it is evident that socioeconomic development in any country can succeed only in an enabling, lasting and secure environment. only under such conditions could we employ all efforts and draw on all potential and resources available in the country for development in the most effective and sustainable manner. over the [number] years of its existence, since the war ended, the lao people s democratic republic has deployed all its efforts in national development, starting from the period of healing the wounds of war to the era of formulating and implementing the seventh five-year national socioeconomic development plan, based on the renovation policy set by the lao people s revolutionary party. the achievements made in each period are the results of lessons learned through actual development activities carried out and from adapting to specific conditions within the country and to the external environment. lessons learned from friendly countries, both near and far, are valuable assets. we therefore would like to express our sincere appreciation to all friendly countries for sharing their knowledge and experience, including both successes and failures, with the small and young lao people s democratic republic in each period. the mid-term review of the implementation of the seventh five-year national socioeconomic development plan has shown that the lao people s democratic republic has made remarkable achievements in many areas, especially in maintaining a steady pace of economic growth, political stability and social order, thus ensuring that the lao people of all ethnic groups can enjoy their legitimate rights and freedom and can actively participate in national development. that has laid a solid foundation for the country to move towards realizing its ultimate goal of graduating from the least developed country status by [number]. the achievements so far were made possible not only due to national efforts, but also through the support and cooperation extended by friendly countries and development partners, including international organizations, especially the united nations system. nevertheless, the lao people s democratic republic has also been affected by the global financial and economic crisis in recent years. that has given rise to major obstacles to national economic development as well as to the implementation of various development goals. in that regard, the lao government has taken timely measures to stabilize its macroeconomy, aimed at promoting sustained growth in the coming years. in addition, as a landlocked and least developed country, the lao people s democratic republic remains vulnerable. it still faces numerous challenges, especially in achieving some of the mdg targets, including reducing child malnutrition, ensuring gender equality in education and reducing child and maternal mortality. minimizing the impact of unexploded ordnance uxo dropped during the war also remains a challenge. taking into account the importance of dealing with that matter, the lao people s democratic republic has adopted a localized millennium development goal on addressing the impact of uxo, as its national mdg [number]. reducing the impact of uxo remains a huge burden and task for the country, as it hampers national development and the eradication of poverty. in that connection, the lao people s democratic republic is one of the countries that initiated the process to formulate the oslo convention on cluster munitions. the full and effective implementation of the oslo convention is of great importance, because it will lead to a total prohibition of the use, production or transfer of cluster munitions. in that connection, i take this opportunity to convey our congratulations to saint kitts and nevis, belize and the republic of the congo on their ratification of the oslo convention, which increased the total number of states having done so to [number]. we hope that other countries will also consider becoming parties to the convention. the lao people s democratic republic shares the common concern over the escalating armed conflicts in different parts of the world, which are posing increasingly major threats to the international community. we urge all parties concerned to exercise the utmost restraint and refrain from taking any action that could cause loss of people s lives or property. only through addressing those conflicts by peaceful means can we ensure mutual trust. resentment and hostility against one another lead to escalating violence and use of force, resulting in loss of life and property and pain and suffering for innocent people. in addition, the lao people s democratic republic shares the strong concern about the escalating conflict in palestine, which has led to loss of palestinian lives. we therefore urge a peaceful resolution of the issue of palestine. in this era of interdependence, cooperation and engagement are key factors for peaceful and mutually beneficial coexistence. the enforcement of isolation and of sanction measures imposed on any country may not benefit the international community. on the contrary, it may cause losses to all and lead to increasing hostility. likewise, the unilateral embargo on the republic of cuba a sovereign state for many decades has had a major impact on the lives of the peace-loving cuban people. therefore, it is now time to lift the embargo. in this complex and challenging global environment, the united nations, the only universal organization, under the leadership of secretary-general ban ki-moon, has made tireless efforts to seek ways and means to address these international issues, promote cooperation for sustainable development and poverty eradication and maintain peace, stability and security in the world. i would like to take this opportunity to commend the secretary-general for his various initiatives in addressing issues of common concern, including the organization of the climate summit, which has just been successfully concluded. nevertheless, amid complex and unpredictable circumstances, the united nations needs to strengthen itself through the reform of various organs so that it can more effectively carry out its mandate and fulfil its obligations. the international community is hoping to see further tangible progress next year on the reform of the united nations, on the occasion marking the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the organization. the association of southeast asian nations asean is a regional organization that has enjoyed rapid growth, and all asean-initiated mechanisms are bearing fruitful results. we are therefore convinced that asean community-building in [number] will be successful, turning asean into a single market and production base with increased competitiveness, thus promoting trade and investment in the region and between asean and its external partners. asean is now earnestly mapping out the asean community post-[number] vision, aimed at strengthening and ensuring asean unity while promoting peace and security in the region and the world at large. on that note, we hope that the international community will continue to support the implementation of the asean community post- [number] vision, as well as the lao people s democratic republic s asean chairmanship in [number], after asean becomes a community. landlocked developing countries lldcs compose one of the groups of countries in special situations that are recognized by the international community. after [number] years of implementation of the almaty programme of action on addressing the specific problems and special needs of lldcs, it has been noted that many objectives have not been realized, thus those countries continue to face daunting challenges and marginalization in many areas. more than half of the lldcs are also least developed countries. in that context, the second united nations conference on landlocked developing countries, to be held in november in vienna, is of great significance to lldcs, as it will conduct the [number]-year review of the implementation of almaty programme of action and adopt a new programme of action for the next decade. on that note, we would like to call upon all stakeholders, including transit countries and development partners, to participate actively in the conference with a view to ensuring its successful outcome. also, we call on the international community to support the implementation of the new programme of action in order to help those countries overcome their special problems and challenges and achieve sustainable development. the year [number] will mark the seventieth anniversary of the founding of the united nations. we hope that the international community will spare no effort in building a peaceful, secure and prosperous world.

allow me first of all to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the post of president of the general assembly at its fifty-first session. general debates over a number of years have already clearly indicated that virtually all member states consider it of vital importance to transform the united nations into an organization with enhanced potential in the service of peace and security in the world. belarus advocates a pragmatic approach to the reform of the united nations based on a realistic assessment of the organization s ability to enhance the practical efficiency of the entire united nations system along the strategic lines of its activities. one of these is peacemaking, which in the aftermath of the cold war acquired new substance and quality. the new testament reads, blessed are the peacemakers for they shall be called children of god. matthew, [number] [number] today s efforts by the united nations to maintain peace are noble indeed. belarus supports actions to further perfect peacekeeping operations as an important practical instrument at the disposal of the united nations. [number] a crystal-clear understanding of peacekeeping operations as a specific means used in conflict settlement, aimed at maintaining peace rather than imposing it and at preventing highly explosive situations from emerging, is a sure guarantee that such operations will be successfully implemented. we note with satisfaction a substantive breakthrough in the peaceful settlement of the conflict in the former yugoslavia. belarus emphasizes the key significance of restoring close economic, scientific and cultural ties between the states of the region for the normalization of the situation in the balkans. that is why we support the idea of making the decision of lifting the economic and trade embargo against the federal republic of yugoslavia a permanent one. belarus attaches great significance to the process of a peaceful settlement in the middle east, based on respect for the right of all states of the region to live in peace within internationally recognized borders. as regards the ways and means to further perfect the security council s activities, belarus would like to emphasize the principle of balanced representation for all regional groups of member states, in particular the eastern european group, in a renewed and expanded security council. given their particular significance, concerted international efforts in the field of disarmament are required in shaping the global security system that would befit the twenty-first century. we consider it a great privilege and honour that our practical actions and initiatives in this domain have been recognized and supported through the election of a representative of belarus to the post of chairman of the first committee at the current session. this year has been marked by momentous events in belarus. very shortly the last nuclear missile will leave the territory of our republic, thus making the entire territory of central europe, from the baltic to the black sea, a nuclear- weapon-free zone. this brings into particular prominence the initiative put forward by alyaksandr lukashenka, president of belarus, to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in central and eastern europe. efforts aimed at setting up and consolidating nuclear- weapon-free zones in various regions of the world are gaining momentum. hence, we consider it illogical for europe to remain the only continent where no practical steps have been taken in this direction. we strongly believe that setting up a nuclear-weapon-free zone in central and eastern europe would further enhance the spirit of trust, mutual respect and partnership in that part of the european continent and would serve as a solid contribution by the european nations to nuclear non- proliferation. in the search for an efficient arms control regime, the delegation of belarus intends to initiate further consideration at this session of the general assembly of the item on prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons. ecologically safe destruction of weapons, conversion of military enterprises, legal aspects of the transfer of sensitive advanced technology and of their impact on the development of science and technology stand high on the list of our priorities. from this lofty rostrum i am proud to say that, despite the formidable economic, social and financial constraints we have had to overcome, belarus has completely fulfilled all its obligations under the treaty on conventional armed forces in europe. equally significant is the fact that belarus submitted to the secretary-general of the united nations in july [number] its ratification instruments on joining the chemical weapons convention. located in the geographical centre of europe, my country has set itself the goal of preventing dangerous tensions from evolving in the region which, more often than any other part of the planet, has been a seat of world wars, in order to help prevent the emergence of new lines of separation, curtains, walls and other constructions that seemed gone for ever. from that perspective, we must bring to the assembly s attention the concern of the belarusian people regarding the eventual rapid expansion of north atlantic treaty organization nato and the deployment of its military infrastructure in close proximity to our borders. it is worth noting that a considerable part of the population of belarus no longer considers nato a hostile organization. yet, being realistic, we must admit that much more time is needed to transform that attitude into a sympathetic stance. it would be appropriate to expect that such large and drastic transformations in the european security system to evolve gradually. in these new circumstances, the role of the organization for security and cooperation in europe [number] osce acquires new significance. in all confidence, we pin our hopes on the forthcoming osce summit in lisbon. the results of the summit, i am convinced, will prove to be a solid basis for enhancing coordination between the united nations and the osce, as well as for better distributing between them the functions of ensuring regional security in europe in order to help create a comprehensive security model for europe in the twenty-first century and to further the efforts towards concerted actions by european states aimed at strengthening stability on the continent. globalization of the world economy made it possible for the states to considerably expand their markets, as well as the flow of goods, services, finance and technologies, to adjust economic relations and to improve the economic and social well-being of their populations. at the same time, the removal of trade and other economic barriers exposed the vulnerability of countries with less-developed economies. many of those countries find it difficult to keep pace with the rapid transformations now under way and to break the vicious circle of backward development. that is why the countries with economies in transition, belarus included, have every reason to expect that special measures will be taken by the united nations in order to facilitate their integration into the world economic and trade systems and to help them join existing and emerging multilateral economic institutions and mechanisms. we reiterate our intention to host an international conference on the sustainable development of countries with economies in transition, to be convened in minsk in may [number]. i am convinced that the results of the conference will prove a valuable contribution to the five-year review of the implementation of agenda [number], at the special session of the general assembly next june. the activities of the united nations in the social and environmental fields have a particular significance for belarus. the problems in these areas are extremely acute due to the negative impact of a number of factors that emerged in the course of complex economic transformations. the leadership of belarus is undertaking considerable efforts to improve the quality of life of its citizens. at the same time, we are not always able to resolve acute social problems by our own means alone. decisions adopted at six world summits, held in rio de janeiro, vienna, copenhagen, beijing, cairo and istanbul, have prompted the needed and long-overdue adoption of a global programme of assistance to the countries that have embarked on the road of market reforms. the problem of refugees, displaced persons and repatriates is also very acute today. our republic welcomes the results of the geneva regional conference on refugees, displaced persons, other forms of forced movements and repatriates in the commonwealth of independent states cis . i believe that the establishment, under the aegis of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, of a permanent regional centre on migratory problems and refugees for the countries of eastern europe could make a considerable contribution to the process of complete and effective implementation of those decisions. we propose that such a centre be headquartered in minsk. taking urgent measures to combat terrorism, illicit drug trafficking and organized crime is yet another demand of the moment. proceeding from this premise, we welcome the initiative announced from this rostrum by poland to introduce a draft united nations framework convention against organized crime. our republic does not possess nuclear energy, but more than any other state in the world it is interested in the implementation of effective preventive measures in the field of nuclear safety that would make it impossible for new chernobyls to occur in the future. belarus is in favour of the comprehensive strengthening of the nuclear- safety regime, including development and adoption of the appropriate international convention with concrete and strong commitments under international control. the initiative to establish a global fund for environmental protection deserves most serious consideration. my country is grateful to the united nations for its valuable efforts in coordinating, initiating and discussing chernobyl-related issues. this is extremely important to us. at the same time belarus is deeply concerned over the fact that, alongside the ongoing discussion related to the closure of the chernobyl reactor, the problem of mitigating the medical and environmental after-effects of the chernobyl catastrophe the main burden of which has been borne by our young state are being pushed aside. we are deeply concerned over the financial situation of the organization. admitting that belarus now finds itself among the states with the biggest debts to the united nations, we cannot but underscore that this situation has emerged as a result of objective financial and economic difficulties experienced by belarus at this complex stage of its development, as well as of the unjust distribution of united nations expenses among the member states. excessive rates of assessment for the united nations regular budget and for peacekeeping [number] operations has now resulted in one of the founding states of the united nations being unable, for objective reasons, to fulfil its financial obligations to the organization. in view of this, we support all-round measures aimed at reforming the entire financial system of the united nations and the search for fair forms of financial cooperation between the organization and the member states, in particular those whose arrears have accumulated due to a number of reasons beyond their control. finally, the wide-scale reforming of the united nations system coincides with the democratic transformations taking place in a number of states, belarus being one of them. given that the reforms now under way are of immediate concern to each and every citizen of our country, we are fully aware of their significance at this crucial juncture in the development of international relations. comprehension of the importance of that factor enabled belarus to secure public law and order, stability and peace in its territory. yet sometimes it is not so easy for the major political actors to achieve a coordinated approach to tackling the intricate problems facing belarus at this transitional juncture in its history. thus, it has become of vital importance today to find an efficient balance between the legislative, the executive and the judicial branches of power and to ensure their stable interaction. this is precisely the purpose of the upcoming popular referendum in belarus, which is being held at the initiative of president alyaksandr lukashenka. the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations has also breathed new life into its ideals and strengthened our belief that the united nations is a unique and genuinely integral part of international life. i am convinced that the fifty-first session of the general assembly can and must become a starting point for effectively reforming the united nations, which will be possible only through the joint efforts of all member states of the organization.

antigua and barbuda joins other members of the united nations in congratulating sheikha haya rashed al-khalifa on her election to the presidency of the general assembly at its sixty-first session. madam president, we wish you success in all your efforts and assure you of our full cooperation. i wish also to thank and congratulate your predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, for his outstanding leadership of the sixtieth regular session of the general assembly. permit me also to convey the appreciation of the government of antigua and barbuda to mr. kofi annan for his many years of service to the united nations and for his overall dedication to the pursuit of world peace and development. every year brings new and unique challenges which add to the burdens of the office of the secretary-general, and this past year has been no exception. in bidding mr. annan farewell, on behalf of the government and people of antigua and barbuda, i pay tribute to his indomitable courage over the past [number] years and say to him that success is never final and failure is never fatal it is courage that counts, and he has risen to the challenge when it counted most. among the many accomplishments achieved in the twentieth century was the establishment of the united nations. among the accomplishments of the united nations in its [number] years of existence is its advocacy of decolonization by peaceful means its advancement of the concept of sovereignty as a natural right of all nations and all peoples and the awareness it has brought to the international community that, in this era of globalization, the majority of humanity is afflicted not by inter-state wars but by the ravages of poverty, hunger, disease, environmental degradation and human rights violations. we are aware of the awesome task of implementing reform measures for this organization. we are, however, encouraged by the significant achievements made since the adoption of the outcome document of the [number] world summit. we are pleased that some progress has been made in areas such as the establishment of the human rights council, the central emergency response fund, the launching of [number]-[number] [number] the peacebuilding commission and agreement on a counter-terrorism strategy. respectfully, antigua and barbuda joins this community of nations in underscoring the importance of social and economic development, basic human rights and their importance to the maintenance of international peace and security, mutual respect, and lasting goodwill among nations. slavery is today perhaps the most under- recognized crime against humanity, in spite of its consequences the vicious displacement and brutal treatment of an entire race. next year [number] marks the 200th anniversary of the abolition of the trans-atlantic triangular slave trade. the [number] members of the caribbean community, whose people are principally of african slave descent, are committed to bringing this anniversary to the attention of the world, and we look forward to members unanimous support in the general assembly for our forthcoming resolution and to their joining us in the appropriate recognition of this event, which foreshadowed the abolition of slavery. in a few weeks, on [number] november, antigua and barbuda will celebrate [number] years of political independence. as we take stock of our challenges and experiences in nation-building and our actions in attempting to achieve and maintain a decent standard of living for our people, our progress report is one of mixed successes and failures punctuated with hope and frustration. the reality is that we are a politically independent small island nation with limited resources, existing in an economically interdependent yet fiercely competitive world. our challenges are many. but, having emerged from a past dominated by colonialism, we are indeed proud of our history as an independent democratic state where people of whatever race, creed or political affiliation are free to express and exercise all basic and fundamental human rights, which are inherent features of the united nations legal framework. however, for a politically independent nation like ours to survive in this economically interdependent world, that requires effective multilateralism and the forging of real international partnerships. in other words, our future depends on our ability to work well with each other in a spirit of understanding and respect, given our diverse cultures, histories and economies. antigua and barbuda is acutely aware of the importance of partnerships and of the necessity of working within a multilateral framework to meet the challenges we face as a young developing nation. that brings me to the importance of the united nations in its role as a melting pot of ideas for constructive and positive action. the united nations development agenda is an ambitious, noble, worthy and necessary one. were we to accomplish the goals we have set within the specified time frames, it would be a testament to the greatness of humankind. my government and my people therefore support any process of reform of the united nations that will enhance the level of representation in all its principal organs, increase its effectiveness and improve its legitimacy. it should be more democratic in its representation, more reflective of modern-day geopolitical realities and more timely and effective in delivering on the outcomes of its many international conferences, summits and agreements, including, of course, the millennium declaration. we wholeheartedly agree with those who believe that multilateralism should not be subverted and that the united nations framework for the peaceful resolution of international conflicts should not be undermined or replaced by unilateralist tendencies. additionally, in our efforts to revamp and revitalize the various development bodies of the united nations, we should pay particular attention to the vulnerability of states. when the entire gross domestic product of a country can be wiped out by a single commonplace natural disaster, that country s economy is most definitely vulnerable. when the economic mainstay of a country can be cut off by activities and events that occur in another country many, many miles away, that country is indeed vulnerable. when a country s economic activity can be effectively stymied by the failure or refusal of another country to abide by international rules, accepted norms and arbitral determinations, that country s economic prospects are certainly vulnerable. for small island states like ours, such vulnerability is our greatest insecurity. over the years, antigua and barbuda has joined the rest of the world in mourning immeasurable losses from natural disasters, be they monsoon flooding, sub- saharan drought or asian tsunamis. our caribbean subregion is particularly susceptible to the annual ravages of a hurricane season that lasts from june [number] [number]-[number] which the popular ditty says is too soon to october, when it just may be all over . my country s government feels that a review of existing international disaster relief funds and an increase in the amount of financial resources made available are necessary for the elimination of the sad state of the economic vulnerability of so many of our nations. with regard to international peace and security, the government of antigua and barbuda does not believe that war benefits any country not the warrior, not the vanquished and not the passive onlooker. as leaders of nations, therefore, international peace is the greatest gift we can give to our peoples and to our children. hence, a world where friendly diplomatic relations and dispute-solving discussions between countries are promoted is a world in which our children and grandchildren will inherit a legacy worth cherishing. our present-day values and our hopes for a better tomorrow have been reason enough for my country s compliance with a significant number of united nations-mandated anti-terrorism treaties. terrorism breeds insecurity and exacts a severe financial burden, even on countries and communities far removed from the actual terrorist act. we join others in encouraging the members of the united nations to continue to deal comprehensively with the threat of terrorism by all means necessary, including the promotion of, and respect for, religious, cultural and ethnic tolerance. we must of necessity be more responsible when we speak as influential world leaders. with the growth and development of technology, all of the world is a stage in a manner that william shakespeare never foresaw. it therefore behoves us all to constantly and continuously mind our exits and our entrances and the many parts that we play on the global stage. today we join a list of countries that have time and again in these hallowed halls repeated the clarion call for greater action by the international community to realize the laudable objectives and full intentions of the united nations charter in the areas of meaningful development financing and the concept of fair trade. secretary-general kofi annan was correct politically when he said a few days ago from this very rostrum that the global partnership for development is still more a phrase than fact especially in the all- important area of trade . too often we have taken corrective steps at home on the domestic level to create, in the jargon of the united nations, an enabling environment. yet we see little or no real or tangible results, because developed countries do not deliver on their commitments but continue, in spite of their rhetoric, to support or continue systematic imbalances in the international trading system. antigua and barbuda, in spite of its limited resources and its highly vulnerable economy, has embarked upon a strategy of economic diversification guided by the rules and regulations of the world trade organization. yet, unfortunately, even as we play by those rules, the unfair trading practices of some of our international partners threaten to diminish the modest economic gains that we have made in recent times. we need to ask ourselves, are we really serious about raising standards in the developing world? are we really serious about sustainable development? rest assured that in spite of the continuing rhetoric, we in antigua and barbuda will continue our efforts to achieve a high standard of living and improved economic and social well-being for our [number], [number] people. we will continue to partner with our sister countries within the organisation of eastern caribbean states and caribbean community subregional groupings. we will continue our advocacy for good environmental stewardship and the advancement of the fundamentals of sustainable development at home, in our region and beyond. in addition, we will continue to insist on nationally owned development strategies as we seek deeper north-south and south-south cooperation for more meaningful, tangible and lasting economic development.

it is with great pleasure that i extend to you, mr. president, our warmest felicitations on your election. i also congratulate your predecessor, his excellency mr. jan kavan, for his effective leadership during the previous session of the general assembly. we support secretary-general kofi annan s efforts to infuse a new sense of mission into the united nations and maintain the centrality of its role in the promotion of global peace and security. we pay tribute to the memory of mr. sergio vieira de mello and the other united nations officials who sacrificed their lives in the service of peace. when the berlin wall collapsed, hopes revived for a new age of cooperation and peace, free from ideological confrontations. sadly, those hopes were dashed by ethnic cleansing in bosnia, and then in kosovo by the failure to end the occupation of palestine, leading to the revived intifada against israeli occupation by the brutal suppression of the kashmiri s demand for self-determination and freedom from indian occupation by the unending war in afghanistan and the international neglect which created a climate in which extremism and terrorism could breed and by the series of international financial crises and the rise of poverty as a consequence of unequal economic globalization. the terrible terrorist atrocity of [number] september [number] jolted the foundations of the international system. the response has weakened al qaeda, but it has not eliminated its associates. terrorists have struck repeatedly around the world in indonesia, tunisia, morocco, saudi arabia, russia, kenya and my country, pakistan. [number] the tragedy of [number] september [number] transformed security policies and changed geopolitical calculations. pakistan took a strategic decision, based on our principles of humanity and national interest, to support the war on terrorism. there should be no doubt whatsoever about intentions. our actions speak louder than words. our capabilities were limited, but they have been progressively improved. we are acting against al qaeda and its associates very effectively. we have also acted against other organizations or groups involved in any form of terrorism. pakistan will remain at the forefront of the war on terrorism. the war against terrorism must be fought comprehensively, on a global front, with vision and understanding. it should not erode the moral values of our societies. it must not be hijacked by those who seek to use it as an excuse to suppress other peoples. it must not be allowed to engender a clash of civilizations a clash between islam and the west. it is unfortunate that great religions which should be a source of hope, tolerance and peace are seen as being pitted against each other. many muslims believe their eternal faith is being demonized. they see muslim peoples being cruelly suppressed for demanding freedom and equality, or targeted for discrimination and worse. on the other hand, the west perceives the islamic world as volatile and hostile, bent upon striking at western values. muslims are often seen as fanatics, extremists and terrorists. against the background of this volatile milieu, the recent war in iraq evoked negative reactions in most arab and islamic countries. this moment in history calls for reflection, introspection and action. the thesis of a clash of civilizations is a travesty. we must bridge the gulf of misunderstanding between islam and the west. we must be the catalysts of change, not the prophets of doom. islam is a faith of peace, harmony and justice. islam is democracy in action. it upholds human rights, social equality, non-discrimination and freedom of speech. the protection of minorities is an article of faith in islam. it does not discriminate on the basis of colour, caste, creed or religion. our faith is dynamic, promoting constant renewal and adaptation, through the process of ijtihad interpretation through consultation. islam s vision is not trapped in any one period of history it is modern and futuristic. islam must not be confused with the narrow vision of a few extremists. i believe the way forward is to adopt a two- pronged or double-pincer strategy to build harmony, promote moderation, oppose extremism and ensure justice. i call this the strategy of enlightened moderation. on the one hand, muslim nations must assume their responsibility for internal reform and renewal. they are at the crossroads. they must eschew extremism and confrontation. they must embrace the march of human civilization. they must address the deficits in their social and economic development. they must seek science and technology, higher education and human resource development. the international community especially the advanced countries of the west must deliver the other pincer in this strategy of enlightened moderation. they can do so by helping to resolve political disputes and situations in which muslim peoples are being suppressed, such as in palestine and kashmir by rejecting attempts to equate terrorism with islam and by assisting the muslim world in poverty alleviation and in socio-economic development. the united nations itself has a crucial role to play in the conception and execution of the strategy of enlightened moderation. in that context, it is clear that a consensus must be quickly developed at the united nations on ways to restore iraq s stability, security and sovereignty. iraq cannot be allowed to remain an open wound. that would have an impact on the region and could inject a new dimension into the campaign against terrorism and extremism. the consensus that is developed must enable the iraqi people, through an inclusive political process, to determine the sequence of steps leading to a fully representative iraqi government and to an end to occupation. the iraqi people should assume control of their resources and of their political destiny as soon as possible. they must receive the full support of the international community, including iraq s neighbours and the arab and the islamic countries, in building security and in reconstructing their country. pakistan would be prepared to help in a collective united- nations-sanctioned arab and islamic effort to help the iraqi people, if they themselves wish us to do so. endeavours to stabilize iraq will be enhanced by progress in promoting peace with justice in the middle [number] east. hopes for a just and comprehensive peace were aroused earlier this year by the quartet s road map those hopes have been progressively dimmed. but failure is not an option at all. the fate of the palestinian people is the principal factor in determining public and political perceptions in the entire islamic world. it is only progress towards a just peace that can marginalize the extremists. therefore, we must revive faithful implementation of the road map and must realize the vision of two states, palestine and israel, living side by side in peace within recognized boundaries. we must ensure successful implementation of the bonn process in afghanistan. the international stabilization force should be expanded and enlarged to ensure security and control over all parts of afghanistan by president karzai s government. pakistan will continue to contribute to interdicting and arresting al qaeda and associated terrorists. we will further intensify our economic cooperation with afghanistan. it is essential that afghanistan s territory not be used by third countries for interference or for terrorism against afghanistan s neighbours. jammu and kashmir has been rightly described as the most dangerous dispute in the world. a just solution of that dispute holds the key to peace and security in south asia. i am glad that india has stepped back from its dangerous and failed experiment in coercive diplomacy last year. despite some improvement in the political atmosphere, india continues to suppress the legitimate struggle of the kashmiri people to exercise their right of self- determination, in accordance with security council resolutions. it refuses pakistan s offers of dialogue to address and resolve the kashmir dispute once and for all. india cites cross-border terrorism in order to reject dialogue. it knows full well that the kashmiri struggle is indigenous. india seeks to exploit the international anti-terrorist sentiment after [number] september to delegitimize the kashmiri freedom struggle. on the contrary, it is india which violates international law by refusing to implement security council resolutions and by perpetrating gross and consistent violations of human rights in kashmir. once again, from this rostrum, i invite india to join pakistan in a sustained dialogue to resolve the kashmir dispute. i am convinced that, with goodwill, we can find a just solution which is acceptable to india, to pakistan and, above all, to the people of kashmir. i also invite india, jointly with pakistan, to observe a complete ceasefire along the line of control in kashmir. pakistan would also be prepared to encourage a general cessation of violence within kashmir involving reciprocal obligations and restraints on indian forces and on the kashmir freedom movement. and, may i add, if india is genuinely concerned about infiltration across the line of control, we ask that it agree to a viable mechanism to monitor such infiltration on both sides of the line. the united nations military observer group in india and pakistan could be enlarged for that very purpose. apart from addressing kashmir, sustainable security in south asia requires india and pakistan to institute measures to ensure mutual nuclear restraint and a conventional-arms balance. unfortunately, india has embarked on a massive build-up of its conventional and non-conventional military capabilities advanced offensive aircraft, ballistic and cruise missiles, anti- ballistic-missile systems, nuclear submarines and an aircraft carrier. that will destabilize south asia and erode strategic deterrence. those powers which desire peace, stability and security in south asia, and oppose the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, must review their decisions to offer such major strategic- weapons systems to india. they must contribute to maintaining arms restraint and a military balance in south asia. the crises and conflicts of the past decade have enhanced, not diminished, the relevance of the united nations. the united nations remains the central forum for dialogue and diplomacy, and it must be strengthened. the security council must be made more representative by increasing the number of non- permanent members. new permanent members will only expand inequality. states which occupy and suppress other peoples, and defy the resolutions of the council, have absolutely no credentials to aspire to permanent security council membership. we are on the cusp of a new millennium. it is a decisive moment in history. we must decide whether to flow with the currents that threaten confrontation and the collapse of civilizations, or to muster the collective will to chart the course of history towards a peaceful and cooperative global society. the leaders assembled [number] here bear an enormous responsibility to rescue our world from war and violence, poverty and pestilence to redress inequity and impoverishment, which breed despair and destruction and finally, to collectively construct a new global architecture of peace and prosperity for all peoples and all nations.

a few days ago, we had the legitimate satisfaction of learning that the international community had elected to the presidency of the thirty- ninth session of the general assembly a remarkable african diplomat and worthy representative of zambia. mr. president, while this choice testifies to the recognition of your merits and is a just reward for the untiring efforts you have made, in particular in defence of the right of peoples to liberty and independence, it also constitutes a tribute to your country, which is known for its commitment to noble ideals and causes and with which the people's republic of angola has excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. hence, on behalf of the government of the people's republic of angola, we are very pleased to join in the warm congratulations addressed to you, sir, and to wish you the greatest success in carrying out such lofty responsibilities. [number]. allow us to take this opportunity to express to your predecessor, mr. jorge illueca, our deep appreciation and admiration for the worthy and far-sighted way in which he carried out his mandate and our best wishes for success in his presidential functions and for the prosperity of the panamanian people. [number]. we should also like to repeat to the secretary- general our deepest gratitude for his clarity and exemplary seriousness in the defence of the fundamental principles of the united nations, as well as the laudable action he has undertaken for lessening tensions and settling numerous conflicts, in spite of the glaring lack of resources made available to him. [number]. the united nations family has just admitted a new member, brunei darussalam. the angolan government joins ail those who have welcomed that country and wished it a prosperous future. [number]. in the hope that sooner or later a growing number of states members of the united nations, and not just some, will equally and duly be taken seriously when they address the general assembly, we are obliged to repeat what we have already said, to the extent that no significant or positive change has taken place which would counteract the progressive deterioration in the international situation during these last four years. [number]. at each session of the general assembly, all of us come to reaffirm our adherence to the noble purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations and to repeat our commitment to the cause of freedom, peace, justice, democracy, solidarity, development and co-operation. [number]. at the beginning of each statement, almost invariably it is emphasized that the session of the general assembly is taking place at a very critical moment, even as the international situation has worsened to the point where it seriously threatens the survival of mankind. [number]. but between the fine words or the best of intentions and respecting them or carrying them out, it cannot be denied that there is a gap which becomes wider at each session. and all we do each year is repeat ourselves, thus testing the spirit of tolerance or resistance of those who have to do the listening and the credibility of those who are addressing the assembly. [number]. several times from this very rostrum we have expressed the deep concern of the government of the people's republic of angola over the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of the competent inter-national bodies with regard to facing up to the proliferation of hotbeds of tension, fomented directly or indirectly by the imperialist powers. [number]. no one here should be unaware of the causes and agents responsible for such a dark international picture. we repeat the question how long will the peoples and governments that cherish peace and justice have to wait for the adequate bodies existing within the united nations truly to meet their responsibilities and firmly take the most effective measures which, by the way, are available to them with regard to those who violate the fundamental principles of the charter carry out colonial wars and foment aggression of every kind, directly or indirectly, against states which take independent and progressive positions practise economic plundering in the underdeveloped countries and persist in preventing the gradual bridging of the gap between the wealthy or developed countries and the poor or underdeveloped countries deliberately hinder the serious efforts made by the socialist countries and the progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente, general and complete disarmament, a comprehensive ban on the manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons encourage the arms race, thus assuring fantastic profits for their military consortia and leading to growing increases in military budgets and expenditures multiply the carrying out of huge military manoeuvres intended to intimidate or even to commit aggression against certain peoples or states do not respect the relevant resolutions or decisions of the general assembly and the security council, the movement of non-aligned countries and the organization of african unity oau undermine the authority and the efforts of the secretary-general in carrying out his lofty responsibilities by failing to provide him with the necessary means threaten international peace and security by military intervention and illegal occupation of territories, by interference in the internal affairs of other states and by not respecting the principle of non-recourse to force and of the settlement of disputes by negotiations? [number]. all these aspects, but especially the unbridled arms race with its spectre of a nuclear war, involve a phenomenal increase in expenditures, which in turn increases inflation, causing huge budgetary deficits and further reducing the already shrinking volume of economic assistance provided to the underdeveloped countries, a factor which in itself has greatly contributed to the present economic crisis, one which can be solved only by taking measures to establish a new international economic order, a measure already advocated several years ago by the movement of non-aligned countries. [number]. given this alarming situation, which clearly endangers the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy that is being experienced by millions of human beings who are still deprived of their freedom and their right to choose their own destiny and who do not possess the ways and means to counteract slavery and humiliation, tyranny and poverty, famine, ignorance and disease, it is imperative that at this session the general assembly commit itself to the search for effective ways and means to solve the problems which afflict mankind. [number]. in looking at the problems that face the african continent, we feel once again that the current situation in southern africa must be given very special attention at this session of the general assembly, since we are confronted by a type of deadlock in the development of the independence process for namibia. no one is unaware that the namibian question was broadly discussed last year in the movement of non-aligned countries, in the security council and in the general assembly and that, subsequently, diplomatic efforts were undertaken by the interested parties in order to secure, in accordance with the lusaka understanding of [number] february [number], the unilateral disengagement of south african troops from angolan territory and to create adequate conditions for negotiations between the south west africa people's organization swapo and the pretoria regime, under the auspices of the united nations, in order to implement security council resolution [number] [number] . [number]. in spite of the serious commitment by the angolan side and swapo, the south african military disengagement, which was planned to take place within [number] days, has not been completed. a series of pretexts have systematically been presented by the pretoria regime during the seven months that have already passed. it is becoming clear that there is a lack of seriousness on the part of south africa, which is deliberately trying to delay or prevent the independence process of namibia by attempting now to establish a double linkage, that is to say, to subordinate the completion of the withdrawal of its troops to the results of the negotiations under way with swapo, on the one hand, and to make the implementation of resolution [number] [number] conditional upon the withdrawal of the cuban internationalist forces from the people's republic of angola, on the other. [number]. in this regard, we feel that it would be useful to recall a passage from the joint declaration of the angolan and cuban governments made on [number] march [number] "in the context of this peace effort on the part of angola, the joint declaration of [number] february [number] remains in full force and constitutes a basis of principle for any negotiated situation that will eliminate the current tension and ensure peace and full independence for the nations of this region. "having strict regard to what is laid down in the above-mentioned joint declaration, the governments of cuba and angola reiterate that they will reinitiate, by their own decision and in exercise of their sovereignty, the execution of the gradual withdrawal of the cuban internationalist military contingent as soon as the following requirements are met "[number]. unilateral withdrawal of the racist troops of south africa from angolan territory "[number]. strict implementation of resolution [number] [number] of the united nations security council, the accession of namibia to true independence and the total withdrawal of the south african troops which are illegally occupying that country "[number]. cessation of any act of direct aggression or threat of aggression against the people's republic of angola on the part of south africa, the united states of america and their allies. " "[number]. cessation of all aid to the counter-revolutionary organization unita and any other puppet group from south africa, the united states of america and their allies . . . "satisfaction of these demands would mean respect for the rules of international law and of the charter of the united nations and observance of the many resolutions of the security council and the general assembly of the united nations, the movement of non-aligned countries and the organization of african unity. " [number]. it is therefore clear that the angolan and cuban governments have never questioned the principle, as such, of the withdrawal of the cuban internationalist forces. it is also clear that the angolan government has always taken a flexible attitude as long as doing so does not call into question the guiding principles of its foreign policy and its national interests. angola has put forward constructive proposals on several occasions. we therefore reject any responsibility for the present deadlock which we find in the independence process for namibia. such responsibility lies fully with south africa and the united states. [number]. it seems useful for us to emphasize once again that namibia is a trust territory of the united nations and has been one for more than [number] years. this means that every state member of the united nations has direct responsibilities with regard to the independence process of that territory. unfortunately, it seems that a large number of states members of the united nations have forgotten those responsibilities, for when they leave this heavy burden on the shoulders of the angolan government they do not act in accordance with the mandate. [number]. furthermore, in [number] the general assembly adopted a resolution by which it decided to establish or constitute the united nations council for namibia and to define its mandate. [number]. thus, the following questions arise. who has prevented the united nations council for namibia from fulfilling its mandate and for what reason? since [number], numerous resolutions have been adopted with regard to namibia's accession to independence and the illegality of its occupation by south africa. why did namibia not accede to independence before november [number]? was it the fault of the angolans, who were not even independent, or of the cubans, who were not even in angola? how can the responsibility for the delay in the namibian independence process now be put on the angolan government by evoking its alleged intransigence? has the security council nothing to say about the failure to ensure the implementation of its own resolution [number] [number] ? [number]. as has been emphasized by the president of the people's republic of angola, "this process, which is unfolding very slowly, is linked to the recent failure of the negotiations on the cease-fire between swapo and the pretoria regime and this makes it difficult to preserve the present atmosphere of detente on the border between angola and namibia. it is therefore essential to increase the pressure of international public opinion on south africa to respect its commitments, establish a cease-fire agreement with swapo and announce the date for the implementation of resolution [number] [number] . " nevertheless, as also stated by president jose eduardo dos santos, "in the southern part of our continent, the people's republic of angola continues to be the main target of the global strategy of the imperialist powers, which are trying to destabilize and paralyse the legitimate nationalist governments of african countries which are fighting to affirm their identity, independence and national sovereignty. " [number]. on the other hand, everyone is aware of the progressive deterioration of the internal situation in south africa, as the contradictions within the hateful apartheid regime increase. the valiant fighters of the african national congress of south africa anc persist heroically in their political and military actions, the fundamental rights of the overwhelming majority of the south african people continue to be trampled upon and the brutality and arbitrary detentions escalate. all this could be seen just before and after the adoption of the so-called constitutional reforms. [number]. thus, the time is now propitious for each state member of the united nations to fulfil its responsibilities and its commitments if only in the interest of the credibility of this international body and consequently for each state member that is able to do so to give assistance of various kinds to swapo and the anc to provide, individually or collectively, as a matter of urgency, all possible material and financial assistance to the people's republic of angola to begin, at the international and national levels, an intensive, permanent campaign demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of south african troops from angolan territory and to exert every form of pressure on the pretoria regime and also on its "friends and allies", including comprehensive mandatory sanctions so often advocated but so far prevented by certain western powers from being applied with the object of bringing to an end the illegal occupation of namibia and ensuring the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] without any further delay and without any absurd pre-conditions. [number]. we should like now to state or reiterate the position of the government of the people's republic of angola on a number of specific political questions which continue to disturb international relations and threaten world peace and security. [number]. with regard to the situation prevailing in chad, we feel that it is for the chadian people to resolve their own problems without any foreign military interference or intervention. we believe that the representatives of that country should be able to decide their own future through negotiations, seated around a table, without constraint or hindrance, in conformity with the efforts and resolutions of the oau. [number]. we reiterate our conviction that the resolution of the conflict between the frente polisario1 and the kingdom of morocco is to be found in the implementation of resolution ahg res. [number] xix on western sahara, adopted by the assembly of heads of state and government of the organization of african unity at its nineteenth ordinary session, held at addis ababa from [number] to [number] june [number]. it is to be regretted that the kingdom of morocco obstinately refuses to embark upon direct negotiations, which indicates insolent disdain for the sovereign decision of the heads of state and government of independent africa. we reaffirm our militant solidarity with the heroic people of the saharan arab democratic republic and particularly with the valiant fighters of the frente polisario. [number]. we reaffirm our unshakeable solidarity with the heroic palestinian people and their legitimate representative, the palestine liberation organization plo , in their continuing struggle to regain their homeland, usurped by the zionist entity, and to establish an independent state. furthermore, we reaffirm our dedication to the geneva declaration on palestine and the programme of action for the achievement of palestinian rights, adopted by the international conference on the question of palestine, which was held at geneva from [number] august to [number] september [number]. we demand once again the unconditional withdrawal of israel from the occupied arab territories, including jerusalem, and we salute the efforts of the lebanese people to ensure their unity, their sovereignty and their territorial integrity. in this context, we are in favour of a middle east peace conference under the auspices of the united nations, with the participation, on a basis of equality, of all the parties concerned or interested. [number]. with regard to the tragedy which has befallen the people of east timor because of the occupation by indonesian armed forces, it is time for the international community seriously and unambiguously to commit itself to a search for a lasting solution to the problem, which has been dragging on for nine years. [number]. thousands of patriots have been and continue to be imprisoned and tortured. others have died in armed confrontations or been summarily shot. yet others die of hunger. the international committee of the red cross is forbidden from entering east timor in spite of its purely humanitarian mission. as part of the framework of the solution of the conflict through negotiations and in keeping with general assembly resolutions [number] xv and [number] xv , the leaders of the democratic republic of east timor have proposed a peace plan, including direct or indirect talks between portugal, indonesia and fretilin, under the auspices of the united nations, in order to debate the establishment of a multinational united nations force to ensure the operation of a transitional administration, the implementation of adequate provisions for the stationing of belligerent forces, the organization of free and democratic consultations of the maubere people and the setting of a date for the transfer of sovereignty. [number]. it is regrettable that the portuguese government is not clearly and firmly meeting its historical, political and legal responsibilities for east timor and that the indonesian government is turning a deaf ear to the peace proposals already presented by fretilin, which deserve the unreserved support of the international community. [number]. none the less, it is comforting to note the concerns expressed by united states congressmen and senators and also by pope john paul ii over the genocide of the maubere people, as well as the positions taken by the workers' parties of australia and new zealand. [number]. we urge the secretary-general to continue his efforts until a definitive solution to this situation is found, and we appeal to the member states of the movement of non-aligned countries to identify themselves with and support the struggle of the valiant people of east timor. [number]. central america has been undergoing extremely alarming developments as a result of the threats and military intervention of the united states administration, notably in nicaragua and el salvador, what is needed in this region is a search for peace through a negotiated political solution. for this purpose, we support the courageous positions taken by the government of nicaragua as well as the efforts of the contadora group, reflected in the contents of the revised version of the contadora act on peace and co-operation in central america. [number]. in order for peace to prevail in central america, there must be peace in el salvador and an end to the aggression committed against nicaragua and el salvador. we reaffirm our militant solidarity with the frente farabundo marti para la liberation nacional and the frente democratico revolucionario, which are the only legitimate representatives of the salvadorian people. [number]. we renew our unfailing support for the cuban revolution and denounce the aggressions and threats against the cuban people. we reiterate our feelings of solidarity with the peoples of panama, grenada, chile, uruguay, bolivia and puerto rico in their just struggles for their national interests, their independence and their national sovereignty and territorial integrity. [number]. we reaffirm our support for the efforts to have the dispute over the borderlines between guyana and venezuela resolved through bilateral negotiations. on the other hand, and in keeping with general assembly resolutions, we register our hope that there be, in the immediate future, a start of negotiations between the united kingdom and argentina with a view to restoring to argentina the malvinas islands, south georgia and the south sandwich islands. [number]. we also reaffirm our support for the efforts of the indo-chinese countries to ensure peace and stability in south-east asia without any foreign intervention, and for a constructive dialogue among the parties to the conflict. none the less, we regret and consider it inconceivable that the kampuchean people are still not represented in the united nations by the government of the people's republic of kampuchea. this is an injustice that must be remedied. [number]. we reiterate our solidarity with the just cause of the people of the democratic people's republic of korea to achieve the peaceful reunification of their country without any foreign interference and with the call for the withdrawal of the american troops from the southern part of korean territory. to this end, we support the proposal concerning the holding of tripartite negotiations and the adoption of a peace agreement as a substitute for the armistice agreement. [number]. we also reaffirm our support for the position and efforts made by the democratic republic of afghanistan in the search for the normalization, through negotiations, of the situation in that country. [number]. we reiterate also our full solidarity with the people and government of cyprus and support their efforts to maintain their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment. [number]. once again we make an urgent appeal to the governments of iraq and iran to put an end to the war and find a negotiated solution to the dispute that separates them. [number]. it is unpleasant to note that the angolan government once again finds itself forced to devote the greatest part of its human and material resources to the defence of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. the undeclared war that has been opposed upon us by the racist and fascist south african regime must stop. [number]. it angolan people dearly wish for peace. they have never committed aggression nor do they wish to commit aggression against anyone. they want only to live in peace and work to build a future of progress and happiness in a just society that they have freely chosen. [number]. the struggle continues! victory is certain!

it gives me great pleasure to join in the warm congratulations to sheikha haya rashed al-khalifa upon her assumption of the office of president of the general assembly at its sixty-first session. we are confident that her extensive professional and life experience will be instrumental in addressing the issues faced by the general assembly. tajikistan also welcomes the accession of montenegro to the united nations. on this occasion, on behalf of the government of our country, i would like to extend our sincere congratulations to the government and people of that friendly state. a year has passed since the historic summit confirmed the common views of the international community on the key issues of our time and on the united nations as the universal international organization whose goals and objectives are focused on the collective search for answers to the questions of concern to the entire international community. the leaders of our states declared that only strict compliance with the united nations charter, a comprehensive collective approach and mutual trust can ensure international security and development. the latest developments in the middle east have proved once again the need to enhance the coordinating role of the united nations in addressing global and regional issues. tajikistan is in favour of further strengthening the united nations and lends its overall support to the process of its ongoing reform. as for security council reform, it should be undertaken by consensus, with due consideration for the interests of all member states. we believe that it was broad consensus that made possible such major accomplishments as the holding of the first session of the human rights council, the launching of the democracy fund and the establishment of the central emergency response fund. of special importance was the establishment of the peacebuilding commission, whose objective is also to sustain peace and development in post-conflict countries. the government of tajikistan was among those that actively advocated the establishment of an efficient united nations body of that kind one that would focus on issues of coordination and targeted support for countries emerging from armed conflict. tajikistan s painful but ultimately successful transition from civil war to peace convincingly demonstrated the need for an international peacebuilding agency to assist the security council and other united nations bodies [number]-[number] [number] in their efforts to accelerate the rehabilitation of countries emerging from crisis and to create guarantees for the non-recurrence of such conflicts. stable peace prevails in tajikistan today, and national accord and respect for political pluralism have been achieved. the complex process of establishing democracy is under way, and all political forces involved are aware of their ever-increasing responsibility for the fate of our country. in compliance with the constitution and valid legal procedures, new effective government institutions are being successfully built. respect for the law is increasingly the rule rather than the exception. civil society is developing at an accelerated pace. citizens determine their own destiny through active participation in the life of the state. the forthcoming presidential elections, scheduled for november [number], will be an important milestone on the road towards peace and will open a new page in the history of the establishment of tajik statehood. in tajikistan, as in the majority of united nations member states, the issue of sustainable development ranks among our top priorities. today, we are fully aware of how instrumental the united nations agenda has been in enhancing sustainable development and eradicating poverty, epidemics, famine and illiteracy the world over. at the same time, the implementation of a large-scale programme to achieve the millennium development goals will require not only extra effort, but also considerable financing. in that regard, we expect tangible results from the work of the commission on sustainable development and the high-level dialogue on financing for development. in that connection, we highly value the outcome of the united nations high-level dialogue recently held in new york, which helped states concerned with issues of migration to reach constructive mutual understanding. migration has been an issue of vital importance to our country since the outbreak of the civil war, when a part of the tajik population had to leave the country. i would like to emphasize the special role and capacity of the united nations in strengthening international cooperation in the field of migration and development. in this regard, tajikistan is resolved to achieve as much progress as possible in implementing the millennium development goals mdgs . in recent years, tangible progress has been achieved in the implementation of a number of goals, and the foundation has been laid for enhancing efforts in this area. but long-term stability in central asia in the years to come is inseparable from the development of regional integration. currently, vast opportunities are emerging in the central asian region for the implementation of large- scale economic projects, the creation of a unified market of commodities and services and the establishment of conditions for attracting capital investment. potential foreign investors see central asia as a single entity and, primarily, as a common market. economic integration will become a powerful factor in the sustainable development of the region and will bring about the reduction of poverty and the improvement of well-being. for this reason, tajikistan will continue to stand for strengthening of ties and the expansion of mutually advantageous cooperation among the states of the region. the current positive processes in afghanistan also create favourable conditions for regional cooperation in implementing transportation and communication projects which will provide the region with access to the southern seaports. the creation of new multi-modal transport corridors and the revival of the great silk road routes will form a unified interconnected system of communications and make it possible for central asian states to gain access to promising markets. it is also obvious that in many respects the attainment of the mdgs depends on assistance rendered by the international community to developing countries. tajikistan joins the request addressed to the donor community to at least double the amount of assistance provided for the purposes of long-term development. the process of exchanging the debts of developing countries for national projects in the field of sustainable development remains an urgent issue. one of our planet s major assets is the fresh water indispensable for sustaining life. our common goal in this respect is to develop qualitatively new patterns for the sustainable management of water resources and for addressing water-related economic issues at the national, regional and international levels. this can be achieved through a combination of appropriate support from the international community and national efforts, [number] [number]-[number] with the leading role being played by countries and regions faced with the water-resource problems. in this regard, tajikistan hopes for the continued active involvement of the member states in the activities of the international decade for action, water for life , [number]-[number], including the successful holding of the international freshwater forum in dushanbe in [number]. in order to coordinate activities in this area the government of tajikistan is establishing the national water committee. it will monitor progress and develop effective ways of attaining the goals of the water decade at the national, regional and global levels through cooperation with the countries and international organizations concerned. our efforts in the area of water are part and parcel of the strategic programme for the attainment of the mdgs. it is well known that international terrorism, transnational organized crime and illegal drug trafficking obstruct sustainable development. tajikistan believes that the united nations and its security council provide a unique opportunity for the development and implementation of joint measures to confront international terrorism and the narcotics threat. we entirely support the report of the secretary- general entitled uniting against terrorism recommendations for a global counter-terrorism strategy , and we view the outlined principles for confronting new challenges and risks as major instruments for counteracting those threats. the response of the international community to the complex strategic threat of terrorism must also be comprehensive. the community of nations must intensify its efforts to counteract the instigation of acts of terror, the spread of terrorism ideology, extremism and separatism, religious and ethnic intolerance and hostility, and the financing of terrorism. universalizing and improving an international legal framework to counter terrorism remains an urgent issue. the speedy approval of the draft comprehensive convention on international terrorism will serve the interests of all countries and peoples in the united nations community. tajikistan will continue to support the strengthening of the united nations as the core institution in this area. the global system for counteracting terrorism currently being shaped cannot be established without the involvement of regional and subregional organizations. this should be taken into account when adopting measures aimed at combating any manifestations of extremism and violence at the regional and global levels. we regard participation of regional structures in this process as one of the major prerequisites for ensuring collective security. among the structures of this nature in our region are the commonwealth of independent states, the collective security treaty organization and the shanghai cooperation organization. we believe that long-term success in combating terrorism and religious extremism depends on the elimination of the deep-rooted causes of these negative phenomena, generated by social and economic problems in the society. prevention of illegal drug trafficking, which, to a certain extent, serves as a breeding ground for terrorism and international crime, must become part and parcel of our common struggle against terrorism. in this regard i would like to reiterate that tajikistan is prepared to continue a constructive dialogue and cooperation with the aim of establishing an efficient global partnership to counteract the narcotics threat. it must be said that current efforts at counteracting the narcotics threat are not sufficiently effective. for this reason, we believe that financial and technical assistance to afghanistan, to be rendered within targeted programmes, and the creation of a modern, efficient and capable afghan border service to safeguard the external borders, including the afghan- tajik border, would be a worthy application of the efforts of the international community in this area. also, within the anti-narcotics partnership, we suggest enhanced interaction with the afghan structures with the purpose of adopting joint measures to prevent drug trafficking across the afghan-tajik border. we are convinced that these measures could serve as a basis for the proposed establishment of the first section of the security belt around afghanistan. involvement in the constructive process of afghanistan s neighbours and factoring in the regional aspects of the post- conflict rehabilitation of that country may well be key to the success of the efforts undertaken by the international community. today, the regional dimension becomes one of the key factors of long-term development. broad and constructive regional economic cooperation in central asia, which possesses considerable natural resources, is of particular importance at the present juncture. we believe that achieving that goal could enable central [number]-[number] [number] asia to become self-sufficient in terms of energy, fuel and food supply and a dynamic, developing region of the world. therefore, we believe that the achievement of the mdgs should hold a place in the new structure of global security currently being shaped, and become one of the tools for addressing new challenges and threats. today, as never before, it is becoming increasingly obvious that a security policy needs to be integrated into development. the scale of the challenges facing the international community dictates the need to further strengthen our organization. there is no doubt that we must do everything we can to make the united nations more effective in dealing with issues of international security. the collective approach should keep us from making hasty and emotional decisions, since we are dealing with the organization responsible for collective security, sustainable development and protection of human rights. it is with the united nations, despite some of its imperfections, that humanity places its hope for a peaceful and just world order, for tangible achievements in the fields of combating poverty and natural disasters. a responsible attitude towards the united nations is in the interests of each and every member state.

as i take the floor for the last time before the general assembly after five years in office as president of the union of the comoros, i wish to discharge the duty of conveying to the general assembly a message of solidarity from the comoran people. in the name of the government of the comoros, and on my own behalf, i would also like to express our sincerest thanks to secretary-general ban ki-moon and to all those who have helped to make our stay in new york so warm, in particular the authorities of the united states of america. lastly, i would like to congratulate the president on his election to lead the general assembly at its seventieth session, the importance of which is manifestly clear. this session opens at a crucial moment in the development of humankind. since man first appeared on earth, we are the first generation in the vast expanse of time perhaps [number] million years after the appearance of our remote ancestors to be aware of the physical laws that govern us and of the unfortunate effects of the irrational use of natural resources. as in [number], after the great war, that incomparable horror, and as in [number], after the victory over fascism, that base ideology, but also as in the 1990s, when we faced the absurdity of an arms race in weapons of mass destruction, today as before, nothing prevents us from uniting to effectively combat pollution and poverty. as world leaders aware of our responsibility in the face of impending disaster, we must rationally work here and now to save humankind, and we are capable of doing so. we must take advantage of this unprecedented international setting to harness the efforts of all nations to make our planet sustainable and equitable before [number], through a programme of surpassing ambition. therefore, at the moment when the assembly has just adopted the [number] agenda for sustainable development resolution [number] [number] , i wish to commend the outstanding and consistent work that was done under the impetus of the secretary-general. my country, the union of the comoros, fully endorses the agreed agenda, which consolidates the gains of the millennium development goals while paving the way to a new era through [number] sustainable development goals to be met over the next [number] years. we must therefore commit ourselves to putting a definitive end to poverty in all its forms, to eradicating hunger and to promoting sustainable agriculture in order to guarantee food security, good health and the well-being of all all. we must also guarantee a quality education for all without exception, promote lifelong learning opportunities for all and ensure gender equality, as well as the full empowerment of women. it is also our duty to ensure the availability, sustainable management and cleanliness of water for all and to guarantee access to clean, affordable and sustainable energy in order to promote sustained economic growth. to that end, several countries should immediately begin work on major projects to build resilient infrastructure, to promote sustainable, inclusive industrialization and to encourage innovation everywhere that will reduce inequalities within and among countries. we cannot imagine that humankind will thrive on earth unless urgent action is taken to combat climate change and its impacts, while conserving and sustainably using the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development. it is in this way that we will promote the sustainable use of terrestrial ecos stems, manage forests sustainably, combat desertification, combat and halt land degradation and put an end to the loss of biodiversity. we will need to find ways and means to continue to build peace throughout the world in the framework of sustainable development. and we must have access to justice for all, and establish effective and accountable institutions at all levels. lastly, we must build a world without poverty or inequalities, a sustainable world through a new road map that will save humankind. therefore let us take on ambitious goals, for our very survival depends on it. [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] as i stressed earlier, we face a situation similar to that which our very close ancestors experienced with sadness and suffering, but against which they struggled until victory was achieved. i call it slavery, a system that almost exterminated a large part of humankind, quite simply because one side thought itself superior to all the others. we face a situation somewhat similar to that experienced by our countries during the two world wars, but for which our peoples gave their lives with courage and temerity until the final victory to save humankind from chaos. we face legitimate questions that were asked by our ancestors when, for half a century, they powerlessly bore witness to an arms race that was leading humankind inexorably towards its own destruction, but where common sense eventually prevailed. we face a situation akin to that faced by almost all african countries, including my own, which for decades were subjected to the misdeeds of colonialism, but against which the valiant peoples of africa, latin america and asia fought until acquiring their sovereignty and the independence of their territories, thereby saving humankind from indignity, decadence and shame. today, the world is directly following the consequences of wars that forced millions of men, women and children to leave their homelands, to board makeshift boats and to take refuge and live in inhumane conditions, and sometimes even to remain indigent. if we add to that the barbaric acts perpetrated by terrorist movements, which are increasing throughout the world, especially in africa, it is time for that international community to speak with one voice and with firm conviction and to decisively say, never again . in a world of complete deprivation, where each nation must take part in safeguarding international security, how can we, in a small country like mine, be engaged in the fight if, at the same time, we must be on the front lines to defend our dignity, which has been disregarded by a permanent member of the security council of the organization, whose primary role is to ensure compliance with the norms of international law? i must underscore that the union of the comoros is the only country in the world, which, at the time of its accession to independence, did not benefit from respect for the law. unlike all former colonies, the archipelago of the comoros, composed of the islands of mayotte, anjouan, moheli and grande comore, which was admitted to the united nations as an independent state and subjected to international law, has been separated from a part of its territory by the former colonial power, france, in contravention of all norms and principles governing international relations. those present here will recall that, against the will of the comorian people, france exercised its veto and continues to exercise its power over our territory. given what is happening in eastern europe today, we wonder what significance the european union gives to compliance with international law by accepting the comorian island of mayotte as a european outermost region, contrary to the relevant resolutions of the african union, the league of arab states, the organization of islamic cooperation and the non-aligned movement. at previous sessions, i informed the assembly that we had signed a political declaration with president fran ois hollande in paris that enabled us to hope that bilaterally a solution could be found that would give comorians back their dignity. unfortunately, to date france has refused to acknowledge that all comorians, from whichever island they come, may freely move around the islands. separated families, abandoned minors, displacements of populations in makeshift boats, precisely as is occurring in the mediterranean sea all of that leads me to urge the secretary- general to demand the application of international law, as france itself is rightly claims each time that international norms governing international life are contravened. of course, the main objective of the high joint council established between france and the comoros is to facilitate bilateral dialogue and rebuild the trust that had disappeared between the two countries. however, we must note that the main mission assigned to that council facilitating movement of goods and peoples has still not been accomplished. by continuing to defy international law on the issue of the comorian island of mayotte, france has prevented the expected results and progress from being achieved in the dialogue between the two parties. from this rostrum, therefore, i once again appeal to the french authorities for us together to find ways and means to put an end this human tragedy, which every day causes comorian families to plunge into mourning. i also address the community of nations, which those in this hall represent, to ask that international law be applied so that a lasting solution to this dispute can be found. with political will, nothing is impossible. i therefore welcome the fact that palestine has finally been able [number] [number] [number]-[number] [number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] to hoist its flag at the united nations. i also welcome the fact that cuba and united states of america have proved that, even after half a century of conflict, states can find formulas adapted to overcome deadlocks and foresee a peaceful future for their peoples. lastly, i welcome the historic agreement concluded between iran and the countries of the p5 [number] on the nuclear issue, which augurs well for a calmer international cooperation. in a few months, after five years in office in a rotating presidency that fell to the island of moheli, a comorian from the island of grand comore will succeed me, in accordance with our constitution. in that electoral democratic process under way, i would appeal for support from the international community and from the friends of the comoros for the victory of our young democracy. i also appeal to everyone here that, after the scheduled elections, member states will support our country on the path towards stability, development and well-being of the comorian people. as my country stands ready, after [number] years of independence, to begin the second phase of its history, i remain confident that in the future the next president of the comoros will be able to say from this rostrum of free countries, we have now achieved the territorial integrity and unity of my country, the comoros, within its borders inherited from colonization. i also remain confident that my successor will be able to say from this rostrum of free countries, i thank the united nations for having actively acted for the achievement of the main goals inscribed in our common charter. lastly, i remain confident that a president from the comoros will be able to say to his compatriots from the four islands, the time has come for all of us to work together to build our free, open and prosperous country, one which is confident in its future and in its people s destiny.

on behalf of the delegation of viet nam, permit me at the outset to extend my warmest congratulations to his excellency mr. stoyan ganev, minister for foreign affairs of the republic of bulgaria, on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. i am sure mr. ganev's guidance of this session of the general assembly will make it a success. we also wish to express our appreciation for the outstanding contribution of his excellency mr. samir s. shihabi, president of the general assembly at its forty-sixth session. we should also like to express our great appreciation of the untiring and dynamic efforts of by his excellency mr. boutros boutros-ghali, secretary-general of the united nations, in the noble cause of peace, security and cooperation among nations. on this occasion i cannot fail to convey warm greetings to the new members of our great family, the united nations. since the last session of the general assembly, we have continued to witness profound and far-reaching changes on a global scale. those changes have led to the disintegration of the international order that came into being after the second world war and that had existed for nearly half a century. the new world situation opens up new opportunities for but at the same time presents acute challenges to the peace, security and prosperity of each nation, as well as that of the international community as a whole. with the threat of annihilation by nuclear war receding and no longer hanging over the peoples of the world like the sword of damocles, all nations might expect to live in a world of peace, security, justice and prosperity, with egalitarian, mutually beneficial cooperation and the joint application of the miraculous achievements of the modern scientific and technological revolution to the benefit of each country's and the whole world's development and well-being. regrettably, the overall picture of today's world is far from being promising. we fully share the view expressed by the leaders of the non-aligned countries in the jakarta message of [number] september [number] "the world today is still far from being a peaceful, just and secure place. simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign occupation, interference in the internal affairs of states, policies of hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism are major and dangerous obstacles to harmonious coexistence among states. " concurrently with the settlement of some regional conflicts, we have witnessed the outbreak of a series of new conflicts on several continents, even in the heart of europe, a continent that should have enjoyed peace and stability thanks to the helsinki mechanism of cooperation and security. in practice, policies of embargo, coercion and diktat are still being pursued by some countries or groups of countries against others, thus hindering the latter's development. the global economic environment also contains elements of uncertainty. the rate of economic growth has fallen to its lowest level in many years. the symptoms of a new financial crisis, which could shake the international monetary system, can be perceived. tendencies towards greater protectionism and the deadlock in the uruguay round are only worsening the economic situation of many countries, especially the developing countries. even more worrisome is the inexorably widening gap between the developed industrial countries and the developing countries. we cannot remain indifferent to the poverty and hunger suffered daily by millions of men and women across the continents. the famine in many countries, most severe in some african countries like somalia and the sudan, is deeply moving and calls for vast emergency assistance from other countries and from international organizations. in view of the above-mentioned opportunities and challenges, it is imperative for states and nations to step up cooperation to promote their own development and at the same time to join forces in solving global problems and in contributing to the building of a new, sounder and better world order based on truly democratic and egalitarian international relations, mutual respect and reciprocal benefit for the sake of the overall objectives of peace and development. in this regard, we welcome the initial results of the united nations conference on environment and development at rio, especially agenda [number], aiming at the goal of sustainable development. the immediate question, however, is that of securing the financial and technological resources needed to implement agenda [number]. the social dimension, including the concern for children, assumes the same long-term significance as regards both sustainable development and the environment. as is shown in the report of the secretary-general, in the follow-up to the plan of action adopted by the world summit for children, much has been done in the past two years, but our commitment and our action need to be imbued with even greater universality. for its part, viet nam was the first country in asia to ratify the convention on the rights of the child. we have finalized our national programme of action and have just submitted, within the specified time-frame, our first national report on the implementation of the convention. against the backdrop of the evolving international situation, asia and the pacific reflect fairly clearly the characteristics of today's world. while several nations have seized opportunities to achieve rapid development, not a small number of others remain mired in a state of underdevelopment, deprivation and poverty. alongside the trend towards cooperation, some seeds of potential conflicts are being sown. we are pleased to note that south-east asia is now entering a new stage with fine prospects for peace and prosperity. the erstwhile complicated bilateral relations have been and are being normalized and the trend towards regional cooperation and integration, in order to achieve stability and development, is gaining great momentum. relations of good-neighbourliness, mutual trust and understanding are gradually being established in the region. these are indeed historic developments in the international relations of south-east asia, which had been a constant hotbed of war and tension for the past half century. however, as in many other areas in the world, there remain latent factors of destabilization, factors that are a legacy of the past or arise from recent events, especially those relating to territorial borders either on the land or on the sea, between the countries of south-east asia and those near to them. this is a cause of concern for countries within and outside the region because of the danger of destabilization in that important part of the world. it is our view that global security is indivisible. this is true at the global as well as the regional level. security can be achieved in south-east asia only when security is assured for each country in the region, it being understood that such security is multifaceted military, political and economic. to that end, various positive initiatives and proposals have been put forward by countries in the region, such as the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in south-east asia zopfan , the free trade area afta of the association of south-east asian nations asean , the asean manila declaration of [number] july [number], malaysia's east asian economic grouping eaeg , indonesia's forum on cooperation in the eastern south china sea, and the seven principles governing relations among the countries of south-east asia set forth by the lao people's democratic republic. these proposals and initiatives have contributed, and are still contributing, to a large extent to the strengthening of mutual trust and understanding among nations in the region, thus fostering further regional cooperation. with regard to the problems that emerged recently over the eastern sea, it is our view that they should be solved appropriately through peaceful negotiations, without resort to force or the threat of force that is, on the basis of fundamental principles acceptable to all the parties concerned otherwise, the situation may take a negative and complex turn. for viet nam's part, while firmly resolved to defend our sovereignty and territorial integrity, we advocate the settlement of all disputes through dialogue between the parties concerned, so as to achieve an appropriate solution together. pending such a solution, viet nam will exercise the utmost restraint and refrain from any action that might adversely affect efforts towards confidence-building and the relaxation of tension in the relations among countries of the region, and hopes that other parties concerned will do the same. we are convinced that with good will on the part of all parties concerned, an appropriate solution can be found to any dispute, no matter how complex it may be. in this spirit, we reiterate our full support for the four principles put forward in the asean declaration of [number] july [number] to serve as a basis for the settlement of disputes and to ensure security in the eastern sea. these principles are as follows first, all sovereignty and jurisdictional issues pertaining to the eastern south china sea shall be resolved by peaceful means, without resort to force secondly, all parties concerned shall exercise restraint with a view to creating a positive climate for the eventual resolution of all disputes thirdly, the possibilities of cooperation in the eastern sea shall be explored without prejudicing the sovereignty and jurisdiction of countries having direct interests in the area and, fourthly, the principles contained in the treaty of friendship and cooperation in south-east asia shall be applied as the basis for establishing a code of international conduct over the eastern sea. fruitful discussions in a spirit of constructive cooperation, based on equality and mutual respect between viet nam and, respectively, malaysia, indonesia and thailand, on questions relating to the eastern sea, have proved to be the best way to settle problems in relations among countries of the region. the countries of the region and the international community support the implementation of the paris agreements on cambodia, with a view to building a peaceful, independent and neutral cambodia, living in national harmony, enjoying friendly relations with all countries and contributing to regional peace and stability. however, we share the international community's concern that the implementation of the paris agreements is being impeded and we call upon all the parties concerned to cooperate in order to ensure the strict and full implementation of these agreements. for its part, as a signatory to the paris agreements, viet nam reaffirms its strict observance and full implementation of the provisions concerning viet nam, as stipulated by the agreements. at the same time, viet nam denounces the acts of ostracism and persecution against vietnamese residents in cambodia and categorically rejects the slanderous allegations against viet nam by those whose only aim is to cover up their activities which undermine the paris agreements. the internationalization of the world economy and the trend towards economic restructuring require reform and resolute participation of national economies, including that of viet nam, in the international division of labour, economic cooperation and world trade. over the last [number] years, thanks to the judicious policy pursued and the exceptional efforts exerted by the vietnamese people, the cause of reform and renewal in vietnam has effectively become part of everyday life and brought about initial but very significant achievements in all spheres of social life. the energies of all economic sectors in our country have been released and multiplied. together with the expansion of cooperation with the outside world, such developments have brought about visible changes in the economic and social make-up of the country which is thus poised to forge ahead. life however always poses new demands. while carrying out the task of economic reform as the centrepiece of our efforts we are at the same time stepping up political reform and renewal. these are the two facets of one single process which interact and stimulate each other. the political reform is aimed at extending the democratic freedoms of our citizens in all respects, restructuring the political system and building a state governed by the rule of law, truly of the people, by the people and for the people. our new constitution, promulgated in april this year, is not only a concrete embodiment but also the institutionalization of this reform process. one of the essential elements of this new constitution is to ensure strict respect for the fundamental rights of the citizen. proceeding from the great principles enshrined in viet nam's [number] declaration of independence, whereby "all peoples of the world are born equal every nation is entitled to the same rights to life, happiness and freedom", we hold the view that each state and each nation strives for the ideal of democracy and freedom in its own way, creatively rather than through a stereotyped or dogmatic approach, and still less through the adoption of models imposed from outside. each nation is entitled to the sacred right freely to choose its own socio-political system, to chart its own path of development and to tackle its own problems in accordance with its historical, cultural and social traditions. it is unacceptable for one nation to impose standards of democracy and human rights upon another nation, and it is all the more unacceptable for one nation to stand as judge over another nation. carrying out its foreign policy of broad openness, diversification and greater multilateral emphasis in its international relations, during recent times viet nam has strengthened and expanded its relations with many countries in the world on the bases of mutual respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, of non-interference in each other's internal affairs, and of equality and mutual benefit. we attach special importance to improving and strengthening relations of friendship and cooperation with countries in our region and to making a positive contribution towards a south-east asia of peace, stability, cooperation and development. relations between viet nam and the countries of the association of south-east asian nations asean have entered a completely new phase. our country's accession to the treaty on amity and cooperation in south-east asia, signed at bali in [number], and its becoming an observer in asean constitute the foundation for a qualitatively new development of the relations of friendship and cooperation between viet nam and the asean countries. relations between viet nam and china have been normalized on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence, in keeping with the aspiration and interests of the two peoples and with the trend towards peace, stability and development in the region. we believe that these fundamental interests will help the two countries settle in a satisfactory manner and through peaceful negotiations outstanding as well as newly emerging problems in their relations on the basis of respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and legitimate interests. our foreign policy is geared to combining continuity and dynamism in our relations with all countries, large and small. we are doing our utmost to consolidate and renew traditional relations with friendly countries and with countries members of the non-aligned movement, and we continue to extend solidarity and support to the cause of the palestinian and south african peoples and to all other peoples struggling for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress. we continue to strengthen existing relations with countries in various continents and at the same time enter into relations with countries in regions with which we have had only rare contacts in the past, such as recently with countries in the south pacific, the gulf and latin america. the normalization of relations between viet nam and the united states will benefit not only the vietnamese and the american peoples but also peace and stability in south east asia. we have turned the page on past history and look forward to the future. proceeding from this spirit and from our humanitarian policy, we have done whatever possible in cooperating effectively with the united states to settle the question of americans missing in action during the viet nam war. our constructive efforts and goodwill have been welcomed by the american public and acknowledged by the united states administration. we are of the view that today multilateralism, especially as embodied by the united nations, occupies an increasingly significant position. however, we should define the appropriate degree of separation and correlation between the multilateral dimension and the national dimension. it should be emphasized that isolationism is outmoded but national sovereignty forever remains a sacred value, which all countries, large and small, are determined to defend. world developments over the past year have rendered ever more imperative the demand for the democratization of international life and inter-state relations, including the democratization of multilateral forums, especially the united nations. in the new context, the composition of the security council and the balance between the council, the general assembly and the secretary-general of the united nations must reflect the realities of a world which has radically changed as compared with the time when the united nations was born, and even with only a few years ago. we endorse the idea of re-examining and enlarging the composition of the security council, with due attention to developing countries, with a view to fully implementing the principle of equality between all member states and ensuring that the voice of the majority is duly heard in the process of making decisions on issues of critical importance to the international community. our world body must be revitalized so that it can really be an effective multilateral tool for keeping and safeguarding peace, contributing to the solution of global issues and especially for building a sounder and more equitable new world order that will be the fruit of our truly common endeavour. within its foreign policy of sovereign independence, peace, cooperation and openness, vietnam will do its best to participate actively in the work of multilateral institutions and forums, thereby to promote further its integration into the international community and the world economy and to contribute to shaping a sound and equitable new world order that really meets the legitimate expectations of the community of nations.

it gives me great pleasure to make use of our common language to congratulate you, sir, on your election. we are honoured to see a portuguese statesman, a friend of brazil, and a representative of our commonwealth of portuguese- speaking countries presiding over this session of the general assembly, a session that is bound to become a milestone in the history of the united nations. my government is confident that, under your skilled guidance, our deliberations will forge the kind of understanding and commitment capable of asserting the credibility and pre-eminence of our organization in world affairs. let me also express our heartfelt appreciation to another friend of brazil, minister amara essy of c te d ivoire, for his outstanding work at the helm of the forty-ninth session of the general assembly. spoke in english i wish to congratulate the secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, and the secretariat for their continued dedication to the united nations and for their relentless work in carrying out their duties to the international community. in opening this debate today, brazil wishes to renew its unwavering commitment to the principles and purposes embodied in the charter of the united nations. these principles and purposes set a mandate for peace and development, and are as relevant today as they were [number] years ago. they coincide entirely with the aspirations of brazilian society. our constitution reflects them as the supreme values of our political and social life in democracy. i am proud to address the assembly as the representative of a country that has widened its commitments to democracy and human rights, to sustainable development with economic stability, to peace and disarmament a country at peace with itself, constantly striving to extend its presence in the world by strengthening traditional partnerships and fostering new ones. we expect from our partners an attitude of cooperation commensurate with brazil s growing participation in world markets and with its contribution to international peace and security. democracy in brazil continues to show extraordinary vitality under the leadership of president fernando henrique cardoso. our institutional framework is being strengthened, and progress in the social sphere is generating a renewed sense of citizenship among brazilians. while strictly enforcing existing mechanisms, president cardoso is proposing legislation that will ensure the full observance of human rights. both at home and abroad, brazil s human rights policies are based on transparency and full cooperation with civil society. together with strong governmental action to tackle the country s social problems, measures to promote and protect human rights will greatly contribute to redress the unjust distribution of wealth that unfortunately still prevails in brazil. long-needed structural reforms and privatization are being carried out, paving the way for the consolidation of economic stability and sustained economic growth. brazil has achieved a high degree of economic openness, thus accelerating its integration into the international economy and creating more favourable conditions for increased participation in international trade, technology transfers and productive capital flows. inflation has been reduced to the lowest level in a quarter of a century, allowing the country to pursue policies that benefit the poor and the underprivileged. we are also engaged in a broad and dynamic process of open economic integration with our neighbours, adding economic substance to the political harmony that we enjoy in our region. mercosur a customs union bringing together brazil, argentina, paraguay and uruguay is a highly successful political and economic reality, a partner ready for business and cooperation with all countries and regions. brazil has taken significant steps to further strengthen its commitments to disarmament and to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. president cardoso publicly stated that brazil has forgone the development, acquisition and export of long-range military missiles. congress is about to approve the chemical weapons convention, and comprehensive legislation on export controls of dual-use technology is being finalized. having decided unilaterally to abide by the missile technology control regime s guidelines, the brazilian government is currently discussing its participation in the regime. brazil s commitment to peace and understanding was clearly illustrated by its recent role, alongside the other three guarantor countries of the rio de janeiro protocol, in bringing together two friendly nations in our region ecuador and peru. brazilian forces are actively participating in various united nations peace-keeping efforts, particularly in angola, a country that shares with brazil a common heritage and is finally on the verge of healing the wounds inflicted by years of internal strife. we are also proud of the role played by our government and our forces in the peaceful transition to an elected government in mozambique. after too many years of difficulties, brazilians have recovered their pride. the country has entered a cycle of long-term growth and greater long-term opportunities, an era of optimism and confidence. it is in this spirit that brazilian diplomacy is prepared to approach the world and to work within the united nations. as i reflect upon the events that have taken place over this past year, i am tempted to say that it was the best of times it was the worst of times . it has been a time for legitimate hope, but also a time of fear and horror a time for accomplishments, but also a time of frustration a time for confidence in a brighter future for mankind, but also a time of regret for the fact that peace, freedom, justice and well-being are still unattained in many places in the world a time in which risks and opportunities coexist side by side. [number] current patterns in international affairs converge on the twin concepts that inspired the revolution of the 1990s democracy and economic freedom with social justice. this is the main thrust that will shape the coming century and ensure liberty and prosperity for all. the very concept of power has changed. a country s sovereignty and its capacity to satisfy the needs of its people depend increasingly on good social indicators, political stability, economic competitiveness, and scientific and technological progress, not on military strength. it is now widely understood that the fulfilment of national pride lies in democracy, development, trade and economic wealth, rather than in the quest for hegemony or territorial gains. a new era of freedom is at hand. countries are peacefully seeking their place in their regions and in the world, helping in the creation of wealth through trade and cooperation. emerging economies have become a significant force around the world, benefiting from globalization, greater economic freedom and the continued growth of international trade. economic integration has led to stronger regional ties. reconstruction and enhanced participation in international affairs are seen in many parts of the world, just as others continue to prosper and grow in peace. new or renewed partnerships have emerged in the five continents. the middle east is finally following the path of dialogue and understanding, through a peace process that we firmly support and encourage. angola and mozambique are the new promises of southern africa, furthering regional peace and conciliation as the south africans have done. latin america, and in particular the southern cone countries, has continued to show vitality both at the political level, with democracy fully at work, and at the economic level, with freedom and openness leading to the resumption of growth and the expansion of trade. the united nations has kept its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. a broader agenda for the remainder of this century is under consideration. positive initiatives are under way to ensure that the organization is capable of more effectively promoting peace and development. reform of the system is also due to make it more responsive to the challenges that lie ahead. the promotion of civil liberties and the quest for equal rights among women and men, minorities and majorities, weak and strong are shaping the debate, guiding action and strengthening citizenship all over the world. these are indeed times of positive change. but even as one celebrates these positive trends, one is painfully aware of the manifold threats posed by the persistence of poverty and violence in many areas of the world. the images of the former yugoslavia are living proof of past failures and present challenges and misperceptions. they remind us of how much needs to be done to fulfil the promises embodied in the united nations charter. extreme poverty and unemployment emerge as perhaps the most pervasive of the international issues, affecting developed and developing countries alike, corroding the social fabric while fostering extremism on the part of individuals and engendering short-sighted solutions on the part of governments. terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime, xenophobia and racism, ethnic cleansing, religious fanaticism and intolerance, and persistent violations of basic human rights continue to afflict millions of human beings. misguided economic policies, financial speculation and the volatility of capital flows threaten markets on a global scale. emerging economies, striving to consolidate stability and the resumption of growth while dealing with variables such as interest rates and commodity prices, have become increasingly vulnerable. disarmament continues to be an elusive goal. the promises heralded by the end of the cold war seem to have vanished in a cloud of vague excuses. the so-called peace dividends have yet to materialize. the world is theoretically less threatening and dangerous. competitiveness, technological capability, economic strength and social indicators have become the standards of national power. yet, more positive moves in disarmament and non-proliferation have been offset by anachronistic economic practices and irresponsible military endeavours. some countries continue to seek military strength and strategic power. even as commitment to non-proliferation and support for nuclear disarmament gain ground in latin america, africa and parts of asia, nuclear tests painfully remind us of the threats and horrors that haunted the collective imagination during the cold-war years. besides endangering the environment they [number] encourage the resumption of a purposeless arms race in various parts of the world. nuclear testing undermines efforts towards disarmament and jeopardizes the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test ban. instead of helping the international community strengthen collective security mechanisms, certain countries persist in testing and improving their nuclear arsenals. we deplore it. so where does the united nations stand in the current international scene? how can it deal with the conflicting and ambivalent forces operating in the world today? where does its responsibility begin and where does it end? what can we do to realize the vision of our founding fathers? these are some of the questions that come to mind as we prepare to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of our organization. it is certainly true that the organization may have seemed at times to be overwhelmed by the challenges before it. but it is also true that the shortcomings over these past [number] years would have been greater had it not been for the united nations, a universal conscience, an instrument for peace and understanding, as no other instrument has ever been, with a moral authority that the peoples of the world have learned to recognize and support. in [number] when the united nations was but a distant dream overcast by war, franklin delano roosevelt defined the four freedoms upon which a true community of nations should be built. they were and i find it useful to recall roosevelt s own inspiring words the freedom of speech and expression the freedom of every person to worship god in his own way the freedom from want, which translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peace time life for its inhabitants and the freedom from fear, which translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor . providing mankind with these four freedoms was the challenge that ultimately gave birth to the united nations. yet, these four freedoms are still largely unattained. they remain an inspiration and a goal. in the past [number] years, the nations of the world have used this podium to voice their hopes and concerns and to express their feelings about a true international partnership based on peace and prosperity. the united nations has undoubtedly represented a call for consensus, a moral and ethic force, a promoter of political will and action, a substitute for confrontation and dispute. the time has come for us to carefully assess the achievements and shortcomings of the united nations in order to set the course for the next half-century. the time has come for us to create the conditions for the united nations of the twenty-first century. in the aftermath of the second world war the idea of an international body such as the united nations may have seemed utopian, especially in the light of the failure of the league of nations and of the tragedies and crimes that resulted from the pursuit of power politics, the kind of politics that led the world into war and its horrors. while avoiding utopianism, the united nations was designed to provide actual instruments of diplomatic interaction capable of replacing power politics by ethical values and of promoting conflict prevention and conflict resolution through negotiation and dialogue. with a pledge to peace and security on the one hand and to development on the other, the united nations helped to write important chapters of contemporary history, such as the building of a new pattern of relationship between developed and developing countries, the search for development, disarmament, the protection of human rights and human dignity, decolonization, the struggle against apartheid and the condemnation of tyranny and oppression. in this process important organizations such as the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , and decisive forums such as the united nations conference on environment and development unced , and the several other united nations conferences dedicated to global issues, have played a paramount role. in these forums we have enhanced commitments in the areas of cooperation for development, the law of the sea, the rights of children, the environment and sustainable development, human rights, population, social development and the rights of women. we have certainly accomplished one part of our dreams. so why not set our eyes on further accomplishments? we look at the recent past and find the [number] united nations at the centre of the most important international events. even when its action has been constrained by circumstances, the united nations always displayed moral strength. we look at the present and we see a united nations limited by its structure, struggling very hard to take advantage of its own experience to adapt to changing world realities in order to remain the foremost international force. and so brazil confidently looks to the future. peace and development in the years to come will depend largely on our capacity to renew and reform the united nations. in institutions, as in human beings, reassessment and reform are a sign of vitality, of maturity, of responsibility. as brazil has already pointed out a normative gap has opened up between some of the provisions of the charter and the realities of today s world. the fact is that most of the structures of the united nations remain those crafted [number] years ago. back then, the world was entering a new phase of power politics and confrontation that no longer applies. the membership of the united nations was less than one third of what it is today. the concept of development was not at the core of an international agenda. significant players in the developed and in the developing world had yet to achieve the influential role they have today. new realities demand innovative solutions. greater expectations require stronger commitments. nothing is more emblematic of the need to bring the united nations into line with the realities of the post-cold-war world than the reform of the security council. as a catalyst for other much-needed reforms within the united nations system, reform of the security council is an imperative that should no longer be put off. in order to carry out its mandate in the field of international peace and security on behalf of all member states, the security council must have unquestionable legitimacy. as is well known, legitimacy ultimately rests on representativeness. reform cannot entail a wholesale or indiscriminate enlargement of the security council, much less an insufficient one predicated on the convenience of a limited number of states. above all, it will be essential to ensure a more equitable representation of developed and developing countries with both the capacity to act and an effective presence on a global scale. the emergence of new economic powers and of a number of developing countries with global projection has significantly altered the dynamics of world politics. these players have come to the forefront of the international scene and should be present in the core group of permanent members, so that the council s composition becomes more balanced and better reflects the diversity of world views. a qualitative increase in the number of permanent members of the security council, together with an enlargement of the non-permanent membership, would correspond to the necessity of making it more authoritative and efficient in carrying out its increased responsibilities in the post-cold-war era. reform is not about the individual prestige of any country but about the prestige of the security council itself. brazil, for its part, is ready to assume its responsibilities in this endeavour. the same attention that is being given to improving the united nations performance in the area of peace and security must be given to efforts in the area of strengthening international cooperation for development. poverty and unemployment both in industrialized and in developing nations, economic instability and misguided economic policies affecting individual countries, as well as the persistence or the rise of various forms of protectionism, are factors that adversely affect sustained growth worldwide. these are issues that must be accorded high priority. unemployment cannot be used as a pretext that will ultimately lead to protectionism directed mainly against the developing countries. there is no use in trying to alleviate unemployment by accusing other people, by creating new forms of disguised protectionism, by putting a new strain on international relations. we must strengthen the role of the world trade organization as the mainstay of an open and non-discriminatory multilateral trade system. we must promote a broader coordination of macroeconomic policies and foster regional economic integration, and provide better and more effective cooperation in the areas of health, sanitation, education, the administration of justice and other areas of great social impact. we must widen the decision-making circles in order to include countries whose contribution to these objectives can be instrumental. [number] the united nations should be able to ensure implementation of the commitments reached at the highest level at the united nations conference on the environment and development, for much needs to be done to fulfil the promises that were made in rio de janeiro regarding international cooperation for sustainable development. the same kind of follow-up should apply to the commitments reached at subsequent international conferences on global issues. these are the main goals to be achieved by a reform of the united nations institutions that directly or indirectly deal with the issue of sustainable development. we firmly believe that a broad vision of reform of the united nations institutions will lead to an improved, more efficient and revitalized organization. for, as once stated in this very forum by a distinguished brazilian statesman, oswaldo aranha, who presided over the first special session of the general assembly, in [number] above all, it is within our power to make the united nations the sum total of justice, security and peace, or through our lack of wisdom to allow it to be transformed into one more sword to be wielded blindly by force and instinct. official records of the general assembly, first special session, 68th plenary meeting, pp. [number] and [number] the united nations will stand as the greatest symbol of the twentieth century as long as it is able to keep its vitality and effectively promote peace and development. brazil is also committed to peace and democracy and believes that if all peoples of the world are free to express their ideas and to build their own destinies, democracy will be strengthened and will continue to serve the purpose of development and social justice. brazil is also committed to, and knows that development depends on, an international environment of peace, cooperation and economic freedom. as our heads of state and government prepare to gather in new york in october to celebrate the accomplishments of our organization, let us hasten to create the necessary conditions for them to build for the future with the same impetus and boldness that inspired the international community [number] years ago. let us make sure that through our unfaltering commitment and our timely action the united nations will emerge stronger from the fiftieth session of the general assembly.

i should like to express my most sincere congratulations to mr. gurirab on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at this session. it is significant that his country, which gained independence as a result of the struggle of its people and the successful efforts of this organization, will be presiding today over this assembly and will, i am certain, bring its work to a successful conclusion. i extend my congratulations to his predecessor for the commitment with which he conducted his duties. i express our warmest support to the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, for his tireless efforts. he has used his competent political skill, his moral authority and his deep knowledge of the opportunities and limitations of his office to pursue daunting tasks, often working against all odds. my government fully subscribes to the statement delivered by ms. halonen, the foreign minister of finland, on behalf of the european union, and to the memorandum circulated by the union. globalization in the field of information, ideas, the economy, democracy and human rights has been the dominant feature of the last years of our century. some people fear it some try to ignore it a few try to fight it others try to avoid it. many welcome it as a creative challenge. we greeks are among the last category we thrive on openness, freedom of exchange, freedom of thought, expression and inquiry. we speak the language of dialogue, the language of ideas. that is our tradition. we are proud of that tradition which sparked off the renaissance and supported the enlightenment, whose essence was captured by immanuel kant's motto sapere aude dare to think. globalization challenges us to dare to think the unthinkable in terms of sovereignty, international relations and human rights. but that is not enough we know we must go beyond it we must dare to state a vision for our world we must dare to hope. we take heart that at the end of our century democracy is being celebrated as the universal system of political rule, the only secure basis for legitimacy in the modern world. experience teaches us that democracy not only institutionalizes freedom but also brings prosperity. celebrated economist amartya sen has conclusively proved that a democratic system of government is no obstacle to the creation of wealth development does not [number] require an authoritarian ruler. sen has observed that no substantial famine has ever occurred in any country with a democratic form of government and a relatively free press. we take heart from the fact that more states claim to be democratic now than ever before in human history, and we are firmly committed to seeing this trend expand. slowly but surely, we are observing the globalization of democracy, and we dare to hope. nevertheless, our challenges and political dilemmas are formidable. we need to globalize peace. we watch in awe as israelis and palestinians shake hands once again. the peace might be local, but our pride is international. equally, when watching india and pakistan, we dare to hope for non-proliferation. we cringe as pictures of war come out of africa. we cannot hope for peace yet shut our eyes to war. we need to globalize human rights. do we apply the same standards everywhere, from kosovo and east timor to cyprus and rwanda? we need to globalize our concept of rights pertaining to human beings. we understand multinationals that support human rights to protect their investments, but who will protect individuals who seek protection from the indignities of the world market? we need to globalize ethics. from kosovo to east timor we have bowed our heads, for we are still ill- equipped to deal with global ethical dilemmas such as those mentioned by the secretary-general. can human suffering be subordinated to sovereignty? can we afford to be inconsistent in the application of military intervention? is it right to impose trade sanctions on governments that violate international rules, at the expense of their innocent populations? we seek to globalize values. technological innovation is calling into question some of our most deeply felt beliefs. from cloning to brain transplants, scientists now face dilemmas that have global implications. we must make sure that fear does not inhibit scientific development, but also that curiosity does not inhibit civility. we need to globalize wealth. the growing gap between rich and poor countries has marginalized a large segment of the world's population and led to dangerous social problems, from illegal immigration to drug trafficking, terrorism, child labour and sexual exploitation. in an effort to contribute what little we can, greece decided to increase its official development assistance by an annual average of [number] per cent over a five-year plan, targeting in particular sub-saharan africa. how can we hope to face these challenges if the people of this world do not share a basic education and do not enjoy basic health? while the electronic media have minimized the restrictions of borders in the transfer of resources, wealth and information, democratic institutions and social policies remain confined within the borders of nations. we cannot wait for democracy to spread at this pace we need a faster cure. we need to confront this global democratic deficit by supporting global democratic institutions. beyond the globalization of democracy, i call for the democratization of globalism. this is a vision worthy of the united nations. we seek a united nations that is an active centre for peace and justice, a centre for the improvement of the life of each individual on this earth. we expect a united nations to respond to our needs for global ethics and global values. we believe in a strong united nations that will act swiftly and effectively against those who wage war, harbour terrorism and destroy our planet. we aspire to a united nations which will become the centre for democratic thinking and democratic practice throughout our world. may these united nations, on our behalf, develop a culture of dialogue and a dialogue of cultures. for this is the essence of democratic politics not a clash of different civilizations, but an educative dialogue that allows all to take part. we must educate each other to find peaceful and democratic ways to confront our challenges. this is a task for the united nations. we yield to its authority as the only forum able to democratize the globalization process. we call for all member states to provide the united nations with the authority and the means to perform its duties. greece will do so. as our ghanaian colleague said yesterday, we continue to ask more of the united nations, and yet we continue to endow it with fewer resources. we feel that following the important reforms of the secretariat, the time has come to expand this organization's authority, responsibility and budget. do we dare allow this organization to hope? in greece we do. my country believes in strengthening the united nations, but it also believes in doing its own work, on the ground, in the region. uri savir, the israeli negotiator in oslo, has said that peacemaking is a gradual revolution that moves from hostility to a desired conciliation, a [number] collection of moments in which a new trend is set in motion. together with the international olympic committee, greece has proposed the creation of such a moment a global moment we would like to see the revival of the ancient greek tradition of the olympic truce. we hope that this assembly, which has unanimously endorsed that project, will give its full support to the observance of the olympic truce during the games of the year [number] in sydney, australia, in athens in [number] and at all future olympics, so that the event may become a momentous festival of excellence, cross-cultural dialogue and peace in our global village. from cyprus to bosnia, a collection of moments is providing a ray of hope that, one day, a united balkans and south-eastern europe will belong to a united europe a family of nations, a bouquet of cultures, a kaleidoscope of ethnicities, where diversity is our strength and where borders are so profoundly respected that they cease to exist. can we dare see that far? do we dare not to? we dare to hope. turning first to cyprus following the declaration on cyprus by the leaders of the group of eight and security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] of last june, there is hope that a new initiative may break the deadlock. just as we envision a multicultural balkans, we are striving to see cyprus as a federal state with a single sovereignty and a single citizenship, a united, demilitarized, independent country with its territorial integrity safe from encroachments and with no foreign troops on its soil. the accession of cyprus to the european union would certainly benefit both communities living on the island. we invite the turkish cypriots, in the spirit of a newfound friendship between greeks and turks, to grab this historical opportunity. let us break down the last berlin wall , which artificially divides those two peoples. let us show the world and our children that, yes, we can live together in peace and harmony with respect for human rights and democratic principles, within a wider european family. the tragic events in kosovo will be remembered for acts of brutal ethnic cleansing and a military intervention that ensued without the authorization of the security council. today, i encounter individuals who, under pressure to close the case of the balkans , opt to redraw the maps, believing that ethnic isolation, constructing new walls and barriers between our peoples of the region, will solve our problems. but it can only compound our problems. i assure the assembly that there is no short path, no lazy road if you will, to lasting peace in the balkans. consistent with our policy in our region is our belief that borders are sacrosanct. but within them we must do our utmost to protect minorities, democratic procedures and human rights. we must strive to develop the three pillars of the stability pact for south-eastern europe democracy, security and reconstruction. we need to build democratic institutions, judicial and financial systems, competitive business and free media, things we often take for granted. we need to be aggressive in ensuring that all forms of likely threat to security within and among our countries are dealt with directly, openly and with vigour. the protection of minorities is of fundamental importance. we need, as the secretary-general has said, a new commitment to the prevention of conflict. we need to provide basic economic help that will fight against the poverty and degradation that lead to ethnic and religious fanaticism. but more important, we need a total balkan approach. when i say total , i mean a coherent and consistent approach by the international community. the balkans are badly served by mixed signals. greece has drawn for itself a creative and effective role in the region. greece supports all efforts to deepen democracy in the region. a total balkan approach to democracy, security and reconstruction will pave the way for our neighbours to enter the european union. yugoslavia, of course, is also an integral part of this total balkan approach. so too are greece's bilateral and trilateral contacts of very close cooperation with albania, the former yugoslav republic of macedonia, bulgaria and romania. we worked closely together during the recent kosovo crisis for stability in the region and in providing humanitarian aid to kosovo refugees. we believe that in our region there are no good or bad people, just good and bad practices. we have delivered and continue to deliver humanitarian assistance, as major humanitarian problems remain in many parts of yugoslavia, and peacekeeping forces. we have conducted multilateral diplomacy, and we have promoted every effort that adheres to principles i have just stated without discrimination. yes, in the total balkan approach there is room for both the albanian and the serbian people. we ask them to dare to have a vision, the same vision that, one by one, each balkan country will become part of a united democratic europe. [number] if the road to peace is indeed made up of a collection of moments, then i also dare hope for our relations with turkey. my turkish counterpart, ismail cem, and i have been engaged in careful diplomacy for many months. we recently inaugurated discussion committees to address a number of bilateral concerns, including trade, tourism, the environment and security, where we feel our two countries have much to gain from mutual cooperation. peoples' aspirations for the principles of democracy, security and prosperity can overcome historical strife. in this democratic spirit, we believe that our security is bound by the stability in the region that our neighbours' strength is our own strength. from the outset, therefore, greece shared with turkey the vision that one day turkey would become a worthy member of a united europe. but we recognize today that our role needs to be to lead the process. the terrible earthquakes that shook both our countries have accelerated that process. spontaneous and dramatic acts of fraternity and solidarity between our citizens short- circuited elaborate diplomatic strategies and exerted powerful pressure on our governments to move ahead boldly. i for one shall never forget the sweat, the tears and the genuine expressions of solidarity and friendship shared by so many non-governmental organizations, and particularly by greek and turkish rescue workers from the disaster management special unit emak and the turkish search and rescue team akut , sifting through the rubble of buildings destroyed by the earthquakes, looking for survivors. these people did not wait for us to act. their actions globalize democracy, human solidarity and peace. that is one more lesson for democracy. international relations, humanitarianism, peace and cooperation have much to gain if we allow for citizens' diplomacy and give our full support to constructive roles for non-governmental organizations. building on this unique experience, in our first joint act as members of this organization, i join hands today with my turkish counterpart, ismail cem. i join hands with him to announce to the assembly the establishment of a joint stand-by disaster response unit composed of contingents drawn from governmental and non- governmental agencies of both countries, greece and turkey, to reinforce the united nations capacity in this field. let me take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt condolences to the victims of the recent disastrous earthquake in taiwan, and to their families. a comprehensive and methodical approach to dealing with natural disasters is in line with the recent statement by the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, that some major risk reduction and disaster prevention programmes require levels of funding that many poor countries simply cannot afford. in this assembly, great visions founded on a strong sense of realism have helped to make the world more democratic, safer, and a little less painful for those in need. in greece and south-east europe, similar visions are helping to build democratic institutions, cement peace and pave the way to prosperity. there simply is no truth in the saying that we in the balkans are trapped, that we have produced more history than we can consume and that we are prisoners of past conflicts and hatreds. history is not duress unless one makes it so. the challenge to every new generation of greeks, and the challenge to our neighbours, is to learn from our history, and not to become slaves to it. we are building a new collective vision for the region, slowly but surely. we look forward to the day when belgrade and pristina will be an easy bus ride away, when jerusalem and damascus, athens and ankara and, of course, the two parts of divided nicosia, will no longer be separated by fear and suspicion, but will be joined in peace. perhaps that day is still far away but, as a chinese proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles begins with one small step. history is not compulsion unless one makes it so. the challenge to every new generation of greeks, the challenge to our neighbours, is to learn from our history rather than become slaves to it. we are building a new collective vision for the region, slowly but surely. we look forward to the day when belgrade and pristina will be an easy bus ride away from each other, when jerusalem and damascus, athens and ankara and, of course, the two parts of divided nicosia, will no longer be separated by fear and suspicion, but be joined in peace. perhaps that day is still far away, but as a chinese proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles begins with one small step. this step we dared take this year. we dared to imagine the world at the end of a thousand miles. rigas fereos, a prominent greek revolutionary, wrote in a constitution for the balkans more than two centuries ago, [number] all should be equal with equal rights without prejudice in the balkans christian, muslim and jew, albanian, slav, romanian, bulgarian, greek, turk, armenian, from bosnia to arabia. today, [number] days before the next millennium, we commit ourselves to keep walking in this direction of a new hope and vision for our world. as they say in latin america, se hace camino al andar.

mr. president, i have the honour to convey to you and this assembly greetings from my august sovereign, his majesty king birendra bir bikram shah dev, and his best wishes for the success of the forty-second session of the general assembly. on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, i have great pleasure in congratulating you on your unanimous election to the high office of president of the general assembly at its forty-second session. this is as much a tribute to the german democratic republic's commitment to the principles and purposes of the united nations as it is to your excellency's well-known personal attributes and diplomatic skill. my delegation is convinced that under your able stewardship the assembly will achieve the desired results. i wish also to extend congratulations to ambassador joseph verner reed on his appointment as under-secretary-general for general assembly affairs. i should like to express my delegation's deep appreciation to his excellency mr. humayun rasheed choudhury, who guided the general assembly at its forty-first session with such distinction and wisdom. may i also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. javier perez de cuellar, for his ceaseless endeavours for the cause of international peace and co-operation as for his laudable efforts to make the united nations system more efficient and effective. the united nations has for some time been a helpless witness to the growing dangers and deterioration in the international situation. the spiralling arms race r in both the nuclear and the conventional fields, the ever-widening socio-economic disparities between nations and peoples, and the increasing areas or incidents of tension, intervention and conflicts present a disturbing scenario for the world as it staggers towards the twenty-first century. clearly, this state of affairs cannot for long continue unchecked or unchallenged without inviting the most devastating consequences. it is against such a backdrop that we welcome the recent turn of events in the relations between the super-powers. we are particularly encouraged by the agreement in principle to eliminate intermediate and short-range missiles worldwide. while such an accord in itself represents a significant achievement in the process of disarmament, we believe it could help in building mutual confidence between the super-powers and pave the way for other, even more significant initiatives and accords. committed as nepal has always been to the goal of general and complete disarmament, it is only natural for us to hope that the present momentum will be maintained and that no opportunity to halt, or reverse, the arms race in other areas will be allowed to pass. while we attach the utmost urgency to nuclear disarmament because of the unlimited capacity of nuclear weapons to inflict destruction, we feel that we cannot, like nelson, turn a blind eye and ignore the galloping conventional arms race. such weapons consume [number] per cent of global military expenditure and have been used in over [number] conflicts in more than [number] countries since the end of the second world war. only a fortnight ago, the international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development was convened here at the united nations. apart from examining the close relationship between these two urgent challenges of our times, the conference was useful in highlighting the grave dangers posed by the unprecedented arms race not only on international security but also on the stability and welfare of peoples and nations. nepal looks forward with much anticipation to the third special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament, slated for next year. we hope that the special session will also consider new initiatives and concepts that serve to advance the cause of disarmament, including the creation of zones of peace and other confidence-building and conflict-limiting measures. in this context i wish to recall that, as early as [number], his majesty king birendra proposed that nepal be declared a zone of peace - a proposal which, i am pleased to state, has secured the valuable support of [number] states members of the united nations, for which i express our profound gratitude. we believe its realization would not only fully vindicate the rationale of the recent international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development but, no less important, make a tangible contribution to consolidating peace in what is a strategic part of the world. conceivably, it could even act as a model for stabilizing peace in other geopolitically sensitive areas of the globe. an overview of the world political situation provides scant room for comfort. thus, while the age-old predilection of the strong to impose their will on the weak continues unabated, the spectre of foreign intervention seems to have acquired subtler, and more dangerous, dimensions. if a sense of d j vu is manifest in surveying the west asian politico-military landscape, it is difficult to view with calm and serenity the escalation of tension in the persian gulf region. as we continue to remain concerned at the ongoing conflict between two of our non-aligned friends, iran and iraq, we have reasons to hope that the recent decision of the security council and the efforts of the secretary-general will help eventually to restore peace to a region torn apart by seven long years of fratricidal conflict. concerned at developments in central america over the past several years, nepal has supported the efforts of the contadora group for the restoration of peace. nepal warmly welcomed the recent peace agreement signed by five central american presidents in guatemala city, and we reaffirm our belief that durable peace in central america can be established only when all states with links to or interests in the area scrupulously honour and uphold the principle of non-interference. closer home, nepal also welcomed the agreement between our two south asian neighbours and friends, india and sri lanka, and we hope that this will not only end ethnic violence but also help in strengthening the unity and territorial integrity of sri lanka. meanwhile, the depressingly familiar problems of west asia, afghanistan and kampuchea are sombre reminders of how very little the world has changed in the more than four decades since the establishment of this world body, which was created, among other things, to protect the weak and uplift the poor among nations. in west asia, prospects for a lasting peace are as bleak as ever, notwithstanding flickering hopes that a number of unyielding attitudes of the past that inhibited a comprehensive peace settlement might be shed. peace, in our view, will continue to elude west asia as long as the palestinians are denied a homeland of their own in the region. there cannot be a stable peace if israel does not withdraw from territories occupied since the arab-israeli conflict of [number]. neither will peace be restored to that region as long as the right of israel to exist within secure and well-defined boundaries is denied. the plight of lebanon continues to be a matter of deep concern, especially that part of a sovereign state should be treated as falling within the defence perimeter of a stronger neighbour. nepal totally rejects any doctrine or code of international ethics that is based on the absurd premise that the security of some states is more precious than that of others. nepal is proud to participate in the united nations interim force in lebanon peace-keeping operations and stands ready to back any move that restores to lebanon full sovereignty over its entire territory. we are concerned about the unsatisfactory financial situation of unifil and the united nations peace-keeping force in cyprus and emphasize the responsibility of all member states in that respect. nepal repeats its appeal for a peaceful settlement of the problem of cyprus and renews its firm support for the island's territorial sovereignty, integrity, independence and non-aligned character the situations in afghanistan and kampuchea are viewed with deep anxiety by nepal. though the past year has witnessed some new developments in the domestic situation in both of these beleaguered countries, there has been no basic shift in the prolonged presence of foreign troops. nepal appreciates the continuing efforts of the secretary-general and his special representative in securing a negotiated settlement - particularly in afghanistan - where differences over the time-frame for such withdrawal have been narrowed, but not yet bridged. nepal reiterates its resolute support for relevant general assembly resolutions on afghanistan and kampuchea, including such essentials as, inter alia, withdrawal of all foreign forces and the right of the respective peoples to determine their political future without any outside interference. nepal believes that the potentially explosive situation in korea needs to be defused without delay. to achieve that, it welcomes any moves for greater contact and co-operation between the two koreas. it also believes that the peaceful reunification of korea can best be achieved by the korean people themselves, free from any foreign interference. no review of the international situation can be objective or complete if it does not note the shameful state of affairs that exists in south africa, where a regime of racist bigots has refined a system of ruthless exploitation against its own majority. backed by military might, and with support from some quarters, pretoria hurtles recklessly down the apartheid path, although there are now clear indications of doubts emerging within white south africa itself regarding the usefulness of blindly adhering to that evil system. nepal is honoured to serve on the special committee against apartheid and reiterates its deep conviction that the application of comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions remains the best - and perhaps the last - means of bringing about a peaceful transition to a multiracial representative society in south africa. nepal was pleased to make a modest contribution to the solidarity fund for southern africa set up by the movement of non-aligned countries at the harare summit to provide emergency assistance to front-line and other african states to enable them to withstand the effects of retaliatory sanctions by racist pretoria. nepal is steadfast in its belief that any further delay in the granting of immediate and full independence to namibia by south africa is fraught with very grave danger to international peace and security. we applaud the heroic struggle of the namibian people for independence under the leadership of the south west africa people's organization and reiterate our appeal to the international community to accelerate all efforts for the early implementation of the relevant security council and other united nations resolutions on the granting of independence to namibia. nepal was pleased to participate in the international conference on drug abuse and illicit trafficking held in vienna last june and stands fully committed to making its modest contribution to the eradication of that social scourge. i wish to state that nepal acceded to the single convention on narcotic drugs of [number], as amended by the [number] protocol, at the vienna conference. nepal has also been actively involved in tackling this social problem at the regional level by co-operating with its south asian neighbours. another scourge of relatively recent origin is terrorism, to the elimination of which nepal is equally committed along with its six other partners in the south asian association for regional co-operation saarc . i am pleased to inform you that saarc experts have prepared a draft convention, which is to be considered by its standing committee in kathmandu next month. i am also greatly pleased that saarc has made further progress since i spoke here last year. at present it not only has a full-fledged secretariat, based in kathmandu, but considerable headway has been made in developing it into an effective instrument for promoting regional co-operation for a full one-fifth of the world's population. apart from that it is nepal's belief that the success of saarc can further galvanize the concept of south-south co-operation which is being promoted by, among others, the movement of non-aligned countries, of which nepal is a founding member. for these reasons we in nepal are making the necessary preparations to ensure that the next saarc summit, to be held in kathmandu in a few weeks, will, like the two preceding summits, achieve substantial results. the international economic situation is a depressing one, with the developing world facing a crisis of unprecedented dimensions. this has been characterized, inter alia, by falling commodity prices, high interest rates, protectionism and a downswing of the world economy. owing to a combination of low global growth and the increasing complexities and uncertainties of the world economy, the urgently-needed support for the development of the developing countries has failed to materialize. what has materialized instead is the grim picture of declining commodity prices, stagnating official development assistance, and the crushing burden of the external debt of developing countries. this has exacerbated political tensions. it threatens to rip open the very fabric of society of many developing countries and constitutes a threat to international peace and security. long-term development of developing countries thus continues to be at the mercy of the inequities of a world economic system that has clearly ceased adequately to serve the objectives of global economic and social progress. while the economic situation of the developing countries as a whole is sombre enough, that in the least developed countries merits the special concern of the international community. it is with this reality in view that my delegation attaches great importance to the seventh session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctad which concluded its session in geneva last month. early this year, in kathmandu, nepal co-hosted, along with unctad, a high-level meeting of governmental experts from [number] countries and representatives of four international organizations to discuss the problems of the least-developed countries in preparation for unctad vii. my delegation shares the view of the united nations secretary-general that unctad-vii represented an advance in the revitalization of development, growth and international trade. we believe that the political will demonstrated by all groups in reaching consensus on the final act augurs well both for the outlook for multilateral co-operation as well as for a continuing dialogue on development. in particular, my delegation is pleased that due emphasis was given to such elements as the need for sustainable non-inflationary growth in developing countries, the responsibilities of the developed countries, a new thrust to the evolution of a growth-oriented debt strategy, the potential for renewed inter-governmental co-operation in commodities and, most of all, in the reaffirmation of the urgency of more strenuous endeavours to support the development of the least developed countries. while my delegation also welcomes the acknowledgement of the complementarity between unctad and the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt in their efforts to promote global trade, combat protectionism and reinforce the world trading system, we sincerely hope that the expectations of the least developed countries raised by unctad-vii will not meet the same fate as the unfulfilled commitments made to them under the new substantial programme of action for the 1980s chalked out at the paris conference in [number]. nepal also believes that due priority must be given to effective implementation of the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development, adopted unanimously at the thirteenth special session of the general assembly, in [number]. the speedy implementation of the new substantial programme of action has special significance for nepal which, under the wise leadership of his majesty king birendra, is today making all-out efforts to meet the basic needs of the people for food, shelter, clothing, primary health care, and education and security, by the end of this century. such international assistance would be especially welcome to augment nepal's water-resources development and the forestation efforts. besides helping nepal to alleviate the problem of chronic shortage of fuel, the prevention of environmental degradation of the himalayan foothills would have a most positive impact on millions of people whose lives are greatly shaped by the rivers flowing from the himalayas to the bay of bengal, recognizing, as nepal does, the close interdependence of the environment and economic and social development, it most warmly welcomes the report of the world commission on environment and development. a significant outcome of the forty-first session of the general assembly was the adoption of many important administrative and financial reforms designed to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the united nations. we have been ' greatly encouraged by the achievements thus far and believe that the process of reforms and renewal must be carried further. however, nepal continues to believe that unilateral withholding of dues will have grave implications not only for that process but also for the future of the united nations and multilateralism. in conclusion, i wish to reaffirm nepal's unwavering commitment to the principles and purposes of the united nations. i take this opportunity to underline nepal's continuing support of the non-aligned movement, which we maintain is as meaningful today as it was when it was founded more than a quarter century ago. i wish also to thank members of the asian group of the united nations for their valuable and unanimous endorsement of nepal's candidature for non-permanent membership in the security council for [number]-[number]. nepal gives its assurance that, if indeed so elected by this assembly, it will discharge the weighty responsibilities incumbent upon such membership in a manner commensurate with the trust reposed in it. in any case, nepal, as always, stands ready to co-operate in any endeavour that will further the lofty aims and objectives of the united nations, convinced that it truly represents, and remains, mankind's best hope for a peaceful, prosperous and humane world.

i congratulate you, mr. president, most warmly on the occasion of your election to this important post. the tireless support of bulgaria for your mission will be among the most active, and i would like to express the profound gratitude of my country to your predecessor, mr. jean ping, for his remarkable work and his real courage. following the best traditions in bulgarian foreign policy, the new bulgarian government is deeply attached to the principle of multilateralism in international relations, and thus believes in the central nature of the united nations as the only intergovernmental organization that is completely universal and extremely representative of the peoples of the world. bulgaria is participating in the sixtieth session of the general assembly as a country that has signed the treaty of accession to the european union and acts with the status of active observer in the bodies and institutions of the european union. my country has unreservedly supported the positions of the european union during the preparatory work for the summit that has just taken place, and we fully support the analysis of the outcome document made by the united kingdom presidency. the main purpose of this debate is to implement the decisions of the summit. i hope that each member state will help to push forward reform in the united nations, as set out in the outcome document resolution [number] [number] . substantial progress has been made in many key areas, and this is a good basis for the work of the sixtieth session. however, we are obliged to note with regret that some of the ambitious and innovative ideas in the report of the secretary-general, in larger freedom a [number] [number] , welcomed and endorsed by bulgaria, could not be adopted. we need to redouble our efforts so that these ideas can come to pass. bulgaria supports the efforts of secretary-general kofi annan in this respect and expresses the hope that his valuable contribution will continue. in parallel with the sixtieth anniversary of the creation of the united nations, my country is also celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of its membership in the united nations family. over the last [number] years, the challenges facing humanity have increased in complexity and diversity, and the threats facing us tend to interweave and compound each other in a manner never seen before. however, just as [number] years ago, it is the human being who is at the centre of our attention as the supreme value, the human being with his individual security and his right to a life of dignity and happiness. the summit that has just concluded in new york has revived hope that the struggle to eradicate poverty, hunger and epidemics and to protect the environment can be won. the condition is that we need to mobilize the maximum amount of efforts and the maximum resources so that we can implement a real global partnership between the developed and developing countries. we support the european union s position of increasing official development assistance. [number] as a candidate for membership in the economic and social council for [number] to [number], bulgaria has decided to make its contribution to activities of the united nations in the social and economic areas. the summit outcome document defines hiv aids as being one of the greatest threats to humanity. efforts of the entire international community are required in order to counter it. children and young people are the most affected. the case of the libyan children, contaminated with the hiv aids virus in a hospital, is a tragedy deserving our compassion and our support. bulgaria welcomes the adoption of appropriate measures to avoid such tragedies in the future. it will participate actively in the european union s plan of action, which it has just published, aimed at limiting the consequences of the epidemic of hiv aids in libya. my country supports the emergence of a new consensus in the united nations relating to the chief threats to international peace and security and collective action against such threats. bulgaria categorically condemns terrorism in all of its forms and manifestations. no cause can justify violence against innocent people. the united nations has a leading and irreplaceable role in creating a global environment of intolerance and rejection of terrorism. for that reason, my delegation will support unconditionally the adoption during the sixtieth session of an anti-terrorist strategy. it is in the context of this strategy that we should seek lasting and long-term solutions to the political, economic and social causes fuelling this phenomenon. bulgaria also insists that a common definition of terrorism be developed, making it possible to adopt a convention on international terrorism. it is clear that in order to combat terrorism effectively we need to neutralize all ideologies advocating terrorism. in that respect, we actively support initiatives that facilitate coexistence and dialogue between different civilizations, religions, ethnic groups and cultures. bulgaria profoundly regrets that the problem of the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction was not included in the summit outcome document, and we associate ourselves with the secretary- general s appeal to continue efforts in this priority area for our collective security. bulgaria has wholeheartedly supported the idea of creating a peacebuilding commission since its inception. the creation of this body is one of the most important decisions of the summit. allowing the commission to begin its work as soon as possible will greatly increase the ability of the united nations to consolidate the positive effects of peacekeeping operations. in each specific case, the peacebuilding commission cannot but benefit from the contribution from neighbouring countries and also from interested regional organizations. as a country in south-eastern europe, bulgaria has been working tirelessly over the last few decades for the transformation of the potential for conflict in the western balkans into good-neighbourliness, cooperation and development. we are convinced that stability and prosperity in this region are ultimately indissolubly linked with the european perspective for the western balkans. the risks of military confrontation are decreasing, and what we have seen recently is the emergence of new forms of cooperation between states with the consolidation of democratic institutions, civil societies and rule of law in the common fight against organized crime and corruption. for my country such forms of cooperation are a priority also as regards the states of the region of the black sea, the caspian sea and central asia. the international community is on the threshold of a crucial decision for the future of kosovo. the situation there is an example of a long and sometimes painful post-conflict settlement with the leadership of the united nations, and in partnership with the european union, nato and the organization for security and cooperation in europe. reaching a just and lasting solution cannot ignore european norms and values. it must guarantee the rights of all of the inhabitants of the region without distinction as to their ethnic origin, their religious beliefs and language. this solution must be based on a respect of the territorial integrity of neighbouring countries and must contribute to regional security and stability. for bulgaria the future of kosovo lies in a unified europe, and this can be achieved solely through the implementation of standards established by the security council. bulgaria supports the efforts of the government and the people of iraq on the difficult road to peace, security and economic recovery. the conclusion of the constitutional process provided for by security council resolution [number] [number] is the sole means of achieving this. we have no doubt that the adoption of the new iraqi constitution will make it possible to overcome [number] existing divisions and will be a cornerstone for constructing an iraqi state that is unified, democratic and guarantees the rule of law. for its part, bulgaria will continue to give its support to the iraqi people in their efforts to build a democratic, completely independent future. mr. zarif islamic republic of iran , vice- president, took the chair. my country welcomes the positive trends that have been emerging in the process of consolidating the afghan state, which the recent parliamentary elections have strikingly confirmed. bulgaria will continue its contribution to the efforts of the international community to stabilize afghanistan. we are continuing our assistance to the afghan army. we agree with those who highlight the need to focus the attention of the international community on africa. there is no doubt that a priority for the united nations must be the settlement of regional and local conflicts on this continent, combating poverty, and the transition to sustainable development. the role of the african union here is irreplaceable. for bulgaria the protection and the promotion of human rights are priorities of the united nations, as are the problems of development and security. we welcome the decision taken by the summit to create a human rights council. in our view this council should sit permanently and be elected directly by the general assembly with a set majority. its status should be higher than that of the existing commission on human rights. the role of this new body would be to develop and improve the current practices of the commission, particularly by regularly reviewing the state of human rights in all countries of the world while being ready to react in cases of grave and serious violations of human rights. in this respect bulgaria repeats its support for the democracy fund, which could encourage the democratic process in countries that need it and that wish to be helped in this area. my country is now evaluating its national contribution to this fund. over the last few days in this hall we have had a discussion on the protection of human rights worldwide. in this respect i cannot but mention a case that is of particular concern for bulgarian public opinion. this involves the destiny of the five bulgarian nurses and one palestinian doctor condemned to death by a libyan court in benghazi. the innocence of the accused has been categorically confirmed by leading scientists in the field of hiv aids. bulgaria still insists that a just and fair decision be taken by the supreme court of libya on [number] november. the consensus that has emerged on the concept of the responsibility to protect during the negotiations on the outcome document of the summit is a real breakthrough. it makes possible joint action by all members of the united nations in cases of genocide, ethnic cleansing and other mass crimes against humanity when national authorities refuse to act or are unable to protect their citizens. i am convinced that we are on the threshold of the most important and boldest reforms of the united nations in its history. only the collective will of all member states can open the way to real change. the stakes are enormous allow the united nations to establish its reputation as the universal world organization capable of proving once again its vitality in the face of the challenges of globalization.

the commonwealth of dominica joins other delegations in congratulating you on your election to chair the proceedings of the fifty- seventh session of the united nations general assembly. we are confident that you will preside over this assembly with the efficiency and dedication required to take us through the agenda of the fifty- seventh session. we also take this opportunity to extend to your predecessor our sincere appreciation for the excellent manner in which he steered the work of the fifty-sixth session of this general assembly. one year ago we convened in a city reeling from a terrible tragedy which spurred the international community to unite in the fight against international terrorism. the world's response to the events of [number] september [number] was one of total condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and a firm undertaking to uphold the principles of freedom and democracy enshrined in the charter of the united nations. the united nations security council was swift and decisive in its adoption of a resolution focused on suppressing the financing of terrorism and denying terrorists any safe haven in which to operate. sadly, terrorism remains today one of the greatest threats to human security. the commonwealth of dominica therefore once again reaffirms its commitment to the fight against international terrorism and to ensuring that the channels for funding of terrorist-related activities and international crime are permanently disabled. my government is making every effort towards the successful implementation of united nations security council resolution [number] [number] in spite of limited human and financial resources. legislative measures which have been put in place include an exchange of information act, which addresses some of the concerns of the international community as expressed in resolution [number] [number] . this act was passed in the dominica parliament in january [number], while a bill for the suppression of financing of terrorism will be tabled before parliament shortly. my delegation wishes to take this opportunity to express its appreciation for the initiatives taken by the counter-terrorism committee, the commonwealth, the european union and other countries and organizations to assist developing countries in their implementation of resolution [number] [number] . the historic entry into force of the rome statute of the international criminal court icc takes us one step further in the fight against impunity of war crimes and crimes against humanity. the commonwealth of dominica's accession to the statute of the icc in january [number] is indicative of our support for the establishment of a permanent international court that will bring the perpetrators of the most serious international crimes to justice. in this regard, the icc must seek to prevent or penalize terrorist-related crimes which may be localized in action, but may have severe global consequences. the international situation, notably developments in the world economy, has not been favourable to the growth prospects of small states such as the commonwealth of dominica, which remains a small, open and largely agriculture-based economy, extremely vulnerable to external economic shocks. while the events of [number] september [number] are behind us, the irreparable damage to the economies of small caribbean countries is still evident. hardest hit was the tourism sector, one of the areas with the greatest potential to contribute to dominica's social and economic development. [number] the growth of our offshore financial sector, another potential contributor to our economic diversification, has been adversely affected by our country's inclusion in the list of non-cooperative countries and territories put out by the organization for economic cooperation and development oecd 's financial action task force. all attempts thus far to have our country removed from that list have proved futile, in spite of the implementation of the measures necessary to ensure best industry practices in the financial services sector. the commonwealth of dominica nevertheless commits itself to the global combat against money- laundering and stands ready to cooperate with the international community in its anti-money-laundering initiative. a number of new laws have been enacted by parliament to legislate its anti-money-laundering policies. the commonwealth of dominica has also established a financial intelligence unit and a money- laundering supervisory authority to ensure that our financial-services sector remains free from money- laundering. as i address you, my country is facing one of the most challenging periods in its history. the slowdown in the global economy, the impact of the events of [number] september [number] on an already deteriorating fiscal situation, the continued difficulties of integrating into the multilateral trading system in a globalized world and the rapid decline in overseas development assistance have undoubtedly affected our economic performance in an appallingly negative way. we have been left with no other option but to pursue a stabilization and adjustment programme, which, although approved by the international monetary fund, has not succeeded in keeping detractors, including the public service union, off the streets. the success of this programme should lay the basis for sustained higher growth output and employment, as well as poverty reduction. we recognize, however, the attendant costs of implementing this programme. the dominican people have been asked to make temporary, but heavy sacrifices in order to place our country on the road to recovery. we wish to recognize, in this forum, the support given in these difficult times to the commonwealth of dominica at the caribbean regional level, and look forward to the timely support of the international community. last year, as the world turned its attention to the events of [number] september, the secretary-general reminded us that none of the issues that faced us on [number] september had become less urgent. indeed, the united nations calendar for the past year has been crowded with special conferences and summits, all convened to address problems and issues of global concern that affect the everyday lives of the peoples of the united nations. while it is true that those issues are current and of interest to the smaller members of this body it is unfortunate that many of us do not have the capacity or wherewithal to ensure that they receive effective representation, not only at the conferences but, more significantly, in the preparatory committees that precede the conferences. it is no accident, therefore, that most often the states that least benefit are the smallest and least influential. the second world assembly on ageing and the special session on children attempted to deal with issues which affect the most vulnerable members of our societies. the world assembly concluded in april with a plan of action for implementation by the international community. in small countries like the commonwealth of dominica, this implementation must, of necessity, include the recognition of older persons as the pillars of our societies people who make a significant contribution to our economic development. my government has developed a national policy on ageing which seeks to ensure that older persons are provided with protective care and given an opportunity to continue to participate in the development of our nation. a few weeks ago, we were privileged to host the tenth annual regional meeting of helpage international a happy coincidence, given that among our population of [number], [number], we have [number] centenarians. i want to make specific mention of the world's oldest living person a dominican woman, mrs. elizabeth israel, affectionately known as ma pampo who is allegedly [number]. civil society organizations like helpage must be recognized for their vigorous attempts to deal with issues affecting older persons. as a family of nations, we established set goals, strategies and actions in pursuit of a better life for children at the special session of the general assembly on children. as a [number] signatory to the convention on the rights of the child, the commonwealth of dominica remains committed to ensuring that children's rights are protected and respected. children are one of our most valuable resources. the monterrey conference on financing for development was convened in march this year, and was hailed as a turning point in the approach to development cooperation by the international community. it was widely acknowledged at monterrey that, in order for development assistance to be effective, both the donors and the recipients had to share the same goals of sustainable development and the alleviation and eventual eradication of poverty. we applaud the commitment expressed by the major donor governments to the monterrey consensus. what we desire, however, is an equitable distribution of the increased official development assistance funds pledged by the heads of state or government of the european union in march [number]. the same can be said of the new compact for global development proposed by president george w. bush on [number] march [number], by which the united states pledged to increase its core assistance to developing countries by [number] per cent over the next three years. we are still confident that global conferences can work, because it has been proved that they serve as forums where new proposals can be debated and consensus sought on topical issues. at the recently concluded johannesburg summit, world governments agreed to halve by [number] the number of people lacking clean water and basic sanitation. my government was particularly pleased that at the conclusion of the johannesburg summit the richer countries stated their willingness to reach an agreement, by january [number], within the world trade organization, for substantial improvements in market access for food exports from developing countries. the johannesburg summit underlined the necessary linkage between environmental protection and natural resources management and the issues of poverty, underdevelopment and social justice. the summit demonstrated the interdependence of social, environmental and economic factors, which must work in unison if long-term sustainable development is to be achieved. empirical evidence exists to show that poor and weak national economies impact negatively on the environment, while environmental degradation and the over-utilization of natural resources result in declining economies and impoverished communities. the government of dominica remains fully committed to agenda [number] and the barbados programme of action for small island developing states. we reiterate our unwavering support for the johannesburg plan of action and urge all member states to make good on their commitments for the successful implementation of all sustainable development conventions. the increase in levels of official development assistance, to which i alluded earlier, is essential when viewed in the context of the implementation of development strategies by small island developing states. it is recognized that the small, open economies of these small states require effective means, including financial resources, to counteract the negative effects of globalization and trade liberalization and to foster sustainable development. the commonwealth of dominica is acutely aware of the magnitude of the challenges facing our pursuit of sustainable development. ours is a country with a history of consistently seeking a national development path guided by sustainable development. an integrated development plan, undertaken with the participation of a diversity of stakeholders and sectors, will shortly be completed and will provide us with a framework within which we can address physical, economic and social vulnerabilities in an integrated manner. at this time, my government wishes to place on record its appreciation of the continued commitment of the republic of china on taiwan to the social, economic and infrastructural development of small, vulnerable economies very much like its own. as the fourteenth largest economy in the world, the republic of china on taiwan has demonstrated the benefits of having a global perspective on development. we welcomed the decision of the world trade organization, in november [number], to admit the republic of china on taiwan as a full member of that organization. we look forward to a similar occasion when the republic of china on taiwan will take its place in these halls as a full member of the united nations family. the commonwealth of dominica joins other delegations in congratulating the african nations for two important developments. first, the transformation of the organization of african unity into the african [number] union, which we are confident will be a strong institution committed to the promotion of peace and stability, democracy and human rights, cooperation, development, prosperity and human dignity. second, we have the programme for socio-economic revitalization of the african continent, the new partnership for africa's development nepad . the united nations has a central role to play in ensuring the success of this bold initiative of the african states to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment. these two development provide great examples that our caribbean region can emulate. in conclusion, i wish to reiterate the resolve of the millennium declaration that the central challenge we face today is to ensure that globalization becomes a positive force for all the world's people. a [number] [number], para. [number] we must ensure, through the global and regional programmes, that globalization truly contributes to sustainable development and prosperity for all. we wish the 57th general assembly every success in advancing the goals of peace, democracy, prosperity and sustainable development.

may i, first of all, extend to mr. de marco my congratulations on his election as president of this assembly. with someone of his wisdom and experience in the chair, the assembly is undoubtedly in good hands. we can count on the constructive co-operation of the netherlands delegation. obviously, mr. vice-president, these remarks apply to you also and to the other officers of the assembly. secondly, i extend a warm welcome to liechtenstein, a new member of this family of nations. earlier this week my italian counterpart, mr. de michelis, presented the common position of the [number] states members of the european community on a wide range of international issues. that allows us to concentrate on a few subjects that have my country's special attention. so far, [number] has been a year of spectacular success in international political affairs but, as we all know, it has also witnessed a serious setback. the cold war - a costly and sometimes frightening confrontation between east and west - is over. the democratisation of the soviet union and other eastern european countries has freed europe from an old antagonism and has paved the way for increasing co-operation in arms control, trade, cultural exchanges, human rights and environmental protection. the forthcoming unification of germany symbolises this process of peaceful change - the healing of a once bitterly-divided europe. we rejoice with our german friends, who are also our neighbours that the unity that they have long sought will finally become reality on [number] october. the improved climate between east and west also positively influences multilateral co-operation, as is proved by the handling by the united nations of the present crisis in the gulf. the immediate cause of that crisis represents a dramatic step backward in international relations. it is a saddening paradox that, while in one part of the world - on the european continent - new policies have made possible improved relations and a process of substantial arms reductions, in another part of the world brutal force is again being used to settle political differences. whatever disputes iraq may have had with kuwait nothing can justify its naked aggression against a sovereign state member of the united nations. the very core of the united nations charter the maintenance of peace and the prevention of aggression - is at stake. it is heartening to observe that the united nations is at last fulfilling its historic missions. consensus between the great powers has bean instrumental in this. fortunately it is now more widely realised that greater power brings greater responsibility. we therefore welcome the action that the security council has taken in response to iraq's aggression, at the heart of which lies its call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of iraqi forces from kuwait, for the release of hostages, and for the restoration of the legitimate government of that country. the kingdom of the netherlands fully supports the implementation of the council's resolutions. dutch naval and air forces have been made available to help ensure compliance with the embargo resolutions against iraq and to contribute to security in the gulf. we strongly condemn the actions taken by iraq against foreign nationals in kuwait and iraq and against diplomatic missions in kuwait. we hold the government of iraq responsible under international law for its manipulation of innocent civilians for purposes of international blackmail. it is our sincere hope that this conflict will be resolved peacefully. but we should always remember that it is iraq that broke the peace in the first place. its shameless annexation of kuwait could not be left unanswered. sometimes the countering of might with might is unavoidable, as is being underscored by more than ss united nations members that have deployed forces in the region. far from harbouring aggressive thoughts of their own, they seek to uphold world order. the alternative is chaos and a free-for-all, from which everyone - not just the small and weak - would suffer. the sad story of the league of nations has taught the world that w must stand firm and united in the face of aggression. just as in europe, we should prefer to see, regional solutions to the regional problems in the middle east. in principle, therefore, we understand the call for an arab solution to the conflict. we are dealing here, however, with the aggression of an arab state against another arab state and it is at the request of arab states, which feel threatened by iraq, that countries outside the region have come to their aid. moreover, international aggression and violent conquest transcend the confines of the region, because they strike at the heart of the united nations charter. finally, legitimate interest in the stability of that part of the world is certainly not limited to the region itself. it should therefore be clear that an arab solution cannot be a substitute for security council resolutions but could only take shape subject to iraq's full compliance with then. meanwhile an embargo that is strictly abided by and properly enforced offers the best, if not the last, hope for a peaceful settlement of this conflict. in this contest we welcome the adoption yesterday of security council resolution [number] [number] , containing measures that further tighten the embargo. it is another clear signal to iraq that time is not working in its favour and that aggression does not pay. aggression entails human suffering and disastrous damage to the international economy - the most vulnerable economies in particular. the netherlands, together with its partners in the european community, is committed to extending assistance to these countries to enable them to fulfil their obligations under the security council resolutions. effective international co-operation within the framework of the united nations has taken on a new dimension. by applying the instruments provided for in chapter vii of the united nations charter, the world shows its willingness to unite for collective security. in recent years we have seen successful united nations peace-keeping efforts, permitted by propitious international political conditions. if iraq complies with the security council's resolutions and withdraws from kuwait, the situation thereafter could very well require deployment of a united nations peace-keeping force. if, however, iraq continues to refuse to comply with them and persists in its illegal occupation of kuwait, additional action, consistent with the united nations charter, will be called for to enforce the restoration of peace. clearly, if that situation should arise - and we all hope it will not - we look to the united nations as the instrument for enforcement. our fervent hope that we shall reach a peaceful solution should not prevent us from being prepared for such a contingency. our objectives are clear, but we do not know how, in the end, they will be achieved. what we do know is that this crisis is a test for the political resolve of the international community and of the united nations. chapter vii, regarded at the time of drafting as a great innovation, has never been applied so comprehensively. this crisis is an important demonstration of the possibilities of multilateral action for upholding vital principles of a just world order. the netherlands remains deeply concerned by the endemic instability of the middle east. the arab-israeli conflict, the palestinian problem and the situation in lebanon are still unresolved. any link between the solution of these problems and the iraqi aggression should, however, be firmly rejected, as this would only give the appearance of justice to an unjust cause and thereby frustrate solution of the gulf crisis. why is the middle east such a powder-keg, such a warehouse packed full of arms, ready to explode at any time? why is there no development towards stability and peaceful change, comparable to the one we are witnessing in other parts of the world? it seems to us that a crucial political precondition is missing as long as there are parties that do not accept reality as it is, but constantly try to postpone the inevitable. i refer to the contempt for existing borders, to the negation of existing statehood and to the disregard for legitimate political aspirations. it is hard to believe that peace will come to the middle east as long as israel feels insecure because it is not accepted by its arab neighbours. equally, there will be no peace for israel as long as it does not permit palestinian self-determination in the occupied territories. we believe that a declared state of non-belligerency between the countries of the region is essential for the revival of the peace process. therefore we call upon the arab states formally to end the state of war with israel and normalise relations with that country in the context of the peace process. equally, we call upon israel to comply with resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] within the framework of a comprehensive peace agreement. furthermore, in our view dialogue between israel and the palestinians remains indispensable. even if one has to admit that the opportunities which presented themselves during the past years have been missed and that the prospects for peace have been undermined by the position the palestine liberation organisation has adopted in the gulf crisis, we nevertheless remain convinced that there is no other way ahead for israel and the palestinians than to demonstrate mutual recognition of fundamental rights and legitimate aspirations. subsequent to the solution of the gulf crisis, a renewed and determined effort by the international community is needed to induce the parties concerned to accept these prerequisites and to cross the threshold on the arduous road to a lasting peace. with the lessons of the past in mind, notably in europe, it seems that more democracy, more respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms, in combination with more arms control instead of arms build-up, are vital ingredients to be more emphatically inserted into the middle east peace process if durable stability and security are to be attained. while the positive trend in both nuclear and conventional arms control between east and nest is very encouraging, such progress is distinctly lacking in other parts of the world, as the gulf crisis shows. the middle east especially is the scene of a rapid arms build-up. weapons of every description conventional, chemical, biological - are concentrated there on a huge scale whereas nuclear weapons seen to be imminent. various means for delivery of such weapons are available in the region, including missiles, some of them with considerable reach. let existing instruments be fully applied to reverse this arms race, both worldwide and in the region. as for the danger of nuclear arms proliferation, there must be recognition of the vital need to strengthen the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. all states of the region should become parties to that treaty. the treaty's safeguard system should be utilised in full, so as to include special inspections. in the same view the biological weapons treaty must become a more effective barrier against proliferation. it should be reinforced by area-wide accession and full ratification, further confidence -building measures and, ultimately, a credible verification regime. we will be putting forward proposals to that end at next year's review conference. it goes without saying that the gulf crisis can only strengthen the urgency of a global ban on chemical weapons. after [number] years of negotiations, an effectively verifiable treaty with universal participation is long overdue. [number] should really be not only our target but also our deadline. the netherlands fully supports the australian end french proposal to hold a ministerial conference early next year to provide the necessary political impetus. i would remind representatives that the netherlands has offered to host the envisaged chemical weapons treaty organisation. in the mean time, measures to stop further proliferation of biological and chemical weapons end their precursors as well as missiles end their technology are indispensable. the netherlands recently joined the missile technology control regime. an arms build-up is mainly a result and not a cause of tension as the cold war has taught us. that explains why w soon expect to sign a comprehensive treaty on the substantial reduction of conventional forces in europe. in other regions of the world these political pre-conditions are not yet fulfilled, so it may be hard for countries to feel secure enough to restrict themselves in this respect. that is why we feel it is so important that the ground rules for stability in the middle east which i referred to before, find acceptance. these should pave the way for more comprehensive security arrangements in which confidence-building measures and conventional arms control have a prominent place, and they will help to counter proliferation of weapons in the region. we should realise, however, that there will always remain a dilemma between legitimate security needs, on the one hand, and the objective of avoiding an arms race, on the other. in this context, we shall also have to look at ways and means to restrain arms exports - a subject which has been broached for the first time in the united nations. let me now strike a positive note. the combination of greatly improved east-west relations and the better functioning of the united nations have a wholesome effect on the quest for solutions to regional conflicts. in a number of cases this has inspired the local or regional parties to stop feuding and start looking for a fair and lasting compromise. the prospects for resolving the conflict in cambodia and the prospects for fundamental change in south africa give rise to some optimism. the comprehensive peace plan which the five have developed for cambodia contains a solid framework for the four warring factions to settle their differences and free their sorrowing country from the scourge of war and repression. the recent acceptance of the plan by the cambodian parties, and their further agreement as to the details of the arrangement, should allow the country to make a safe transition to a democratic political system, with its sovereignty restored. the cambodians must finally be free from the killing fields and from foreign interventions. we welcome the decision that cambodia will be represented in the united rations and elsewhere by the newly founded supreme national council. and if the netherlands should be called upon to contribute to united nations efforts to implement the peace plan, such a request will meet with positive consideration. notwithstanding our deep concern over recent violence, south africa offers a ray of hope. here we find two courageous leaders who have decided to bury the hatchet and endeavour to build a common future. the road ahead is full of obstacles. after [number] years of apartheid, its pillars still basically stand upright, but apartheid is to be dismantled. these leaders have to tear down the walls of distrust and bring the various groups in south africa into the constitutional dialogue. they have to write a new language - one of conciliation and mutual respect - in a country which is used to the language of hatred and the practice of violence. they have to open up perspectives for peaceful change in a society split apart by deep divisions between the haves and the have-nots. in other words, their task is of herculean proportions. and yet there is reason for hope as both parties combine goodwill with good sense. after years of vigorous support of the anti-apartheid struggle, the international community is now under an obligation to support the actual constructive forces of change in south africa. we feel that a policy of encouraging the peaceful transition to a democratic south africa in which all citizens enjoy equal rights is fully justified. therefore, tangible progress on the road towards a complete dismantling of apartheid should, in our view, go hand in hand with a corresponding relaxation of economic pressures on south africa. let us not forget korea. in that country a start has been made on unfreezing the situation between north and south. while waiting for a further improvement of the relations between north and south korea, we call for adequate representation of the korean people in the united nations. popular demand for democracy and the craving for human rights are growing stronger year after year. the human rights debate should not be permeated by a north-south divide. from latin america to east asia and from eastern europe to africa, people cry out for freedom, underlining time and again that human rights are truly universal values. as we welcome the end of the cold war, we also welcome a new perspective for the united nations in the field of human rights. united nations human rights standards have always provided clear and uncompromising criteria by which the conduct and achievement of governments could be measured. now a sustained effort can be made to strengthen the supervisory machinery which is so important if respect for human rights is really to be improved. in the conference on security and co-operation in europe csce mechanisms have been established which, more than the united nations body of norms, provide states with specific detailed procedures to hold each other accountable for violations of human rights. the same may be true for the new norms which have been developed in the cscb for compliance with the requisites of free elections and the rule of law. here, as elsewhere, regional and united nations systems should reinforce each other. no political order will last very long if it does not permit change. in fact, the united nations concept of world order has always been a combination of collective security and peaceful change. concentrating on restoring the peace in the gulf or elsewhere, however necessary and justified, is not enough. we must at the same time continue to put our energy into combating poverty, disease, illiteracy, drugs and terrorism, into promoting equitable economic development both domestically and internationally. the recent eighteenth special session of this assembly, on international economic co-operation, has put the world back on the right track in its dialogue on development problems, after long years of fruitless polarisation. the assembly's declaration represents a fitting start for the formulation and implementation of the international development strategy for the fourth development decade. the gulf crisis now seriously clouds the economic perspectives. rising energy prices will severely impair development, particularly in third-world countries. growth figures, debt-service ratios and adjustment programmes will have to be adapted to more pessimistic indicators. there is reason for concern about the possible implications for the multilateral trade negotiations in the uruguay sound. it is up to all of us to find a means of safeguarding the developing countries, and especially the least developed countries, from severe setbacks in their economic and social progress. the netherlands has recently taken the initiative to propose a collective cancellation of official bilateral debt to severely indebted poorest countries which implement sound economic policies. just as it is difficult to imagine safeguarding international peace without at the same time striving to promote social peace, it is equally difficult to imagine that either can survive in the long run without an ecological balance - in short, green peace. life on earth for future generations could very well be endangered if man does not make peace with nature. and if not peace, then at least a cease-fire. the threats are real enough warming of the atmosphere, depletion of the ozone layer, acid rain, expanding deserts and reckless deforestation - to pick just a few from a growing list. it is indeed must urgent that we act, if only to stop further deterioration. we simply cannot afford the luxury of waiting for irrefutable scientific proof as to what precisely causes the different problems confronting us. we should not allow ourselves the benefit of the doubt. it is crucial now to move towards the early conclusion of a world climate convention which should put an effective stop to such related phenomena as "arming of the atmosphere, depiction of the ozone layer and deforestation. we are happy to observe that the recent london conference reached agreement on the total banning of chlorofluorocarbons cfcs by the year [number]. our endeavours to protect the atmosphere, and indeed the environment as a whole, can only be successful with the full participation of the developing countries. the industrialised countries have an obligation to help their already overburdened nations by providing, among others, facilitating funds. the united nations conference on environment and development, to be held in [number], should set the seal on world-wide agreements on concrete measures for the protection of the environment and the restoration of the damage already inflicted, while taking account of the special position of the developing countries. the netherlands will continue to play an active role in its preparation. in this contest, i should like to mention a high-level meeting on human settlements and sustainable development in november, which will be hosted by my country. both the united nations conference on environment and development and the negotiations on new conventions, such as a world climate convention, serve as an opportunity to vest the united nations with new crisis management and enforcement and powers ensuring compliance with environmental standards. we should seize these opportunities in an adequate manner. after all, conditions of life on earth, and therewith the world's security, are at stake. in conclusion, the gulf crisis has once again made the world aware of the great value of a properly functioning united nations. we sincerely hope that, after long years of stagnation, the united nations will be able to enhance its role in the enforcement of collective security and the promotion of peaceful change. the united nations should also seize upon the present opportunity to resume the work on the reform and the creating of a joint organization which has begun in the last few years. the netherlands has traditionally been an ardent supporter of the organisation. we will do our share of the wor2c involved in strengthening this world organisation and equally in strengthening international [number] in all its dimensions, including promotion of a later recourse to the international court of justice, as recommended by the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organisation. "with all its imperfections the united nations organisation offers the peace-loving nations of the world now a fully workable mechanism which will give them peace, if they want peace. to be sure, no piece of social machinery, however well constructed, can be effective unless there is, back of it, a will and determination to make it work. " those words of one of the fathers of the united nations were true in [number] and are no less valid in [number]. let us make it work.

let me begin, sir, by paying tribute to your predecessor, jean ping, for his extraordinary work above all on the world summit, but also throughout his year as president and by offering my congratulations to you on beginning your year in office. i should also like to express, on behalf of the european union and all its member states, our deepest sympathy and solidarity to the people of the united [number] states, particularly those in the gulf states, in their hour of need. in early july, my first duty in the presidency of the european union was to go to srebrenica to mark the tenth anniversary of the massacre there, the worst in europe since the end of the second world war. more than [number], [number] people, mainly muslim, were taken away and killed as the international community just stood to one side. to be sure, we had shown the right convictions in words, but shamefully, we had failed to act. the lesson of that massacre and of the even greater horror of rwanda a year before was that we all needed better means to turn our collective will into decisive action. i think that we in the european union have learned in the intervening period. today, the union is on the ground as a military, police or civilian presence in bosnia, in aceh, in iraq, in the democratic republic of the congo and, with the african union, in darfur. i also think that the united nations has learned the lessons of the past decade. at the summit this week, we agreed on the further steps that we need to take for the organization to be even more effective. of all that was agreed at the summit, i believe it will be the agreement on our responsibility to protect that will be seen in the future as having the greatest significance of all. if we follow through on the responsibility to protect, then never again will genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity be allowed to take place under our noses with nothing done. the responsibility to protect is, of course, a reflection of our common morality. but it is also a recognition that the world in which we now live is too small for us to be unaffected by, or indifferent to, the innocent victims of murder and oppression. this shrinking of the world has been as sudden as it has been profound. when the berlin wall fell, a generation of ideological certainties was swept away. people could suddenly see partners where before they had only glimpsed adversaries. and as that very visible barrier was noisily being breached, a revolution in information technology was quietly erasing the barriers of distance and time. continents and cultures are now cabled together and bound by trade and services in a way that was unimaginable even a decade ago. in this new world, we can no longer safely tolerate the general threat that can come from a particular human tragedy, wherever it takes place. to a greater extent than ever before, we share the same world the same threats and responsibilities, the same opportunities and interests. and precisely because the boundaries of our world have contracted, the horizons the ambitions of many people around the globe have infinitely expanded. for the first time in our history, mankind has the ability to realize the potential of individuals in societies of all kinds and in every region through an open exchange of goods, investment, technology and, above all, ideas. not least in all of this, it is the rise of india and of china that is reordering the world economy. hundreds of millions there and elsewhere have been lifted out of poverty. a new global market has been created that ignores the divide which seemed so fundamental for so many decades between east and west. currently, not everyone has the chance to share in all of that. much of sub-saharan africa remains blighted by poverty, disease and conflict. the european union has now set a clear timetable to achieve the [number]. [number] per cent target for aid. debt relief, trade reform and development aid are all vital, but none of them can work alone. fundamental to making poverty history are the governments of the developing world themselves. and where governments fail, their own peoples are the victims, as united nations special envoy anna tibaijuka s damning assessment of the situation in zimbabwe only too graphically shows. sub-saharan africa is not alone in having yet to achieve its potential. the american author thomas friedman, in his recent book the world is flat, highlights an extraordinary anomaly it was the arab peoples whose forebears devised algebra and the algorithms upon which our entire digital age is based, but those peoples are now right at the rear of today s technological revolution, with, for example, fewer than [number] per cent of those populations having internet access. three united nations development programme arab human development reports have now set out clearly how limited economic prospects and stunted political freedoms have led young and talented people towards alienation and disillusionment. the answer, however, does not lie in easy stereotypes about some clash of civilizations. it is only the terrorists and the preachers of hate who want us to believe that islam and the west are fundamentally [number] different. theirs is a philosophy of mistrust and despair, and we reject it utterly. indonesia and turkey to name just two are both striking examples of how countries with predominantly muslim populations can embrace democracy and modernity. we in the european union have seen the vibrant muslim communities in our own countries, and from that experience have seen how islamic and western cultures can be partners in a global society. everyone knows that the arab peoples want prosperity, freedom and democracy every bit as much as anyone in europe or america. so the fact that the arab world has the lowest scores in regional measurements of democratic practices, civil freedoms and good governance is not some cultural inevitability, but a temporary failure of human will. in that regard, the international community has a clear responsibility to encourage regionally led political, social and economic reform. the european union strongly supports such reform and will continue to do so. equally, it has been our active foreign policy that has placed us in the lead with regard to iran, especially on the nuclear dossier. with our high representative javier solana and my french and german foreign minister colleagues, we have made detailed proposals for the relationship between the european union and iran to be based on cooperation and respect for international norms and treaties. our proposals envisage a high-level, long-term political and security framework between the european union and iran, in which we would work together in political, economic, scientific and technological areas, including the civil nuclear field, in return for iran providing guarantees about its intentions and capabilities concerning nuclear weapons. so, we will listen very carefully to and reflect on this afternoon s speech by the new president of the islamic republic of iran, mr. mahmoud ahmadinejad. on iraq, the european union now has a comprehensive programme of engagement and has put behind it divisions over the military action two and a half years ago. we are supporting the goal of a peaceful, prosperous, democratic and stable nation. we are also giving very active support to the quartet s efforts to secure a just and lasting peace between israel and the palestinians, with two states living side by side. we salute prime minister sharon s brave decision to withdraw from the gaza strip, and we salute president mahmoud abbas s work to build the first stage of an effective, viable state of palestine. in july, the european union again suffered the horror of a major terrorist atrocity. this time the target was my country, the united kingdom its capital, london. but none of us is safe from the threat of terror. international terrorism requires an international response otherwise, we all pay the price for each other s vulnerabilities. the ratification of a comprehensive treaty on terrorism is, therefore, at the highest priority. but the threat from terrorists and the political instability they bring is made worse by the easy availability of weapons in what has become an anarchic, unregulated international trade. these same weapons fuelled the killings in rwanda and in bosnia a decade ago and are fuelling the conflicts in the democratic republic of the congo and in darfur today. we already have international instruments to regulate chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. we in the european union have a comprehensive arms control regime. but i suggest to the general assembly that the time has now come for this organization to embrace the idea of an international arms trade treaty, which would build on and strengthen existing initiatives. it was in the killing fields of europe, in two successive wars, that the twin ideas of the united nations and of the european union became imperative. today, the european union s commitment to the united nations is profound it has never been stronger. and it is reflected in what we give in voluntary donations and to the regular budget and peacekeeping operations. the fundamental purpose of the united nations remains today what it was at its foundation to remove the scourge of war, to reaffirm the worth of the human person and to promote social progress and better standards of life. in this changed and changing world, it is the responsibility of us all to ensure that this organization has the powers and the resources to achieve all these aims.

it gives me great pleasure to join those who have spoken before me. sir, in congratulating you on your assumption of the high office of president of the assembly. your skills and ability, your experience and leadership, are well known. consequently we could not have found a person better suited than you to guide our deliberations at this important juncture. your election is a tribute to your personal qualities and to your country. we are confident that your guidance will make this session of the general assembly fruitful and productive. i should also like to take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to ambassador lusaka of zambia, who served with great distinction as president of the assembly during its thirty-ninth session. like those who have spoken before me, i wish to express my admiration for the way in which ambassador lusaka carried out his task. his presidency has earned both him and his country great honor. on behalf of the swedish government, i wish to express to the government and people of mexico our deepest sympathy for the great human suffering and extensive material damage the recent earthquake in mexico cost them. the people of sweden were deeply distressed to learn about that almost incomprehensible natural disaster. i wish to assure the representative of mexico of my government's readiness to contribute in assisting mexico in its emergency and in its heavy task of reconstruction. during this session of the general assembly the united nations will celebrate its fortieth anniversary. this gives me a welcome opportunity to confirm that sweden's membership of the united nations and the obligations it implies remain a cornerstone of swedish foreign policy. one of the most important changes during the past [number] years is that the united nations has become almost universal. at a time of ever-growing interdependence it is more important than over to safeguard this valuable asset. more than a hundred new independent states have been admitted as members. largely owing to the united nations, it was possible to accelerate the process of decolonization. the basic task of the united nations of maintaining international peace and security is more important than ever in the age of nuclear weapons. in this area, the organization is facing a number of difficulties. the secretary-general has stimulated a necessary international discussion on the possibilities of strengthening the role of the united nations in this respect. under the charter, a special responsibility has been placed upon the permanent members of the security council. it depends mainly on them whether or not the united nations can be used as an effective instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security and for the promotion of a peaceful development in the world. the arms race continues unimpeded. as emphasized in the united nations study on security concepts, no state can any longer build its security exclusively on its own military strength. even the nuclear-weapon states are ultimately dependent for their security on decisions taken in capitals far from their own territories. issues of war and peace and international development cannot be left exclusively to the great powers. this has been underlined in the so-called five-continent peace initiative, signed by heads of state and government from six countries, including sweden. in this initiative it is emphasized that non-nuclear-weapon states also have the right to make their voices heard with regard to nuclear weapons. today, nuclear weapons are a threat to the survival of mankind. more and more states are beginning to discuss nuclear weapons also in terms of international law. the charter of the united nations prohibits the threat or use of force. the use of force in self-defense that is recognized in the charter must be proportionate to the force used by the attacker. furthermore, it should be noted that existing international law relating to armed conflict contains some general principles which outlaw certain methods of warfare. relevant principles in this context are inter alia the principle of distinction between military and civilian objects, the ban on methods and means that cause unnecessary suffering and the principle of proportionality. the latter principle prohibits attacks which may be expected to cause civilian losses that would be excessive in relation to the direct military advantage anticipated. principles of international law place a heavy responsibility on any government considering the use of nuclear weapons. the use of nuclear weapons in contravention of the principles to which i have just referred will be in conflict with international law. today, interest is focused on the bilateral negotiations in geneva and the approaching summit meeting between the leaders of the soviet union and the united states. but at the same time as these negotiations are in progress, the arsenals are growing. the proposal for a nuclear-weapon freeze remains valid. a freeze could be a first step towards reductions in, and the elimination of, nuclear weapons. however, the bilateral negotiations between the soviet union and the united states cannot diminish the importance of the multilateral work done here in the united nations, at the conference on disarmament in geneva and in other forums. for europe, the process initiated by the conference on security and co-operation in europe and the ongoing stockholm conference on confidence and security-building measures offer important opportunities of strengthening co-operation and detente. as the stockholm conference now approaches its final stages, it is essential that the negotiations enter into a more concrete phase as soon as possible. the arms race knows no boundaries and is reaching to the oceans and out into space. outer space is the common heritage of mankind. peaceful space activities are today of great importance to all states for purposes of communication, for earth resources surveys and for weather observation. as far as security policy is concerned, satellites have important stabilizing functions, such as early warning and the verification of disarmament agreements. the issue of preventing an arms race in outer space has attracted much attention recently. the swedish government believes that security cannot be achieved through technical solutions, as, for example, new military systems which can be introduced in outer space. they cannot solve the problem of reliance on nuclear deterrence, which is fundamentally a political problem. only negotiated political solutions can be realistic. sweden has also noted with concern the development of anti-satellite systems, which contribute to an increased risk of an arms race in outer space and to destabilizing development in a strategic area. another serious development in weapons technology is the obvious risk of a growing concentration on such weapons as sea and air-launched cruise missiles. the swedish government wishes in particular to emphasize the importance of reaching agreement on a ban on long-range cruise missiles. the naval arms race has brought the military forces of the great powers, including their nuclear weapons, to all continents. the united nations study on the naval arms race, which has now been completed, demonstrates the importance of disarmament and confidence-building measures in this area as well as of measures to strengthen the rules of international law on naval warfare. it ought to be of common interest to all states to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. the best way of achieving this is to strengthen the international set of rules that has been drawn up through the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the work of the international atomic energy agency iaea . against this background, we regret that some nuclear-weapon states are not even prepared to negotiate on a complete nuclear-weapon test ban. this measure, above all others, would contribute to the prevention of a threatening proliferation of nuclear weapons. there is also a risk that other types of weapons of mass destruction will spread to more states. the plans for the manufacture of binary chemical weapons existing ban on the use of chemical weapons. the swedish government hopes that the ongoing negotiations at the conference on disarmament in geneva will lead to a comprehensive ban on such weapons. the relationship between disarmament and development has been highlighted in several international studies. a national study has been carried out in sweden pursuant to a recommendation of the united nations. sweden will take an active part in the international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development that the general assembly has decided to convene. the struggle of the great powers for power and influence tends often to aggravate local and regional crises. a growing part of the transfer of resources to the developing countries is given in the form of military support. the international arms transfers are increasing in magnitude. the situation in southern africa today constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. in its defense of the abhorrent system of apartheid, the white minority regime in south africa has demonstrated that it is prepared to use brutal force against the majority of the population as well as against neighboring countries. are a cause of grave concern. for decades we have appealed in vain to the white minority regime to abolish apartheid. time is now running out. a peaceful solution should, however, still be possible. therefore, decisive reforms roust be brought about without delay in order to transform south africa into a democracy with equal rights for all. only in this way can enormous suffering for all, including the white minority, be avoided. the state of emergency in south africa should be lifted immediately, the political prisoners released and a dialog initiated with the authentic leaders of the majority of the population. mandatory sanctions decided upon by the united nations security council are, in the opinion of the swedish government, the most effective means of pressure at our disposal. they also represent a peaceful means, supported by prominent leaders of the black majority, its liberation movements and africa as a whole. recently international pressure on south africa has grown significantly. a further increase in this pressure is necessary. in the view of my government the the security council resolution of [number] july this year was a step in the right direction. in that resolution member states were recommended to take certain measures against south africa, such as the suspension of all new investments there. these measures should now be made mandatory through a decision of the security council in accordance with chapter vii of the charter. only if applied by all states can they become truly effective. if south africa does not fundamentally change its policy, the sanctions should be extended to cover other important areas, such as the economic field as a whole and communications. economic sanctions against south africa are particularly appropriate as a contribution to the peaceful abolition of the policy of apartheid, as apartheid is also a system of economic repression. the apartheid policy facilitates the exploitation of the black population, which in turn is a prerequisite for the very high standard of living of the white minority compared with that of the black majority. the short-term economic benefits of the apartheid policy are an important explanation as to why the white minority adheres so strongly to that inhuman system. the swedish government will continue its efforts to help increase pressure on south africa. in addition to the measures already taken in sweden this year -among them the strengthening of the ban on new investments introduced in [number] - we shall take certain unilateral measures over and above the measures recommended by the security council. in particular, i should like to mention a recommendation to swedish companies to seek markets and suppliers outside south africa, as well as a ban on all imports into sweden of agricultural products from south africa. together with the other nordic countries, we are working on an extension and strengthening of our 197s joint nordic program of action against south africa. a new, revised program will be presented at a meeting of the nordic ministers for foreign affairs in oslo next month. namibia is a country under foreign occupation. again south africa is trying to force its political solutions on the namibian people. this is a flagrant violation of the plan for independence and free elections in namibia which was adopted by the security council as long ago as in [number]. questions that fall outside the united nations plan must not be used as a pretext to prevent its implementation. however, south africa shows no sign that it is willing to abandon its delaying tactics. the security council should, therefore, as envisaged in its resolution of june this year and without further delay, take effective action against south africa, including mandatory sanctions, with a view to ensuring the implementation of the united nations plan. sweden is increasing its assistance to the liberation movements, the african national congress of south africa anc and the south west africa people's organization swapo , to the refugees and to the victims and opponents of the apartheid system. some of this assistance is channeled through various united nations agencies. together with our development assistance to the front-line states and to the southern african development co-ordination conference sadcc , swedish assistance to southern africa for the current fiscal year amounts to more than [number]. [number] billion swedish krona. this represents one third of our total bilateral assistance to developing countries. the situation in the middle east remains grave. different initiatives taken in the region indicate, however, a strong desire for peace. the efforts to advance the peace process must receive support. a lasting solution to the conflict in the middle east requires that the parties meet in direct negotiations. the palestine liberation organization plo must have the right to participate on an equal basis in such negotiations. an international peace conference under the auspices of the united nations might be a way of bringing the parties together and could serve as a framework for direct negotiations. the right of israel and other states in the area to exist must be recognized. security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] should be the basis for a negotiated settlement. in our opinion, these resolutions mean that israel should withdraw from the territories occupied in [number] in exchange for peace being ensured within secure and recognized boundaries. for a settlement to be lasting, it is also required that the palestinian people achieve self-determination. they have, if they so wish, the right to for a state of their own on the west bank and in the gaza strip. the deep crisis in lebanon remains. apart from the many lebanese victims of this tragic conflict, aggravated by the israeli invasion, the fighting has caused suffering to the palestinian refugees. those refugees find themselves in an increasingly vulnerable situation. the main responsibility for finding a solution to the country's crisis rests with the lebanese parties themselves. at the same timer external powers must respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of lebanon. the war between iran and iraq has now lasted for five years. widespread suffering and casualties on both sides have resulted. civilian population centers have been bombed and chemical weapons used, in violation of the rules of international law. it is the fervent hope of the swedish government that it will be possible to bring the conflict to an early end by peaceful means. we fully support the united nations efforts in this respect. in particular, the elements of a peaceful solution presented to the parties by the secretary-general should be recalled. the swedish prime minister, mr. olof palme, special representative of the secretary-general, is closely following the development of the conflict and remains in contact with the parties concerned in order to promote such a solution. the continuing armed intervention in afghanistan by the soviet union constitutes a violation of the fundamental rules of international law and must be unequivocally condemned. the swedish government supports the efforts of the united nations to find a negotiated solution to the conflict. the main element in a peaceful solution must be the withdrawal of soviet troops from afghanistan and the possibility for the people of afghanistan to determine their own form of government and their own future. it is important that a report to the united nations commission on human rights has drawn attention to the violations of human rights in afghanistan and the suffering of its people. for many years kampuchea has been the victim of foreign intervention and convulsive internal strife. we recall the terrible suffering that the kampuchean people went through under pol pot's regime. human rights must be respected. it is our firm opinion that the vietnamese occupation must end without delay, since it represents a violation of fundamental principles of international law. it is necessary to pursue the efforts to create conditions for the kampuchean people again to determine their own future without external intervention and internal repression. we urge the parties concerned to spare no effort to achieve a negotiated settlement which ensures such a future. the conflicts in central america have their origin in economic and social injustices. they can only be solved by negotiations. the contadora group, strengthened by the support group formed by four countries, must be given the opportunity of completing its work for peace in a climate which is not marked by east-west tensions and increased militarization. the international community must reject measures in violation of international law to overthrow a legitimate government, such as boycott actions and support of armed groups. all states must pursue a policy which reduces the level of military armaments in the area and promotes negotiations. the peace talks in el salvador should be resumed, as well as the bilateral talks between the united states ant! nicaragua. the united states has a great and undeniable influence in this part of the world, and thus an important role to play to promote a peaceful development. we note with satisfaction that the two korean states have now begun to take cautious steps towards increased mutual contacts. these initiatives represent a possibility of allowing the armistice of the past thirty years to be followed by real peace in the korean peninsula. the protection of human rights is the concern of the international community as a whole, and not only an internal matter for individual countries. violations of human rights in a country often have international repercussions in the form of increased tension and risks of international conflict. equally, it is apparent that tension between states often leads be increased oppression within states. for a long time sweden has been involved in the struggle for human rights and fundamental freedoms. we actively participate in the further development of international norms in this field. the two human rights covenants were adopted as early as [number]. sweden has ratified these covenants and has furthermore acceded to the optional protocol to the covenant on civil and political rights. my country has thereby accepted international supervision of the implementation of that covenant. we urge all states to adhere to these fundamental treaties. we also urge them to accept the competence of the supervisory bodies as regards individual complaints as well. the swedish government welcomes the fact that the international norms and principles in the area of human rights have been further supplemented by the convention against torture which was unanimously adopted by this assembly last year. sweden intends to ratify that convention before the end of the year. the question of the abolition of the death penalty should remain on the international agenda. these efforts must not be delayed. unfortunately, there is a gap between theory and practice as regards human rights. violations of human rights should be pointed out wherever they occur. sweden was pleased to support the adoption of the forward-looking strategies at the united nations women's conference in nairobi. the consensus that was reached conveys optimism for the future and constitutes a firm ground for all to build on in order to promote equality between women and men. the imbalances in the world economy represent a continued threat to international economic development. determined and mutually supportive actions by all countries are essential. the struggle against protectionism is of the utmost importance. both industrialized and developing countries must strive to expand and strengthen free trade. a new round of multilateral trade negotiations, carefully prepared, would constitute an important step in such a process. the special trade problems of the developing countries must be one area of priority. increased access to the markets of the industrialized countries is a prerequisite for the developing countries if they are to achieve a long-term solution to their serious debt problems, which are a threat not least to the development of the poorest countries. studies by the world bank and the international monetary fund imf clearly show the great need for increased development assistance to those countries. furthermore, these studies demonstrate that the major part of all development assistance has given positive results. donor countries must now increase their assistance, especially through the multilateral development agencies. above all the international development association ida and the united nations development program undp , with their knowledge, size and co-ordinating capacity, have an important role to play in solving today's development crisis. without a determined and consistent financial strategy, based on co-operation between donors, recipients and financial institutions, we shall not be able to achieve sustainable progress, above all not in the poorest countries. this applies particularly to africa. the international community has already made a considerable effort to relieve this crisis-stricken continent. however, much remains to be done. our aim must be to link disaster relief to long-term efforts. productive agricultural capacity must be restored and the process of desertification and deforestation reversed. the international program of action for the most vulnerable group of countries, those least developed, will soon be reviewed in geneva. this will be a suitable occasion for donor countries and the least-developed countries to approach the problems jointly in a practical way. the refugee situation in the world continues to be of the utmost concern. more and more people are forced to leave their countries. in addition to well-grounded fears of persecution, this is increasingly the result of war, internal conflicts and natural disasters. the need for immediate relief . is growing, while at the same time greater resources are required in order to achieve lasting solutions. in the poorest countries assistance to refugees should be combined with long-term development assistance, taking into account the needs of the local population in areas with many refugees. the swedish government greatly appreciates the efforts of the united nations high commissioner for refugees and will continue to support this important humanitarian work. during the past decade, the united nations and the united nations system have become an increasingly important instrument for joint efforts by member states to cope with large-scale environmental problems such as soil erosion, air pollution and the handling of hazardous waste. international environmental co-operation requires that, through the united nations environment program unep , environmental aspects be included in large areas of the activities of the united nations and of most of the specialized agencies. sweden is of the view that one of the really great challenges for the united nations is to develop into an effective instrument for the co-operation of the member states in counteracting the disastrous destruction of the environment which affects all mankind. the narcotic drug situation in the world is alarming. illegal production of narcotic drugs is increasing, illicit trafficking is becoming better organized and more difficult to combat. the international struggle against illegal drugs must be intensified. sweden welcomes the various initiatives taken to achieve better co-ordination of united nations efforts. we also welcome the secretary-general's proposal for a world conference on drug abuse and illicit trafficking. it is our hope that the proposal will be adopted and that the conference will lead to global support for a concrete program of action. the swedish government is deeply concerned that an organization of such importance as the united nations should have serious financial problems. the principle of collective financial problems responsibility flows from article [number] of the charter. it should be obvious to all member states that they must meet their obligations. the largest part of the financial deficit, which at the end of [number] was estimated at us [number] million, pertains to contributions withheld from important peace-keeping operations. in practice, this means that the deficit is largely financed by the troop-contributing countries. unilateral national decisions not to pay the contribution assessed by the united nations, for whatever reason they are made, undermine morale and the fundamental principle of collective responsibility for the financing of the united nations. developments in this respect are alarming and we appeal especially to the soviet union and the united states to consider their responsibility. the work of the united nations must have a financially sound foundation which enables the organization to carry out its tasks in an effective and rational way. the united nations is a unique forum in which the states of the world can seek solutions to their ever-more-pressing problems. in every field interdependence grows stronger. only through joint efforts can we create the necessary conditions for lasting peace and security, respect for human rights, economic and social progress and a genuine commitment to the fulfillment of our responsibility towards our environment and the finite resources of our planet. this anniversary calls for reflection. we must safeguard our indispensable organization. we must also provide it with the opportunities and resources it needs to fulfill the functions vital to the future of humanity.

it is with great pleasure. sir, that i congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the general assembly, a role for which your extensive experience in international relations, your legal training and your interest in human rights qualify you highly. the excellent relationship between australia and malta is of long standing, based on extensive family and community ties as well as on our strong and active membership of the commonwealth, and we do look forward to working very closely with you. i would also like to join others in extending warm welcome to namibia and liechtenstein, the newest members of the united nations. we meet today in the general assembly on the eve of the recreation of a united germany, an event which marks, as no other could do so clearly, the end of the post-war era. it is an era which has been dominated by the cold war and nuclear confrontation, but which has also seen extraordinary change the end of the european colonial empires and the re-emergence of the independent nations of africa and asia the economic reconstruction and ever closer political association of western europe and, starting with the creation of the world bank and the international monetary fund, and the specialised agencies of the united nations, the growth of multilateralism on a remarkable and unprecedented scale. however, the poet-war era has left for us many problems that still remain to be solved. iraq's aggression in the gulf has shown that the habits of millennia are not going to change overnight, and that the arrogance of military power remains a scourge with which the world will still have to deal. the scourges of hunger, ill-health, poverty and debt also remain to an intolerable extent, threatening to widen rather than narrow the already alarming gulf between north and south. the scourge of racism, and ethnic and religious hatred, still remains to be purged from many countries and regions. and there is another scourge - the impact of human activity upon the sustaining environment o our planet itself - a scourge whose magnitude we are only now beginning to recognise. the challenge for us all in the new era ahead of us, as relationships, policies and attitudes that had been frozen for so long continue to unfreeze, as the cold war becomes the great thaw, is for us to confront and overcome these scourges once and for all. if that is to happen, we will need, above all else, to develop habits of mind which are co-operative rather than confrontational, and habits of action which are instinctively multilateral. whether the challenge goes to the physical security of nations, the economic health of their peoples, the environmental integrity of the planet itself, or any other problem that no nation can solve wholly by itself. we have to derive inspiration from the thought that we are one world and can each survive only if we can all act collectively. there is nothing inevitable about the development of any such approach. although events of recent weeks and mouths can certainly give us heart. the trends that will shape the new era are our own to make. indeed. it is the actions over the next few years of the very men and women who have been assembled in this building over the last week that will launch that era for good or for ill. the world has been given a second chance. and this time we must not again take a false turn. how we shape the security system of the new era is being comprehensively tested at its outset by the present gulf crisis. if unity holds in this instance, if the community of nations, acting together under the authority of the united nations charter and with the full support of the security council, succeeds in demonstrating beyond doubt that aggression does not pay and cannot succeed, then that demonstration effect will weigh heavily on those nations, particularly those with great comparative regional power, which might in the future be tempted to settle disagreements by intimidation and force. if our resolve weakens, the demonstration effect will be equally convincing in its message that the international community is powerless to enforce decisions that we all recognise to be just. such an outcome is unthinkable. the crisis in the gulf can be only resolved on the basis of the conditions set by the united nations security council resolutions being fully and unequivocally met. that is by iraq's complete withdrawal from kuwait, the restoration of the legitimate kuwaiti government, and the release of all foreign nationals who want to leave. it is australia's hope that those objectives can be met through the rigorous application of sanctions pursuant to security council resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] . military-strike action cannot and should not be wholly ruled out at the end of the day should all other means of resolving the crisis fail, but australia shares the universal hope that sanity will prevail and that a peace without appeasement will be achieved without the horrors of war having to be contemplated. we can draw both encouragement and hope for the future from tin unprecedented level of international co-operation to meet the crisis, co-operation that has enabled the security council to respond promptly and effectively and has restored the council to its proper central place in international security. the greater willingness of the five permanent members of the security council to work together has not only held the line in the gulf crisis, but has been a crucial factor in what we now hope is the imminent resolution of the cambodian problem - a problem that not only has involved many years of tragedy for the cambodian people, but has been a severe ongoing challenge to the security of the south-east asia region. a detailed framework for a comprehensive cambodian settlement has been drafted and agreed by the permanent five over the course of this year, and has now been accepted in its entirety by a meeting of the cambodian parties convened by the paris conference co-chairmen in jakarta last month. that framework document - baaed in significant part, we are gratified to note, on ideas developed by australia for an enhanced united motions role - involves two central components first, the creation of a fully representative supreme national council to embody the sovereignty of the cambodian nation and, secondly, a role for the united nations that extends not only to traditional peace-keeping activity and an increasingly common electoral organisation, but also to responsibility for key elements of civil administration in the transitional period pending free and fair elections. the supreme national council has been formally established. it will occupy the cambodian seat in the united nations, and the process of putting in place a final comprehensive settlement, endorsed by a reconvened paris conference, is well under way. a number of matters, procedural and substantive, do remain to be negotiated, and there is bound to be some faltering before the process is complete, but the commitment of relevant countries and parties to finally achieving peace is now such that it is possible, after years of frustration and disappointment, to be much more optimistic than ever before that a durable peace will shortly be achieved. for some other long-running regional conflicts the outlook is much less, bright. pre-eminent among them is the palestinian issue, which, whatever the outcome of the gulf crisis, will simply not go away until it is resolved in a manner that meets the basic needs and aspirations of palestinians and israelis. australia has consistently expressed support for a peaceful resolution of the arab-israeli dispute on the palestinian issue on the basis of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . we assert israel's right to live within secure and recognized borders, but we also acknowledge that of the palestinian people to self-determination, including its right to an independent state if it so chooses. we regard the proposals for the establishment of an israeli-palestinian dialogue as a step towards the achievement of a peaceful settlement, and encourage all the involved parties to pursue that dialogue with real and sustained commitment. one aspect of the issue that continues to hinder the peace process is general assembly resolution [number] xxx of [number] equating zionism with racism. australia remains strongly opposed to that resolution, which only exacerbates the differences between the parties. we hope that, with the revitalisation of its role and responsibilities in promoting international co-operation, the united nations will rescind the resolution. another middle east issue of continuing concern, as we heard earlier this afternoon, is the situation in lebanon, a country torn apart by conflict for [number] years now. the taif agreement, concluded in october last year by the lebanese themselves with the support of the arab league, represented a welcome breakthrough. the international community should stand ready to assist lebanon in achieving peace, but the essential requirement is that there be a commitment from all the parties in lebanon to national reconciliation, and a willingness to compromise to arrive at a negotiated solution. if anything has become clear over the last [number] years, it is that a lasting solution cannot be imposed by force. the continuing troubles in cyprus are another instance of entrenched attitudes making reconciliation extremely difficult. the failure of the attempt to revive the inter-communal talks in february was particularly disappointing. prospects for progress will remain bleak unless there is a real determination to succeed on both sides and a willingness to enter into negotiations free of pre-conditions. australia continues to support the efforts of the secretary-general to promote a negotiated solution, in the belief that that is the route by which a just settlement is most likely to be reached. that just settlements of apparently intractable problems can be reached with the help of the international community is amply demonstrated by recent events in southern africa. in namibia the united nations mounted one of the most complex peace-keeping operations in its history and played a vital role in guaranteeing the impartiality of the elections and of the transition process. and in south africa itself the government has over the past few months at last begun to take steps towards negotiations with the representatives of the majority of south africans and towards dismantling the repressive and brutal system of apartheid. the australian government warmly welcomes the statesmanship shown to date by president de klerk, but urges the south african government to move as soon as possible into substantive constitutional negotiations and to remove the remaining legislative cornerstones of the apartheid system. more does need to be done before those who have suffered under apartheid and those who support their struggle can be confident that developments in south africa do constitute profound and irreversible change. we believe that sanctions imposed by the international community have played a central role in bringing about the important changes now under way, and that the sanctions pressure should not yet be reduced or lifted. but we hope the time will rapidly come when it can be. for australia, the south pacific is also an area of vital interest, and we continue to encourage processes of political development in the region. we are gratified in this respect by the continuing success of the matignon and oudinot accords in creating a constructive and peaceful environment in new caledonia for the working out of that country's political future. equally, however, we continue to be deeply disappointed at the backward steps that occurred in fiji with the events of [number] and the recent promulgation of a constitution which, while marking a welcome return to representative constitutional government, none the less in the process builds new and far-reaching racially discriminatory principles into the fijian political system. two countries in the pacific which have been frustrated in fully developing a political identity of their own are the federated states of micronesia and the marshall islands, and australia believes the united nations has a constructive role to play in this respect. the full fruits of self-government which should have followed their legitimate acts of self-determination have been denied to then by legalistic approaches to the question of their political status. the continued application of the trusteeship regime to them not only belittles what they have already achieved in establishing independent political identities, but imposes practical disadvantages on them in their pursuit of national development. if the coming era is to learn from the mistakes of the past, we need not only to find new co-operative ways of resolving regional problems - whether these be potentially global or much more limited in their consequences - but also to tackle with determination and stamina the most alarming global security problems of the cold war era - the upward spiral of arms procurement and the proliferation of increasingly more destructive weapons. that task is all the more important in our increasingly multipolar world. while the progress made by the united states and the soviet union in their bilateral negotiations is evidence of super-power commitment to a more peaceful world, it should also now be complemented by progress in multilateral disarmament negotiations, we in australia are proud of our commitment to the process of disarmament and intend to redouble our efforts to capitalise on the current circumstances to achieve specific disarmament goals in the multilateral context, particularly in relation to chemical and nuclear weapons. significant progress on the achievement of a chemical weapons convention has been made in the last year, but the need to conclude this convention is now greater than ever, and the opportunity to do so must be seized. australia believes that a decisive step towards this goal would be a ministerial-level meeting of the conference on disarmament to be held as soon as possible. we also continue to work assiduously to eliminate nuclear weapons. australia is proud of its part, together with the other members of the south pacific forum, in the creation of the treaty of rarotonga, which has established a nuclear-free zone in the south pacific. we will not rest until a comprehensive test-ban treaty has been achieved with appropriate verification procedures. to help move towards that goal, australia will be once more proposing, with new zealand and other sponsors, a draft resolution on a comprehensive test ban this year and looks forward again to achieving strong support for it. we would wish this support to be carried over to the conference on disarmament in geneva, which is the appropriate forum for a comprehensive test ban to be negotiated. we are, therefore, pleased that the conference on disarmament has this year re-established an ad hoc committee on a nuclear-test ban, which will provide the opportunity for important preparatory work to a comprehensive test-ban treaty to be undertaken. australia was an active participant in geneva at the recent review conference of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. despite the conference's regrettable inability to adopt a final declaration, we none the loss consider it to have been a considerable success. reaching agreement, as it did, on a number of important issues, in particular the question of full-scope safeguards as a condition for nuclear supply. we will be working to build on the achievements of the conference and to set the scene for a successful review and extension of the treaty in 193s. the non-proliferation treaty is an absolutely essential foundation on which the new relationships of the coming era must be built. the acquisition of conventional weapons continues at an alarming rate in many parts of the globe. often scarce resources are diverted from social and economic development to military expenditure. australia supports measures by all state to reduce military budgets and to implement confidence-building measures which will reduce the risk of conflict. the world community, while it is working together for a future of common security, has a second chance to show its equal determination to create a future of common prosperity. meeting economic challenges is no less important than meeting security challenges if we are to provide guaranteed life and health for our children, and a fulfilling life for all our citizens. australia supports the efforts made by the united nations in mobilising international support for development efforts. the eighteenth special session of the general assembly in april highlighted a new sense of commitment and renewed optimism for global economic co-operation. the globalization of economic problems has been accompanied by a growing awareness that their resolution can be achieved only by a sustained international partnership. australia is particularly concerned at the human cost of heavy national indebtedness, which severely compromises development efforts in many countries. debtors and creditors need to address the issues raised by that indebtedness again in a spirit of international economic co-operation and in a way that addresses not only the immediate but in addition the long-term problems of the nation in question. debt-reduction packages should be implemented in such a way as to enhance credit-worthiness and new money flows, and to support reform progress in heavily indebted countries. australia firmly believes that, whatever may be the contribution of debt reduction and development co-operation programmes, the expansion of global trade is central to economic growth and development. the uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations under the auspices of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt is fundamentally about creating a more secure, stable and open international economic environment. gatt provides a framework of rights and obligations within which economic ambition can be channelled to the benefit of all countries, and not just the few most powerful. that is why the success of the uruguay round is so important. between now and the final ministerial meeting in brussels in december, all participants in the negotiations will have to intensify their efforts, and develop more of a spirit of compromise than has so far been evident, if a successful outcome is to be achieved. nobody should be in any doubt that failure of the uruguay round would be disastrous for the world trading economy, for all the developing nations dependent on selling their commodities in the international marketplace and, indeed, for all the people we represent. in addition to the abiding issues of security and economic development, there is a "third agenda" of problems now being given much increased prominence in international relations - problem that are either too big for each country to solve individually or which are of a character that global action or global pressure can very much help to solve. in areas such as threats to the global environment, health problems like axds, the illicit narcotics trade and the problem of refugees and displaced persons, global interdependence is an omnipresent reality, and multilateral diplomacy an indispensable necessity. the era which we are entering is marked by the multiplication of such problems, and the quality of life of the people we represent will be very much determined by our ability to solve them. the global environment is certainly one of the key international issues of the 1990s. we are working towards the [number] united nations conference on environment and development which should deal with these two issues in an integrated way. the conference will not succeed, however, unless considerably more effort is put into reconciling the conflicts between environmental and economic development policies. the two are not inconsistent the goal of sustainable development can be achieved. but if the united nations is to lead international efforts in this sphere, we must stop discussing the processes and start debating the substance. for the united nations to make the most constructive input into solving these problems, there has to be greater co-ordination between the united nations environment agencies, such as the united nations environment programme unkp and united nations development agencies, such as the united nations development programme undp and the united nations conference on trade and development unctad . there is no obvious need for more agencies and institutions to deal with these issues we do used to strengthen our existing institutions and to improve communication and co-ordination between them. australia is a strong supporter of the antarctic treaty system which reflects the purposes and principles of the united nations charter and has brought peace. stability and remarkable international co-operation to a very special region of the globe. moves are sow under way, with strong support from australia, for the establishment within the antarctic treaty system of a far-sighted comprehensive environmental protection regime. one aspect of which would, it is hoped, be a permanent ban on mining and oil drilling within the region, to guarantee once and for all the permanence of its uniquely fragile and irreplaceable environment. i would urge those countries not currently involved in these discussions but interested in promoting environmental protection in antarctica to join the antarctic treaty, for it is only through that framework that an effective regime can and will be put in place. two other issues directly and immediately affecting the lives of individual citizens also particularly require concerted international action. the 1990s have been declared the decade against drug abuse. australia will continue to strive - in multilateral forums, with bilateral assistance, and by domestic action - to reverse the growth of this menace. in the global struggle against the aids pandemic australia has supported the central co-ordinating role of the world health organisation and is providing financial assistance to its global plan aids for the development of national aids programmes, particularly in south-east asia. and the pacific and indian ocean island countries. human rights issues generally remain very much part of the new international agenda. the most important factor in establishing human rights in this new era will be the spread of democracy to those parts of the world where democratic and freedom are still unknown. the growth of democracy in eastern europe has already seen an encouraging reduction in east-west confrontation in the human rights arena. we have welcomed, in particular, a new spirit of co-operation that has become evident in the commission on human rights. unfortunately, the record in human rights in all too many parts of the world has not been all positive over the past year. australia is appalled at the treatment of innocent civilians caught up in the gulf crisis and condemns in the strongest terms restrictions imposed by the government of iraq on the freedom of movement of hostages held in that country and in kuwait. closer to home, australia is also concerned with continuing restrictions, on democratic and individual freedom, in both china and myanmar, and we appeal to all involved in the situation in sri lanka to end the cycle of violence which is destroying the fabric of country in that nation. we frankly acknowledge that australia s own past is not without blemish in regard to human rights, in particular concerning the treatment of aboriginal and torres strait islander people. however, we have progressed along the path of rectifying those injustices. we welcome international scrutiny of our efforts and are prepared to engage in dialogue with any interested country at any time on such issues. we take the view that the question of conformity to international human rights standards is not each country's own internal business, but the world s business. i said at the outset that, as we move beyond the post-war era, the world has been given a second chance. this body, the united nations, has also been given a second chance, and we, its members, have to ensure that it is capable of grasping this opportunity. in many ways, the founders of the united nations were far-sighted and built structures that will now stand us in good stead. in other respects, it is clear that they could not have foreseen the circumstance of this new era and we should not shy away from change, from discarding of long-established conventions and procedures and from the creation of new structures and new ways of doing things which better suit the new times. our guiding criterion should be that we wish the united nations to be effective and to influence events, rather than to be passively shaped and overwhelmed by them. one area in which demands on the united nations are obviously likely to grow in the new era is in the performance of conflict resolution and peace-keeping functions. indeed, already over the past two years, five peace-keeping operations have been established and several others foreshadowed, including, of course, the comprehensive efforts that will be required in cambodia. the peace-keeping function is still hampered by political, legal, financial and administrative, problems. australia advocates the need for greater efficiency and economy in peace-keeping and for the whole peace-keeping area of united nations activity to be put on a firmer financial end administrative footing. i welcome the steps the secretary-general has recently taken to improve co-ordination and financing of peace-keeping but note that much more still needs to be done. there is an urgent need to improve the ability of the united nations, not only to service the demands of its members in regard to peace-keeping and peace-making, but also to deal with the major new issues of global interdependence, of which i spoke earlier. these major issues must be taken up more substantively and effectively than they are currently in the way different intergovernmental forms of the united nations economic and social sector, and this sector needs to be drastically restructured if we are to see the same revival in the economic aspects of the united nation s role that we have seen on political issues. equally there must be better central co-ordination and clearer common purpose among the various agencies and bodies of the united nations, if each is to play its proper role in attacking multisectoral problems that can be resolved only if they act together. as far as the organisation as a whole is concerned, universal membership should remain our central principle. in this connection, australia regards as a relic of the past era the continued absence of the two koreas from the ranks of united illations membership. the republic of korea has stated its desire to become a full member and we support admission of both korean states either simultaneously or separately. the resolutions of this organ of the united nations, the general assembly, embody the views of the broad membership of the organisation. we need to make better use of these annual sessions of our general membership. let us not be reluctant to remove from our agenda many items that are there by custom, and get rid of many time-wasting, if time-honoured, procedures. let us use this assembly to set the norms and standards of correct international behaviour in this new era. the security council is showing us how well it can work. at the same time, we have to acknowledge that the world has changed since 194s and that there will be increasing and legitimate pressure to ensure that the membership of the council better accords with today's realities. in any consideration of restructuring, our principal concern must be for the effectiveness of the council and we need to be certain that what we do enhances, and does not risk undermining, the efficiency with which the security council is currently able to undertake its central role in international peace and security. the secretariat, which itself has in the past been the victim of cold war pressure, requires re-examination to ensure that its structures end its methods of recruiting its top people, both men and women, are best suited to the need of the organisation in the new era, when the demands upon them will grow ever more immense. two years ago, when i first addressed the united nations as foreign minister of australia, i drew inspiration from the charter and from the important role my great australian labour predecessor, mr. herbert vere evatt, played in the founding of the united nations. i continue to carry in my mind his vision as to what this institution he helped create should achieve - peace, justice and decent standards of living for all the peoples of the world. the nations of the world are now entering a new era of co-operation we are breaking new ground as we at last accept in full our international responsibility to met aggression and to resolve regional disputes. and in doing this we have recommitted ourselves and our countries to pursue peace and to end human suffering - not in an ad hoc, almost accidental manner, but as part of a growing international determination that we can make no excuses to our constituents, or to our children, if these goals of peace and development cannot be achieved. this organisation at last holds out to its members the promise its founders envisaged. but that promise will not be self-fulfilling. there is a historic obligation on us, the members of the united nations, to take up at this time and build on the new spirit of international co-operation, to bend our efforts to bolster the new multilateral framework for global peace and security, to act vigorously on the economic challenges before us, and to tackle co-operatively all the social, environmental and health issues which demand global remedies. we have another opportunity to put it right and this time that opportunity must not be lost.

allow me first of all to sincerely congratulate mr. theo-ben gurirab on his unanimous election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-fourth session and to express confidence that under his skilful leadership the assembly will cope successfully with the complex issues before it. i would like also to commend the president of the previous session of the general assembly, mr. didier opertti, on his remarkable commitment to the success of the session. i wish also to congratulate and to welcome the new members of our organization the republic of kiribati, the republic of nauru and the kingdom of tonga. speaking from this lofty rostrum, representatives of the states members of the united nations are trying to communicate to their colleagues and the international community the most pressing problems that their countries face. the truth, which is not always pleasant, is expressed here with hope for justice, understanding and support. states, including the republic of azerbaijan, that have regained their freedom and now face threats to their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, count on the support of the international community. they are also deeply concerned about the current difficulties of the organization. member states look to the united nations with trust and hope. this places on the organization an important responsibility for finding a way out of the current complex situation. in this connection, the republic of azerbaijan actively supports the united nations reform process, which our times demand. we believe that a transformed organization, adapted to modern realities, will be in a position to cope with an increasing number of challenges and risks to international peace and security. threats to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of the member states of the united nations have become appallingly routine. states often face aggression, military occupation, ethnic cleansing , separatism and terrorism. a conflict that is not dealt with in a timely and resolute manner is later transformed into a humanitarian disaster that brings about a very sensitive reaction on the part of the international community. given the resolute action by the international community in the balkans, the situation with regard to the unresolved or frozen conflicts in other regions seems especially tragic. we consider it unacceptable to set priorities in this respect, and wish to draw the attention of the international community to the intolerable fact that [number] one fifth of the territory of a sovereign member state of the united nations the republic of azerbaijan has continued to be under foreign occupation for more than six years and that, as a result of ethnic cleansing , one out of seven of its citizens is a refugee or displaced person in his own country. the clear trend towards putting up with the behaviour of the aggressor and sometimes even conniving at his attempts to legalize the situation in the conflict zone, as well as the eagerness of some mediators to reach an easy settlement on the basis that the ethnic cleansing of the azerbaijani population and the occupation of its territories is a fait accompli, will only lead to continued tension and further delay the prospects for a settlement of the conflict and the restoration of durable peace and stability in the region, based on the norms and principles of international law. the only valid premise for a lasting settlement of conflicts is a timely display of determination and solidarity by the international community, first and foremost by the united nations, which has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, for the protection and observation of the norms and principles of international law and for making every effort to secure the implementation of decisions taken. like other countries facing aggression and militant separatism, azerbaijan rejects settlement models that infringe on its sovereignty, territorial integrity and the unity of its state and run counter to its national interests. an example is the concept of the common state, which was proposed as a model for settlement in the context of certain conflicts, but failed to find the support of the countries concerned. that concept is pernicious, because it attempts to distort the notion of statehood and state sovereignty in fact, it is an attempt to provide a legal framework for the ideology of militant separatism. it goes without saying that an important factor in any settlement is the readiness of the parties involved to find a compromise. at the same time, by definition, compromise implies reciprocity and clear limits. seeking a realistic formula for a compromise based on adherence to the norms and principles of international law, taking into account national and state interests, the president of azerbaijan, heydar aliyev, has maintained direct contact and held talks with the president of armenia, robert kocharian. it is azerbaijan s hope that this approach can open new possibilities to steer the settlement process out of the deadlock that we have witnessed during the past year. it is now possible to speak about the achievement of a positive climate, which should be complemented with more active work by the organization for security and cooperation in europe osce minsk group, which is responsible for the settlement of the armenia-azerbaijan conflict, so that the negotiation process can be resumed in the near future. we regard it as absolutely unjustified that some members of the minsk group use the fact that there are direct contacts between azerbaijan and armenia as an excuse for their stepping aside from the process and for their inactivity. in this connection, we call upon the co-chairmen of the minsk group to make every effort necessary to bring about in the near future a revised proposal for the settlement of the conflict that would represent an acceptable combination of elements. it will be necessary effectively to use the time remaining before the osce summit in istanbul in order to come closer to achieving concrete results. it is extremely important that the consistency and determination of the international community be maintained in advocating its declared positions on the settlement of the conflict between armenia and azerbaijan. we believe, in particular, that the sequence of steps provided for in the security council resolutions on the conflict continues to be optimal. azerbaijan reaffirms its commitment to a peaceful settlement and unconditional implementation of the ceasefire until a political agreement on the cessation of the conflict is concluded. guided by a spirit of goodwill and a sincere desire to reach progress in the settlement process, on [number] september [number], during the visit of knut vollebaek, the chairman-in-office of the osce, the president of azerbaijan, heydar aliyev, announced the unilateral release of all armenian prisoners of war held in azerbaijan. we expect an adequate reaction from the armenian side in the near future. azerbaijan supports the reform process in the organization, based on the proposals of the secretary-general and the decisions of the general assembly. reform of the security council continues to be the priority problem. azerbaijan fully agrees with the approach reflected in resolution [number] [number], in accordance with which any decisions on this issue would require the positive vote of a minimum of two thirds of the member states. we still believe that the representation of the states of asia, africa and latin america in all membership categories of the security council should reflect modern [number] political realities. azerbaijan reconfirms its support for the election of germany and japan as permanent members of the security council. we continue to believe that, together with that, objective reality calls for the allocation of one additional non-permanent seat to the eastern european group. with regard to the reform and strengthening of the effectiveness of the work of the security council, i cannot fail to draw the attention of the assembly to the fact that the four resolutions adopted by the security council on the armenia-azerbaijan conflict, resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] , have still not been implemented. we believe that the lack of an adequate reaction to the violation of the principles of the united nations charter and the non-compliance with decisions adopted within the united nations is seriously undermining the image of the world organization. azerbaijan welcomes the increased attention of the security council to acute humanitarian problems in conflict situations, and supports the inclusion in the mandate of peacekeeping forces of concrete and adequate provisions for the demilitarization of conflict zones and the disarmament of combatants, as well as of special provisions on the protection of and support for the civilian population, including women and children. illegal arms transfers to conflict zones make the prospects for settlement more remote and aggravate humanitarian disasters. recently this has become a pressing problem which requires special attention and specific joint action by the international community. in this context, breaches of the relevant provisions of security council resolutions, especially by some of the council s own members, are unacceptable. azerbaijan supports convening an international conference on the illicit arms trade in all its aspects not later than [number]. we attach great importance to the timely convening of a fourth special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament, which could determine the future course of action in the field of disarmament, arms control and related international security matters. azerbaijan stands by the convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction, and welcomes its entry into force we welcome also the outcome of the first meeting of states parties, held in maputo. a national agency in this sphere has been created in azerbaijan it has begun its activities and has started to establish cooperation with its international counterparts. azerbaijan s formal accession to the convention is directly dependent on the issue of the continuing occupation of its territory by armenia. azerbaijan has a highly positive view of the establishment of the international criminal court, and supports the work of the preparatory commission for the international criminal court on a number of provisions of its statute. we regard as very important the work being done by the commission to define the crime of aggression, and believe that the definition should be clear and viable, and that it should make provision for a norm establishing personal criminal responsibility. as a victim of aggression, azerbaijan maintains that the court should become an effective organ for the prosecution of those who commit crimes against humanity. my country is interested in taking an active part in combatting international terrorism, organized crime and illegal drug trafficking. the fight against these evils can be effective only if it is based on joint efforts by all countries, at both the regional and the global levels. we support the idea of convening in [number] an anti-terrorist conference or a special session of the general assembly on this issue, and the elaboration of a declaration of principles on the interaction of states in combatting terrorism. we hope that the united nations development programme undp will be able to mobilize additional resources to continue the joint project on drug-abuse control of the undp, the united nations international drug control programme and the government of azerbaijan. another emerging topical area of activities is the provision of humanitarian relief assistance in emergency situations and periods of natural disasters, such as those that we have witnessed in recent months. in this connection, azerbaijan calls for increased assistance to the victims of the tragic earthquake in brotherly turkey, which claimed thousands of human lives. despite the objective difficulties caused by the armed conflict and the transitional period, azerbaijan believes that there is no alternative to its chosen course of reform aimed at building a democratic society with a market economy. as a state located at a key point between europe and asia, azerbaijan is keenly interested in securing access to trans-european and trans-asian communication networks this would facilitate the development of industrial and trade links among participating countries, improved access to markets, [number] increased integration links, and closer cooperation among the economies of european and asian countries. unfortunately, the process of the profound transformation of the national economy is facing the serious consequences of the presence in the country of [number] million refugees and internally displaced persons. coping with this emergency situation has been a primary concern of the azerbaijan state for many years. given the limited financial resources of our state, humanitarian assistance from the united nations and other international organizations is a necessary element not only of the physical, but also of the moral survival of people who have lost their homes. we would like to express our most sincere gratitude to the united nations, to the relevant united nations agencies and to donor countries providing humanitarian assistance to azerbaijan, and we call upon them not to reduce the volume of that assistance. allow me to touch briefly upon the role that the united nations and its agencies are playing in azerbaijan. at the last session, i spoke about the constructive work being done with respect to the social and economic development of our country by the united nations development programme. the undp is actively assisting the government of azerbaijan and bilateral and multilateral humanitarian organizations in addressing development issues. at the same time, my government is deeply concerned at the fact that undp is entering the new millennium with an extremely decreased financial base. we all need a undp able to cope with the development problems that we are not in a position to solve alone. all participants in this process donors and recipients of assistance should provide sincere and solid support to the development activities of the united nations. in this context, i would like to call upon all concerned to improve significantly the very difficult current financial situation of the organization. with reference to relations between my country and the united nations in general, i would like again to draw attention to the fact that azerbaijan is still not represented in the united nations secretariat. the world is tired of crises and wars. mankind deserves a peaceful, prosperous and happy new millennium. our organization is designed to play a leading role in overcoming obstacles to global peace and progress. it must be in a position to implement that noble mission. this is not an abstract desire, but a realistic task based on an assessment of the situation and an awareness of both needs and possibilities.

sergio vieira de mello was the pride of the united nations. murdered on [number] august along with his colleagues, he will remain in our memories. let us dedicate this session to that great servant of the world and of peace. the united nations has just emerged from one of the most serious challenges in its history. respect for the charter and the use of force were at the heart of the debate. the war, which was launched without the security council's authorization, has undermined the multilateral system. having come to terms with that crisis, our organization can now continue to move forward for it is above all in this forum the melting pot of the international order that we must exercise our responsibilities to the world of today as well as to future generations. in an open world no one can live in isolation, no one can act alone in the name of all and no one can accept the anarchy of a society without rules. there is no alternative to the united nations. but in order to meet today's challenges, this fundamental choice, expressed by the charter, requires a far-reaching reform of our organization. multilateralism is crucial, because it ensures the participation of all in the management of world affairs. it is a guarantee of legitimacy and democracy, especially when decisions must be made with respect to the use of force or to the laying down of universal norms. [number] multilateralism is effective. in monterrey and johannesburg, it allowed us to transcend north-south confrontation and to open the way to promising partnerships, in particular with the african continent. multilateralism is modern, because it alone makes it possible to comprehend contemporary problems globally and in all of their complexity. first, let me touch on the settlement of conflicts that threaten international peace and security. in iraq, the transfer of sovereignty to the iraqis, who must have sole responsibility for their destiny, is essential for stability and reconstruction. it is up to the united nations to lend its legitimacy to that process. it is also up to the united nations to assist with the gradual transfer of administrative and economic responsibilities to the iraqi institutions, according to a realistic timetable, and to help the iraqis draft a constitution and hold general elections. finally, it is up to the united nations to entrust a mandate to a multinational force, commanded, naturally, by the main troop contributor that is, the united states in order to ensure the security of iraq and of all those helping to rebuild the country. thus the international community and the iraqi people, united around a common project, will together put an end to the tragic decades of that great country's history. in the middle east, ravaged by despair and hatred, only strong political will on both sides to implement the law as stipulated by the united nations can pave the way for a just and lasting solution. the international community must restore a dynamic for peace. it must involve itself in the implementation of the road map. that should be the objective of the upcoming meeting of the quartet, to be held at the ministerial level. france believes that the idea of a monitoring mechanism is as relevant as ever, and that the convening of an international conference is a goal to be attained as quickly as possible. given the present tense situation, france calls on the parties not to succumb to the temptation of a test of strength and of a futile radicalization. another major challenge is the fight against international terrorism. this fight is well under way, under the auspices of the security council and within the context of our treaties. the horror of [number] september cemented our common resolve. this threat strikes at the very heart of our democracies and our societies. we are using force to combat terrorism, but that is not enough. it will re-emerge again and again if we allow extremism and fanaticism to flourish if we fail to realize that it seeks justification in the world's unresolved conflicts and economic and social imbalances. given the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, we reject the policy of fait accompli. we must stand united to guarantee the universality of treaties and the effectiveness of non-proliferation regimes. in order to ensure compliance, we must also develop our means of action. france has proposed the creation of a permanent corps of inspectors under the authority of the security council. let us give fresh impetus to this policy. let us convene a summit meeting of the security council to outline a true plan of action of the united nations against proliferation. at this time, let us demand that north korea completely, verifiably and irreversibly dismantle its military programme. let us demand that iran sign and implement, unconditionally and without delay, a strengthened nuclear safeguards agreement with the international atomic energy agency. sustainable development poses yet another challenge, because half of humankind is living in conditions of insecurity or extreme poverty. will we be able to globalize solidarity, as our peoples demand, in response to the inevitable globalization of the economy? we agree on the objectives. we are bound by the millennium goals. but, in order to attain those goals, strong political impetus remains necessary. i propose that heads of state and government meet in new york in [number] for a preliminary progress review. i hope that this session of the general assembly will confirm the determination of states to overcome the failure of cancun and to ensure the success of the doha development round. in order to carry out the missions entrusted to it and to remedy its blatant shortcomings, the united nations must evolve. three watchwords, i believe, must guide us democracy, authority, effectiveness. thanks to the secretary-general, progress has been made, and new avenues are opening up. it is now up to states to move forward without further ado and to put [number] an end to the adverse consequences of the stalemate over reforms. the united nations is suffering from the current weakness of the general assembly. and yet, it is here that a debate should be organized and a consensus crafted regarding solutions to major problems. a culture of confrontation must give way to a culture of action aimed at achieving our common goals, which we should determine together. the primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security rests with the security council. it is therefore essential to its legitimacy that its composition reflect the state of the world. it must be expanded to include new permanent members, because the presence of major countries is necessary. france, naturally, is thinking of germany and of japan, but also of some leading countries of asia, africa and america. we also need new elected members, to make the council even more representative. with the decisive impetus of the five permanent members, we all need to resume discussions, mindful of the general interest. such reform should be accompanied by a strengthening of the council's authority. it is the council that should set the bounds with respect to the use of force. no one can claim the right to use force unilaterally and preventively. conversely, in the face of mounting threats, states must be assured that the council has at its disposal the appropriate means of evaluation and of collective action, and that it has the will to act. we all are very committed to the sovereignty of states. but its scope can and should be limited in the case of serious violations of human rights and of humanitarian law. the security council is taking steps in that direction, and france supports this development. meanwhile, crimes against humanity are being suppressed more effectively with the establishment of the international criminal court, whose jurisdiction is universal. this historic step forward must be accompanied by a strengthening of the office of the high commissioner for human rights, under a commission equipped to discharge its duties and its mission. we now realize that globalization demands stronger economic, social and environmental governance. to that end, france proposes the creation of a new political forum representative of the present economic state of today's world in all its diversity. that council would be responsible for providing the necessary impetus to international institutions, for improving their coordination and for anticipating and tackling global problems more effectively. effectiveness also depends on increased financial resources. france calls for two changes. first, the trend towards increasing voluntary contributions at the expense of mandatory contributions must be reversed. failing that, we will end up with a pick-and-choose united nations, which is an outdated vision and a harmful one. secondly, we need to make progress in mobilizing funds for development and development assistance. france wants to meet the official development assistance target of [number]. [number] per cent by the year [number]. but this effort, together with that of the european union, will obviously not suffice to release the necessary funds needed to finance the millennium goals each year. france therefore supports the innovative concept of an international financial facility. i would also like us to give pragmatic, speedy consideration to international solidarity levies, a kind of tax on the wealth generated by globalization and given over to development. to advance on these issues, i completely approve of the secretary-general's intention to gather around him a committee of independent wise men and women responsible for submitting proposals. against the risk of a world without order delivered up to violence, let us work to establish the rule of international law. against the injustice and suffering of a world of widening inequalities even though it has never been so rich let us choose solidarity. against the chaos of a world shaken by ecological disasters, let us call for a sharing of responsibility around a united nations environmental organization. against the barbarity of a world in which fundamental rights are all too often held up to ridicule, where the integrity of mankind is under threat, where indigenous peoples the heirs to an irreplaceable heritage vanish amid silence and indifference, let us uphold the demands of ethics. against the peril of a clash of civilizations, finally, let us insist on the equal dignity of cultures, respect for diversity and the value of dialogue. [number] with the charter adopted in the name of the peoples of the united nations, the founders proclaimed their faith in these ideals. let us seek to be worthy of them. let us establish the united nations at the heart of this planetary democracy that is so vital in our day and age.

on behalf of the government and people of nigeria, i join other delegations in congratulating mr. kavan on his election as president of the fifty-seventh session of the united nations general assembly. i have no doubt that, under his able leadership, the work of this session will be guided to a successful conclusion. let me also acknowledge the work done by his predecessor, who guided the affairs of the fifty-sixth session with great skill and commitment. the tireless efforts of our secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, on behalf of our organization must not go unnoticed. he deserves our profuse appreciation. i welcome the newest member of our organization, switzerland. i have no doubt that this nation will bring unique perspectives to the work of the united nations, which will enhance the attainment of its objectives. it is regrettable that international terrorism continues to pose a threat to international peace and security. there is a need for reviewed and concerted efforts on our part to confront the menace until the threat is halted. the various international instruments aimed at combating terrorism deserve our full support. nigeria remains deeply committed to the fight against terrorism. we are committed to the early elaboration of a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. despite the best intentions and efforts of the international community, a scourge of a different nature continues to threaten many parts of the world. i refer here to the numerous theatres of conflict around the world. people continue to expend valuable energies and resources in fighting each other, often for causes that are unproductive. the international community has a responsibility, not only to design appropriate strategies for a measured and early response to snuff out these conflicts, but also to find ways and means of [number] addressing their root causes, and managing them to a peaceful conclusion. only then will true peace and stability reign in the world. while it is true that many of these conflicts have their root causes in poverty, ignorance, real and perceived injustice and the absence of basic freedoms, it is equally evident that they are often exacerbated, especially in the case of african conflicts, by the influx of small arms into the continent. illicit trade in small arms and light weapons has continued unabated, with disastrous consequences for many developing countries. we are deeply concerned that manufacturing countries are not doing enough to limit the proliferation of these weapons through appropriate safeguards. we, therefore, call on the international community to consider elaborating a legally binding international instrument to control the supply of these weapons to non-state actors. the united nations peacekeeping role is an invaluable one in the global effort to help contain and resolve conflicts around the world. it deserves to be sustained and strengthened. nigeria is proud to be an active participant in this peacekeeping and peacemaking effort. we remain committed to this responsibility in the conviction that we are our brother's keeper and in the knowledge that there can be no development without peace and stability. the situation in the middle east continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. we reaffirm our commitment to the right of the palestinian people to their own independence, as well as the right of the state of israel to exist within safe and secure international borders, consistent with security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . we therefore welcome the vision and the engagement of the quartet, as well as other sponsors of the middle east peace process. i urge the parties in the middle east conflict to cooperate with the international community and give the ongoing peace process a chance. that becomes imperative because we cannot afford a situation of protracted conflict in the subregion. nigeria notes with concern the threat that the situation in iraq poses to international peace and security. we hold the view that any further escalation of tension would lead to very serious consequences. nigeria, therefore, urges the parties concerned to exercise caution and restraint and that the matter be resolved in accordance with the provisions of the charter of the united nations. there is no shortage of international good will and commitment to development. various declarations and programmes eloquently address the need for rapid, durable and sustainable development, as well as the desire for the equitable distribution of the world's wealth. in spite of this good will and good intentions on the part of the international community, more than half of humanity lives in abject poverty and ignorance. for many countries in africa, hunger and disease remain pervasive and deeply rooted. human development indices for some of the poorest countries are, indeed, unflattering for a world that is so rich but with resources so unevenly distributed. it is our conviction that urgent, concrete action is required, if the lofty goals we have set for ourselves in the millennium declaration to make the world a better place are to be realized. many developing countries require assistance from the international community in the form of increased official development assistance and foreign direct investment flows and efforts to alleviate their excruciating debt burden and enable them to develop their human and material resource base. africa remains committed to the attainment of the goals of the millennium declaration. in that regard, i am pleased to state that africa is seeking to lift itself by its own bootstraps, through the new partnership for africa's development nepad . as members are aware, nepad is designed to address, in a sustained and coordinated way, many of the developmental problems associated with africa's underdevelopment. we are encouraged by the support that nepad has so far received from the international community. the latest evidence of this support is the outcome of the recent meeting of the group of [number] in kananaskis, canada, towards the implementation of the action plan. it is hoped that the united nations high-level segment on nepad would record greater successes in the much expected endorsement of that initiative by the international community. this and other programmes designed to improve the living conditions of the majority of humanity may not yield the desired results if one of the greatest dangers facing humanity today is not addressed with the commitment and urgency it deserves. i am speaking here of the hiv aids pandemic that continues to bring [number] havoc, misery and hopelessness on humanity, especially in africa where the pandemic is threatening to wipe out entire generations. for example, it is estimated that out of the [number] million people living with hiv aids worldwide, [number] per cent of them are in sub- saharan africa. the consequent toll on the human and material resources of one of the most impoverished regions of the world cannot be overemphasized. not only is the productive population of africa being systematically decimated by hiv aids, but efforts to combat this and other diseases, such as malaria, tuberculosis and other infectious diseases, are also diverting scarce resources away from development programmes and projects. massive assistance is therefore required from the international community to complement the efforts of individual countries. nigeria will spare no effort to combat these scourges. while we are fully aware of the insidious nature of all of these pestilences, the spread of hiv aids constitutes by far our greatest source of concern. for that reason, nigeria is active in contribution to and management of the global fund to fight hiv aids. we have also established a national agency for the prevention and control of hiv aids to coordinate the government's multisectoral approach to the prevention, control and management of the pandemic. we pledge to continue to do our best in this human struggle against this powerful, destructive force, especially by generating awareness in the country about its prevention and spread. we continue, however, to count on the international community to find cures for these diseases, as well as to give assistance to many of our countries in these efforts. the leadership of the united nations is critical to the success of these efforts. i wish once again to draw the assembly's attention to the pernicious issue of corruption and its manifestation at the international level. we have always maintained that it takes two to tango and that the instances of corruption in developing countries have often been supported by encouragement, and inducements and the provision of safe havens by the industrialized countries. thus, we are strongly advocating that efforts to establish a convention against corruption need to be expedited, so that we can have global action against corruption. there is no doubt that the united nations has served humanity well. it has come a long way since its humble beginnings in [number]. it remains the only organization to which all nations, in varying degrees and ways, are associated and committed. humanity is the better for the existence of the united nations. the organization provides the basis for our collective security, international cooperation and solidarity, which are essential for human coexistence. we must therefore continue to fine-tune its implementations to make it more responsive to the needs of the times and to prepare it for the challenges of the future, some of which could not have been envisaged by the founding members. i am pleased to note that there is general agreement among us on the need to reform the organization so as to make it more democratic in structure, more efficient in management and more manageable in size. nigeria is a major proponent of the envisaged reforms, especially those regarding the structure and working methods of the security council. nigeria envisages a new security council in which it will play the role destined by its geopolitical circumstances and the challenges of the twenty-first century. in this regard, we are willing to contribute to efforts and stand ready to support others of like mind and circumstances in this endeavour.

[number]. mr. president, at the outset, permit me to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-eighth session. since this year marks the 200th anniversary of the birth of simon bolivar, the election of the representative of a bolivarian country to the presidency is also an expression of esteem by the international community of the ideals of bolivar, beyond being a tribute to your nation, panama, and indeed to the americas as a whole. we know that your vast experience and skill will stand us in good stead in our deliberations. [number]. i should also like to express our appreciation to your predecessor, the deputy foreign minister of hungary, mr. imre hollai, for the able manner in which he carried out his tasks as president of the thirty-seventh session. [number]. israel wishes to congratulate also from this rostrum saint christopher and nevis on its accession to independence and to welcome it on its admission to the united nations. we wish its people peace and prosperity. [number]. the official closing of the thirty-seventh session on [number] september marked the passage of yet another year of turbulence and incertitude. but as we begin this new thirty-eighth session, we see amply demonstrated once again the aspirations of member states for peace and tranquillity, for equality and justice in our world. this, after all, should be the common denominator for all of us who have been meeting in this hall. and yet it is a sad comment on the ingenuity of the human race that so little has been done in these last [number] autumns to go beyond the hopes invested in the united nations in [number]. [number]. new wars have been erupting perennially, some more bloody than the greatest battles fought in the second world war, and old conflicts have continued to smoulder without let-up. significantly, the greatest problems which have faced mankind since the end of the second world war have been dealt with outside this organization, although it was founded on the belief that the concert of nations can and must stand up to its trials and travails together and out of common accord. [number]. it is indeed gratifying to observe the family of nations grow from year to year. we welcome new partners in our common endeavours, for the united nations will either stand or fall on the principle of universality based on equal sharing of opportunities and burdens in a pluralistic world. but reality must not be cast aside the united nations is patently incapable of meeting its challenges, as it is, regrettably, an organization which has been hijacked to serve the narrow interests of those who would do anything to advance their particular and selfish causes, and theirs alone. the united nations has become a forum of mercantile transactions of favours, of a complacent trampling of the principles and purposes of the charter. these are the sad realities within which we live realities which, however, we are not compelled to accept or adopt. [number]. there is today no evident correlation between the hopes of nations and the united nations role in the realization of those hopes no rational connection between the aspirations and expectations expressed at the beginning of each general assembly session and the many acrimonious debates in committees and the flood of paper resolutions that emerge at the tail end of the sessions. this is not only the point of view of israel it has been dwelt upon by several assembly presidents in the past. [number]. israel, of course, has had its own share of disillusionment with the united nations. the persistence of israel's adversaries' hatred and rejectionism has been largely tolerated here without prohibition or hindrance, primarily because of a great transfer of wealth, gratuitous and unprecedented, from the highly industrialized nations of the west to some arab countries and the resultant concentration over the last decade of economic influence in the hands of the oil-producing arab nations. [number]. yet, however frustrating israel's experience with the united nations has seemed to be, my country has not relinquished the first flush of hope that the founding of the united nations produced in the wake of the second world war. beyond its own political preoccupations at the united nations, israel has been observing with great concern those economic and social problems which consistently mar relations among nations. [number]. economic issues, as well as those of war and peace and arms control, have given more cause for fear than for hope in the past year. insecurity and distress continue to afflict the greater part of humanity. [number]. the deliberations on economic issues conducted between developed and developing nations, as well as those among the developing nations themselves, progress far more slowly than the rate at which these problems continue to grow. the gravity of these issues requires unrelenting endeavour. [number]. israel, for its part, is willing, within the means at its disposal, to make its contribution to the advancement of international economic co-operation. in this spirit, we have recently presented our "transitional economy plan", already circulated at the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. the aim of the plan, which is based on israel's own experience, is the application of low-cost improvements to the rural sectors of various societies. dozens of developing countries and international economic organizations have already expressed their interest in advancing this programme and in implementing the ideas relevant to their needs and special circumstances. we are happy to note that some developed countries have shown eagerness to incorporate parts of this project into their own development strategy for the developing and least developed countries. [number]. israel believes in both collective and individual efforts to fight hunger on this planet and has participated actively, through its international co-operation programme, in alleviating this scourge. the united nations system should be the central vehicle for the required international co-operation. its ability to carry out this role efficiently must depend to a large degree on its observance of the principles of universality in participation and adherence to genuine objectives of economic development. [number]. unfortunately, we have been witnessing an ever growing attempt to politicize international economic efforts by the injection of elements of global and regional conflicts. the developing countries are ultimately the main victims of this attitude, as precious resources for development are channelled into futile and senseless exercises totally unrelated to the pressing economic needs of the greater part of mankind. [number]. no less disturbing is the insufficient progress in the international handling of the arms race and security- building measures. israel has long been concerned about the danger posed by nuclear armaments. it has, therefore, consistently supported the objective of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. [number]. israel naturally examines these problems from the perspective of the middle east. we have concluded that the most credible barrier to the proliferation of nuclear weapons in our region would be to make the middle east a nuclear-weapon-free zone. to that end, israel has made proposals based on the precepts of the latin american model which had led to the conclusion of the treaty of tlatelolco. [number]. it is only logical that the initiative for the establishment of such a zone should originate with the states in the region, and the preliminary consultations necessary for achieving this aim must be carried out directly among them they should be conducted in good faith and be addressed to issues pertinent to the establishment of such a zone. [number]. it is clear that only free and direct negotiations among all middle eastern states can ensure real progress towards the conclusion of a convention which would establish a system of mutually binding obligations on all states of the region. my delegation has been advocating this approach in the annual general assembly debates it introduced a draft resolution, contained in the annex to a letter dated [number] june [number] and formed part of the consensus on the subject. our initiative gained wide- ranging support, and recognized leaders and experts in the field of disarmament paid tribute to israel's position. israel's proposal, however, was unfortunately turned down by hostile states in the region. [number]. israel is fully aware of the many political differences between the states of the middle east. none of those differences should be permitted to stand in the way of the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. israel, for its part, stands ready to commence negotiations on this matter among the interested states of our region at any time and without any preconditions. [number]. in recent years, the suppression of human rights by many governments around the world has reached alarming proportions. it persists in all but a few countries and is in clear violation of the principles enshrined in various international treaties and in the universal declaration of human rights. in the middle east itself, many of the arab regimes flagrantly violate these rights by persecuting political, ethnic and religious groups and minorities by imprisoning political opponents without trial on a widespread scale by humiliating, torturing and, indeed, executing many political prisoners by staging at times large-scale massacres of their own citizens, as was the case in hama, syria, in february of last year and by suppressing such fundamental liberties as freedom of expression and assembly. [number]. the jewish people have known for centuries what it is like to suffer at the hands of cruel authoritarian regimes. israel abhors such manifestations of repression. my country supports all sincere efforts to foster respect for and safeguarding of human rights. at the same time, it deplores attempts in this organization and elsewhere hypocritically to divert legitimate concern for human rights in directions which serve objectionable and narrow political interests. [number]. unfortunately, the soviet union's continuing harassment of soviet jewry remains one of the most persistent and glaring human rights problems faced by the world today. in spite of the many international agreements to which the soviet union is a signatory, such as the helsinki accord, ' hundreds of thousands of jews in that country are being systematically denied the basic human right to emigrate and to be reunited with their families in israel. at the same time, those who have been formally denied exit permits have been forced to live as outcasts in soviet society, often for lengthy periods, having been deprived of their means of livelihood, exposed to the whims of the authorities and subjected to all manner of harassment. in some cases, jews who apply to leave for israel or who seek to preserve their jewish heritage and identity are arrested and imprisoned and languish in soviet jails and labour camps under the most inhuman conditions. [number]. indeed, as the gates of emigration have been nearly sealed, officially inspired anti-semitism, with the inevitable strong racist overtones, is being increasingly manifested in the soviet media and in various forms of discrimination. regrettably, the united nations has yet to take appropriate action on this matter, which must distress decent people everywhere and which is certainly worthy of the organization's attention. [number]. unfortunately, the united nations, and the general assembly in particular, have also done very little of a constructive nature to alleviate international tension and defuse the many conflicts which have continued to plague much of the world for several years now. the cause of neither peace nor world security has been advanced in this past year. the past year has seen the escalation of the confrontation between the super-powers, which in turn has had grave repercussions throughout the world, particularly for the smaller nations. international tension was greatly increased when the soviet air force recently deliberately shot down a south korean airliner an act that was overwhelmingly condemned by the international community. most of the armed conflicts and local wars raging around the globe year ago continue to exact a heavy toll in casualties despite destruction and suffering. in afghanistan, kampuchea foreign intervention continue, with hundreds of thousands having been killed or injured thus far and millions rendered homeless. the middle east is torn apart by violent inter-arab rivalries and by a number of conflicts, of which the arab- israel conflict is but one. iraq and iran are locked in a bitter, prolonged war which has now entered its fourth year and has already claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands. internecine strife, encouraged by syria, has rent lebanon. libya has pushed ahead with its imperialistic ambitions in chad, while seeking to subvert also other regimes in africa and elsewhere. various disputes have also been plaguing the western hemisphere. [number]. although usually stemming from local factors, much of the unrest throughout the world, including the middle east, has been sharply exacerbated by soviet policies which have exploited tensions to generate instability and thereby broaden the scope of soviet influence. whether directly, as in afghanistan, or indirectly, through such proxies as viet nam, syria and libya, the soviet union has, instead of contributing to world peace, aggravated crisis situations and even sparked the outbreak of hostilities. unfortunately, this holds true also for soviet involvement in the arab-israel conflict. [number]. the last decade has demonstrated that the solution of the arab-israel conflict is indeed possible, provided that the parties to the conflict are sincere in their efforts to resolve it. once again it must be stressed that progress in this regard was made entirely outside the united nations. indeed, instead of contributing to the promotion of peace in the middle east, the assembly and other united nations organs have often added to the violent rhetoric which has fanned the flames of the arab-israel conflict. were we to judge matters as they are reflected in these chambers, one might easily conclude that the conflict is insoluble. however, in the real world of the middle east itself as distinct from the world of the united nations progress has been achieved, as we have seen in the cases of the israel-egypt peace treaty and in the recent israel-lebanon agreement. once states engage in serious and direct negotiations which acknowledge their mutual legitimate needs and interests, agreement has been shown to be possible. [number]. the united nations, manipulated by powerful blocs and automatic majorities, has generated a basic misconception concerning the essence of the arab-israeli conflict. [number]. the essence of the conflict has always been and remains the persistent enmity of arab states towards jewish national renaissance. for decades now arab leaders have obstinately maintained that the whole region from the atlantic ocean to the persian gulf must be exclusively arab. this intolerant and exclusivist attitude has been reflected in their repressive policies directed against various non-arab national groups in the middle east. this, and no other, has been the primary cause also of the ongoing arab-israel conflict. [number]. unfortunately, after several costly wars started by arab states in their bid to destroy israel, many of the arab countries have apparently not yet realized that their designs concerning israel are both wrong and futile. thus, what they have been unable to achieve on the battlefield, they are now trying to achieve in the diplomatic arena. this has been demonstrated again at this podium during the last few days by the extreme language and content of the speeches made by, among others, the foreign ministers of syria and iraq. [number]. significantly and most regrettably, representatives of arab countries habitually referred to as "moderates" have not objected but acquiesced. such indeed is their "moderation", which should be duly taken note of by all those nations here at the united nations which have either deliberately or, at the very least, unwittingly aided and abetted a campaign which strives to delegitimize my country in order to dismantle it by stages. [number]. in the context just described, arab enmity towards the state of israel has been demonstrated very clearly in the case of the terrorist organization known as the plo, an artificial framework which was created by the arab governments in the early sixties. that grouping of rival terrorist factions has always depended on the continued support of the arab states and their allies for its very existence, as has been evidenced most vividly during and since the destruction of the plo infrastructure in and around beirut last year. [number]. too many people have resorted to wishful thinking when referring to the plo. smooth phrases and eloquent double-talk cannot hide the plo's true intentions and nature. its criminal goal remains the destruction of israel, whether in one fell swoop or in stages. in pursuing this objective, the plo terrorists have perpetrated bloody atrocities which have struck at all, jews and non-jews, young and old, men, women and children. the plo's true character and objectives must have become evident recently even to those who in the past were taken in by plo phraseology. [number]. the continuing tragedy of lebanon is a consequence of the havoc wreaked by the plo and its allies over the past decade. knowing full well the potential for subversion inherent in the plo, arab governments were unwilling to tolerate the presence of this terrorist organization on their own countries' soil and, as a result, dumped that group upon beirut and on the people of lebanon. as a consequence, lebanon's sovereignty was eroded and the country was tom apart by violent strife. [number]. it is well known that israel stands for the full restoration of lebanese sovereignty, of lebanese independence, of lebanese territorial integrity, of the unity of lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries, as well as for the restoration of the authority of the lawful government of lebanon within that country. israel believes that in order to permit the attainment of that goal, all foreign forces must be withdrawn from that country. alongside these objectives, and bearing in mind the experience of recent years, israel's legitimate security needs must also be guaranteed and lebanese territory must never be used again for attacks upon our citizens. [number]. the agreement concluded by israel and lebanon on [number] may [number] is linked to these requirements. israel was and remains determined to proceed towards full and speedy implementation of this agreement aimed at the restoration of lebanese sovereignty. however, it must have become clear to everyone by now that syria and the plo have no more intention of respecting lebanese sovereignty today than they did in the past. [number]. we have all heard lebanon's emphatic and repeated demands for the withdrawal of the syrian forces and the plo from its territory. at the last session, lebanese president amin gemayel used this rostrum to call for "the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all non-lebanese forces from lebanon". in a letter to the twelfth arab summit conference at fez, a year ago, lebanon explicitly demanded the termination of the syrian and plo presence in that country. lebanon reiterated its demands as recently as last month. on [number] september, the lebanese foreign minister wrote to the secretary-general of the league of arab states insisting again on syrian and plo withdrawal and he repeated this demand in his statement from this rostrum during the last meeting. yet all this has been to no avail. not only has syria paid no heed to these demands, but it has increased its involvement in lebanon and is engaged in direct warfare against the legitimate government of that country. president assad, backed diplomatically and militarily by the soviet union and assisted by palestinian terrorists, continues his ruthless operations to keep lebanon in disarray in an attempt to force lebanon to submit to syrian domination. resorting to its well-known tactics of threats and extortion, syria continues to undermine lebanon's path to regaining its sovereignty. this is pursued by syria directly or by proxy, and its uninhibited brutality stops at nothing. [number]. israel's withdrawal from the shouf mountains, a first step in the direction of total withdrawal, was announced well in advance in order to provide the lebanese government and army with a chance to extend its control over that area. they were prevented from doing so by syria and its proxies, which turned lebanon once again into a battleground, exploiting existing enmity between groups there and encouraging all-out war against its legitimate government. [number]. israel welcomes the fact that a cease-fire has now been declared in lebanon and hopes that the cessation of hostilities will endure, leading to true reconciliation, free of outside interventions and dictates. we are following the situation closely and are looking forward to the establishment of conditions which will ensure security and tranquillity along the israel-lebanon border. under no circumstances will israel agree to return to the state of affairs which prevailed until [number] months ago, when lebanese territory was used as a base for terrorist operations against our citizens. israel sincerely hopes and wishes to see an independent lebanon in which a strong and stable regime exercises control throughout the country. [number]. earlier, i had occasion to note that the united nations has been systematically exploited in recent years as an instrument of arab warfare against israel. the most recent effort in this regard was the ill-conceived international conference at geneva several weeks ago. as part of the manipulation of united nations organs during the past decade by countries arrayed against israel, that conference predictably served as an arena for anti-israel slogans and made no attempt whatsoever to examine honestly and objectively the causes of the arab-israel conflict. [number]. arab-israel reconciliation can and must emanate from direct negotiations without outside interference. there is place neither for dictated nor for imposed solutions. any overt or covert attempts to circumvent free and direct negotiations between the states of the region can only delay the peace process. a blatant example of such attempts is the so-called fez "peace plan" with its calculated ambiguity and double-talk. it is intended to serve those who wish to evade direct negotiations and seek to impose long-standing and extreme arab demands, thereby undermining the cause of peace. any equitable and realistic solution will have to take into account the basic fact that on the territory of the former palestine mandate two national states have now been in existence for over three decades, one arab and one jewish. i refer, of course, to the kingdom of jordan and the state of israel. [number]. the contribution of the united nations and the world community at large should be to encourage discourse and dialogue rather than attitudes and trends which perpetuate and continued hostility to my country. regrettably, the united nations has allowed itself to be drawn into a biased position, has become entangled in a mushrooming web of unbalanced resolutions, has put itself into a straitjacket of partisan committees and has squandered vast resources and funds for dubious purposes. the time has surely come for-all to realize that a solution to the arab-israel conflict will be possible only if it takes full account also of the rights, interests and needs of israel. first and foremost among these is the inalienable right of the jewish people to self- determination and sovereignty in its homeland, the land of israel. [number]. the camp david accords reached after intensive direct negotiations with egypt, with the participation of the united states of america, show what can be achieved if the parties involved approach the problem in a spirit of conciliation. these accords which fully take into account the legitimate rights and interests of the parties involved, have also set the stage for a future treaty with jordan and have offered the palestinian arabs living in judea, samaria and the gaza district an active role in shaping their own future, initially within the framework of autonomy and afterwards during the negotiations to determine the final status of the areas in question. anyone sincerely interested in the well-being of the palestinian arabs, as well as in a true peace which would take into account both the interests of israel and those of its arab neighbours, should welcome the progress exemplified by camp david. by contrast, those who wish to perpetuate the arab-israel dispute for selfish political reasons will no doubt continue to support one-sided resolutions in this body and will seek to undermine those initiatives which have brought us closer to a genuine arab-israel peace. [number]. israel welcomes the voices of reason that have come out of african capitals declaring that their contribution towards the promotion of dialogue in the middle east will be more credible and effective when their relations with both israel and its neighbours are normalized. in the past, the potential inherent in the relations between israel and the developing countries in africa and elsewhere was realized in achievements which have proved useful and of significant mutual benefit. [number]. israel would welcome the resumption of ties and expansion of co-operation and friendship with all those who believe, as we do, that all nations, whether or not they agree on every issue, should engage in mutual relations and dialogue. in our opinion these are elementary requirements if we are to advance the prospects of peace and co-operation in our world, the purposes of the united nations, as defined in article [number] of the charter, are to maintain peace, to develop friendly relations between nations, to achieve international co-operation in the solution of international problems and to act as a centre for harmonizing the actions of countries. these noble purposes, to which the founders of the united nations dedicated themselves in [number], are ill served by the organization's present unchecked drifting into their abandonment through impotence. above all, the principle of the sovereign equality of nations has often been set aside in deference to the dictates of bloc politics and military and economic blackmail. [number]. despite this regrettable trend, israel remains prepared actively to support a new, positive approach. an initial step in this direction could be the jettisoning of the heavy burden of politicization in the specialized agencies, thus rendering them as useful and efficient as they were meant to be. [number]. israel still believes that the dim record of the past must not cloud our belief in the future. the government of israel is prepared today as it has always been to negotiate with the neighbouring arab states an equitable solution to the arab-israel conflict. [number]. from this rostrum i wish to address myself to the arab peoples of our region and to inquire whether [number] years of war and bloodshed have solved any problems. are we better off as a result of so many years of conflict than we would have been had our nations lived side by side in peace? could not the billions squandered on arms procurements have been put to better use in solving urgent domestic problems, such as poverty, hunger, illiteracy and a widening social gap between rich and poor? for how long will your governments be able to divert your legitimate concern with social injustice by pursuing hostile policies against my country, policies which can only perpetuate the violence which has cost our societies so much? indeed, for how long will your governments be prepared to sacrifice the flower of youth on the bloody altar of war? [number]. continued hostility and war have brought our region much grief and suffering. would it not behave us to begin a new chapter in the history of our troubled region? would it not be better for us to turn the middle east into an area marked by co-operation and progress? thousands of years ago from our region went forth a vision of universal peace. together we could fulfil that vision in our region and be a source of inspiration to the rest of the world. therefore let us meet in a spirit of reconciliation. let us replace tension with tranquillity, misery with prosperity, hatred with friendship. above all, instead of war, let us have peace.

sir, at the outset i wish to extend to you my sincere felicitations on your unanimous ejection as president of the general assembly. your ejection bears testimony to the recog nition and respect that you enjoy as a diplomat of outstanding ability. under your presidency, i am con fident that the assembly will be able to complete its work successfully and with distinction. your election is also an added honor to your country, with which malaysia enjoys friendly relations. in welcoming your election, i wish also to pay a sincere tribute to mr. kittani, the outgoing president, on the outstanding manner in which he conducted the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. [number]. since the general assembly last met, the interna tional situation has not improved. on the contrary, it has deteriorated even further. the world continues to remain in the grip of crises of various kinds stemming from unresolved political and military con flicts, economic stagnation and recession, widespread poverty and privation, and various inequities, all of which seem to defy solution. through all this there is continued escalation of armaments, consuming enormous funds and resources and threatening mankind with destruction and possibly extinction. the general assembly, meeting against this backdrop, must get the full backing of the members so as to reassert the authority of the united nations and play a truly effective role. [number]. as we look around us, we have to admit that this time international law and order has truly broken down. might is now the only thing that is right. weak coun tries like afghanistan, kampuchea and lebanon are trodden upon by this boots of invading armies as the rest of the world stands by. the economies of the poor nations are wrecked by recession resulting from man-made policies in the powerful commercial and financial centers of the world. the pleas of the poor are but secondary subjects for discussion by the rich as they meet to plan their own world in places like cancun and versailles. and in lebanon, thousands of palestinians are murdered in the name of security for the israelis and their cohorts. [number]. there was a time when the united nations sent a multinational force to stop an invasion and it did in fact succeed. but now it is helpless. resolution after resolution is adopted by the various united nations committees, but the invasions, the atrocities and the economic bullying go on. the credibility of the united nations is indeed at its lowest ebb, and we who are weak and small live in real fear fear for our independence, our well-being and even our lives. [number]. the need to restore faith in the united nations is very pressing. the united nations must regain its credibility. i should like to say that countries like malaysia must help to restore the trust and confidence of the international community in the organization's ability to play a constructive role in resolving problems and crises and in maintaining world peace and stability, but that would be pure rhetoric. what is needed is the full backing of the powerful nations. they must revitalize the organization which they created. they must breathe life into it by abiding by its decisions and lending it their weight. [number]. in south-east asia, the kampuchean problem continues to pose a threat to peace and security. three times the general assembly has called for the total withdrawal of foreign forces and the exercise of self- determination by the kampuchean people. the international conference on kampuchea laid down the principles for a political settlement of the problem. but again those who are in a position to help achieve this political settlement have shown little concern for the accepted norms of international practice. [number]. the foreign military invasion and continued occupation of kampuchea is a crime against the kampuchean people and a threat to regional peace and security. it has brought in its wake big-power rivalry into a region where five peace-loving nations have agreed to a concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality. members of the association of south east asian nations find in the kampuchean problem an insurmountable obstacle to their cherished dream of a conflict-free neutral area. [number]. the world must give serious attention to the situa tion in kampuchea before big-power rivalry escalates into open confrontation, for when this happens, the united nations will once again be powerless to do anything. the members of the united nations must act while there is still time for them to do so. they must give their stamp of approval to the valiant coalition that has been formed. [number]. in consonance with the efforts for a peaceful settlement, malaysia and asean are extremely gratified with the agreement reached among the three resistance groups of kampuchea to join hands in the coalition in which his highness prince sihanouk has assumed the presidency of the government of demo cratic kampuchea. the determination, wisdom and, above all abiding sense of patriotism of the three leaders, in standing together to restore freedom and honor to their country, deserve our profound admiration. malaysia welcomes this development, as it is a positive and important step towards the attain ment of a political solution. malaysia feels honored for having been able on [number] june [number] to act as host during the historic signing of the declaration estab-lishing the coalition by his highness prince sihanouk, mr. son sann and mr. khieu samphan. i am indeed happy about the presence and participation at this session of his high ness prince norodom sihanouk, president of demo cratic kampuchea and the beloved leader of the kampuchean people. i hope that the assembly will respond appropriately and positively to his noble cause. we await with keen anticipation his triumphant return to kampuchea to restore the freedom and inde pendence of that country and the honor and dignity of the kampuchean people. [number]. in west asia, the situation has also taken a turn for the worse since the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. since the palestinians were evicted from their homeland, they have been forced to move from one refuge to another countless times. their rights us a people are still being denied. they are not even treated as humans, as the brutal massacres in lebanon amply demonstrate. [number]. we remember vividly the horrors of belsen, dachau and other nazi concentration camps of the second world war. we know of the sufferings of the jewish people then and the pogroms of centuries past. we were appalled at those atrocities. nevertheless, nobody not even a people that has suffered as much as the jews have has the right to inflict upon others the horrors of sabra and shatila. the palestinians and the lebanese were not responsible for belsen or dachau. has the international community lost its conscience that it could stand aloof while such horrors were perpetrated against the helpless and the innocent? in order to assuage the conscience of the anti-semites, the land of the palestinians has already been taken away from them to create a jewish home-land. must the palestinians now be butchered and driven from refuge to refuge? must they also be exterminated? we understand the conscience which bothers the people that were once cruel to the jews. we understand their need to make amends for their past misdeeds. but are we going to condone massacres because we or, rather, the powerful nations of the world are unwilling to hurt the feelings of the jews? some may think that the massacres in the sabra and shatila camps will satiate the israelis and that they will go back to their israel. this can only be a wrong assumption. recent history has shown, and the israeli prime minister has admitted, that israel never really fought in self-defense. it attacks at the slightest provocation even imagined provocation. the neighbors of israel are going to be under constant threat and again and again they will be invaded, and atroc ities committed against them. in the interest of israeli security, there will be no security for its neighbors. can we accept that only the security of israel is important and that its arab neighbors have no right to security? [number]. israel is a bully. if it were any bigger or stronger, the world would not be safe. i should therefore like to call upon the united states, as the main supplier of weapons to israel, to reconsider its position. those weapons are for nothing less than murder. apart from its systematic and premeditated use of lethal and sadistic weapons on occupied palestine and arab territories, israel continues to propagate the myth of the non-existence of the palestinian people, thereby frustrating all peaceful efforts to find adjust and enduring settlement of the west asian conflict. indeed, the lesson we have learned from the israeli invasion of neighbouring lebanon and the destruction of beirut is that, if israel is not stopped, the west asia problem will not only continue but also escalate until we are all swallowed up in the conflagration. at this point, i wish to pay homage to the valiant palestinian freedom fighters for their outstanding qualities of fortitude, patriotism and courage in the face of overwhelming odds in their just struggle for their inalienable rights. i also take this opportunity to salute chairman yasser arafat for his statesmanship, foresight and courage in leaving beirut in order to spare the civilian population of that city continued israeli savagery. unfortunately, the sacrifice made by the palestine liberation organization plo has been in vain. [number]. malaysia would also like to welcome the initiative taken recently at fez by the arab leaders at the twelfth arab summit conference, which reflects the reasonableness of their stand as much as their courage, statesmanship and, above all, their reaffirmation of their commitments to the charter of the united nations and to regional and international peace and security. this initiative presents to the interna tional community a formula which will enable the palestinians to return to their homes and freely exercise their god-given inalienable rights in their own home land, palestine. the israelis have of course rejected the proposal outright. the world and the supporters of israel must prevail upon that habitually intransigent country to return to sanity and the ways of civilization. [number]. in afghanistan, too, we continue to witness another example of the blatant use of force. there, too, we continue to find the misery and the travails of a people locked in an unequal struggle to preserve their faith, national identity and character, their sovereignty, dignity and freedom. [number]. indeed, the situation within afghanistan, and that of the [number]. [number] million refugees forced into exile in neigh bouring countries have given cause for unprecedented anxiety, particularly for weak and small nations of the world. to these nations, the continuance of the afghan nationalist struggle is crucial. it is incumbent on the international community to see that this struggle succeeds. [number]. we in malaysia are fully committed to the restora tion of the lawful rights of the afghan people, including their right to determine for themselves their future, free from coercion, and to the return of the afghan refugees to their homes in safety and with honor. [number]. we support the efforts of the secretary-general in initiating indirect talks with the parties concerned to find a political solution consistent with the united nations and resolutions of the organization of the islamic conference on the afghan problem. [number]. it is disconcerting that the war between iraq and iran continues to rage. the conflict has gone on, far too long. it has taken a heavy toll in lives lost, in property destroyed, in wounds inflicted and in human misery. we must all therefore apply ourselves earnestly to the task of reconciling the two countries in the interests of the peoples of those countries themselves and those of the world at large. the fact is that there can be neither victor nor vanquished in this conflict. [number]. malaysia enjoys close and cordial relations with both iran and iraq and we therefore implore them to cease fighting and to accept mediation and reconcilia tion so that an honorable and enduring solution can be found. [number]. my government abhors south africa's inhuman policy of apartheid. it is a travesty of justice and an affront to human dignity coupled with the pretoria regime's deliberate and provocative armed incursions into neighbouring states, constitutes a major cause of tension and instability, not only in africa, but throughout the world. malaysia will con tinue fully to support the cause of the oppressed people of south africa in their struggle for equality, justice and dignity, and against those who champion human rights, or claim to do so, would do better to condemn the pretoria regime, and treat it like the freak it is. [number]. another area of great concern to us is the problem of drug abuse. the world community has for a long time treated the drug problem as a social problem akin to poverty, slavery, child abuse and other social ills. in fact, drug addiction is all those social ills rolled into one. the youths afflicted with this problem are mental slaves with deviant tendencies who are per manently impoverished. the problem must be tackled at its source, and this can be done only if the united nations acts positively. failure to arrest this spreading scourge will destroy whole generations to come. [number]. the age of empires and imperial powers is practically over, but the world has not as yet become a better place for the previously colonized. there are many reasons for this, and among them is the banding together of the rich nations in order to maintain eco nomic dominance, which some say is actually a form of imperialism. [number]. we in malaysia are very much affected by this. as a nation, we have tried to live within the rules, formal and informal, which govern economic relations between nations. we have even refrained from nationalizing industries set up during colonial days, which were engaged in literally extracting wealth from our country for foreigners who frequently do not even know where malaysia is, much less care for the well- being of its people. but our patience and sense of fair play are being taxed to the limit by the market manipulations abroad which, in effect, reduce our people to the status of underpaid laborers. as a producer of primary commodities like tin, rubber and palm oil, we are as much entitled to a fair return on our outlay as any producer of manufactured goods in the developed countries. producing these primary products is no longer merely a question of having enough land or minerals and cheap labour. these days, expensive capital outlay is needed to explore, extract and develop them, and also to do the required research and development. the indications are that these costs and the technology required will increase steadily in the years to come. thus, money is needed, not merely for profits, but for future development, for our own income and for the needs of the world. [number]. while the manufactured goods that we buy are priced according to the costs of production and marketing plus, of course, a hefty profit the prices of primary products seem to bear no relation to any of those costs. they are priced according to the whims and fancies of a host of people who have nothing to do with their production. the various exchanges located in the developed countries literally manipulate prices in order to make a profit for the brokers, the dealers, the speculators and others. these people make money when the prices go up. they also make money when the prices come down. therefore, it suits them to cause a "yo-yo" effect in commodity prices. in addition, these exchanges are exclusive clubs, where the producers are unable to secure membership. the brokers and others who trade on the exchanges are the same people who make the rules, apply the rules and arbitrate. is it any wonder that whenever their profits are threatened they change the rules so as not only to save themselves, but to make a handsome profit as well? [number]. that is the situation in the tin and rubber markets today. it has played havoc with my country's eco nomy. we have tried to reduce price fluctuations by having producer-consumer agreements, but this is an arrangement that taxes the producers when prices are down but which benefits the consumers when price trends are upwards. it is a case of "heads i win, tails you lose". [number]. as if all that were not enough, the united states maintains a stockpile, ostensibly for strategic meaning security reasons. we fully support the needs of the united states for strategic reserves, but the administration of that reserve is clearly not influenced by problems of strategy. the stockpile is merely a rich nation's monopolistic weapon, used to depress prices of commodities for the benefit of the consumers. [number]. such is the fate of the producers of primary commodities that they now have to sell three to five times as much of their produce as they did [number] years ago in order to buy the same amount of manufactured goods from the developed countries. in other words, the gap between rich and poor has widened by [number] to [number] per cent in the last [number] years or so. [number]. malaysia is trying to break the vicious circle of the old commodity market system. we are trying to set up a more suitable system which will maintain reasonable prices while ensuring adequate supplies of tin and rubber to the world. to that end, we have tried to form a viable and effective producers' asso ciation. there is no intention to create a monopolistic situation. we know full well that unreasonableness on our part would result in reduced consumption and a switch to substitutes. we hope that producer countries everywhere will appreciate the need for this strategy and participate in it. [number]. commodity prices today arc at their lowest. we can blame the recession for that. but what we regret is that this recession is man-made. there is no shortage of supply, nor is there a shortage of demand. energy is plentiful and the level of technology is unprece dented high. yet suddenly, no one wants to buy what only yesterday he could not get enough of. and those who want to buy are without the necessary foreign exchange. indeed, many poor countries have virtually to sell their souls in order merely to survive. [number]. as i have said, this world-wide depression is man-made. it is made in the powerful countries by short-sighted people. foremost among the decisions that led to the diminution of world trade is the increase in interest rates. the high cost of money has reduced investments, shrunk inventories and stifled new business initiatives. thus a lot of commodities are floating around unsold and unsought, further depressing prices. [number]. true, some people have waxed rich in this depression, but the price is high in terms of unem ployment, bankruptcies and misery for the poor. the world's economy cannot go on like this for long. there will be violence, riots and revolutions governments will fall, and anarchy will prevail. the longer the depression lasts, the longer it will take to recover. [number]. as this depression is man-made, man must unmake it too. the first need is the lowering of interest rates, even if it causes slightly higher inflation. secondly, the protectionism of the rich nations must be reduced if not done away with altogether. if this cannot be done, at least the protectionist policy should be made more discriminating. the developing nations should not be subjected to any protectionist measures. this should at least soften the impact of the recession on them. the rich countries, too, would benefit as the improved income of the poor would enable them to buy more manufactured goods. the world has suffered enough from this depression. we need action now. we need the reversal of policies that are so obviously wrong. we should like to appeal to those people who wield so much power to heed the needs of the world. reverse the policies you have made, and the world will remember you as saviors. [number]. the participating members of the united nations must congratulate themselves on the successful conclusion of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea. the days when the rich nations of the world could take for themselves what ever territory and resources they had access to be over. henceforth all the unclaimed wealth of this earth must be regarded as the common heritage of all the nations of this planet. the seas and the sea-bed are undoubtedly going to be the source of wealth for the future. there is no reason why the minerals and other resources now found on the exposed surfaces of the planet will not be found in the sea-bed! the problem is, of course, one of exploration and extrac tion. the high cost and the sophisticated technology required will be well beyond the capacity of the poor nations. unless they can have a share as of right whenever this wealth is extracted the gap between them and the rich nations going to widen even more. when finally they do have the capacity, much of the readily accessible wealth will have been exhausted. it is to be hoped that, given the agreement on the law of the sea, the poor nations will get their fair share. [number]. but there remain certain areas in the world which are not covered by any international agreement. according to present norms, territories colonized by the old colonial powers must be decolonized that is, they must be returned to the natives or the original inhabitants. united nations concern on this issue is reflected in the permanent special committee on the situation with regard to the implementation of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. however, there are still land areas which have neither natives nor settlers. there is therefore no one to inherit the land and to set up viable governments should the claims of the metropolitan powers be given up. because of this, little attention has been paid to these areas. [number]. it is now time that the united nations focused its attention on these areas, the largest of which is the continent of antarctica. a number of countries have in the past sent expeditions there which have not limited themselves to mere scientific exploration but have gone on to claim huge wedges of antarctica for their countries. those countries are not depriving any natives of their lands, and they are therefore not required to decolonize. but the fact remains that those uninhabited lands do not legally belong to the dis coverers, just as the colonial territories do not belong to the colonial powers. like the seas and the sea-bed, those uninhabited lands belong to the international community. the countries now claiming them must give them up so that either the united nations can administer those lands or the present occupants can act as trustees for the nations of the world. at present the exploitation of the resources of antarctica is too costly and the technology is not yet available, but no doubt the day will come when antarctica can provide the world with food and other resources for its development. it is only right that such exploita tion should benefit the poor nations as much as the rich. [number]. now that we have reached agreement on the law of the sea the united nations must convene a meeting in order to define the problem of uninhabited lands, whether claimed or unclaimed, and to determine the rights of all nations to those lands. we are aware of the antarctic treaty, ' concluded by a few nations, which provides for their co-operation for scientific research and prohibits non-peaceful activities. while there is some merit in this treaty, it is nevertheless an agreement between a select group of countries and does not reflect 6he true feelings of the members of the united nations or their just claims. a new international agreement is required so that historical episodes are not made into facts to substantiate claims. [number]. as i said at the beginning, the world is today beset by crises of various kinds. to believe otherwise would be to ignore the realities before us. it is imper ative that we take cognizance of this fact and mobilize all our efforts to overcome these crises. we can do this if we choose to, or we can let the opportunity slip by. never before has human ingenuity in science and technology reached such a level of development as it has today. but we must use it wisely, not in pursuit of sophisticated weaponry for purposes of war we must instead harness it for peaceful and beneficial uses for the common good. [number]. it is an imperiled world in which we are living, and we must put it right at all costs. this could come about if nations were willing effectively to implement past and future resolutions of the united nations and related agencies, for this would not only help to restore the international community's confidence in the united nations but also contribute to the reso lution of the current conflicts and crises. i urge all members of the organization to give their fullest co operation and all support towards this end so that international peace, stability and security may be achieved.

it is a great honour for me and the entire rwandese delegation to convey to the president our warm congratulations on his election to preside over the work of the general assembly at its forty-sixth session. his election is recognition by the international community of the outstanding personal qualities and his ability as a seasoned diplomat. it is also, through him, a tribute to his country, the kingdom of saudi arabia, which has always striven to strengthen ties of friendship and cooperation between all peace-loving and justice-loving countries. we also congratulate the other officers of the general assembly elected to direct the work of this session. the rwandan delegation at this session of the general assembly wishes to assure the president that it stands fully prepared to make its contribution to the success of the assembly's work. our appreciation is also addressed to his predecessor, mr. guido de marco, who guided the work of the forty-fifth session with wisdom and competence, the results of which were unanimously lauded. permit me also to pay a tribute to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez do cuellar, who has for ten years served and directed our organisation with competence, wisdom and dedication in discharging the extremely burdensome and complex responsibilities conferred upon him. the many different successes scored bear testimony to his exceptional qualities and have redounded to the esteem and credit of our organisation. the rwandese republic will always remember him as a man who devoted himself heart and soul to the cause of peace, justice, solidarity and the well-being of peoples. he may be assured of our profound gratitude. i should also like to add my voice to that of those who have already offered the new members a heartfelt welcome to the family of the united nations, namely, the two koreas the three baltic republics estonia, lithuania and latvia the federated states of micronesia, and the marshall islands. they may be assured of our sincere felicitations and our encouragement in working for the blossoming of the noble ideals and, more particularly, contributing to the consolidation of much better international relations of solidarity. in keeping with well-established tradition, the annual convening of the general assembly is intended to provide an opportunity to take stock of a year's activity by the united nations, with a view, especially, to preparing for the future on the basis of lessons learned, experience gained and results achieved. it also provides a special opportunity for all member states to set forth, publicly and solemnly, their positions with regard to the problems currently of concern to the international community. it is an opportunity also to voice the hopes they have for the future, hopes the realisation of which will depend on the mobilisation and contribution of all peoples in the context of more active solidarity above and beyond pious hopes and mere declarations of intent. it is against this backdrop and notwithstanding the rather positive turn of events in international political relations that rwanda continues to be gravely concerned over the international economic situation. that situation hardly gives any grounds for optimism, mindful as we are of the worsening of the structural crisis in the world economy that is broadening the gap between the industrialised and the developing countries. before putting forth rwanda's position on the major problems of international politics in terms of political relations and economic issues, the rwandese delegation would like first of all to draw the attention of all delegations gathered here for the forty-sixth session of the general assembly to the gravity of the state of war that my country, rwanda, has been living through ever since [number] october [number], when it was attacked by armed elements from uganda. indeed, since [number] october [number] the assailants - including a number of former rwandese refugees hired by and serving in uganda's regular army, the "national resistance army" nra , and calling itself the rwandese patriotic- front, or fpr-inkoyanyi - invaded rwanda before being thrown out on [number] october [number] and since then it has been organising armed attacks against the rwandese population in areas bordering on uganda, the first attempt at an explanation advanced by the aggressors to justify the armed invasion of rwanda was their allegation that the rwandese government had refused to agree to the return of rwandese who had fled their country at the end of the 1950s in connection with the struggle of the rwandese people against a feudal-monarchical regime and in favour of the establishment of republican institutions in the country. it should be recalled that this phenomenon of rwandese refugees grew out of the social revolution of [number], which brought the overthrow of the feudal regime in favour of republican democracy. the supporters of feudal monarchy rejected the new democratic system and preferred exile with their partisans in neighbouring countries, from where they have regularly launched armed attacks against the newly-constituted republic of rwanda between the years [number] and [number]. however, rwanda has always sought a definitive solution to the problem of its refugees, one based on national legislation and international conventions to which my country is party. it is in this spirit that voluntary repatriation, at the specific request of individual refugees, has been carried out on a continuing basis. moreover, it is important to stress that the war that has been going on in rwanda since [number] october [number] began at a time when our country was at an advanced stage of negotiations with uganda with a view to a definitive settlement of the problem of the rwandese refugees living in uganda. on the basis of the outcome of those negotiations with uganda, rwanda had envisaged ways and means of also settling the problem of rwandese refugees living in other neighbouring countries and elsewhere in the world. only two months prior to the invasion of rwanda, the joint rwanda-uganda ministerial committee - which had been established in [number] to work out a definitive settlement of the problem of the rwandese refugees in uganda - had just held its third meeting in kigali, from [number] to [number] july [number], with the participation of the united nations high commissioner for refugees and the organisation of african unity. on that occasion, the rwandese and ugandan governments had just reached agreement to the effect, that under the auspices of the high commissioner for refugees a survey was to be conducted among the refugees themselves to ascertain their wishes concerning the three options proposed to them, namely, voluntary repatriation to rwanda, a definitive settlement in uganda with naturalisation, or a third option of their choosing. it is appropriate also to recall that it had been decided that the rwanda-uganda ministerial committee, working in concert with the high commissioner for refugees, was to meet again in january [number] to finalize and endorse the solutions arrived at on the basis of the outcome of the survey, and that in the meantime a group of refugees was to visit rwanda to see for themselves the social and political situation in the country and to report their impressions to the other refugees so that the latter could make a fully informed decision on the matter. unfortunately, that visit, which was to have taken place from the end of september to mid-october [number], was cancelled by one side and instead uganda began on [number] october [number] to carry out an armed invasion against rwanda. ever since the onset of the armed conflict thus imposed upon it, rwanda, aided by friendly countries, in particular countries of our subregion launched a number of political and diplomatic initiatives aimed at restoring peace in the country and in the region. against this background the summit meetings held at mwanza in tanzania and at gbadolite in zaire stressed respect for the cease-fire between the belligerents, the opening of a dialogue between the parties to the conflict, and efforts to find a definitive solution to the problem of the rwandese refugees. it was precisely for the purpose of studying ways and means of finding a definitive solution to the problem of rwandese refugees that a regional conference was held in dar es salaam, tanzania, on [number] february [number], bringing together the heads of state or government of the region. on that occasion the government of rwanda, while very much deploring the fact, that the war that had been imposed on it since [number] october [number] had brutally cut short the process of finding solutions to resolve definitively the problem of its refugees, once again expressed its conviction that the voluntary repatriation of all rwandese refugees was a legitimate right and a factor that would promote peace and reconciliation. rwanda consequently reaffirmed its readiness to take the necessary steps to facilitate the smooth return of those refugees wishing to return and to ensure their reintegration into the various facets of national life, but in this connection asked for the indispensable support, of the international community. in conformity with the decisions taken at that dar es salaam conference, the organization of african unity and the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees are now in the process of working out, in cooperation with the countries concerned, a plan of action for finding a lasting solution to the problem of rwandese refugees, a plan which will be submitted to a pledging conference to be held at the beginning of next year. the government of rwanda, for its part, is in the process of taking specific action to prepare for the return of rwandese refugees that opt for repatriation. a law guaranteeing a general amnesty for rwandese refugees will shortly be adopted. nevertheless, the state of war under which rwanda has been living for a year now hat proved that the quest for a definitive solution of the problem of rwandese refugees was not really what concerned those that had committed the aggression against rwanda. indeed, as the head of state of rwanda stressed at the twenty-seventh summit meeting of the organisation of african unity, held at abuja last june, the rwandese patriotic front, as soon as it realised that the pretext of the refugee problem advanced to "legitimise" before the world the invasion of rwanda no longer carried weight with african and international public opinion, changed the direction of the discussion and called the invasion the defence of the ideal of democracy, endeavouring to make people believe that what it was doing was prompted by its determination to establish democracy in rwanda. the fact is that since january [number] the rwandese government had been proposing that there be a political renewal, and this idea took tangible shape subsequently, notably through the adoption on [number] june [number] of a new constitution legitimising political pluralism as well as effectively establishing political parties, which are already operating and irreversibly committed to strengthening the democratic process. in view of the fact that virtually all the pretexts put forward for launching the war cannot be justified, it is difficult to understand the rationale that is prompting those who committed the aggression against rwanda to continue the hostilities, to reject the cease-fire recommended by the various summit meetings of heads of state hold at the subregional level and to refuse to lay down their arms and engage in dialogue under the auspices of the mediator accepted by both parties to the conflict. rwanda, profoundly convinced that the ending of hostilities is the essential condition for the settlement of this conflict, which has now lasted for a year, has never ruled out political negotiations with the aggressors. however, it has always stressed that such negotiations are possible only if the guns are silenced and the cease-fire agreement signed between the belligerents on [number] march [number] is complied with. it is therefore the obstinate position taken by the rwandese patriotic front in continuing hostilities that has held up progress towards dialogue. the head of state of rwanda made clear uganda's share of responsibility in this regard when at the last summit meeting of the organisation of african unity, held at abuja - after having demonstrated that those attacking rwanda had no bases within rwanda itself but were operating from uganda, where they were being sheltered and were receiving all the necessary logistical support - he asked the organisation of african unity to enjoin uganda to disarm the aggressors on its territory. a positive circumstance to be noted is that the summit meeting of heads of state held in gbado-lite, zaire, on [number] september [number], once again stressed the need to abide by an immediate and complete cease-fire and recommended that the parties to the conflict enter quickly into a dialogue. the first round of that dialogue was held from [number] to [number] september [number] in gbado-lite, under the auspices of the mediator, the head of state of zaire, marshal mobutu sese seko. but we have found, to our great regret, that the rwandese patriotic front, counting on the support of the ugandan army in continuing the war, has been engaging in stalling manoeuvres to boycott that dialogue and prevent it from moving forward. surely it is through dialogue that positions can be reconciled. the government of rwanda, for its part, is profoundly committed to such dialogue and remains ready to resume it without delay and without preconditions. it is the strong desire of the rwandese government that this dialogue swiftly bring about results conducive to ending the conflict, thus creating a propitious climate of peace and security within rwanda as well as throughout the region, and at the same time facilitating the return to rwanda of those refugees wishing to return. rwanda is counting very much on the support of the international community, of all the countries members of the united nations represented at this forty-sixth session of the general assembly, as we seek to make that hope a reality. the safeguarding of international peace and security and the constant building of ties of friendship and cooperation among nations remain the basic objectives of our actions as mankind continues its long march towards the realization of its most profound aspiration - that is, the flourishing of international concord, of freedom and of the progress of peoples everywhere. rwanda wishes once again to affirm its solemn commitment to the triumph of the cause of peace and it pays a profound tribute to the united nations for the invaluable successes it has achieved since its inception. we take this opportunity to express our hopes for a further strengthening of the bonds of fraternity and solidarity among peoples, so that we can bring to an end the crisis persisting in the world, particularly in the southern hemisphere, including africa, a crisis that is both economic and political. notwithstanding the generally successful record and tireless efforts of the united nations since the forty-fifth session of the general assembly, the international community today is still confronting certain conflicts which cast a pall over the international political scene. the world is still torn apart by bloody tensions and deadly conflicts arising out of anachronistic situations of intolerance, colonization, oppression and racism. naked violence holds sway wherever the sovereignty of peoples and the integrity of states are flouted, wherever the dignity and the fundamental rights of people are disregarded or trampled underfoot. as to the major issue of fundamental human rights and the dignity of the human person, the government of rwanda welcomes the step taken since the liberation of mr. nelson mandela, president of the african national congress of south africa ahc , on [number] february [number], in the process set in motion in south africa with a view to eliminating the system of apartheid. the removal, officially, of that system on [number] june [number], after the three juridical pillars of apartheid had been eliminated - namely, the land acts, the group areas act and the population regulation act, as wall as the agreement reached on [number] july [number] between the south african government and the anc concerning the freeing of political prisoners - opened a new chapter in interracial relations in south africa. and yet, we deplore the fact that acts of violence and massacres still persist, especially in the black townships, and that the south african government, which is responsible for maintaining law and order, has not managed to prevent them. we also denounce the secret financing of such acts by the south african government. thus, while we note with satisfaction certain positive changes in south africa, the government of rwanda believes that a great deal still remains to be done in the process of dismantling apartheid. it lauds the efforts made by the president of south africa, mr. de klerk, and the president of the anc, mr. nelson mandela, and encourages the south african government to pursue negotiations with the representatives of the other south african racial communities, including the anc, to speed the day of the actual eradication of apartheid, once and for all, in that part of our continent. as to angola, my government welcomes the peace agreement signed in lisbon on [number] may [number] between the government of angola and unita. this agreement constitutes a major step towards restore peace, security and stability to angola. the international community is called upon to support the efforts that are being made, at the bilateral and multilateral levels, to give tangible expression to the goals embodied in that agreement in the interests of international peace and security. as to namibia, it is our view that the international community must support the negotiations set in motion between namibia and south africa to reintegrate walvis bay and the offshore islands, into namibia, in keeping with security council resolution [number] [number] . the heads of state and government of the organization of african unity, meeting at abuja, nigeria, from [number] to [number] june [number], were of the opinion that the problem of walvis bay and of the offshore namibian islands was not a border dispute but rather an issue involving decolonization, an issue which must be resolved fairly and definitively as quickly as possible. rwanda also reaffirms its support for the mozambican people and is pleased at the efforts made by the government of mozambique and renamo to find a peaceful settlement of the conflict, which has been rending that country asunder for several years now. notwithstanding the significant progress made at the forty-fifth session of the general assembly, the problem of western sahara still remains a concern for the international community. in fact, at the end of april [number], the security council adopted an overall plan which took effect on [number] may [number], entrusting the united nations with the responsibility for organizing and monitoring a referendum on self-determination in western sahara next year to determine whether the people want to be independent, as polisario wishes, or whether they prefer to become integrated into morocco. rwanda therefore welcomes the positive turn of events there and encourages the parties concerned fully to cooperate with the united nations in finding a definitive solution to that conflict. elsewhere in africa, the government of rwanda hopes for an end to the civil war in ethiopia and somalia and encourages the peoples and governments of those countries to spare no efforts to ensure peace, justice and security in that part of africa. as to the civil war in liberia, rwanda remains convinced that only through dialogue can peace be restored in that country, together with security in the region. hence we would very much like to see the parties to the conflict, supported by the countries in the region, continue the consultations with a view to restoring peace and unity to the liberian people. rwanda firmly believes in the value of dialogue in finding a peaceful settlement to disputes and in the principle of non-resort to force, and in consonance with international ethics and modern international law, it strongly condemns terrorism and aggression. in international forums rwanda has invariably voiced its dedication and commitment to pea and political dialogue and has always striven to translate them into action on the subregional, regional and international levels. thus, like other countries that espouse peace and freedom, we heaved a sigh of relief when the cease-fire agreement was signed in the gulf region on [number] february [number] after kuwait had been liberated by the anti-iraqi coalition forces created under united nations auspices to free kuwait from the invasion and iraqi occupation that had gone on since [number] august [number]. as it did throughout the gulf crisis, rwanda supports the measures and efforts undertaken by the international community under the aegis of the united nations to restore law, justice, peace and security in that part of the globe. the situation in the middle east continues to be very alarming and the israeli-arab conflict - a conflict which is being exacerbated by the palestinian problem - continues to give rise to acute disquiet in the international community which is, after all, agreed that a comprehensive, just and lasting solution be found to this problem. thus the general assembly at its forty-fifth session once again invited the security council to examine the steps necessary for the convening of an international peace conference on the middle east, under the auspices of the united nations, with the participation of the five permanent members of the security council and all parties to the conflict, including the palestine liberation organisation plo , the sole, legitimate representative of the palestinian people. the rwandan government welcomes the results that have already been achieved, through the efforts of the secretary of state of the united states of america, mr. james baker, and the secretary-general of the united nations as well as those of the countries of the region, to convince the parties concerned, including israel and the plo, of the need to hold an international peace conference on the middle east to put an end to this conflict, which has been with us since [number]. the international community is thus duty-bound to support all efforts exerted at the bilateral and international levels to facilitate the holding and success of this conference, which is scheduled to be held in october [number]. with respect to the situation in cambodia, we express our satisfaction at, and our total support for the cease-fire agreement signed on [number] june [number] between the cambodian government and the anti-government cambodian coalition, as well as the results of the election of [number] july [number], which brought prince norodom sihanouk to the presidency of the supreme national council, the provisional body which is to hold power in phnon penh starting this coming november until the holding of general elections to be organised and supervised by the united nations. rwanda supports the efforts of the united nations and the other concerned parties to resolve this conflict once and for all to the benefit of international peace and security. rwanda also continues to encourage all efforts aimed at the peaceful and independent reunification of the korean nation and hopes that the admission of the two koreas states to the great family of the united nations will contribute to making a reality of that legitimate aspiration of the korean people. elsewhere in the world, we note with optimism and support the noble initiatives for dialogue and negotiations for peace and reconciliation already under way in latin america, notably within the framework of the contadora group. we believe that the outcome of the mexico summit is a significant contribution towards consolidating peace and security in the region. the international economy is still in crisis - a crisis which for the third-world countries increasingly poses a threat to their very survival and runs the risk of negating the laborious efforts at development that have already been undertaken. the crisis is essentially structural in nature because it involves machinery which currently governs international economic relations, with the increasingly negative impact inherent in the instability of financial markets, the continued deterioration in the terms of trade, the stagnation in commodity markets, and indebtedness. the african continent is still experiencing tragic problems of underdevelopment economic projects for the majority of countries in the least developed category are grim, especially for those countries, like rwanda, which are faced with various structural handicaps that are exacerbated by the current economic situation. these are the most disadvantaged countries of the world they are witnessing a worsening of the living conditions of their peoples, unable to do anything about the scourges of poverty, hunger, malnutrition and ignorance. rwanda, one of the very seriously affected victims of the persistent international economic crisis, deplores this situation and once again appeals to the international community to display greater solidarity and more effective understanding, with a view to overcoming the constraints and development problems. the problem of indebtedness is of acute concern to the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them. as so rightly recalled by the summit conference of the heads of state or government of the organisation of african unity held in abuja from [number] to [number] june [number], the unprecedented drop in prices for the commodities sold by african countries which has led to worsening terms of trade, the adoption of increasingly protectionist measures and restrictive trade practices on the markets of the industrialized countries aimed against exports from africa - those are some of the chief external causes that have led to our continent's indebtedness. rwanda regrets that the need to convene an international conference on africa's external debt does not yet enjoy consensus between the industrialized countries and the developing countries, notably within the united nations, where, none the less, a broad consensus is emerging on the desirability of developing international economic cooperation on the external debt. while we welcome the decision adopted at the summit conference of the seven major industrialised countries held in london on [number] july [number] to cancel between [number] per cent and [number] per cent of the official debt incurred by the least developed countries, we none the less continue to feel that a conference on africa's external debt should be convened such a conference could provide an appropriate framework in the search for an urgent solution to this serious problem that is mortgaging africa's economic development. in this connection, we hail japan's initiative to host the international conference on africa's development, scheduled for [number], with the participation of the african heads of state. the republic of rwanda pays a ringing tribute to the people and the government of japan for this historic initiative of great benefit to the african continent. with respect to the international trade situation, rwanda continues to believe that, in order for the international trade system to be acceptable, it must provide for the elimination of all kinds of trade barriers and for the integration in the system of small countries that are now marginalised, including african countries. also, in order for the system to be viable, it must be profitable to all trade partners. therefore, it is important for all participants in the uruguay round negotiations to pay special attention to the problems and concerns of the african countries. we stress that all the parties to the negotiations should take part on an equal footing so that the negotiations' outcome will be fair and acceptable to all. rwanda welcomes the establishment by the summit conference of the heads of state or government of the organisation of african unity, held in abuja from [number] to [number] june [number], of the african economic community, one of whose goals is to promote africa's economic, social and cultural development and the integration of its economies, with a view to enhancing economic self-sufficiency and promoting endogenous and self-sustaining development. we call upon the international community, and especially the most industrialised countries and the international financial institutions, to support this initiative in every way and to help the nascent african economic community attain its noble goals. we call for just and appropriate measures to support the effort at revitalization undertaken by our countries at considerable sacrifice, and for better integrated and more adaptable solutions to be developed with the full cooperation of all parties, in order to ensure that mankind will enjoy a future of fairness, balance and harmony. it is in this context that rwanda wishes once again from this rostrum to express its sincere thanks to all countries and international organizations which, on a bilateral basis or at the multilateral level, are providing the additional support it needs for its development and, in particular, for its structural adjustment programme, which has been in the process of implementation since november last year. ecological problems are now of world concern. but there are still differences of view with respect to the causes and responsibilities linked to the deterioration and the protection of the environment, as well as with respect to the measures to be taken in this field. once again africa finds itself the victim there is drought, desertification, floods and devastation the result of insect infestations. my country, rwanda, ascribes particular importance to preserving its natural patrimony and has made the protection of the environment one of the major priorities of its food self-sufficiency policy. rwanda is glad that the international community la tackling the problem of the environment and is aware of the urgent need to mobilise all resources necessary to provide solutions that will guarantee the survival of our planet. there are grounds for hope that the united nations conference on environment and development scheduled for brazil in june [number], the preparatory work for which is continuing, will reach concerted and appropriate solutions to preserve a sound and viable environment for mankind. rwanda is participating in this work and is making its modest contribution to ensuring its success. the forty-sixth session of the united nations general assembly is being held in a climate of particularly favourable international relations. rwanda welcomes the fact that the cold war, which after the second world war divided the world into two antagonistic blocs and maintained the division of europe, has once and for all ended thanks to the policy of perestroika and of glasnost of soviet president mikhail gorbachev. this led to the changes in eastern europe, especially the peaceful reunification of germany on [number] october [number]. we welcome the general relaxation of tensions in the world-wide political climate, which has made possible, indeed facilitated, a solution to many different local and regional conflicts across africa, asia and latin america. the winds of freedom and democracy which blew across eastern europe, and the effects of which were quickly felt in a variety of other places around the world, especially in africa, are a major factor in the political changes now under way. rwanda takes note of and appreciates the support which western countries are giving to this democratic upsurge. it is of the view, however, that, while supporting the democratic processes thus set in train, the western countries should do nil they can to see to it that the economic development of the countries concerned becomes the strongest pillar of that democracy because, and this must be emphasised, it is an illusion to seek to build a around democracy without promoting the socio-economic development of peoples. my country which, in june [number], began to establish a political system based upon a multiparty approach, seizes this opportunity to reaffirm its unbroken faith in and commitment to respect for human dignity and other values universally recognised as human rights. he also reaffirm our faith in a future marked by a better world, a world of peace and solidarity, a world from which war and all manner of violence, terrorism and discrimination are banished for ever, a world freed once and for all of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and injustice, a world marked by understanding, dialogue and cooperation. we strongly urge the united states and the soviet union to preserve the gains of dialogue joined in the realm of disarmament, to the great relief of mankind, and we welcome the signing of the strategic arms reduction treaty which took place on [number] july [number] between the united states and the soviet union on the occasion of the moscow summit. he also welcome the conclusion of the treaty on conventional disarmament between the east and west signed on [number] november [number] in paris by the heads of state and government of the [number] countries on the occasion of the summit meeting from [number] to [number] november of the conference on security and cooperation in europe. on the same occasion they signed a joint declaration solemnly putting an end to the cold war and affirming that they were no longer adversaries but rather had decided to establish new relations of friendship and partnership. we hail especially the declaration taken by the united states and the soviet union in favour of a unilateral reduction in their nuclear arsenals. we welcome in advance the idea that the other major nuclear powers will certainly follow suit. rwanda deeply believes in the united nations and recognises its indispensable role in maintaining peace, security and justice in the struggle to bring well-being to peoples the world over. we express our sincere gratitude to the agencies throughout the united nations system which are contributing to the social and economic development of mankind. we support the establishment of a new and more fruitful north south cooperation with a view to promoting more equitable economic and political ties between states. such cooperation will serve the general interests of international peace and security and is likely to promote the economic recovery of all countries but especially the developing countries and among them the least developed. in this spirit rwanda will actively participate in the work of this forty-sixth session of the united nations general assembly and will constantly strive to make its contribution to the fulfilment of the noble objectives of the charter. these include the attainment of a new international economic order for peoples the world over, within the context of equality, complementarity, understanding and solidarity, and a greater measure of peace, justice and well-being for people everywhere on earth.

mr. president, allow me to congratulate you on behalf of the state of sao tome and myself on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-sixth session, which testifies to the international community s esteem for and recognition of the republic of korea and you personally. please accept our wishes for every success as you carry out your mandate. let me also express our thanks to your predecessor, mr. harri holkeri, for the exemplary way he led the work of our last session. i should also like to pay tribute to his excellency mr. kofi annan, our secretary-general, both on his resounding re-election and on the well-deserved and just awarding of the nobel peace prize to him and the [number] united nations, reflecting their major contributions to the cause of peace and development. this session is being held at a particularly important juncture in the history of international relations, when the entire international community is mobilizing to confront the devastating phenomenon of international terrorism, the scope and magnitude of which were evident in the [number] september attacks on new york and washington, d. c. , and in pennsylvania, which took the lives of thousands of innocent people. at that time, sao tome and principe expressed its total indignation at the criminal and monstrous acts committed against the american people, as well as its full solidarity with the american authorities and the families of the victims. we share the opinion that those responsible for these barbaric acts must be apprehended and punished, and that terrorist organizations supporting them must be dismantled by all necessary means. we reaffirm our full readiness to cooperate actively at both the regional and international levels in the fight against terrorism, which is one of the major evils threatening world peace and security today. we hail all initiatives taken to contain the military action, justly launched against those who sow terror as well as those who shelter them in their territories, so as to avoid having innocent victims among the civilian population. we welcome the efforts of the international community to adopt a juridical instrument to make the fight against terrorism more effective in the context of a global strategy. no one can doubt that this act of criminal, unacceptable and unjustified aggression, condemned throughout the world, requires a new dynamic in the fight against it, particularly within the united nations. we note with satisfaction that important measures have been taken in that regard, notably by the security council in resolution [number] [number] , of [number] september. yet the manifestation of extreme violence in these recent attacks alerts us to the need to understand in a different and comprehensive way the great problems faced by mankind throughout the world, without losing sight of the merciless fight that must be waged against international terrorism in all its manifestations. despite the considerable scientific and technological progress recorded throughout history, which has permitted high levels of development, striking imbalances persist in a number of areas with regard to social and economic development, both within and among the countries, regions and subregions of the world. witness particularly the situation prevailing in sub-saharan africa. a look at the statistics of economic and social conditions in the countries of that region is enough to reveal the urgent need to develop a front that, acting concertedly and collectively, can fight to eradicate their absolute poverty. faced with this scenario rich countries on the one hand and poor countries on the other one might wonder whether the political will exists to reverse this situation, which is dominated by selfishness and the interests of individuals, groups and states. only thus can one explain the lack of cooperation, indifference and, indeed, the lack of sensitivity shown by the industries of developed countries in the face of real scourges that devastate thousands of people, making the countries of the south even more vulnerable. for example, i am thinking of the hiv aids pandemic as well as other epidemics, such as hepatitis b and malaria. the efforts of international organizations notably the united nations and its system, as well as certain non-governmental organizations to help mankind cope with this painful situation must be visible. moreover, beyond the economic data reflecting the growth of poverty in africa, the situation of our continent is worsened by the persistence of armed conflicts, particularly the crises in the great lakes region, the horn of africa and angola, to cite only a few examples of the fratricidal war that afflicts us. as to the situation in angola, we reaffirm our urgent desire to see an end to the war in that fraternal country. we condemn the terrorist acts that have claimed countless lives, particularly among the civilian population, and we call for a renewed application of the terms of the lusaka protocol for conflict resolution. in the context of conflict resolution, we welcome the efforts of the international community to find a solution to the east timor question, as well as progress made in the process of emancipation of the maubere people under the aegis of the united nations. it is our great hope to see this brotherly people admitted to the united nations as a full-fledged member and to see a strengthened community of portuguese-speaking countries. [number] we note with concern the escalation of violence in the middle east. in our view, it is essential that israel and the palestinian authority resume the negotiations on the peace process, the only way to find a just and peaceful solution that takes into account both the right of the palestinian people to self-determination and the guarantee of security for the state of israel. unfortunately, sao tome and principe is still on the list of poor, least advanced or underdeveloped countries, despite the efforts of its people and the determination of its leaders to place it on the track of development. today, my country is unquestionably a place of freedom and democracy where fundamental individual human rights are respected. the recent presidential elections, held in july this year, which brought mr. fradique de menezes to the highest office of the state of sao tome, are irrefutable proof of democratic stability in our country. nevertheless, the constraints arising from the inequalities that prevail in the new international economic order keep us from attaining a state of well-being and from creating more dignified living conditions for our people. during the millennium summit last year, the heads of state and government adopted in this hall a very important text called the united nations millennium declaration. i take pleasure in citing a portion of it spoke in french we have a duty therefore to all the world s people, especially the most vulnerable and, in particular, the children of the world, to whom the future belongs . resolution [number] [number], para. [number] spoke in portuguese interpretation from french text provided by the delegation this declaration takes on particular importance in the case of our country, where the future and well- being of children seem badly compromised, bearing in mind the atmosphere of terror, the horrors of war and the abuses of exploitation, famine and poverty. we must act now to protect our children. we must fight by every available means to ensure full respect for their fundamental rights. this is why we welcome with much satisfaction the second world conference against commercial sexual exploitation of children, scheduled for next month, and the world summit on the future of children, to be held in may [number]. sao tome and principe considers globalization to be a phenomenon of interdependence, a unique opportunity to bring peoples together, not a political ideal driven by the dominant economic powers. thus we enthusiastically welcome the new partnership for africa s development and share the certainty that this plan based on our needs and the aspirations of our people for the future, and designed to find practical solutions to the economic and social problems throughout africa will be favourably received by our partners, notably those of the g-[number] g-[number], for implementation. the environment is a fundamental issue for the survival of mankind, and it must continue to be the focus of special attention by the united nations. we therefore stress the importance of the outcome of the recent seventh conference of the parties to the united nations framework convention on climate change, held at marrakesh. every effort must be made to create and disseminate technology that can minimize the environmental impact of human activities and to mobilize the resources needed to implement the policies and strategies adopted in a range of international forums. today more than ever before, it is obvious that we need to change the working methods of the organs of the united nations so that they can better respond to the demands of the day. as a universal organization, the united nations must be open to all states. here we are talking about international law, the sovereign conduct of relations with other states, and active participation, in a spirit of solidarity, in development efforts through cooperation and international trade relationships. that certainly applies to the republic of china on taiwan. we believe in the right to disagree, especially when disagreement is democratically expressed by people. we also believe that dialogue is the only way to ease tension wherever it is most acute. the united nations, which has always aimed to support the development efforts of all countries, especially the poorest, must play a key role in the quest for solutions to the major problems facing the world. it must do so through fostering determination and adopting appropriate measures to create a fairer, more human world a better world.

allow me, sit, first of all to join previous speakers in conveying to you my delegation's warmest congratulations on the occasion of your unanimous election as president of the general assembly at its forty-second session. we have particular pleasure in seeing you preside over our work since you are discharging your task so gracefully. you are once again giving proof of your eminent qualities as a diplomat. as a member of the general committee, cameroon can assure you of its full support in the accomplishment of your task. my delegation wishes also to salute your predecessor, mr. humayun choudhury, who directed the work of the general assembly at its forty-first session with skill, firmness and courage. lastly, my delegation wishes to express to mr. javier perez de cuellar its gratitude not only for his constant efforts to improve the functioning of our organization and to enable it to attain its objectives, but also for his dynamic contribution to the achievement and maintenance of peace in the world. for a country such as cameroon, born of the work of the united nations, it is gratifying to note that after the more than [number] years of its existence and in spite of the countless difficulties that assail it, our organization is still the ideal context for joint discussion between nations, large and small, rich or poor, in the political, economic, social, cultural and legal fields. in this period of increased uncertainty, this organization is proving to be even more useful as a place for harmonizing the views of states that are in favour of establishing international relations on the basis of justice and equity. we are here to express once again cameroon's firm commitment to the goals, purposes, principles and objectives of the charter, which the founding fathers of the organization established as positive norms of conduct on the part of nations. here we should like to express our very strong concern with regard to everything that runs counter to those norms the unbridled arms race, particularly in regard to nuclear weapons the striking economic inequalities and injustices the persistence, indeed the aggravation, of many areas of tension the spirit of selfishness, power and domination the rivalry of hegemony, interests and ideologies that characterize contemporary international relations. rarely in time of peace has the world known such uncertainty. there is uncertainty in particular in regard to the current economic situation and its social repercussions, which ate gradually undermining the resilience of the life of states, particularly the developing states, to the point of jeopardizing the progress patiently achieved in the search for well-being, international co-operation and peaceful coexistence. today, the world is confronted by an economic crisis the most pernicious effects of which are striking the countries of the third world, particularly in africa. this crisis has attained unprecedented proportions. indeed, the combination of persistent protectionism and foreign trade imbalances, the slow-down in world economic activity and growth, the high level of unemployment and underemployment, the abrupt drop in the price of raw materials, the marked deterioration in the terms of trade, monetary and financial disorder, the crushing weight of external debt, are striking evidence of this crisis. the long-term outlook gives no sign of definite improvement despite the hopes aroused by the attempts at economic recovery. while it is true that sustained efforts are necessary to reverse these negative trends, first of all at the national level, some types of measures require concerted action, taking into account both the solidarity among states and the special situation of the developing countries. the situation of the african countries is of the utmost concern and it is no exaggeration to say that the african continent is still the real victim of the crisis. aware of these difficulties, our organization held a special session here last year to take measures to restructure the economic bases of the continent in the context of the lagos plan of action and the priority programme of action for the economic recovery of africa. cameroon, which has always held that the development of africa is first and foremost the responsibility of the african countries themselves, supports every effort to promote and strengthen regional co-operation. on the national level, the government of cameroon has always sought to promote a sound, vigorous economy that could ensure not only growth but also harmonious development for all. thus, in order to meet the crisis, our government has taken measures to rationalize both structures and management. in order to have their full effect as soon as possible, these measures must be supported by a more favourable international environment. in this respect there is reason to welcome the measures announced by the seven at the venice summit, but it is to be hoped that those measures, which are also in line with the concerns of the united nations, will be put into practice as soon as possible. we wish in particular to welcome the recent initiative by canada to cancel the entire public debt of certain african countries south of the sahara and its intention to extend this action to other countries at the next commonwealth meeting. it is our hope that this example of solidarity may be followed by others. at its seventh session, held at geneva in july [number], the united nations conference on trade and development produced encouraging results, particularly in regard to debt, resources for development, commodities, international trade and the least developed countries. we hope that there will be fruitful discussion this session on the secretary-general's progress report, looking towards next year's assessment of the commitments undertaken by african countries and by the developed countries in the context of the economic recovery of africa. in view of its disastrous impact on the well-being of our peoples, the critical economic situation in africa ought to be the only object of our concern. but, unfortunately, that is not the case, because other hotbeds of tension are igniting, growing and persisting in our continent. i am thinking of western sahara, chad and, above all, southern africa. for some time, we have seen possibilities for the peaceful settlement of the situation in western sahara. in that connection, we welcome the efforts of the secretary-general to bring about the implementation of relevant united nations resolutions. in our view, solution of the problem of western sahara requires the holding of a referendum on self-determination for the sahraoui people, under united nations auspices. as concerns chad, a neighbour of cameroon, we have noted substantial progress since the forty-first session. the process of national reconciliation has been completed. the legitimate government has restored the country's independence and unity. the question of the aouzou strip, now before the organization of african unity oau , remains outstanding. cameroon unreservedly supports oau efforts to reach a negotiated settlement of the conflict between chad and libya. my country welcomes the belligerents' acceptance of a cease-fire. the oau ad hoc committee, of which cameroon is a member, whose task is to enable the two belligerents to settle their dispute through negotiations, met last september at lusaka at the level of heads of state or government. cameroon supports without reservation the committee's recommendations, which called upon the belligerents, inter alia, to make available to it by [number] october 19t [number] at the latest all relevant documentation in support of their contentions, and to continue and strengthen the cease-fire at all levels by refraining from any action that could exacerbate the situation on the ground, including the over flight of air-space, land incursions, troop concentrations, the recruitment of foreign troops, and so forth. cameroon urges both parties to co-operate sincerely with the oau ad hoc committee in the speedy achievement of a lasting settlement of their dispute. in southern africa the tragedy continues. the racist regime of pretoria, in defiance of international opinion, persists in bolstering the heinous system of apartheid. among the manifestations of that arrogant policy of violence are arrests, massacres and the indefinite extension of the state of emergency. the travesty of elections held last may, in which only the white minority participated, clearly belies the alleged desire of the proponents of apartheid to bring about real constitutional reform in south africa. beyond its borders, racist south africa challenges the international community and this organization by continuing its illegal occupation of namibia and by carrying out direct and indirect aggression against the independent countries of the region. given that climate, one must salute the courage and clear-sightedness of the liberal white patriots who are working inside south africa itself towards the advent of a multi-racial democratic society. in the light of the deteriorating situation in namibia and the intransigence of the pretoria regime, we support the recommendations of the recent ministerial meeting of the united nations council for namibia, which, inter alia, called upon the secretary-general to hold consultations with the members of the security council, in particular its permanent members, with a view to their making a firm commitment to the unconditional and prompt implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , adopted nearly a decade ago. it goes without saying that we reiterate our support for the south west africa people's organization swapo , the sole, authentic representative of the namibian people. there is no doubt that the situation in southern africa poses a grave threat to international peace and security it must be dealt with accordingly. the permanent members of the security council bear a special responsibility and have a vital role to play in bringing pretoria to its senses. those countries are committed champions of human rights and freedoms, and we hope they will shoulder their responsibilities in this case of flagrant violation of those rights and freedoms. they must ensure the success of comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions as a means of exerting pressure upon the racist regime of pretoria. it is highly important to stress that the hatred, frustration and despair born of the situation in southern africa could ultimately prevent national reconstruction in south africa and the other states of the region, and will greatly reduce the chances of success for a policy of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. for our part, we firmly believe that someday south africa will be forced to renounce its policy of violence at home and aggression abroad and will take the path charted for it by history and by the international community, the path of working towards a free, democratic and multi-racial society at home and, abroad, accepting namibia's accession to independence and territorial integrity under the leadership of swapo and developing relations of co-operation and good-neighbourliness with the other countries of the region. outside africa, there are other hotbeds of tension and political and military conflicts. i am thinking of the iran-iraq war, and the situations in the middle east, latin america, asia and other areas. in connection with those situations we support all efforts at achieving a peaceful settlement based on the principles of the charter of the united nations and the relevant united nations resolutions. the economic crisis and the hotbeds of tension i have just outlined provoke us to thought, and mobilize our energies and our resources. they also serve as a pretext for the feverish arms race. my delegation views this with extreme concern. we deplore the fact that the present trend is for the world to place its intelligence and the vast potentialities of science and technology not at the service of economic and social development, but rather at the service of the terrifying stockpiling of means of destruction which, fat from guaranteeing the future of mankind, expose it to annihilation. my country would like to appeal once again to the international community to reduce armaments and hotbeds of tension. cameroon welcomes the agreement in principle reached between the united states and the soviet union to eliminate intermediate-range missiles. it should be recognized that this agreement is in line with the search for peace and security in accordance with the purposes and principles of the united nations charter. it is to be hopes that more far-reaching measures will be adopted at the forthcoming meetings between the two countries. cameroon will also welcome any other initiative which the two countries might take to increase world security and stability. it is of the greatest urgency actively to promote disarmament in the interest of development. our concern must continue to be the search for genuine peace and security so that the human, technological and financial resources now being devoted to armaments may be channelled towards economic development. the fact that a few weeks ago the international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development was held here is eloquent testimony to that concern. however, it is regrettable that on the whole that conference failed to achieve the hoped-for results. the conference did not sufficiently explore the concept of security in all its economic aspects. need we recall that the true bases of security today are to be found in economic justice and equity? the essential concern of the developing countries remains development. the importance of security has already been demonstrated, but there can be no security without development. in today's world our security is threatened also by hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy. however, in spite of the very meagre results achieved, the conference rightly reaffirmed the role of the united nations in the field of disarmament. in addition, it officially recognized for the first time at the international level the close connection between disarmament and development. most important, it very clearly demonstrated the international community's very acute awareness of and its political commitment to the survival of mankind. that primary objective must form the core of all our future debates on disarmament and development. we venture to hope that the next special session of the assembly on disarmament will be able to examine all these ideas in greater depth. at the dawn of the twenty-first century, setting aside rhetoric and relying on the enormous advances of science and technology, the international community must undertake a daring programme to promote disarmament, extinguish hotbeds of tension and revitalize the economic recovery of the developing countries. we must mobilize to restore balance and equity in trade, the financial field, currency, technology, industry, transport and communications. reforms currently being undertaken within the organization must be directed along that path. in the final analysis, such reforms must reinforce the democratisation of international relations so that all countries may actively participate in the conduct of world affairs, on which our common destiny depends. the international community has many advantages. it must become aware of the fact that the adverse effects of inadequate development do not end with the disinherited of mankind, but are continually spreading. for its part, cameroon cherishes the hope that, with a new awareness, the peoples of the united nations will choose survival and take the necessary practical steps, both on the political and on the economic and social levels, to ensure it. may this present session begin to blaze the trail to that goal.

the government of bolivia has given me the task of conveying its most sincere congratulations to you, sir, on your election as president of the general assembly at its fifty-fifth session, which is a recognition of your personal merits and a tribute to your country. at the same time, i thank mr. theo-ben gurirab for his work during the fifty-fourth session and for his dedication during the preparations for the millennium summit and the millennium assembly. special thanks must also go to secretary-general kofi annan for his report preparatory to the millennium summit, the content of which has given us an opportunity to reflect upon and address specific issues with which the united nations has been concerned in its [number] years of existence. we also welcome the recent admission of tuvalu as a new, fully fledged member of our organization. [number] the recent millennium summit reaffirmed the recognition by the international community of the importance and significance of, and the prospects for, the united nations organization. it also highlighted the urgency of adapting it to, and equipping it for, the new realities in which we live, which are certainly quite different from the situation and circumstances that prevailed when our organization came into being. the concerns of peoples and governments today are also different. poverty, underdevelopment and exacerbated inequalities contribute to new divisions, which threaten to lead to violence. these realities must be corrected, because they have the potential of spawning conflicts that, if allowed to persist, could seriously jeopardize the world's economic and political stability, and, it goes without saying, international peace and security. our organization needs to be strengthened if it is successfully to channel the expectations and opportunities of globalization while controlling, and indeed preventing, the dangers implicit in it, especially for the more vulnerable economies, which are now threatened by new forms of exclusion. the united nations must be renewed so that it can continue to be the effective instrument for dialogue that is required to build a world in which greater security and solidarity prevail. we must consequently redefine the organization's priorities in such a way as to make it conducive to clear-sighted and effective action. this will require substantial reform of the system's economic and financial bodies, modernization of the general assembly's methods of work, and the adaptation of the security council to these new realities. other, equally important tasks include ensuring that the necessary resources are available to the organization obtaining financing for development and peacekeeping operations and adjusting the scale of assessments in accordance with the basic principle of a country's capacity to pay. a few short days ago, at the millennium summit, the president of bolivia, hugo b nzer su rez, referred to the close relationship between freedom and poverty, and between poverty and violence. he called for the fight against poverty to be waged in accordance with the principle of shared responsibility and with a genuine commitment to democracy, in order to mitigate present inequalities, which are threatening to intensify. it is unfair, in an open economy, for markets to be closed and for discriminatory measures to be applied with protectionist intent. it is also vital to favour countries with small-scale economies through greater capital inflows and debt relief programmes. science and technology must become the heritage of humankind. scientific and technological knowledge must not widen already existing gaps and divisions. at the historic meeting of south american presidents, held recently in brasilia, the heads of state of the region stressed the importance of access to the new information and knowledge age, which will open the way for our countries to strengthen a system of continuing education that ensures education at all levels for the all sectors of society and permits unrestricted access to knowledge and information. democracy, which essentially seeks to organize life in society, is a vital concept that changes and is updated in tune with the changing pace of societies themselves, without in any way detracting from its fundamental values. convinced as we are that democracy must go beyond electoral formalities and that sovereignty is vested in the people and expressed through its representatives, we in bolivia have declared the principle of political dialogue and consultation to be the basis of a pluralistic and participatory democratic system. in that context, the practice of holding a national dialogue was instituted during the administration of president b nzer. that mechanism is aimed at establishing a new relationship of joint efforts and shared responsibility between government institutions, the political system and organizations throughout society. the creation of key state policies grew out of the first such national dialogue, held in [number]. this year, a national dialogue has been initiated once again to lend fresh impetus to institutional reforms and to put together a national anti-poverty programme. a new plan, involving over [number], [number] inhabitants in townships across bolivia, is being elaborated whose objective is to assign rights and responsibilities that, within the framework of a market economy, will make it possible for us to combat the poverty that still afflicts vast sectors of our population, despite nearly [number] years of life under democracy. shortly after taking office, in august [number], president b nzer su rez vowed that during his mandate bolivia would be removed from the drug- trafficking loop once and for all, through the implementation of an integrated policy that encompasses alternative development, the eradication of illegal coca crops, confiscation, prevention and rehabilitation. despite doubts as to the feasibility of this plan, we can now affirm that we will be fulfilling our commitments ahead of time. in [number], there were approximately [number], [number] hectares of illegal coca cultivation in bolivia. today, more than [number] per cent of such illegal crops have been eradicated. our concern now is essentially whether we can sustain these achievements. conditions must be created which in future will obviate a return to coca-leaf production as a result of the lack of jobs and income. our major efforts now are aimed at alternative development, to see to it that illegal coca income is replaced by legal earnings from other productive activities. if we do not achieve concrete results, we run the risk of seeing those persons who cannot hope to find any other means of subsistence fall once again prey to the temptation of cultivating coca. that would constitute a surrender to the drug dealers and signify a defeat not only for bolivia but for the world community. what bolivia needs, then, is support in two basic areas first, in the area of investment, to promote our economic growth in the sectors that generate the most job opportunities and secondly, in the opening of secure markets for our exports. at previous sessions of the assembly, bolivia has aired the historical, political and economic arguments on which it bases its absolute need to regain the maritime status that gave rise to its existence as an independent country. to that end, bolivia has been encouraging direct dialogue with the republic of chile. as a consequence of prior contacts, the foreign ministers of bolivia and chile met in portugal in february this year, where an agreement was reached to prepare a working programme, to be formalized in the subsequent stages of dialogue, that will incorporate, without exclusion of any kind, the essential points of a bilateral relationship and seek to surmount the differences that have impeded full integration between bolivia and chile, the main obstacle to which has certainly been bolivia's unresolved maritime demand. in a significant advance, on the occasion of the recent meeting of presidents of south america, the presidents of bolivia and chile, hugo b nzer and ricardo lagos, reiterated the willingness of their governments to enter into dialogue on all topics relating to bilateral relations, without exception, in order to create a climate of mutual trust enabling the establishment of closer ties based on the structure and positions maintained by the two countries. the world community, the americas in particular, is following with great expectation the course of this diplomatic process and the progress achieved therein. the proposal to hold a dialogue on all topics without exception is a challenge to the creativity of those involved and puts to the test our political will to correct once and for all an unjust situation that has prevailed since [number]. furthermore, latin america's capacity to settle its own disputes in a fair, peaceful and negotiated way will be strengthened and progress thus made on the road to regional integration. in that context, we propose the implementation of a programme to promote the integrated development of western bolivia and northern chile. we are also confident that peru will participate in this programme in order to mobilize the resources and capabilities of the three countries of the region. in this way, a contribution will be made to linking the atlantic and pacific basins. the persistence of bolivia's landlocked status at the heart of the continent is, without doubt, an obstacle to the creation of a major opportunity for thoroughgoing understanding and dialogue in the south american region and minimizes the effectiveness of work to promote integration being carried out in the area. this occasion provides a fitting opportunity for us to thank secretary-general kofi annan for his interest in relations between bolivia and chile, which has been brought to the attention of the authorities of both countries. the secretary-general has expressed his satisfaction with respect to the conversations held, according to the terms laid down by the parties, at the levels of heads of state, foreign ministers and other authorities of bolivia and chile. my country pledges to make every effort to translate the desire recently expressed by the presidents of bolivia and chile into action that will enable us, bolivians and chileans alike, to advance towards the resolution of our differences, with a view to the future and in a spirit of brotherhood. [number]

[number]. permit me to congratulate you, mr. president, on your election to your high office. to do so gives me particular pleasure since you are from a country with which the german democratic republic has close and friendly ties. your election reflects the significant role played by the socialist federal republic of yugoslavia in the struggle for peace, security and equitable co-operation among states and peoples. [number]. to the secretary-general of this organization, mr. kurt waldheim, we wish to express anew our appreciation of his constant endeavours to achieve the aims of the united nations and to assure him of our co-operation. [number]. the german democratic republic expects this thirty second session of the general assembly to yield results that will strengthen world peace and promote fruitful co-operation among states. favourable conditions for that have been created. political detente remains the prevailing tendency in international relations it coincides with the vital interests of all peoples and is supported by their effort. there is no other way to make peace enduring and guarantee international security. [number]. practical experience in the last few years has confirmed that the improvement of the international situation is of benefit to all. it is something new and significant in this century that the peoples can live in greater tranquillity, that confrontation is being reduced and that a substantive political dialogue becomes possible between states having different social systems. surely it is useful to all sides when a closer network of equitable international agreements can be established and confidence thus strengthened. is it not in the interest of all mankind when conditions for far-reaching measures of arms limitation and disarmament are emerging and the risk of a world war is prevented? do not all the parties profit from the improvement in political relations if this is conducive to intense economic exchanges and facilitates communication? and do not all the peoples and states stand to gain when vital questions like environmental protection , transport and energy can now be attacked jointly? [number]. everywhere in the world detente militates against the forces of aggression and war and encourages the peoples struggling for national and social liberation. not accidentally but precisely under these conditions it was possible to adopt the charter of economic rights and duties of states and to start eliminating the imperialist and neo-colonialist division of labour. [number]. to secure and expand these accomplishments is the common purpose of the socialist countries and consequently of the german democratic republic, too. [number]. by contrast, what can the opponents of d tente offer? overtly or covertly they are working for a return to the cold war. the most extreme ones, in the interest of profit, even calculate the risk of an atomic war. if they had their way there would be no end to the arms race, interference in the internal affairs of other states would continue, international relations would be ruled by an atmosphere of distrust and enmity, and constructive international co-operation would be obstructed or even prevented. their designs also are directed towards preserving the last few strongholds of colonialism and racism as well as neo-colonialist exploitation. [number] hence there is reason enough to be vigilant and to redouble all efforts so that political detente will be reinforced and extended further. in this effort the socialist states feel united with the movement of non-aligned countries, which is playing an important role in the struggle for the vital interests of the peoples, and indeed with all social forces committing themselves to peace regardless of differences in world outlook. how powerful their ranks are is evident in the swelling protest against plans to develop and produce new weapons of mass destruction such as the neutron bomb and the cruise missile. the movement for peace, disarmament and social progress is going from strength to strength. the united nations can and should rely on that. it ought to assist resolutely in translating initiatives and present proposals for the strengthening of international security and for disarmament into practical moves. [number]. deepening and consolidating the relaxation of international tensions and preventing the risk of nuclear war is as important as it is urgent. the proposal made here by the soviet union and the relevant documents submitted see a [number] [number] , when adopted, are such as to strengthen international security and save humanity from a nuclear holocaust. moreover, they are calculated to promote the work of the united nations in fulfilling the very task assigned to it. for this reason we plead fervently and insistently in their favour. [number] there is no doubt that we live in an epoch of profound revolutionary change. by their sacrifice in their struggle for peace and self-determination the peoples are gaining more and more successes. what better proof of that is there than the victory of the heroic peoples of viet nam and laos, which is indeed of historic importance? [number] the admission of the socialist republic of viet nam to the united nations has come as a tribute visible to all the world paid to a struggle waged over decades against imperialist aggression and oppression and for national and social liberation. it is fully in accordance with the wishes and demands of all peace-loving peoples and states. together with its socialist sister countries, the german democratic republic has always espoused the cause of viet nam. . we congratulate the socialist republic of viet nam on its membership in the world organization, as we are firmly convinced that it will make an important contribution to the fulfilment of the tasks of the united nations. [number]. on the african continent, the people of djibouti acceded to independence this year. we greet the republic of djibouti as a new member of the united nations and whole-heartedly wish it success. [number]. the admission of those two states to the world organization provides further evidence of the tremendous changes that mould the features of our globe. the starting point was the great october socialist revolution the sixtieth anniversary of which coincides with our current session. the ideas and aims the revolution proclaimed have become material force. the union of soviet socialist republics s the living example of the consistent realization of national and social self-determination, which are prerequisites for fundamental human rights. time and again the soviet union has proven to be a dependable ally for the peoples in the struggle against imperialist aggression and oppression. we shall never forget its decisive role in the victory over fascism. the german democratic republic is closely linked with the country of lenin, and on the occasion of their great anniversary we wish the soviet people further successes in the construction of communism. [number]. the principles of peaceful coexistence, conceived by lenin, are today becoming generally recognized norms of international law. this is also evident in endeavours to strengthen security in europe as demonstrated by the set of european treaties and in the final act of the conference on security and co-operation in europe. as a long-term programme for european security and co-operation the final act provides a fresh impetus to detente. to turn it to account without restriction and to the benefit of all peoples, all parties should be willing to implement the document as a whole. attempts to be selective and to ignore its basic principles are inconsistent with its binding aims. we repeat here what the german democratic republic emphasized at helsinki, namely that security is and remains a prerequisite to co-operation. the german democratic republic considers that the main purpose of the forthcoming belgrade meeting of the states participating in the conference on security and co-operation in europe is to promote the implementation of the helsinki accords. [number]. to breathe life into the final act requires further bilateral and regional agreements. but equally important is the strict observance of the international treaties already concluded. never before has the principle of pacta sunt servanda been so firmly established in international realities and been of so great practical importance for the maintenance of peace. [number]. regrettably, increasing attempts are being made to disregard obligations entered into, but treaties have to be honoured. this applies to the treaty on the principles of relations between the german democratic republic and the federal republic of germany as well as to the quadripartite agreement on west berlin. contrary to the clearly formulated provisions of those treaties, inappropriate attempts have been made time and again, and in this forum too, to construe unrealistic concepts that are detrimental to peace. therefore, it appears necessary to repeat the following. [number]. one of the irrefutable realities in europe for three decades now has been the existence of two sovereign german states which are independent of each other-the socialist german democratic republic and the capitalist federal republic of germany. one of the realities confirmed by a treaty is that west berlin is not a constituent part of the federal republic of germany and must not be governed by it. pursuant to the set of european treaties and to the final act of helsinki, international legal and political consequences will have to be drawn everywhere. [number]. freely exercising their right to self-determination, the people of the german democratic republic have irrevocably opted for socialism. our state is a firm constituent part of the socialist community. attempts to disregard this fact endanger peace and security in europe. the peoples will not tolerate that. the relations between the german democratic republic and the federal republic of germany can serve indeed must serve the peace and security of the peoples. for this reason, they are only feasible on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. as everybody will be aware, this requires, in particular, strict respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as non-interference in internal affairs. the broadening of the relations therefore requires implementation of the existing international treaties in letter and in spirit. [number]. the german democratic republic reaffirms its view that, for detente to become lasting and stable, it must be extended to all regions of the world. we feel that this basic purpose is served, above all, by the initiative the union of soviet socialist republics took at the thirty-first session of the united nations general assembly for the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations. [number] [number]. it is noteworthy that this project covers two fundamental requirements of political detente in their interrelationship. it links non-use of force with a general prohibition of the use of all types of weapons, and it obligates all states to bring about disarmament. that would add substance to the principle of non-use of force as laid down earlier in the charter of the united nations. the argument that such a treaty would hollow out or question this principle turns things upside down. the continuing affirmative response to that proposal reinforces our view that the text of the treaty should now be negotiated. [number]. the states parties to the warsaw treaty reaffirmed in their declaration of [number] november [number] that the most important and pressing task of our time is to stop the arms race and carry out disarmament, first and foremost in the nuclear held, and to eliminate the danger of a world war. political reason and legal commitments as well as humanity call for vigorous action to check the accumulation of means designed to destroy man. [number]. how justified these demands are is borne out by alarming news on the gathering momentum in the development and production of new weapons of mass destruction. the socialist states are striving unswervingly for general and complete disarmament. they have presented a comprehensive programme outlining realistic steps to that end. of course other constructive proposals will also be examined. the general secretary of the central committee of the socialist unity party of germany and the chairman of the council of state of the german democratic republic, erich honecker, stated the following when he signed the new stockholm peace appeal we stand for effective measures which bring about arms limitation and disarmament based on the principle of undiminished security. we strongly advocate that political detente be complemented with military detente. many of the problems facing mankind today and tomorrow could be solved more easily and quickly if the gigantic resources which are today invested in armaments were used for peaceful purposes. [number]. the year [number] has been declared the international year of the child, and the following comparison suggests itself. every two minutes almost [number]. [number] million is being spent in today's world on military purposes. that sum, who has calculated, would suffice to immunize about [number], [number] children against various infectious diseases and that would be instrumental in reducing the alarming level of infant mortality in many parts of the globe. but the arms race continues to absorb immense material and intellectual resources which are needed to solve that and other social and economic problems. the development and stockpiling of means of warfare by far outrun the talks on their restriction and prohibition. a quicker pace in those negotiations is therefore imperative. [number]. the special session on disarmament, to be held by the general assembly in a few months' time, ought to lead to agreement on a joint disarmament programme. that would be an encouraging contribution for all with regard to preparations for the world disarmament conference. [number]. of paramount importance for nuclear disarmament are the soviet-united states negotiations on the limitation of strategic armaments. the german democratic republic commends the persistent efforts made by the union of soviet socialist republics to reach agreement to that effect. [number]. the destruction of nuclear weapons is a difficult but nevertheless urgent task. it would become even more complicated if the number of nuclear-weapon states were to increase. therefore, it is absolutely necessary to strengthen the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. [number]. the german democratic republic feels that preventive steps against the development and manufacture of new kinds and systems of weapons of mass destruction are urgent and pressing. likewise, greater efforts are necessary to attain at long last a complete ban on nuclear-weapon tests and on chemical weapons. [number]. we welcome and appreciate the endeavours of the soviet . union, the united states of america and the united kingdom to suspend underground nuclear weapon tests for a certain period of time. it is highly significant that the soviet union, together with the partners mentioned, is willing to do so-even before the other nuclear powers accede to the future treaty. [number]. we also expect progress in the vienna talks on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in central europe. the socialist states submitted realizable proposals right at the beginning. there can be no doubt that the proposal that the warsaw treaty states addressed to the other states participating in the conference on security and co-operation in europe to conclude a treaty prohibiting the first use of nuclear weapons against each other merits maximum attention. the acceptance of this proposal would strengthen confidence among the states. [number]. the situation in the middle east is as explosive as ever, yet security council resolutions on the matter are disregarded. the implementation of these resolutions is, however, a prerequisite for a comprehensive political settlement of the problems of that region. we hold that the geneva peace conference on the middle east is the competent body for that purpose. participation of the palestine liberation organization on an equal footing is, indeed, a matter of course. the rights of the arab peoples must not be disregarded. to put it frankly a settlement of the middle east conflict requires israel's withdrawal from all arab territories occupied in [number]. the inalienable rights of the arab people of palestine, including their right to self-determination and to establish a state of their own, must be guaranteed. and, finally, the rights of all states of the region to an independent existence, security and development must be recognized. [number]. efforts to settle the cyprus conflict on the basis of sovereignty, independence, non-alignment and territorial integrity should be stepped up. the convening of a conference on cyprus within the framework of the united nations is more topical than ever. [number]. the german democratic republic expresses its solidarity with the just demands of the democratic people's republic of korea for a peaceful solution of the korean question, for which the resolution adopted at the thirtieth session of the general assembly provides the basis. all foreign troops, along with their arms, must be withdrawn from south korea. [number]. the united nations charter expresses the aspiration of the peoples for peace, security and independence. that instrument has proved its worth, and every day it is proving its viability anew. it must not be questioned. the effectiveness of the world organization can be heightened only if all states comply with their obligations under the united nations charter. [number]. we are worried about the situation in southern africa. the racists are resorting to ever more brutal methods to break the will of the oppressed peoples to win their freedom. with external assistance they are increasing their arms drive, and they even threaten to produce atomic bombs. they hire mercenaries and attack free african states. that is extremely dangerous and provocative. [number]. the apartheid regime in south africa persists in its illegal occupation of namibia and is conspiring with southern rhodesia. there are some who want to save that regime in order to maintain their influence there. by calling for a peaceful solution they try to delude the peoples. but is it possible to come to a peaceful solution when the racists are being supplied with weapons that enable them to carry on terrorism and aggression? and what should one think of those who enable them to get armed with nuclear weapons, while they dispute the right of the national liberation movements to defend the interests of their peoples? [number]. the peoples in southern africa, just like others, have a right to take their destiny into their own hands and freely to choose their social system. any peaceful solution can only begin by forcing the aggressors and terrorists to lay down arms and by isolating the racists. [number]. effective steps by the united nations for a mandatory arms embargo and for halting all co-operation with south africa and for an expansion of sanctions against southern rhodesia are therefore necessary. [number]. the upsurge of the national liberation struggle, assisted by the strength of steadily mounting international solidarity, makes us confident that the cause of the peoples of zimbabwe, namibia and south africa will be victorious. the german democratic republic pledges to continue to support that struggle to the best of its ability. [number]. the german democratic republic advocates international economic relations based on equal rights and mutual benefit. for this reason we wish again to call attention to the programme the socialist states presented at the fourth session of unctad. [number]. by government agreements and by commercial, scientific and technological relations with developing countries and other measures which it scrupulously implements in letter and spirit, the german democratic republic supports the economic and social progress of these states. strains on the world economy in the wake of the capitalist crisis could not affect these relations. thus, the new type of cooperation between states has proved its viability. it is free from neo-colonialist exploitation and discrimination. those who used to squeeze immense profits out of the colonially subjugated countries and are today shifting the burden of their crisis onto the nationally liberated states are alone responsible for the difficult economic situation of many of the developing countries. no honest person can countenance attempts to undermine the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the united nations general assembly and the charter of economic rights and duties of states. [number]. the german democratic republic sides with the developing countries and is against any kind of neo- colonialist exploitation. [number]. the outcome of the paris conference on international economic co-operation demonstrates that international economic problems involving the interests of all peoples should be negotiated in the united nations. the cooperation of all states in the democratic restructuring of economic relations is a requirement which is in conformity with the charter of the world organization. the same applies to technological co-operation. [number]. the striving of peoples for peace, security and liberation from all kinds of oppression means struggle for the exercise of human rights. these rights are severely and brutally violated by wars of aggression and by fascist, racist and colonialist terrorism. [number]. the united nations has addressed itself to eliminating flagrant and massive violations of human rights. that is consistent both with its main task and its competence. accordingly, this session of the general assembly must not allow a mantle of silence to be spread over fascist terrorism in chile. it should rather assist in halting those practices in that country. with the same determination we speak out against the violation of human rights in southern africa and in the territories occupied by israel. [number]. the two international covenants on human rights which became effective last year provide an important foundation for co-operation by states on what are called individual human rights. in this context it may well be noted that all attempts to misuse this question in order to interfere in the internal affairs of states are not only contradictory to the charter of the united nations but also place a strain on relations between states. those who are engaging in a campaign of slander against other states under the flag of human rights would be well advised to concern themselves with the realization of human rights in their own countries. [number]. a few days ago erich honecker, general secretary of the central committee of the socialist unity party and the chairman of the council of state of the german democratic republic, said if in today's world a political force is entitled to speak out on human rights, then it is first and foremost the revolutionary working-class movement. and if in today's world a political system can claim to have given effect to human rights, then it is the world socialist system. [number]. socialism, having abolished the exploitation of man by man, assures the right to live in human dignity it ensures the exercise of the right to work, and hence to education and recreation, as well as to most generous medical services and care for the aged it enables women to enjoy equal rights with men and treats all human beings alike, irrespective of race or colour. it is the system which assures a future in peace and social security, where everybody can develop his abilities for the benefit of society and contribute on an equal footing to his community's international affairs. this is highly evident in everyday life. [number]. the socialist states grant their citizens all rights and opportunities for individual development which, for instance, for millions of unemployed, women without equal rights or youths without training in countries that like to pose as models, can only remain a dream. [number]. statistics provide ample information as to exactly where millions of people are being deprived of such fundamental rights. [number]. this general assembly is faced with great tasks indeed. it can only cope with them if co-operation and understanding prevail. the german democratic republic will contribute its efforts to ensure that the thirty-second session of the general assembly of the united nations will chart a successful course in the interests of strengthening world peace and mutually beneficial co-operation among the peoples.

[number]. sir, on behalf of the government of bangladesh and my delegation, it is both a pleasure and privilege for me to congratulate you most warmly on your election as president of this thirty-second general assembly session. we can say with the utmost confidence that your eminent qualifications, your intimate knowledge of the work of this organization and the many important services you have rendered on behalf of your country will contribute greatly to the success of our work. it gives us added pleasure that for the second year in succession a member state of the non-aligned movement is at the helm of our affairs. [number]. i should also like to express our deep appreciation to the president of the last session, mr. hamilton shirley amerasinghe of sri lanka, whose determined and energetic leadership was a major contribution to the successful conclusion of the thirty-first session. [number]. i take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the secretary-general, who in his second term continues his tireless efforts on behalf of the world community with vision, courage and infinite patience. he has successfully upheld the charter principles of fairness, impartiality and dedication to the cause of peace and human dignity in the world. bangladesh owes a particular debt of gratitude to him for his continuing sympathy, concern and positive interest in our affairs. [number]. bangladesh hails the admission of the republic of djibouti and the socialist republic of viet nam to membership in the united nations as sovereign equals. we extend our fullest co-operation to the delegations of these friendly countries. we expect to work with them in the closest harmony. [number]. with the accession of its one hundred forty-eighth and one hundred forty-ninth members the united nations has taken another vital step towards the fulfilment of its goal to embrace all the nations of the world. the approach to universality underscores the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last [number] years since the inception of this organization. the most striking aspect of change is reflected in the composition and character of contemporary international society the number of sovereign states in the world has multiplied threefold. however, a vast segment of the world population still remains shackled by the bonds of colonial rule or suffers as victims of political repression. [number]. the thirty-second session of the united nations general assembly is meeting under the shadow of a deepening political and economic crisis. the middle east continues to remain an explosive area of tension. unless the initiatives now under way to bring about a peaceful settlement are brought to an immediate and successful conclusion, that region may very well become the theatre of another all-consuming holocaust. [number]. bangladesh firmly believes that a just and durable peace can only be ensured by the withdrawal of all israel's forces from the arab territories it has occupied since june [number], including the holy city of jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the palestinian people, including an independent state in palestine. towards this end bangladesh urges all parties concerned vigorously to renew efforts for the early convening of the geneva conference with the full participation of the palestine liberation organization. [number]. bangladesh strongly condemns the continued attempts of israel to entrench its occupation by colonizing that region to rough a chain of illegal settlements designed to changed the geographical and demographic composition of the occupied territories. bangladesh reiterates its total support for the measures recommended by the recent extraordinary meetings held in new york of the foreign ministers of the non-aligned countries and of the foreign ministers of the states members of the islamic conference towards a just and lasting peace in the middle east. [number]. the great continent of africa is a stir with the promise of total emancipation, but the southern part of it still continues to bleed under the repressive rule of racist minority regimes. bangladesh fully supports the legitimate struggle of the african people in zimbabwe, namibia and south africa for freedom, liberty and human dignity and is convinced that their efforts are bound ultimately to triumph. [number]. while we note the initiatives being taken on the one hand by the united kingdom and the united states in zimbabwe, and on the other hand by five members of the security council-the united kingdom, canada, france, the federal republic of germany and the united states-in namibia, bangladesh believes that independence in these last remaining bastions of colonialism can and must be achieved without concessions to the principles already embodied in the resolutions of the united nations. [number]. bangladesh welcomes the success of the two important world conferences in africa this year the international conference in support of the peoples of zimbabwe and namibia, held in maputo, and the lagos world conference for action against apartheid we firmly believe that the declarations and programmes of action adopted in these forums provide the international community with a concrete framework of action that must be vigorously pursued. [number]. annually the international community records for posterity the dangers inherent in the failure to disarm. yearly the disarmament debate echoes the refrain that failure to act is a hazardous folly-a madness. and yet, ironically enough, the only palliative is the recognition of the peril and the record of its danger and cost to mankind, with no significant advance being made to halt, control or reverse this process. [number]. the record of progress in the disarmament negotiations is indeed pitiful in its content. only seven treaties adopted by the united nations general assembly are in force. regional and bilateral efforts, particularly by the super-powers, have failed dismally to live up to even the minimum expectations. what is worse is that moves towards the limitation and reduction of conventional weapons have also been completely ignored, notwithstanding the fact that all armed conflicts since [number] have been fought with conventional weapons. [number]. as we have stated, the dimensions of the problem are well known, in all their staggering impact. what is needed is the will and determination for action to halt and reverse this inexorable drive to destruction and to enable a new international security system to achieve a world free from war. bangladesh, therefore, attaches great importance to the special session of the general assembly on disarmament and the formulation of a declaration and programme of action. [number]. while the problems of nuclear disarmament and of the proliferation of nuclear weapons continue to be the predominant concerns, bangladesh's particular interest will lie in the measures directed towards the protection of the interests of the non-nuclear countries, including security guarantees and measures towards the creation of nuclear- weapon-free zones and zones of peace, freedom and neutrality in south' and south-east asia and elsewhere. of overriding priority is the relation between disarmament and development and the widespread concern to find practical and concrete ways to reduce military budgets and to transfer human and material resources to more productive ends, particularly in the cause of economic and social development. [number]. bangladesh has been making every possible effort for peace and stability in the subcontinent on the basis of mutual respect for sovereign equality, independence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. we have striven to promote the process of accommodation along all avenues open to us. it is our firm belief that bangladesh would be able materially to contribute towards building a structure of enduring and durable peace in south and south-east asia. [number]. events in the subcontinent over the past year have once more focused international attention on our part of the world. a spirit of greater understanding and cooperation appears to be emerging throughout the region. we believe that this spirit must be fostered. [number]. a series of bilateral meetings between bangladesh and india on the sharing of the ganges waters were held in pursuance of the consensus statement adopted on [number] november [number] at the thirty-first session of the united nations general assembly. i am indeed happy to report that the last meeting held at the official level in new delhi was concluded on [number] september [number] with the initialling of an agreement. that successful outcome of highly complicated and protracted negotiations is pre-eminently due to the statesmanship shown by the leaders of the two countries. this agreement covers the sharing of the ganges waters at farakka between bangladesh and india for the period from [number] january to [number] may every year. the agreement also provides for study of long-term measures to augment the dry-season flow of the ganges. it also includes provisions for machinery of implementation by a joint committee to be constituted by the representatives of the two countries. the agreement is for an initial period of five years. it may be extended by mutual agreement at the appropriate time. the agreement will be formally signed at a level and date to be mutually determined by the two governments. with the initialling of the agreement, the first part of the task was accomplished and it is hoped that a permanent solution may be found through the optimum development of water resources of international rivers flowing through the territories of these countries for the welfare of the millions of people of the two nations. we believe that this agreement will serve as an important milestone in the efforts of the two countries to improve all their relations and to maintain peace and stability in the region. i should like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the government of bangladesh, to convey our most sincere thanks to all of our friends who have contributed towards reaching this agreement. [number]. fruitful steps were recently taken by bangladesh further to strengthen its relations with pakistan. we look forward to increasing co-operation with pakistan in all fields. [number]. bangladesh continues to strive to consolidate its ties with its neighbours and near neighbours, including afghanistan, bhutan, burma, nepal and sri lanka. [number]. we believe that bangladesh, by virtue of its geographical location as well as its historical and cultural affinities with the people of south-east asia, stands as a bridge between this region and the subcontinent. it is our intention to pursue every effort to strengthen our relations with our south-east asian neighbours. [number]. bangladesh has consistently adhered to the principles of non-alignment as the corner-stone of its foreign policy. bound by deeply rooted historical and cultural ties, - bangladesh has always expressed its sense of solidarity with the islamic countries and has been persistent in its efforts to strengthen the fraternal relations existing between bangladesh and those countries. [number]. no review of the asian region in international relations can be complete without reference to the indian ocean. bangladesh strongly supports the initiative regarding the establishment of the indian ocean as a zone of peace, the major objective being to safeguard the peace and security of the countries of the region. we believe that, for the declaration to be effective and meaningful, it must be complemented by a commitment on the part of the regional states to the principles of universal collective security, without military alliances, under the umbrella of the united nations charter, including their renunciation of the threat or use of force, whether nuclear or conventional, against one another. [number]. the international community has in recent years been grappling with two vital initiatives with regard to the progressive development and codification of international law. the deliberations in the third united nations conference on the law of the sea have now reached a crucial decision-making stage. as a coastal developing countries, bangladesh has a large stake in the successful outcome of the conference. of particular importance to bangladesh is its case pertaining to baselines and the delineation of maritime boundaries. the unique geographical and geomorphological circumstances that govern our coastline led us to submit a formulation covering what we believe constituted a legitimate exception within the universally acceptable norms. at the last session, in spite of overwhelming overt support and no opposition from any state to the inclusion of our proposal in the basic negotiating text before the conference, our proposal was excluded. we continue to believe that the exclusion of our text, given the nature of the document-that of a negotiating instrument rather than one that had been negotiated-would be tantamount to leaving us isolated. the merit of our case lay in seeking the objective sanction of the conference as a whole. we are firmly of the view that, for an adequate and proper consideration of the composite informal negotiating text, our formulation should also be taken into consideration at the forthcoming session of the conference. we believe that a crucial motivation of the conference must be to accord preferential treatment to the poorer and geographically disadvantaged nations as the logical consequence of the concept of the common heritage of mankind. [number]. the united nations water conference was to highlight the need for another major initiative in the sphere of international legal order for the progressive development and codification of the rules of international law regulating non-navigational uses of international watercourses, and particularly the development and use of shared water resources. given the finite nature of water resources and the ever rising pressures on those resources, bangladesh believes that the matter is one of paramount importance and urgency, for it raises questions that have an immense bearing on the economic well-being of vast numbers of people on this globe. we would urge the international law commission, already charged with the responsibility of pursuing the matter, to expedite the submission of an international convention. [number]. as we review these crucial global developments, the position of bangladesh and its contribution to the development process is a matter of intense introspection for us and one that would be of some interest in the international community. despite the difficulties inherent in the circumstances of its traumatic birth, bangladesh continues not only to survive but also to grow in stability and strength, thus manifesting the political will of its people and the inner vitality of its society. it has succeeded in overcoming formidable problems of rehabilitation and reconstruction. following a political and economic programme endorsed by the people through a nation-wide referendum, bangladesh has launched far-reaching political, administrative and economic reforms. as a step towards the establishment of democratic institutions on the basis of universal adult suffrage at local and national levels, elections to [number], [number] village union councils and [number] municipal councils have already been held, and elections to district councils and to the national parliament are scheduled to be held in december [number] and [number] respectively. the administrative and services structures have been reorganized with a view to making those services more efficient and more attuned to the national objectives of economic and social development. a three-year hard-core programme of development, to be completed by the end of the current year, is now being implemented and a five-year plan, to be preceded by a two-year approach plan within the framework of a [number]-year perspective plan, is being prepared. [number]. the main thrust of our planned efforts in the economic sector is towards rural development around co-operatives, a rapid increase in food production, the stabilization of prices, population control and population development. about half the country has already been covered under the integrated rural development programme. as a result of increased agricultural production, the importation of food grains was reduced from [number]. [number] million tons in [number] [number] to [number], [number] tons in [number] [number]. given favourable weather conditions and an adequate supply of inputs, bangladesh, will, it is hoped, be able to raise its food production within the next few years to the point where it can become fully self-sufficient in food. the prices of essential commodities have also been lowered and the cost-of-living index, which had risen to [number] per cent in [number], is currently down to [number] per cent, in [number] [number] prices. a key development strategy is the decentralization of the planning machinery and the generation of self-reliant efforts on the part of the people through their direct participation in the formulation and implementation of the development plans at the local levels. along with a vigorous family-planning programme, a nation-wide campaign has been mounted for the mobilization and harnessing of the country's vast human resources for productive efforts. the national foundation for research on human resources development, headed by the president of bangladesh, has been set up in the light of the decision of the co-ordinating bureau of non-aligned countries. we shall be happy to share our experience in this regard with countries of the third world. [number]. the experience of bangladesh in the field of development indicates however, certain constraints inherent in global factors which call for closer co-operation among the nations of the world. [number]. the international community is largely composed of states in a similar position to that of bangladesh. the hopes and aspirations of those states represent the wishes of the great majority of the world's peoples. it is in those countries that the largest mass of humanity is concentrated and is confronted with the entire range of social and economic ills that characterize under-development. [number]. it is here that the world's major political crises rage. notwithstanding their combined weight, which has transformed the structure and voting" pattern of the united nations, those countries yet remain outside the plane of true decision-making. their role and integration in this process constitute the most important potential for peace and prosperity in the world. [number]. faced with the series of global problems that now confront the international community, no nation, however rich or powerful, can remain immune, nor can any nation hope to resolve them without the co-operation of all. while modern communications and the advances of science and technology have led us to a common perception of our unity and shared dependence, they have also highlighted the dangers of divisiveness. differences in military and economic strength are hard realities. while the classic relationship of domination of the many by the few the so-called vertical polarization has been somewhat eroded, in its place has emerged the equally disturbing phenomenon of unequal relations among states and the threat to their economic and political sovereignty emanating not only from the big powers but also from medium-sized and small powers. [number]. if there is any theme that emerges from the foregoing brief analysis, it is the recognition of the basic amalgam between national and international interests, sometimes conflicting, but essentially coinciding. bangladesh firmly believes that the cardinal function and indeed justification of the united nations lies in its search for the preservation of the delicate balance between nationalism and international responsibility. the motive force of the organization the very essence of its community lies in the need to protect the weak from the strong through the manifestation of collective responsibility and the strengthening of collective capacity to deal with the problems that face all of our nations. it is towards this end that we must strive. [number]. in assessing the work of this organization we are conscious of its limitations. the secretary-general himself acknowledged in his report on the work of the organization that "a miraculous and sudden transformation to a new and better world order is inconceivable". but it is our task to seize the initiatives taken and to build, brick by brick, an edifice that will substantially contribute to the long-term interests of all states. [number]. we believe that the foundation already exists that governments, including the major powers, do consciously recognize the value of the united nations as a vital mechanism for strengthening their relationships and fostering their short-term goals. for countries such as ours, powerless in isolation, the united nations certainly provides, through cohesion and a shared awareness of problems a greater strength. it does provide a safety-valve to release gathering tensions when bilateral efforts fail to achieve their objectives. [number]- what, then, are the priorities for the future? first, bangladesh believes that a cardinal imperative is to ensure that sovereignty and genuine freedom of action are not compromised by external interference from any source whatsoever. secondly, it is our combined task to pursue the unfinished revolution facing the great majority of people, so that the peoples of the developing countries may emerge from bondage into freedom, from exploitation into economic emancipation, and from dependence into self- reliance. thirdly, it is a vital task to seek the integration of all nations into the decision-making process. no society whether national or international, can fail to ignore even its weakest link without affecting its cohesion. fourthly, it is our task to seek consolidation of our unity and mutual co-operation, not by a mere affirmation of principles alone, by meaningful and practical programmes of action and the will to translate them into reality. finally, it is our task so to use our combined national power as to create and not to destroy, to enter into dialogue rather than confrontation, to build peace and abjure war, to advance human welfare instead of aggravating human suffering. [number]. these are the basic elements that, in our opinion, constitute the keystone of the new international political and economic order. [number]. as we stand today poised on the threshold of a new decade, we are conscious of the crucial economic stake in the quest for political stability and ordered prosperity in our world. this has placed before us the choice of achieving either unified and balanced progress of all mankind with human dignity, or a world torn by ever-widening social and economic inequalities. [number]. the experience of the international development strategy of each of the last two decades, while strengthening the ability of the world to identify and recognize problems, also revealed that those strategies had no real answers to the problems of mass poverty and mass unemployment which face most of our countries in the third world. ad hoc solutions and basically short-term and patch-work remedies were essentially directed to preserve a system which itself was at fault r , d which tended to perpetuate the inequities of the existing order. the call, therefore, was made for a total restructuring of world economic relationships through a new and just international economic order. [number]. thus, in the last few years, through successive sessions of the general assembly, through the fourth session of unctad, the conference on international economic co-operation in paris and other forums, the international community has sought to spell out the pattern of this vital new design. an approach to a global perspective plan should provide greater equity through improved terms of trade, a better quality and greater flow of aid on softer terms, easier access to markets, the sharing of technological know-how and benefits, improved monetary facilities, the easing of indebtedness and a whole range of related issues. despite the efforts at the various forums and the vital stakes involved, progress towards these ends been extremely disappointing. [number]. one of the chief causes of the resistance to these efforts appears to be the unexpressed fear lurking in the minds of the industrially developed nations that any change in the existing world economy structure, however equitable and rational it may appear to be, would hurt their life-style. the fact, however, remains that if the vast human and other resources of the developing countries can be harnessed into productive use, with a resulting increase in the production of goods and services at a lower cost, that would be to the benefit of the entire world community, and that is the only way to stem the rising tide of inflation, which continues to plague their economies. [number]. some of the glaring absurdities inherent in the existing economic system are underscored by the following facts. [number]. first, the developing world, representing [number] per cent of the world's population, commands only [number] per cent of total world resources. [number]. secondly, the share of the third world, with a population of more than [number] billion, in the production of manufactured goods is only [number] per cent. [number]. thirdly, the combined share of all the countries of the third world in total international trade is under [number] per cent. [number]. fourthly, while final consumers in the industrial countries pay over s200 billion for the major primary products of the developing countries, excluding oil. the developing countries receive back only s30 billion of that s200 billion. [number]. fifthly, the total external indebtedness of the developing countries has already exceeded s250 billion and their balance-of-payments deficit is about s30 billion. [number]. as a result, the developing countries have been inexorably led to export more, and this has had a deleterious effect on the quality of life of the people of these countries. such a position is totally untenable when the annual expenditure on armaments has already exceeded s300 billion. [number]. in renewing our commitment to pursue the establishment of the new international economic order, bangladesh believes that there is also a need for continuing introspection and an in-depth evaluation of past performance and a better perception of the conceptual framework in which the new order would evolve. [number]. what was essentially lacking was specific action concerning the attack on poverty, the system of production, the distribution of income and wealth, and the socio-economic structures. among the more significant lessons learned from experience, to which virtually no attention had been paid in the past, was the demonstrated futility of plan models in which the crucial role of a motivated, creative and innovative people as the main driving force in development was completely overlooked. the conversion of these human resources into viable human capital for national development has assumed such urgency that it requires priority attention. [number]. bangladesh believes that, among the essential elements that need to be mapped out in any future perspective plan for the evolution of the new international order, specific attention must be devoted to the following first, eradicating poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy and assigning the highest priority to this task for concerted action by the international community secondly, harnessing the vast human resources for productive use, thus generating more employment and more production of food and services to be shared by the world community and therefore enriching the quality of life of the people globally thirdly, strengthening the capacity of developing countries for individual and collective self-reliance through increased co-operation in economic and other fields, the forthcoming united nations conference on technical co-operation among developing countries, to be held in buenos aires next august, being of special relevance to this objective fourthly, radically transforming socio-economic structures, with particular stress on agrarian and rural development, the distribution of wealth and the means of production, greater decentralization at the grass-roots level to ensure the democratization of the political and economic decision-making process, and the promotion of self- management and local leadership fifthly, focusing on the role and status of women and ensuring their full participation in national development and the. decision-making process sixthly, redefining international policy governing the transfer of financial resources, with particular attention to the needs of the least developed and most seriously affected developing countries and, in this regard, matters that require an exploration of the flow of the resources to be generated are the exploitation of the resources of the sea bed and those to be released through possible disarmament and the lung-standing demand of the developing countries for an organic link between special drawing rights and development finance seventhly, liberalizing trade by removing tariff and non-tariff barriers and meeting the mounting problem of the third world's accumulated debt, including rescheduling of existing debt liabilities and tying debt repayment to real resource transfers, and the conversion of the outstanding debts of the least developed countries into outright grants eighthly, increasing the availability of and access to food-stuffs through appropriate structural transformation and technological innovation, with the realization that, while the establishment of the international fund for agricultural development has been a remarkable achievement, other mechanisms, particularly the early establishment of a decentralized system of essential food reserves, should be expeditiously fostered ninthly, ensuring that people affected by natural disasters are always afforded adequate supplies to meet their basic needs, and in this regard, the institutional strengthening of the office of the united nations disaster relief coordinator and the possibility of an international disaster relief agency should be seriously explored tenthly, adapting science and technology in order to promote the cause of development in the third world according to the indigenous requirements of the developing countries and in this regard, the preparations for and the. results of the forthcoming united nations conference on science and technology for development will have particular relevance in mapping out a future strategy in this regard eleventh, enhancing international co-operation in the field of energy resources and here bangladesh strongly supports the idea mooted by the secretary-general regarding the establishment of an energy institute and believes that this should be pursued urgently finally, paying adequate attention to the economic content of human rights, which has not received equal treatment with the political content, because for the vast majority of people living below the poverty line human rights can be meaningful only when they are assured of their basic economic rights, namely, the right to food, shelter, clothing and education. [number]. these are the [number] elements which we believe constitute an essential foundation for the planning of the next development strategy in what we believe must be the decade of equity.

there are moments we can describe as historical turning points, when nations and peoples must decide which side they are on. this is one of these moments, when history will judge us and examine if we were democratic leaders that represented the will of our peoples. it is clear that the peoples of the world are taking a stand against neo-liberal economics and war. they are fighting against those who would impose their will by military force and economic violence. they are resisting those who would undermine and even overthrow the basic principles that founded this organization that brings us together today. under such conditions, venezuela echoes the call of the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, that all the nations that proclaim the rule of law in their territory respect it abroad. as you know, the majority of the peoples and governments of the world took a stand against the illegal war in iraq. in this context, venezuela reaffirms the words of president rodr guez zapatero that peace is a task that demands more courage, more determination and more heroism than war. the principal question for us is now the following are we building a world of real democracy, equality and justice or a world led by the tyranny of economic and military power? the people of venezuela were faced with such a decision last month, with a referendum on the presidency. in fact, in the last six years, venezuelans have participated in eight democratic procedures, including referendums and elections. the [number] bolivarian constitution of venezuela allows for a mid-term referendum on a recall of the popular vote. on [number] august of this year, citizens of venezuela clearly exercised their constitutional right and, in an historic referendum never before seen in the history of the world, ratified the mandate of president hugo ch vez fr as, thus confirming the democratic process of structural transformation led by our president. since the end of the last millennium, we have witnessed tremendous dissent from citizens of the world against neo-liberalism and war. in my country, by the late eighties, a set of structural adjustments, developed under the influence of the main centres of neo-liberal capitalism, was met with a popular uprising that paralysed the country, leaving an indelible mark on our people s minds. that resistance, popularly known as el caracazo , was perhaps the first protest against neo-liberalism. the poor took control of the capital, caracas, as well as cities across the country to demonstrate their discontent with increasing poverty and the unjust distribution of the profits from our nation s oil wealth. the ruling government of the day responded by sending in armed forces to suppress the protests, killing thousands of people. that was a painfully tragic moment for the people of venezuela. nevertheless, that event provoked the necessary consciousness, igniting a political awakening among the people that allowed them to unite their voices in the fight against neo-liberalism. over the next decade, we witnessed protests against the world trade organization and against neo- [number] liberalism in chiapas, davos, seattle, prague, quebec city and genoa. wherever the architects of neo- liberalism gathered, they were met with massive protests in the streets. we also witnessed the desperate actions of the brave south korean farmer in canc n, who gave his life to call attention to the plight of his fellow farmers on the brink of disaster throughout the world. the war in iraq only strengthened the global protests. on [number] february [number], an estimated [number] million people around the world marched in protest and disbelief, unwilling to stand idly by as once again the world s screams fell on deaf ears, as not-so-smart bombs fell on little children without knowing why. if we combine the protests against neo-liberal globalization with the anti-war demonstrations, we will find a global rebellion of revolutionary proportions has started. what we need to decide now is whether we will march in the streets alongside our people or hide ourselves away in an ivory tower. my fellow leaders, have we no eyes and ears? can we not see the suffering? can we not hear the cries of the poor, the disenfranchised, the disappeared and the desolate? can we afford to shirk that responsibility? according to the united nations development programme undp , [number] per cent of latin americans live below the poverty line. although latin america is not the only region to face that reality, it is a particularly conspicuous example because it represents the laboratory of the neo-liberal project. structural adjustment, as prescribed by the washington consensus, came early to latin america, and its application here became the model for the neo- liberalization of the former communist-bloc countries in the 1990s. besides being the initial site of neo-liberalism s devastating experiment, latin america was also the first to experience anti-neo-liberal explosion. last march, undp released a report entitled democracy in latin america , which highlighted a startling revelation more than half of latin americans would prefer dictatorship over democracy if an authoritarian regime would solve their economic problems. a second report, released this past august by the private firm latinobar metro, came to a similarly depressing conclusion but with one notable exception between [number] and [number] support for democracy actually grew in venezuela, much more so than in any other country in the region. in venezuela support for democracy has undoubtedly increased. could it be that there is a direct correlation between those findings and the fact that venezuela is actively pursuing a viable alternative to market democracy? the nobel prize-winning economist, amartya sen, affirms that democracy is the best remedy for hunger. indeed, in venezuela, under the leadership of president hugo ch vez fr as, we achieved that goal by giving power to the poor. to reduce poverty, it is necessary to increase democracy. there is no other way. democracy is also the only way to defeat terrorism. no matter if poverty and hunger create the conditions for its existence, there are no good and bad terrorists. there is only one terrorism reprehensible, detestable and cowardly. but, once again, only through greater democracy can we defeat it. what the undp report reveals is that latin americans have lost faith in a model of democracy whose scope is limited to political representation. it is a model that has entirely ignored the economic, social and participatory facets of democracy and which has consequently completely failed to reflect the popular will. as simon bol var, our visionary liberator, advocated two centuries ago, the best form of government is one that provides the highest degree of happiness, stability and social security for its people. a few days ago, president lula of brazil chaired a hugely successful meeting of world leaders on the theme action against hunger and poverty . that wonderful initiative, co-sponsored by presidents chirac, lagos escobar and rodr guez zapatero, expressed our common vision to fight against poverty and social injustice to guarantee security and sustainable development in both the north and the south. our absolute support for that initiative is expressed in the document on the subject of ending poverty and giving power to the poor which we distributed to members at the beginning of the general assembly session. to that end we recognize the need to go beyond the traditional official development assistance framework. venezuela s contribution to the fight against hunger represents a genuine attempt to place the tools of development in the hands of those who need it most. in shifting from food aid to food [number] sovereignty, we are not limiting ourselves to helping to feed the poor rather, we are committed to helping the poor to feed themselves. for that reason food sovereignty in venezuela puts a clear emphasis on assisting small producers from community-run cooperatives. a far-reaching land reform has already transferred over [number] million hectares of land to small producers. we have also made a firm commitment to create a world seed bank in our country to protect our heritage of seeds from the violent encroachments of transgenic and genetically modified crops. in addition, we have recently created a ministry of food and nutrition to guarantee our people their fundamental rights in that area. venezuela ardently supports the initiatives under way to reform the united nations. as supporters of multilateralism and participatory democracy, we claim a greater participation of the countries of the south at the united nations, and particularly in a more democratic security council, one in which there is no right of veto. in that regard, we support the candidacy of brazil as a permanent member of an expanded council. venezuela aspires to join the economic and social council for the period [number]-[number]. our presence in the economic and social council will help the peoples of the south to promote at the global level the ideas and social justice we are trying to enact domestically. to achieve that objective and to attain the millennium development goals, we believe that the countries possessing the resources must make a financial effort commensurate with the challenge. venezuela has invested [number] billion in social programmes this year, and we recently helped establish a fund of the organization of petroleum exporting countries opec to combat desertification and drought, which greatly threaten our african brothers. that assistance from opec members reflects our solidarity with our brothers and sisters in africa. venezuela has already had the opportunity to assist several african countries through its policy of cooperation. the united nations was born in a world that was traumatized by the atrocities of second world war, yet had the hope of creating a world of greater dignity for human beings. fifty-five years later, when we observe that the will of the general assembly is often not respected, it appears that we have lost our course. thus, we run the risk of submerging the world in a war of a thousand years. it is time to put an end to the hypocrisy that permits a situation in which some resolutions are followed while others go unheeded. let us have the courage to recover the original goals of the assembly. if we are courageous, we will recognize not only that another world is possible but that this other world is crucial for humanity.

it is for me a great pleasure to convey to mr. peter florin, on behalf of my own president, mr. samuel kanyon doe, and the government and people of liberia, congratulations on his assumption of the presidency of the forty-second session of the general assembly. his unanimous election to his high office clearly reflects the esteem in which he is held by the members of our organization. we assure him of our fullest co-operation and support, as we wish him every success in his important assignment. i take the opportunity also to thank his predecessor, mr. humayun rasheed choudhury, minister for foreign affairs of bangladesh, for the able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the forty-first session. we extend special thanks to our secretary-general for his efficient management of the secretariat and for his faithful and unrelenting efforts to fulfil the mandates entrusted to him by the assembly. in particular we commend him both for his efforts to ensure implementation of the administrative reforms required of the organization and for his latest report, which will be guiding our work during this session of the assembly. multilateral coo-operation for the betterment of the human condition is the principal corner-stone upon which this organization was founded over [number] years ago. in an increasingly interdependent world, nation-states must expand and pursue opportunities to advance their common and mutual interests. such co-operation implies not only a sense of shared responsibility, but also the need for a collective response to common problems. the world society which we attempt to fashion through this organization requires the pooling of efforts where resources of individual states are inadequate, the co-ordination of policies where unilateral measures may negate one another, and the provision of a framework for decisive action where uncertainty may inhibit concrete progress. unfortunately, seething as it is with conflicts and hostilities, our world today falls far short of this perceived ideal of a wholesome environment in which global resources are devoted largely to socio-economic development. whether it be due to the bankrupt policy of apartheid in south africa, the frustrating denial of self-determination to the people of namibia or the persistent crises in the middle east, the gulf region, asia and central america or elsewhere, the deep hatred created by such conflicts continues to impede the will to collective responsibility and collaborative effort in their resolution. it should therefore be no surprise that many of the issues before this assembly have remained perennial agenda items, with hardly any solution in sight. in this context, the racist south african regime's persistence in the pursuit of the policy of apartheid has posed one of the most serious challenges to this organization's declared aim "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small". there can be no doubt that apartheid also contravenes the objective of the united nations to build a world society free from all forms of segregation and discrimination. that is why my government has consistently rejected south africa's apartheid policy and calls upon those that give support and encouragement to the racist regime not only to consider the serious consequences of their action but also to reconsider their position on the adoption of sanctions against south africa. regardless of what is said about the merits or demerits of sanctions, the fact is that the inadequacy of the sanctions imposed thus far has apparently had the effect of rendering the racist regime all the more ruthless and intransigent in its oppression of the black majority of the population. consequently, my government remains convinced that the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions as provided for in chapter vii of the charter constitutes the last viable peaceful means of ending this ugly and explosive situation in south africa, a situation which continues to destabilize the entire region and constitute a threat to world peace and security. my delegation takes this view not unmindful of the importance of negotiations and dialogue, but because of the long-standing refusal of the south african government itself to meet and to negotiations with the leaders of the liberation movements. as regards the related question of namibia, liberia cannot accept the continued defiance of the authority of the united nations, and considers south africa's recalcitrance to be a grave challenge to the credibility of this organization. it is most regrettable, in this connection, that three decades after the commencement of the decolonisation process in africa namibia should still be languishing under the yoke of colonialism. our frustration is further heightened by attempts on the part of the racist regime and its collaborators to insist on linking the proposed withdrawal of cuban internationalist forces from angola to the question of namibia's independence. my delegation therefore calls for the unconditional and complete withdrawal of south africa from namibia so that that territory can at last gain its full independence, under the leadership of the south west africa people's organization swapo , the sole and authentic representative of the namibian people, and take its rightful place in this organization and elsewhere. we submit in this connection that security council resolution [number] [number] remains the most viable basis for the attainment of this objective. there are other regional conflicts which are also the subject of continuing dialogue and negotiation within the international community. that is as it should be, since we are enjoined by the charter to pursue the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. accordingly we must commend the secretary-general for his ongoing efforts to restore peace and stability in the persian gulf. the war between iraq and iran, which has lasted for nearly a decade, has taken a very heavy toll on human life and property, disrupted freedom of trade and navigation in the region and even escalated to the point where chemical weapons have been used against civilian targets, including women and children. we must once again urge all concerned to comply with the provisions of security council resolution [number] [number] , which calls for the cessation of hostilities and the opening of negotiations between the two parties. in the middle east the question of the right of the palestinians to a homeland and the right of israel to exist within secure and internationally recognized boundaries continues to be disputed by the parties. those rights must of course be recognized and upheld through peaceful means. in this connection an international conference on the middle east could prove useful, provided that it facilitated the evolution of a solution acceptable to all concerned. while taking note of recent political developments in south korea we wish also to encourage the resumption of dialogue at ministerial level towards the reunification of south and north korea. furthermore, my government believes that membership in the united nations of north and south korea should broaden the scope for a peaceful reunification of that divided country. it is a fundamental right of peoples to determine their own form of government and to choose whatever political, economic and social systems they may wish, free from outside interference or constraints of any kind equally, sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence are all inviolable attributes of nations. in this connection the unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from both kampuchea and afghanistan should be accelerated to enable those countries to exercise fully their freedom. by the same token we consider the establishment and maintenance of peace in central america to be the prime responsibility of the governments in that region. we therefore welcome the recent guatemala agreement as a useful foundation for genuine peace and stability in central america and call on the international community to lend its fullest support to that agreement. on a similar note, my government also invites the international community to lend its support to current initiatives of the organization of african unity towards the peaceful resolution of the conflict between libya and chad, most of the conflicts and hostilities ate fuelled by an arras race that is consuming a disproportionate share of the world's scarce resources. because the international community can ill afford to continue on such a course, we welcome the historic international conference held recently on the relationship between disarmament and development. that conference could be viewed as a first step not just towards a safer world but also towards a more judicious utilization of the earth's resources. having said that, my delegation believes that any appreciable level of disarmament should be buttressed by workable guarantees for states, through effective arrangements for the maintenance of international peace and security in accordance with the charter of the united nations. in this connection my government notes with satisfaction the recent agreement in principle concluded between the governments of the united states and the soviet union to eliminate an entire class of nuclear weapons. we urge those nations to continue their negotiations to a successful conclusion. in addition to the issues of war and peace which we have highlighted here there are also a number of serious problems plaguing the global economy, problems that continue to defy and frustrate traditional solutions. in practically every forum of the world today such issues as those concerning the need for monetary and fiscal reform, the increasing volume and cost of third-world debt, the declining level of real official development assistance, the drastic fall in third-world commodity prices, spiralling inflation, the deteriorating terms of trade, the increasing protectionist tendencies of industrialized countries, are all finding their way to the very top of the agenda. these and similar problems have been generally identified with, if not considered as, the direct root causes of unemployment, sustained poverty and overall negative growth in most third-world countries. however, what is truly noteworthy, as we know, is that these problems have arisen and persisted not because the world lacks the raw materials or the technological capacity to produce enough for its growing population, which has now reached five billion and is increasing by the second, but largely because our states have as yet not been able to agree on a fairer and more rational system of managing the world's economy. as some speakers before me have pointed out, the old alignments and configurations of the international economy will no longer suffice. for instance, no concept of development can be accepted today which continues to condemn the majority of the world's population to starvation, malnutrition, substandard living in conditions of despair. the widening gap between rich and poor countries has often been traced to the industrial revolution and to slavery and colonialism, in which the development of industry in the western world was said to have been facilitated in great measure by massive infusions of resources, both human and material, from what is now referred to as the third world. that, parenthetically, raises a most interesting question about the unrelenting pressures now being exerted on third-world countries to repay their debts is there not another debt that we are forgetting, that may not have been fully repaid, or even considered? the point, however, is not that industrialization did not increase the wealth of europe and north america, or that slavery and colonial exploitation did not retard the development of the third world the point is simply that this situation, which has remained essentially unchanged notwithstanding the great wave of decolonisation that has seen the creation of nearly [number] new independent states over the last [number] years, is no longer a tenable or acceptable proposition. the traditional, almost stereotypical, division of labour which relegated third-world countries to the status of primary producers must now give way to a new arrangement that should not only enable developing countries to engage in the manufacturing of finished and semi-finished products but also require the developed economies to consume more of those products. we commend and completely agree with those, among them the foreign minister of the federal republic of germany, who have called here for the age-old one-sided relationship between developed and developing countries to be restructured. as regards the role of the united nations and its specialized agencies in economic development we must, of course, commend them for their untiring efforts in research and information, in policy analysis and practical action and in technical assistance, where they have contributed to the development activities of third world countries. only last year the united nations convened a special session on the critical economic situation in africa. since then, many african countries have undertaken strong measures to fulfil their commitments under the economic recovery and development programme adopted at that session. for example, in its own economic recovery programme, liberia, under the leadership of president samuel kanyon doe, has embarked upon a number of measures to improve the management of the public sector, to restore to its proper place the key role of private initiative and enterprise in economic growth and development and to design strategies foe integrated rural development, with emphasis on agriculture and food self-sufficiency, through a green revolution programme. but, as was recognized by the special session, the international community was expected to complement the resources and self-help efforts of third world countries for their economic recovery. unfortunately, most donor countries have so far done very little to demonstrate, much less fulfil, their commitment to the programme, this, my country and government find most regrettable and disappointing. indeed, our world today is over-burdened with political and territorial disputes and with serious economic and social crises, all of which threaten the very foundations of peace, security and development on our planet. in the circumstances, there can be no social responsibility more important or task more weighty than that of the search for efficient and lasting solutions to these problems. and in this onerous task our most urgent need is for strong leadership and a new vision, tempered by a greater sense of collective moral responsibility and a complete change of attitude based on a rededication to international solidarity. indeed, this global village which is our common heritage will be neither a better place in which to live nor a worthy legacy to bequeath to posterity unless we can urgently return to the fundamental values of love and charity and the proposition that each one is his brother's keeper. international relations can no longer be based solely on a delicate balancing of conflicting interests, or on the unremitting and fierce competition of nations to achieve material objectives and superiority at all cost. these relations must now be founded firmly on the universally accepted principles of justice and fair play tolerance, protection of the weak and freedom from domination by the strong. of course, these are not new values or concepts in the united nations. over the years this organization has emerged as the authentic voice of humanity's collective conscience. there is now, however, a dire need to strengthen our moral capacity and reinforce our political will to enable the united nations to tackle more effectively its many complex problems, to which, in some cases, normal political approaches may not be applicable or even feasible. it cannot be denied that there is a moral and ethical dimension to the struggle against ignorance, disease and poverty, against such social ills as drug abuse, prostitution, slavery, child labour and torture and that there is such a dimension to programmes such as those which provide for the immunization of children, better housing and medicare for the people, a greater role for women in development, food security for all and the protection of the environment. the same humanitarian spirit as recently mobilized and co-ordinated international assistance to ethiopia, sudan and mexico, among others, should now be cultivated and fully extended to other areas of need in the world. in this connection, and referring again to the conference on the relationship between disarmament and development, ray delegation submits that there might be an even more poignant relationship to be considered, namely, that between disarmament and disease. let us take the real case of the current aids acquired immune deficiency syndrome epidemic. very soon the global effect of that deadly epidemic could reach proportions comparable only to the devastation that could result from a nuclear explosion, which knows no national boundaries. there is no doubt that much more could be done to intensify the search for a vaccine and or a cure for the aids epidemic if a relatively small portion of the billions of dollars now spent on arms could be placed at the disposal of the scientific and medical community for this purpose. two other areas of concern that the united nations could take as a moral imperative are the problem of third world debt and the combined questions of the liberation of south africa and independence for namibia, to which we referred earlier. for reasons already recounted here, the problem of debt truly poses a moral challenge to the developed world and to institutions for international development assistance. nothing short of a substantial, if not total, conversion into grants of the debts owed them by third world countries may be required to enable many of these countries to survive even marginally while their serious structural problems and the inequities of the international marketplace are redressed. my delegation firmly believes that the united nations could play a vital role in sensitising the creditor nations and institutions to the need for urgent relief action. as for man's inhumanity to man, wherever found and whether it assumes the form of genocide, slavery, colonial exploitation or the displacement of peoples, it has always been morally indefensible. in this connection, the continuing existence of apartheid in south africa constitutes an affront to the collective conscience of mankind. regular reports and accounts of the brutal excesses of the apartheid regime contain disturbing overtones of torture camps in recent history. the world must surely act now to end apartheid. for its part, liberia reaffirms its determination to carry on the struggle until the last vestiges of colonialism and all other forms of exploitation are removed from southern africa and every other part of the world where such human rights abuses are found. it is our fervent hope that the united nations will continue to be not only a forum in which to engage in dialogue on global matters, but also a forum in which to galvanize our collective political will and moral courage to secure the long-term interest of mankind.

for me it is a great pleasure and an agreeable duty to participate in the work of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. for almost half a century the united nations has been working to lead mankind to the more human condition of peace and international solidarity. allow me to take this early opportunity to discharge the duty an honour given to me by major pierre buyoya, president of the republic of burundi of conveying to mr. ganev, the president of the general assembly at its current session, a message of peace and solidarity, in keeping with the fundamental purposes set out in the charter. allow me also, on behalf of my delegation, my government and the people of burundi, to join other representatives in congratulating mr. ganev on his election to the presidency. there is no doubt that his distinguished qualities, together with his rich experience, will lead to the success that everyone expects of our deliberations. our congratulations go also to the members of the general committee, who, i am sure, will spare no effort to support the president in the discharge of his responsibilities. at the same time i express our very good wishes to mr. ganev's eminent predecessor as president, who conducted the work of the general assembly at its forth-sixth session with remarkable competence. furthermore, i should like to pay a very well deserved tribute to the secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, for his determination to see that peace and security in the world are preserved. the republic of burundi warmly welcomes the countries that have just joined the family of the united nations. mankind is going through a period of contrasts. current events are characteristic of the transition from one era to another. indeed, the world gives the impression that it is seeking a new balance, which, we hope, will enable men and women to live together more harmoniously. whereas the ending of the cold war and the remarkable disarmament efforts have resulted in significant progress in the field of international security, bloody conflicts continue to tear the planet apart. while a series of events, of which everyone is aware, is persuading peoples to work together to achieve economic and even political integration, nations are being torn apart by very bloody fratricidal conflicts. one has only to consider the extremely worrying situation in somalia to realize that the world is still a theatre for tragedies that one cannot bear to watch. in recent years the winds of liberty have been blowing throughout the world, and all nations have been rising up in a crusade for human rights and the dignity of the human person, yet men and women continue to be deprived of elementary rights the right to life, the right to a homeland and the right to development. this is the case in south africa, where apartheid, even in its death throes, continues to claim victims, and where people, here and there, continue to be deprived of a homeland. while steady scientific progress is enabling mankind to master natural forces and is preparing him to subdue other planets, men and women continue to wallow in deprivation. this is especially true of the african continent, where ignorance, hunger and sickness still reign on a grand scale. the picture so eloquently presented by abdou diouf in his capacity as president of the organization of african unity fully conveys the concerns of africa and of africans, and we agree completely with what he said. at the rio conference the international community took a major step in its awareness of the need to preserve the quality of the environment on earth, which is our common home. paradoxically, however, as we seek means of subsistence we continue to destroy things that we need to enable us to live and breathe. this becomes more and more evident when we look at the intimate relationship between the environment and development a relationship that the rio conference very rightly set out for us. we are living in an era of paradox. on one hand, it seems that the world has been moving ahead at full speed in terms of peace and security, freedom, well-being and progress, but, on the other hand, we are witnessing war, poverty, hunger and misery. in these conditions mankind has no chance of making progress. thus the objectives set out in the charter of the united nations are still relevant. in this the last decade of the twentieth century we must show that we are determined to preserve international peace and security. we must also demonstrate greater solidarity, as an injury to the little finger causes suffering to the entire body. like the illustrious founders of this organization, we must proclaim our faith in a better world and must turn the united nations into an organization capable of maintaining international peace and security and of ensuring justice and respect for human rights. moreover, the organization must be able, in accordance with its charter, to promote social progress and better standards of life for all peoples of the world. the republic of burundi therefore pays a tribute to all those who are striving daily to maintain peace in the world and welcomes the signs of solidarity whereby all peoples may be enabled to live life to the full, in keeping with the aspirations and values that underlie the united nations. in that connection, the report "an agenda for peace" submitted to the general assembly by the secretary-general deserves the international community's close attention. for its part, the republic of burundi reiterates its faith in the united nations charter and its commitment to work with the international community in achieving the triumph of its ideals. the rostrum of the united nations, which is provided to us each year, is a special place for dialogue and exchanges of views that enable us better to understand one another and share our experiences. allow me, therefore, briefly to share with representatives the principal paths that my country has decided to take in rebuilding and making its modest contribution to the realization of the organization's goals. in the not-too-distant past my country went through some tragic experiences caused by continuing divisive conflicts, essentially ethnic. they were followed by tragedies that resulted in loss of human life and a large exodus of refugees seeking asylum in neighbouring countries and elsewhere in the world. that situation had a serious effect on social relations. rancour, mistrust and hatred took root in the hearts of brothers and sisters who should have been living together in a single, age-old nation. it was in this context an uneasy one, to say the least that on [number] september [number] the people of burundi rose up to change the unhappy course of their history. five years later, i am pleased to announce that burundi is once again a united nation. indeed, with the proclamation of the third republic, burundi has turned the page and is now embarked upon the construction of a new society of peace, justice and social harmony. under the dynamic and farsighted leadership of major pierre buyoya, president of the republic, the people of burundi are in the process of burying once and for all the quarrels and divisions from which they have suffered for so long. to achieve that goal, the government has based its actions on three fundamental factors national reconciliation, democratization and development. first, the people of burundi set out to realize internal reconciliation. to remove the divisions that had rent the fabric of burundi society, the people determined, with a supreme effort, to pull themselves together and experience the forgiveness of national reconciliation. witness to this is the proclamation of faith contained in the charter of national unity, in which burundis, with historic conviction, stated "we are determined to break with the past and to embark upon a new era in order to build a more promising future free of hatred and mistrust. " the national reconciliation now achieved has been the result of a complete process. the first requirement was to engage in an examination of conscience, which inspired burundis to join together and to tell themselves the truth. that process began with the establishment of a national commission made up of citizens of all ethnic groups, all regions and all religious and socio-professional sectors. the commission's task was to diagnose the disease of division and then to propose appropriate cures. after seven months of arduous work the commission submitted a report setting forth an analysis of the situation and proposals for a better future. however, as president buyoya has so pertinently said, the construction and deepening of a people's unity cannot be accomplished by the president of the republic alone, nor by his government. therefore, based on the commission's report, a national debate on the important question of national unity was organized among ill sectors of society. in making such a thorough examination of a subject so long taboo, the people of burundi has discovered the virtues of dialogue and joint effort, elevated into a form of government. the national debate was crowned with the creation of the charter of national unity, which was adopted with the support of more than [number] per cent of the population in a referendum held on [number] february [number]. since that time the charter of national unity has become the pre-eminent point of reference for all of the nation's political life and a pact by which all burundis have sealed an alliance to consolidate their regained unity. with the charter we, the people of burundi have proclaimed our faith in lasting national unity and condemned and forever rejected all divisions of any kind. we have thus committed ourselves to uprooting from our society any tendency to violence, physical extermination and vengeance. more positively, we have committed ourselves to rigorous respect for the ethic of national unity. this is translated into respect for human life, the promotion of justice and the safeguarding and consolidation of peace and security. in parallel with that process, which was aimed principally at reconciling hearts and minds, the process of consolidating national unity has been marked by a series of specific measures undertaken with a concern to administer the state in keeping with the ethic of national unity. in october [number] the president of the republic established a new government called the government of national unity, whose composition reflects the concern of high-level state authorities to bring all elements of society into the management of public affairs. the government has the political mission of stimulating a new spirit in all sectors of national life. at every level of society responsibilities have been entrusted to citizens from all walks of life, without any discrimination whatsoever. in this undertaking the government has given pride of place to other values cherished by the third republic equality of all citizens, the cult of excellence and total transparency in the management of public affairs. with national unity regained and national reconciliation an accomplished fact, we are able give all due attention to grappling with the thorny problem of refugees. everyone agrees that the fact that there are so many millions of refugees throughout the world is a result of internal or inter-state conflicts that governments have been powerless to resolve. furthermore, the international community owes a big debt to the refugees, inasmuch as its inability to manage harmoniously has led to the violation of a basic human right, the inalienable right to live somewhere in one's homeland, with no risk of having no home. fortified by those convictions, and having laid the foundations for domestic peace, the government of the republic of burundi has undertaken a vast programme of voluntary repatriation for burundi refugees. it feels that voluntary repatriation is by far the best lasting solution to the refugee question. thus, in carrying out this work of national reconciliation our country's highest bodies have offered those of our compatriots who have gone into exile the opportunity to return freely to their country. in so doing, our ambition is to see that soon no burundians will be living with the degrading label of refugee. from this rostrum and before the entire international community, i should like to repeat what major pierre buyoya, president of the republic, said, and solemnly reiterate my government's appeal to all refugees from burundi, wherever they may be, to freely return to their homeland. we shall welcome them with open arms. i am pleased to note at this point that the results already achieved in this programme are extremely encouraging. in [number], following the unrest that disrupted peace and security in two of our communities, we succeeded in repatriating approximately [number], [number] people who had moved to neighbouring countries. thanks to the assistance of the international community, we were able without difficulty to set them up again on their own land, to build new homes for them and to help reintegrate them into our production networks. in that same spirit, my government is continuing to welcome those of the refugees who left their country some [number] years ago that freely choose to return. even as we speak, more than [number], [number] of them have already returned home, and others continue to arrive. thanks to national and international solidarity, those who were repatriated have rejoined society in complete dignity. the government has made an inventory of all available lands that could accommodate them, and they are being given assistance that allows them to meet their needs until they can subsist on the fruits of their own labour. in collaboration with local administrative authorities, they are receiving all the help necessary to build a decent home, and they even have health insurance so that they can easily obtain health care. their children have been integrated into the school system, and those among the repatriated who have some training are receiving all the help needed to secure a position in the work force. i take this opportunity to thank the countries and the organizations that have supported us in carrying out this programme, and we also appeal to the international community to continue to help us in this process, of which my people are so proud. in sealing this pact of national unity, the people of burundi placed special emphasis on the absolute need to see to it that the management of the state is democratically assured. that is why, in keeping with the consolidation of national unity, burundi has undertaken to democratize our institutions. i would be remiss not to share with the assembly information about the steps that my country has taken. this was for us an original move, and we have every reason to be satisfied with it. indeed, in this process as well as in the one that led to national reconciliation, the government has always been careful to involve all segments of the population. through frank and sincere dialogue with the people, the political class has always been honest and wise enough to put itself in the hands of the people, being convinced that no work can last unless the citizens are involved, for in the final analysis they are the ones who do the work and who benefit from all changes. thus, throughout all of last year the people were closely involved with drawing up a new constitution, which was subsequently adopted by referendum on [number] march [number] by more than [number] per cent of the population. the new constitution establishes a multiparty system and gives special attention to respect for fundamental human rights. in this way, burundi has put an end to [number] years of a single-party system and has restored order, serenity and national harmony. since that time, the government has worked to implement the guidelines contained in the constitution. the process of effectively implementing pluralism was accelerated in such a way that today, seven political parties are already on the political scene. appropriate legislation was also passed promptly to promote the right to free association and freedom of the press, which are indispensable foundations for a vital multiparty system. in terms of human rights, independent leagues have been established. in this particular area, which is very dear to us, we have just established a centre for the promotion of human rights whose mission is to instil into society, through teaching and various means of communication, the values that underlie respect for human dignity. in burundi, the democratization of our institutions is therefore proceeding in this manner, and the government is strongly determined to keep moving forward. that is why, in keeping with the guidelines that the president has already laid down, the government is planning to hold general elections in the early months of [number]. once the constitution has clearly defined the institutional structure that is to guide the country and the competing partners, that is, the political parties, are on the scene, we believe that it would be a reprehensible step backwards to prolong this period of transition indefinitely. our intention is to give to a sovereign people the opportunity to speak, so that they can democratically elect the leaders of their choice. we do so in what we term the burundi way, that is to say in complete openness, through dialogue and joint efforts. i should not like to take advantage of your kind attention. sir. none the less, i should be remiss if, before ending my statement, i did not mention what we consider to be a pillar of unity and democracy that is, development. i should not like to take advantage of your kind attention. sir. none the less, i should be remiss if, before ending my statement, i did not mention what we consider to be a pillar of unity and democracy that is, development. speaking of national unity, we say that unity and development are inseparable realities and that it would be difficult to achieve one without the other. the same is true of democracy. indeed, without enjoying the public freedoms that are the structure of true democracy, people cannot fully express their creativity. similarly, democratic freedoms that are not based on the satisfaction of elementary human needs would only be wishful thinking and would rapidly become void of any substance. following these principles, the government has undertaken a series of programmes of action for development. for a country such as ours, development is not a difficult concept to define. essentially, it boils down to satisfying the basic needs of the population, such as drinking water, health services, schooling for their children, decent homes and also food security. to succeed in this development enterprise, the authorities of the third republic initiated a structural adjustment programme with the support of the world bank and the international monetary fund. implementation of the programme is intended to stabilize the finances of our country and to transform our productive structures with a view to achieving economic growth. this reform, moreover, is guided by the principles of good management of public affairs and of liberalizing the economy. in so doing, important efforts have been made to promote the private sector. this new manner of conducting development emphasizes the growing disengagement of the state and the giving of responsibility to individuals and corporations. in this framework, the government has, since [number], embarked on a major economic programme to privatize public enterprises. what is involved is the partial or total opening up of public enterprises to private capital. it also involves restructuring those enterprises that need it in order to be more profitable and to establish more effective mechanisms for managing them. the liberalization of burundi's economy has just entered a new stage with the creation of a free trade zone regime. this reform, intended to promote investment in order to bring about the diversification of our exports, grants tax and other advantages which some consider to be among the most advantageous in the world. investors who so desire can come and work with us. i can guarantee that they will not regret doing so. the political reforms that have taken place within the framework of strengthening national unity and of democratization of institutions have created in our country a political and social environment which is very favourable to business. i have given a thumbnail sketch of the situation in burundi today. as i indicated at the beginning of my statement, the government and people of burundi are working to achieve national reconciliation. the steps we have taken allow us to welcome our brothers and sister who were refugees and enable them to regain their dignity by returning freely to their homeland. thanks to the national unity we have regained, the democratization of our institutions is also taking place in an atmosphere of peace, order and serenity. we have committed ourselves to ambitious development programmes in order to establish an environment and a social infrastructure that can support social peace. in this way, in full cooperation with the international community, burundi feels that it is [number] the right path, one which will allow it, moreover, to make its contribution t building a better world of peace, security and international solidarity. this is the best inheritance we could leave to our children. how could we not in chis united nations body give some thought to the children, who are the future of us all? this is why we wish especially to recall that today, [number] september [number], marks the second anniversary of the world summit for children. we express to the secretary-general our appreciation for the report a [number] [number] he has just submitted to us on the follow-up to the summit. it deserves our attention. we should also like to take this opportunity to say that we have high hopes that the forthcoming conference on this subject, which is to take place in dakar, senegal, next november will study the issue of the future of africa's children.

allow me at the outset to congratulate you, sir, on your election as president of the general assembly at its forty-fourth session. you bring to the presidency unique qualities drawn from your distinguished record both as a soldier and as a diplomat. we can rest assured that with your vast experience and professional skill the deliberations of the general assembly will be guided to a successful conclusion. i should like also to pay a tribute to his excellency mr. dante m. caputo, who presided with great distinction over the many meetings of the active and eventful forty-third session of the general assembly. to the secretary-general we extend our deepest appreciation for his great efforts and contributions in the cause of international peace and security and in the promotion of international co-operation. we wish to assure him of our continued support for all his endeavours. it is a matter of great satisfaction to me and my delegation that we are gathered here at the united nations this year in a more positive international political environment conducive to strengthening the credibility and relevance of the united nations. the continuing detente between the two major powers has helped sustain the trend towards the relaxation of global tensions in many parts of the world. it has led to increased political co-operation between them, particularly in the important area of disarmament, and to their increased willingness to help find solutions to regional conflicts. these positive trends, which began only a few years ago, have strengthened the fabric of international diplomacy. they have injected a new confidence into the diplomatic process, breathed new hopes and inspired a revitalized faith in the united nations as a vehicle and catalyst for positive global change. for the first time since the birth of the united nations we are presented with a unique opportunity to reshape the structure of international relations to conform to the clear desire of mankind for peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity. restored faith in the united nations must be matched by tangible action. to start with, that would necessarily entail our making available to it the financial resources it requires to perform its functions, and our full commitment to live up to our respective obligations to respect, uphold and advance the purposes and principles of the united nations charter. it would also require renewing our faith and commitment in advancing the centrality of the united nations in international affairs vis- -vis the exclusivist new organizations appearing in the international arena. we must be imbued with the same spirit aid vision that brought forth this world organization [number] years ago. while being gratified at the generally positive international political climate prevailing today, i cannot but voice my delegation's serious concern over the state of affairs in the international economic arena. we find that despite the efforts and clamour for change the present structure of international economic relations remains outworn, outmoded and ill-suited to the demands of the times. instead of revamping the inequitable economic system, we now see a trend towards a world even more divided between the haves of the north and the have-nots of the south. the inequitable and unjust pattern of international economic relations cannot continue much longer without adverse consequences for both the developed aid the developing countries. this matter must be urgently addressed. the united nations is best placed to be a catalyst in the promotion of a global dialogue in the interest of ensuring a more stable, equitable and fair economic system. let us find, during the proceedings at the forty-fourth session of the united nations general assembly, the still missing collective political will that will move us forward towards attainment of the common good. allow me at this point to make a brief and general survey of the global situation and to touch on some of the more pressing political, economic and social issues confronting the international community that are of concern to all of us. on the international political landscape, i regret to say that despite the ongoing detente between the two super-powers there remain many areas of unresolved conflict and confrontation in the world. these must be addressed effectively in our quest for a more stable world. in the middle east, the new beginnings of peace that were initiated through the historic decisions of the palestine national council last november, as well as those initiated by president arafat during the last session of the general assembly, have been dashed by the continuing stubbornness of the israelis. israel persists in its clear violations of the geneva convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war despite the resolutions of the general assembly and the security council. the heroic intifadah of the brave palestinian people is a demonstration of their unshakable faith and their determination to struggle for self-determination, independence and nationhood. they have gained the sympathy and support of virtually the entire international community. this is shown by the increased international recognition of the state of palestine. it has also led to increased contacts with an ever wider circle of states, in particular the united states. the election plan proposed by israel for the occupied arab territories does not address the fundamental questions regarding the right of the palestinians to exercise their self-determination. an occupying power known mostly for its repressive policies cannot expect to win the support of these it is oppressing to legitimise this very oppression through the so-called elections. my government continues to believe that a durable, just and comprehensive settlement of the palestinian issue can only be achieved through the convening of the international peace conference on the middle east under the auspices of the united nations, on the basis of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . in calling on all members of the international community to support the efforts towards the early convening of that conference my government would give a special responsibility and leadership role on this question to the permanent members of the security council. the other important issue in the middle east is that of lebanon. we are encouraged that, after years of armed conflict aid the heavy toll of death and destruction, lebanon appears to be set on the path towards a new beginning, with the cease-fire in place and the resumption of political dialogue between the -parties involved. the arab league and its tripartite committee must be given due credit for the welcome turn of events in lebanon. their efforts must continue to receive our support and encouragement so that the recent progress in lebanon could be built upon to achieve durable peace and unity for the country. there must also be respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of lebanon, and israel must withdraw from its so-called security zone in southern lebanon and stop its acts of aggression against its neighbour, in compliance with security council resolutions. it is a matter of great satisfaction to us all that we shall soon be welcoming to our community of nations a new member, namibia, which, following the elections to be held soon, will attain its independence after long and bitter years of struggle. malaysia is privileged to be contributing troops to the united nations transition assistance group and to have presided over the security council during its adoption of resolution [number] [number] , which, inter alia, set the date of [number] april [number] for the implementation of the namibia settlement plan. the road to namibian independence has not been an easy one, and problems remain that require the continued attention and vigilance of the international community, particularly of the security council. the international community must continue to provide the secretary-general with the support he needs to ensure the full and effective implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , despite the difficult circumstances. south african manoeuvres against namibian political parties, particularly the south west africa people's organization, must cease. conditions conducive to free and fair elections and to ensuring the safety and security of all namibians must be established in namibia. while we are happy at the prospect of namibia's independence, we must express our abhorrence of the continued existence of apartheid in south africa. my government has stated time and again that apartheid cannot be reformed. it must be totally eliminated. apartheid is the most blatant and criminal form of racial oppression and discrimination to be found anywhere today, aid the pretoria regime must continue to be shunned and isolated by the international community. mandatory sanctions, including a effective oil embargo, must continue to be imposed. pressure should continue to be applied on south africa to bring about a truly democratic political system based on the principles of self-determination, majority rule, and universal suffrage. despite the conclusion of the geneva agreements in april [number], afghanistan is still embroiled in a bloody conflict that is now in its ninth year, with no prospects for peace in sight. an unpopular and unrepresentative regime that was installed by force of foreign arms continues to cling to power in kabul. that regime should realize that peace and tranquillity in afghanistan can only return through the process of dialogue aid the assumption of power by a popular, broad-based government. on the iran-iraq situation, malaysia is gratified that the cease-fire has kept the precarious peace and spared precious lives over the past year. however, we share the universal concern at the lack of progress towards the full implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , despite the best efforts of the united nations secretary-general. as a fraternal islamic nation, we hope and pray that peace and tranquillity will be restored in the bilateral relations of those two islamic nations, lb that end, we urge the two sides to continue their dialogue under the auspices of the secretary-general, so that an early aid mutually satisfactory settlements can be realized. the situation in cambodia remains a matter of international concern and deserves the full consideration of the general assembly. as a neighbouring state, malaysia is disappointed that a comprehensive political settlement, which is the only way to bring about a durable peace in cambodia, has not been achieved. the principal components of a comprehensive political settlement have been clearly spelled out by the general assembly. the total withdrawal of all foreign forces should be an integral part of a comprehensive political settlement. the announcement by viet nam of its withdrawal from cambodia cannot be regarded as credible unless it has been verified and supervised by an effective international control mechanism. it remains malaysia's conviction that only the united nations can provide the necessary expertise, authority, and resources to ensure the deployment of an impartial and effective international control mechanism within the framework of a comprehensive political settlement in cambodia. the sad state of affairs in cambodia, resulting from foreign intervention and occupation, has unfortunately remained, it will become even worse if a solution is not found soon and if the parties concerned remain inflexible. it is most essential that there be a quadripartite interim government under the leadership of samdech norodom sihanouk in cambodia, pending the holding of internationally supervised free and fair elections. all sides must be willing to compromise. the efforts that were undertaken at the paris international conference must be followed up despite the impasse. the international community cannot accept an intensification of conflict, another blood-letting, or the prospect of renewed tragedy and horror. the international community, taking up where it left off in paris, will not only need to urge the cambodian factions to agree to an interim sharing of power, but may have to undertake collective initiatives to allow for such a necessary development. it is imperative for the general assembly to continue to press for a comprehensive political settlement. the efforts of the members of the association of south-east asian nations and others during the session are directed towards that objective. there must be effective guarantees to cambodia's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and neutral and non-aligned status. in the korean peninsula, the desire for peaceful reunification enjoys the support of the peoples of the two korean entities. there have been modalities proposed by both sides for such unification, and the discussions between them should contribute to the strengthening of peace and security in the peninsula and to the attainment of the final goals. malaysia also pays close attention to any interest in membership in organizations, on the principle of universality. the unsettled situation in central america also demands the international community's attention. malaysia welcomes the initiatives of the five central american presidents, including the latest, the tela declaration, and the joint plan adopted in honduras in august this year. it is out hope that all parties and countries concerned will give their close and full co-operation in the implementation of those vital decisions. antarctica presents the international community with a welcome opportunity to accomplish multilateral co-operation of a truly universal character in pursuit of the common good of all mankind. we continue to believe that, on the basis of dialogue and cleat appreciation of the collective responsibility for the protection and preservation of this pristine continent, we can arrive at an understanding which can meet the interests of all parties. it must therefore be a matter of disappointment for all of us that we have not fully used the opportunities during the last seven years to advance our common cause despite the categorical and repeated affirmation by those that are not parties to the treaty of their commitment to take into account all aspects pertaining to all areas covered by the treaty system. in our view, this global common, because of its unique characteristics and its significant impact on the world climate and ecosystem, must be accorded every protection against the harmful effects of man's activities, especially the exploitation of its resources. in this connection the banning of prospecting and mining and the regulation of other activities related to the exploration and uses of antarctica are key elements in the development of an international protection regime for antarctica, that would make this last frontier a world wilderness preserve. on the issue of disarmament, obviously the signing of the treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles - the inf treaty - between the united states and the soviet union was an important breakthrough. it provided for the elimination of an entire class of nuclear missiles from the arsenals of the two super-powers for the first time in history. in hailing this outstanding achievement malaysia urges the two super-powers to press ahead with their negotiations for a [number] per cent reduction of their strategic nuclear weapons so as to pave the way for the ultimate elimination of the nuclear threat. unfortunately, this more positive phase in super-power relations has not contributed much to the multilateral disarmament process. indeed, except for some progress in the negotiations on a chemical weapons convention at the conference on disarmament in geneva, there has been very little progress on other issues on its agenda. we would urge the parties concerned fully to exploit the potential of multilateral negotiations, particularly the conference on disarmament, in order to expedite the realization of a global comprehensive programme of disarmament. malaysia believes that comprehensive nuclear disarmament can be realized only if there is agreement on a comprehensive test ban. we therefore hold the view that a nuclear test-ban treaty is an indispensable step towards nuclear disarmament. at the same time, such a treaty would help preserve the relevance and validity of the man-proliferation treaty. in the absence of progress in the negotiations cm a comprehensive test ban, malaysia supports the initiative of the group of six non-aligned countries towards the convening of a conference to transform the [number] partial test-ban treaty into a comprehensive test-ban treaty. my government also believes that on the priority issue of providing "negative security assurances" to non-nuclear-weapon states, pending the total elimination of nuclear weapons, there should be legally binding undertakings by the nuclear-weapon states not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states. malaysia is deeply concerned at the increasing use of chemical weapons in regional conflicts. we are, however, encouraged by the tangible progress made in the negotiations in the conference on disarmament in preparing a comprehensive chemical weapons convention. we detest the use of such weapons and therefore welcome the reaffirmation of the validity of the [number] geneva protocol on chemical weapons by the paris conference on chemical weapons held in january this year. malaysia welcomes the proposal made recently by president george bush of the united states pertaining to the destruction of chemical-weapon stocks. we are equally happy over the favourable response of the foreign minister of the soviet union to the proposal. there is a clear prospect to go further, and these steps would need to be taken by both the united states and the union of soviet socialist republics to banish forever the use of such inhumane weapons of mass destruction. the other disarmament issues, my government believes that given the rapid advances in space technology and the increasing threat of the misuse of outer space, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive regime regulating the use of outer space by the international community. it also believes that great efforts should be made at both the international and the regional levels for a limitation and regulation of the conventional arms race, including those at sea. malaysia continues to support the creation of zones of peace and nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world and remains committed to the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom arid neutrality in south-east asia. the international economic front, very few encouraging steps have been taken to achieve the stated goals of multilateralism, interdependence and mutual co-operation. unfortunately, at a time when the world is on the threshold of a new century - which is indeed the dawn of a new millennium - inequities and injustices still remain in international economic relations. the aspirations of millions in the developing countries for better living standards and a more decent way of life remain unfulfilled. the depressed economic conditions arising from, inter alia, low growth rates, external indebtedness and deteriorating terms of trade in many developing countries, coupled with serious social stagnation, will only lead to a political upheaval to the detriment of their societies and peoples, and in some instances threaten the survival of nations. it should be noted that the struggle of the developing countries to find a better place in the international economic arena has become much more difficult and painful in the face of certain trends in the developed world. the developing countries cannot and should not be marginalized in any new economic environment brought about by the new situation. they must be allowed to benefit from emerging developments such as the process of integration of the industrialized economies of western europe into a single market within the european economic community. the large industrialized nations, which strike trade and financial deals among themselves, must ensure that they do not place an extra burden upon others to compete for market access and financial resources. the decisions they make must also take into consideration the interests of others, particularly among the developing countries. it is in the context of finding ways and means to ensure the harmonization of the interests of all that the united nations should be given the appropriate role as a forum and organization for facilitating the resolution of various international economic and social problems. the united nations can be a useful forum for addressing the various issues, including money, finance, debt, trade and development, with a view to bringing about a fair and equitable trading environment, harnessing the full development potentials of the world and encouraging economic growth and social progress world-wide. malaysia attaches great importance to the principles of an open international trading system aid increased trade liberalization, which will be meaningless if trends towards unilateralism and protectionism are encouraged. malaysia is heartened that serious efforts have been undertaken at the united nations to examine the question of the revitalization of economic growth and development of the developing countries, and to deliberate upon the question of an international development strategy. the developing countries have very high expectations of these two important events. malaysia intends to participate actively during the deliberations and we call for commitment on the part of countries at the highest level. in this age of industrialization and high technology, the environment becomes a matter of concern to everyone. it must be emphasized that the maintenance of a safe environment is not the sole prerogative of those living in the developed countries. regrettably, there are many self-appointed guardians of the world's environment, in the developed countries, who think that they can make the world a much safer place to live in if trees were not cut down in the tropical rain forests or if people in the developing countries were to shun modern industrial activities and amenities aid simply carry on with their traditional ways of life. in their enthusiasm to criticize others, they tend to downplay the problems of acid rain in their own countries, the pollution of their rivers and lakes, and the devastation of temperate forests resulting from decades of logging and clearing for urban expansion. malaysia believes that on an important question such as the environment, again there should be shared responsibility. constraints cannot be imposed on the development process in the developing countries because of fear of degradation of the environment. just as the developed countries are trying to cope with their own environmental problems, the developing countries are conscious of the need to maintain and preserve their own environment while coping with, inter alia, poverty, hunger, social depression and, in many cases, recurrent natural disasters. , it would be most unfair if the people of the developing countries were required to stifle their own creativity and development because of mistakes made earlier in the developed countries. malaysia believes that the united nations could be a very useful forum in bringing about a clearer understanding of the world's environmental problems. work in the united nations system should be encouraged in this regard. more than a decade ago the malaysian government declared that drug abuse and illicit trafficking were not just a social problem. more important, to us they are issues of national security. we continue to regard them as such. we are happy that many others now share our perception. we call upon all countries to address the drug problem seriously, not only within their own borders, but also to enter into concerted and determined efforts to work towards an effective international response to the problem by every means possible. the time has come for the international community to address the question related to the serious problems and limitations of national governments in dealing effectively with assaults by the drug empire. the united nations, with its enhanced credibility and authority, should be able to be the central authority for determining the necessary international response in such areas as law enforcement and interdiction. my government would support efforts to consider collectively an international authority for the united nations that would, at the request of nations under challenge, be able to take the necessary steps. another matter of pressing concern relates to the global refugee problem, which is further complicated by its interrelationship with political, economic, social and ideological issues. fortunately, there have been positive developments recently. the international conference on central american refugees held in guatemala city in may this year marked an important step in identifying new solutions to the problem of refugees, returnees and displaced persons in the region. similarly, the international conference on indo-chinese refugees held in geneva in june this year forged a new international consensus on the problem of these refugees, particularly those from viet nam and laos. the unanimous adoption of a comprehensive plan of action by the conference in geneva demonstrated the collective will of the participants to find a lasting solution to this long-standing problem. it is our hope that the governments concerned will be able to translate the various commitments achieved at the conference into reality as soon as possible. malaysia is also concerned at the exodus of people from bulgaria into turkey and would urge the governments of those two neighbouring countries to enter into meaningful negotiations with a view to reaching an early and amicable solution to this humanitarian problem. the general assembly has a full agenda before it at this session. there is a whole array of issues of serious concern to the international community. many of the issues are not new to us, having been dealt with in this body over the years. it is my hope that at this forty-fourth session the general assembly will be able to achieve consensus on many of these issues. it is also my hope that resolutions will not just remain resolutions to be ritually debated aid adopted year in and year out, without contributing to any tangible improvement of the human condition. let us strive together to galvanize international action towards greater and more fruitful global co-operation. to this end my delegation pledges its fullest co-operation with you, mr. president, aid with other national delegations in ensuring a successful and productive outcome of our deliberations.

ukraine, as a co-founder of the united nations, knows why we established this organization for peace and stability. do we have this peace and stability? no, and yet our global aim and global target is to do everything we can to protect our citizens and to deliver peace to our nations. the global agenda today consists of a number of things. everyone has mentioned the islamic state of iraq and the levant, everyone has mentioned ebola, and everyone has mentioned ukraine. frankly speaking i would be happy not to be in this situation, but we are a country that knows what terrorism means, and not in words but in deeds, in practice. let me remind members of the origin of the conflict that is evolving in ukraine. is it a domestic conflict? no. it is true that my country has some internal differences, but every country has differences and we are ready to handle and tackle those differences inside our country. the origin of the conflict is an invasion by the russian federation. a permanent member of the security council has violated the united nations charter, which is absolutely and entirely unacceptable behaviour, especially on the part of a permanent member of the council. it would be better for russia to be an insecurity member rather than a security one. twenty years ago, ukraine abandoned its nuclear weapons. we possessed the third-biggest arsenal in the world. when we agreed to relinquish our nuclear power arsenal in budapest, ukraine got guarantees of territorial integrity and sovereignty. russia was a co-signer of and co-contributor to that memorandum. instead of security guarantees, [number] years later we received russian military boots on ukrainian soil. it seems that it is difficult to convince another country to stop nuclear proliferation. we are committed to our nuclear non-proliferation programme, but we need to have valid guarantees of our territorial integrity, security and independence. a few months ago, the russian federation annexed crimea. one country, which is a member state of the united nations and a permanent member of the security council, a country that is armed to the teeth, just decided to grab the land of its neighbour, independent ukraine. let me commend the efforts of united nations member states that overwhelmingly supported the resolution supporting ukraine s territorial integrity and condemning the illegal annexation of crimea by the russian federation. they moved further. for today we can state that russian troops are deployed in the east of ukraine. the russian federation violated a number of bilateral and multilateral international agreements, starting with the united nations charter and ending with the resolutions on counter-terrorism that were adopted at the united nations. we know what terrorism means, and we urge russia to pull back its forces, to pull back its artillery, to stop supplying russian-led terrorists, to restore control over the ukrainian-russian border, and to start real talks, peace talks. we are the country that needs peace. it is difficult to hammer out any kind of peace deal at the barrel of a gun made in russia. let me remind members of a tragedy that happened because of the russian invasion. a few months ago, a civilian aircraft, malaysia airlines flight mh-[number], was downed by a russian-made surface-to-air missile, and [number] innocent civilians were killed. ukraine mourns the victims. we pray together with the families from the netherlands, australia, the united kingdom, malaysia, indonesia, the philippines and germany. ukraine handed over the investigation to an independent body which is dutch-led. we urge everyone to help us to bring to justice those responsible for this despicable crime, a crime against humanity. every day, despite the ceasefire, we are losing ukrainian soldiers and civilians, and the shelling is still going on. i reiterate once again that we need peace. what is the formula for this peace? the military option is definitely not the best option. it has to be a comprehensive approach which comprises diplomatic, financial, political and, only at the last, military options. the united states and the european union imposed a number of sanctions against russia. we do understand that sanctions are the way to start real talks and to hammer out a peace deal. we have no trust in words. we have trust only in deeds and actions. once again we reiterate our commitment to restore law and order. we urge the russian federation to stick to its international obligation to execute everything that was written in minsk. this is not a menu where one can pick the cherry. it means that russia is to execute all [number] points of this memorandum. we ask our partners not to lift sanctions until ukraine takes over control of its entire territory, starting with the east of ukraine and ending with crimea. crimea was, is and will be a part of ukraine. let me end with a direct message to the russian president. mr. putin can win the fight against the troops, but he will never win the fight against a united ukrainian nation.

i would first like to express my warm and fraternal gratitude to the president of the republic of haiti, his excellency mr. michel joseph martelly, for the trust he has placed in me and, above all, for his courage and unwavering determination to build a new haiti. i would also like to congratulate mr. john ashe, permanent representative of antigua and barbuda, for his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its sixty-eighth session, as well as to salute secretary-general ban ki-moon. i am proud to speak in this forum of modern global history, one that has witnessed so many great leaders discussing their vision for a world that is more just and a humankind that is more enlightened and balanced. it has been [number] years since the states members of the organization, buoyed by the basic values of freedom and equality, met to launch a new world order for development when they adopted the millennium declaration resolution [number] [number] . it has been a strong period for the united nations, which continues to stand out through its efforts to call on the peoples of the world to unite to overcome the challenges linked to poverty and social exclusion. i speak on behalf of haiti when i voice our pleasure at the increasing vitality of the organization, which over the years has succeeded in preserving the ideals of peace and solidarity. my country has always sought, with the united nations, to provide a better future to generations to come. we have done so enthusiastically, because over the past two centuries, haiti the land of toussaint louverture, alexandre p tion, jean-jacques dessalines and henri christophe has never missed the great historic events. it is up to all of us to preserve this vital tool for the future of humankind. the theme of the sixty-eighth session of the general assembly is the post-[number] development agenda setting the stage . this is the ideal opportunity for haiti to present to the entire world an initial assessment of the work carried out by the government, work which largely meets the aims of the millennium development goals mdgs and which allows us to see a burgeoning new haiti. before presenting those achievements to the assembly, it is important to recall the situation that haiti found itself in when president michel martelly was sworn in. in january [number], haiti was in a particularly critical situation, especially because of the devastating, large-scale earthquake. the natural disasters following the earthquake exacerbated the already very difficult problems. despite daily difficulties, haiti is now resolutely and definitively on the path of progress. our country is gradually recovering from the natural disasters it experienced and today is facing the future with confidence. we have adopted effective measures and policies that are focused on a strategic long-term development plan. the aims underlying our government s action go hand in hand with the achievement of the millennium development goals. however, the development under way cannot take place without a deep-seated reform of the public administration and good political governance. that is why the rule of law is one of our priorities. in that regard, we have made great strides in [number] months. a supreme council of the judiciary has been put in place to ensure the independence of judges and of all the justices appointed to the court of cassation. the professionalism of the haitian national police enables us today to provide and guarantee security and to create a climate conducive to investment, which is necessary to combat extreme poverty. the performance of our police force has meant that haiti is now ranked as one of the safest countries in the caribbean. next year will mark the tenth anniversary of the military and police presence of the united nations in haiti. the haitian government welcomes the implementation of the plan for the gradual withdrawal of the united nations stabilization mission in haiti, which is now possible thanks to the considerable progress achieved in the area of security. the implementation of the constitutional mechanisms envisaged in the context of the rule of law is an ongoing priority for the government. we have managed to create a climate conducive to political stability and to the expression of ideas and democratic values. the haitian press enjoys full freedom, and members of the political opposition exercise their rights without restrictions. i would also like to mention the commitment and work of the government in consolidating the rule of law and ensuring the sustainability of democratic institutions. to that end, the government continues to give its full support to the transitional college of the permanent electoral council to ensure that legislative and local elections take place as soon as possible. despite its lack of resources, the haitian government has already allocated significant funds to the electoral body. the president of the republic of haiti is personally involved in initiating a dialogue with stakeholders and political parties and is encouraging them to participate in the upcoming elections in order to respect the process of democratic change, as it is essential to the rule of law. with regard to education, more than [number]. [number] million haitian children have benefited from the free education programme put in place by the government. we have achieved that in particular by establishing a universal, free and compulsory education programme. that is a major achievement for haiti, and one that is in keeping with one of the most important millennium development goals the achievement of universal primary education by [number]. the government is aware that this achievement does not resolve the challenge of providing access to quality schooling for everyone. that is a new objective that we are determined to achieve. moreover, an ambitious programme to combat illiteracy is under way. it will impact more than [number], [number] people in [number]. with regard to combating hunger and extreme poverty another millennium development goal despite the serious social inequality in haiti, the government has made considerable efforts to avoid a humanitarian crisis. to achieve its goals in the fight against extreme poverty, the government has invested more than [number] million in social assistance and protection programmes, which is a first for our country. the programmes are aimed at helping the most vulnerable. since [number], three ministries have been established to strengthen public policies for the elimination of extreme poverty. the government is pursuing a national food-security policy that includes a series of [number] measures that are expected to yield results in the short, medium and long terms. in the short term, the objective is, first, to stabilize the price of basic consumer goods and, secondly, to provide assistance to those living in extreme poverty. in the medium and long terms, the objective is to increase national production and to reduce our food dependence. we have also introduced a social innovation that is unprecedented in the history of our country by initiating a series of social programmes for the most vulnerable groups under the theme help the poor . after one year of operation, those programmes are now reaching more than [number] million haitian people living in extreme poverty thousands of mothers, students, older persons, disabled people and victims of natural disasters. finally, along the same lines, i would like it to be noted that of the [number]. [number] million earthquake refugees who were living in tents in subhuman conditions, more than [number]. [number] million have now been rehoused. in the twenty-first century, people are still starving in haiti. that is unacceptable and intolerable. as nelson mandela said, overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity, it is an act of justice. for president martelly and myself, combatting extreme poverty is a commitment that we make to history. in terms of health care, there are considerable challenges to be met in haiti. the prevalence of certain diseases, the high rates of infant mortality and the shortcomings in health-care infrastructure have deprived millions of haitians of good-quality health services. that situation was exacerbated by the earthquake in [number]. furthermore, in october [number], there was a very serious outbreak of cholera in haiti, for which the haitian people continue to pay a heavy price in human lives. given the catastrophic consequences of that scourge more than [number], [number] dead and [number], [number] people infected the haitian government is proposing that a significant amount of the new global fund to combat cholera be earmarked exclusively for the eradication of the disease in haiti. while we continue to believe that the united nations has some moral responsibility with regard to the outbreak of the epidemic, it is nonetheless true that the organization has already supported some of the government s efforts to combat the disease. however, those efforts are far from enough. we would therefore like to propose the establishment of a joint commission, including members of the haitian government and representatives of the united nations, to consider ways and means to definitively eradicate the disease in haiti. in the face of those major public health challenges, the haitian government has not stood idly by. working with our national and international partners and public health experts, we have managed to curb the spread of hiv aids. in terms of treating aids today, haiti has moved from a prevalence rate of [number]. [number] in [number] to [number]. [number] today, with a projected [number]. [number] for [number]. such results are a just reward for the years of effort that have made haiti a model universally recognized in international scientific and academic circles. but we will not stop there. much remains to be done in terms of prevention and treatment. we very much hope that we can definitively halt the spread of aids and make treatment more affordable. in haiti, the public health network and the provision of health care are largely insufficient. new efforts in terms of prevention must be made. the question of the environment is of major concern to the haitian government, because the vegetation cover over a very large area has disappeared. in order to raise awareness among people about the need to replant that vegetation, large-scale programmes have been set up, and others are being drawn up, with the aim of meeting the challenges of replanting, reforestation, providing drinking water and sanitation and protecting ecosystems all of which have been neglected for far too long. without appropriate protection of the environment, there will be no sustainable development no food security is possible for a growing population, nor can there be a decline in poverty and misery. as set forth in the noble millennium development goal on the topic, the haitian government, aware of the need for gender equality, has made significant efforts to ensure equality between haitian men and women. while haitian society has always accorded an important role to women, the government has undertaken significant initiatives to enable women to have access to highly responsible positions in public administration. thirty- five per cent of the cabinet is made up of women, and they have important portfolios. much remains to be done to ensure the full emancipation of haitian women, particularly among the most vulnerable populations. in our country, women deserve better access to education and health-care services. i conclude by asking the assembly to observe more closely the new haiti that has been emerging over the past two years despite its day-to-day problems and the extremely difficult legacy, of which we are all aware. that haiti is one where more girls and boys go to school, where new international-class hotels are opening up their doors every day, breathing new life into our tourism, where the economy is growing at the rate of [number]. [number] per cent, where inflation has been stabilized at [number]. [number] per cent, where for the first time foreign direct investment has increased by more than [number] per cent annually, where a fierce fight against smuggling and corruption is being carried out and where today the lowest rate of homicide in the caribbean is seen. the new haiti is modernizing the old haiti little by little and is adopting courageous reforms. the new haiti is increasingly focusing on constructive dialogue with the country s social partners the press, political parties and the private sector. that haiti has the courage to invest in the worst-off and the poorest, despite a degree of misunderstanding and some criticism. a new haiti is emerging. more than ever before, haiti feels that it is taking its place in the great family of the united nations and in the international community, without which many of the achievements of the past three years would not have been possible. we are doing a great deal with very little. if the international community had fully met its commitments amounting to [number] billion made at the [number] march [number] meeting, the results would be even better, and the suffering of the haitian people would be less harsh. today, we are still far from our goal, because only a part of those commitments have been honoured. based on its desire for transparency and efficiency and to avoid duplication of effort on the part of non-governmental organizations, the government has stepped up its leadership role and set up a mechanism the national coordination framework for external development aid in haiti to take over the management of international assistance. haiti is once again present on the regional scene. this year alone our country has hosted three major regional summits, including those of caricom, the ministers of the association of caribbean states, and petrocaribe. during those meetings, there were also discussions on the best regional strategies to combat hunger, abject poverty and exclusion, topics that are in line with the millennium development goals. finally, the haiti of which i speak is the one that haitian men and women are working tirelessly to forge each and every day. the results are coming progress is already palpable. our country is no longer on the front pages of the international press owing to repeated coups d tat, social turmoil, insecurity and instability. our country is henceforth stable and secure, thanks in particular to the tremendous efforts of the haitian national police, with the support of the united nations stabilization mission in haiti. work on infrastructure and on the reconstruction of public buildings destroyed by the earthquake has begun. the country offers excellent investment opportunities in all sectors. haiti today is on the right track, moving towards a new era of social and economic progress and respect for human rights. we are acting specifically to achieve progress towards a haiti that is more solidarity- based and more prosperous a haiti that the entire world will want to visit to see its extraordinary sights. long live haiti!

the president of the republic of cameroon, his excellency mr. paul biya, has requested me to convey to members, the secretary-general and his fellow staff his warm greetings and to deliver his statement before the general assembly at its sixty-ninth session. next year, we should adopt the post-[number] development agenda in follow-up to the millennium development goals mdgs . throughout the sixty- eighth session, our representatives actively worked to develop new goals to pick up the mdg torch. that important task, since it concerns the raison d tre of the organization, is not finished. it will be incumbent upon the president to see it through. i am sure that he will succeed. rest assured of the full and wholehearted cooperation of my country in that regard. for the post-[number] period, the united nations seeks a transformative agenda that gives priority to the eradication of poverty and hunger, as well as to sustained and inclusive economic growth. cameroon fully shares that vision. in cameroon, since [number], we have implemented a strategy for growth and employment whose primary purpose is indeed the reduction of poverty. the measures taken in that regard aim in particular at creating jobs and improving the living conditions of the population. the recovery of our economy and our public finances, which has fostered the return of growth, bodes well for the success of our efforts. however, such progress, substantial and significant as it is, has not yet enabled us to eradicate poverty. in the areas of education, health care, access to water and electricity, roads, et cetera, there is still a long way to go in order to meet the needs of our people. most of the countries targeted by the mdgs the developing countries face similar situations. that is why, like the president, we support a transformative post-[number] agenda. that will clearly require some changes to our approach to development. it should no longer be seen as an external process but, rather, as an expression of the wishes and needs of the target populations. moreover, that is the common position of the african countries. following a review of the mdgs, it will also be necessary to establish a follow-up mechanism for the goals of the new system. finally, we will inevitably have to change the way in which development aid is financed in order to improve its effectiveness. once those conditions are met, we should work on the most important matter of all, namely, ensuring security. for it goes without saying that without security there can be no development. take the example of my country, which is proud of having been a haven of peace and stability for decades. to the east, since march [number], the central african republic has seen its security situation severely deteriorate massacres and population displacements have jeopardized any hope of development, not to mention the flux of tens of thousands of refugees towards cameroon. in the far north, attacks by the boko haram group, which is more concerned about imposing shariah law than improving the living conditions of populations, threaten the integrity of our territory. there, too, the lack of security has caused thousands of displaced persons to flee to my country. it is estimated that in recent months cameroon has hosted more than [number], [number] refugees from all kinds of origins. it goes without saying that my country will continue to honour its tradition of hospitality. however, if that situation should continue, there is no guarantee that we will have the resources to deal with it. the time allocated to me does not allow me to mention the other areas of tension and conflict, whether in africa, the middle east or eastern europe. the causes and issues are varied. i will therefore limit myself to urging the parties concerned to negotiate and to seek peaceful solutions. that is the path that nigeria and cameroon chose to settle the dispute between them, some years ago, over the bakassi peninsula. it enabled us to find a solution conforming with international law and, above all, to seal an unfailing friendship between our two countries. moreover it was, i should stress, in harmony with the ideals of the charter of our organization.

let me start by congratulating his excellency ambassador nassir abdulaziz al-nasser on his election as president of the sixty-sixth session of the general assembly, and assuring him that he will have the fullest cooperation of the icelandic delegation. in recent weeks, we have witnessed the worst hunger crisis of this century in the horn of africa. it is a devastating reminder that fighting poverty and hunger is still the most important and challenging undertaking of our times. our collective duty and responsibility is to help our weakest brothers and sisters. as wealthier nations, we must do better in providing relief. we must act with more speed and more generosity to help those who are deprived of the basic necessities of life food and water. i can say, my friends, that in iceland, we have indeed decided to do so. i am quite happy to be able to tell the assembly today that the icelandic parliament has unanimously agreed to substantially increase our contribution to developing nations in the coming financial year. it has also accepted a plan to raise our aid to the goal of [number]. [number] per cent of our gross national income. that is our pledge, as agreed by every political party in the icelandic parliament. the fight against hunger and poverty is the same struggle as the one we wage to protect our planet from the ravages caused by the greed of our own species. all members know that, next year, we will celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the bright new vision introduced at the historic earth summit in rio. over these past [number] years, deep concern for the environment has indeed moved to the forefront of the global agenda. but the assembly also knows the sobering truth, which is that the ambitions of rio are still a far cry from being realized. actions are still needed. if ever there was a time to act boldly, that time is now. the key theme of rio next year will be the green economy . i assure the assembly that my country has expertise to offer that can help to fuel a green revolution. renewable energy, marine health, the sustainable use of land and, not least, gender equality, which have always been at the core of the icelandic foreign policy, are the four issues that we shall bring to rio next year. what we really need is indeed a revolution, a green revolution. we need a seismic shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy. that is the only way to turn the ship. in iceland, we have some cutting-edge technology on geothermal energy that we want to share. that splendid form of renewable energy is the most undervalued and overlooked source of cheap power in the world. of course, geothermal is most [number]-[number] [number] certainly not a silver bullet, but it needs to be a part of the portfolio that we must develop to solve emissions problems. many members know that central and south america, east africa and south-east asia are home to vast areas literally brimming with geothermal potential. icelandic know-how, coupled with outside financing, could go a long way in making those areas self- sufficient in terms of green energy. as one of the largest fishing nations, iceland has always been deeply protective of the health of the oceans. today, climate change threatens to place the fisheries of the world under a new strain. as we speak, the acidification of the oceans resulting from human carbon emissions is affecting the health of the marine environment. this is especially true in the arctic and its vicinity, which is my home. as a marine biologist, i fear that, more likely sooner than later, this may affect the world s fishing stocks, which are a vital source of protein for more than [number] billion people. this is just one more argument why we so urgently need to conclude a post-kyoto agreement later this year on the reduction of greenhouse gases. every day, the arctic bears silent witness to the impact of climate change. the snow that i experienced as a child is today fast becoming a rare event for my two teenage daughters. the sad truth is that the arctic glaciers and the arctic sea ice are melting at a much faster rate than anyone ever anticipated. it is of course true that the disappearance of the sea ice will open up new and shorter transport routes from the pacific to the north atlantic via the arctic ocean. we most certainly will also see huge areas open up for the exploitation of oil and gas resources. this will come at a price, however. climatic changes are forcing the peoples of the arctic, such as our neighbours in greenland, to change their living habits. these changes will also melt the tundra, which acts as a carbon buffer against the climate system, and thus further accelerate the warming of the planet. the already-fragile ecosystem of the arctic will become even more brittle. let us remember what happened in the gulf of mexico and let us be aware that oil breaks down very, very slowly in the extreme cold of the arctic. we should not allow the exploitation of the arctic without applying the strictest rules. that must be the precondition for every human move into arctic resources. i am often asked whether a country like iceland, which is not geographically small but has, admittedly, slightly fewer people than most, can have any say in action on issues of global concern, be it in rio or in new york. well, to lift a phrase from a famous statesman who spoke from this very podium a few days ago yes, we can . twenty years ago, in [number], we in iceland watched a television broadcast of thousands of brave latvians, lithuanians and estonians taking their destiny into their own hands. they reached out to the international community, among them the people of iceland, and asked for help in breaking the ice that was impeding their international recognition. the great british statesman, lord palmerston, once made a famous statement to the effect that there is no such thing as eternal friendship between nations and that only eternal interests could determine how nations reacted towards each other. that well-known mantra is still taught today in every bad school of political science. my friends, if palmerston s words had prevailed, iceland would have turned a deaf ear to the call of the freedom fighters in the baltics. we did not. in the historic year of [number], iceland became the first to recognize the restored sovereignty of the baltic states. we did that out of respect for the principles that are so vitally important to small nations the right to choose your own destiny, to carve out your own future the undeniable right of small nations to be independent. principles do matter in politics. based on the same principle that led iceland to recognize the baltic states in [number], today we support the palestinian struggle for statehood. based on that very same principle, iceland feels that the international community should welcome palestine as a new member state in the united nations, based on the pre-[number] borders exactly the same criteria as those laid down by the european union, the quartet and lately, also by president barack obama in his strong speech in may. i have been to gaza. i have talked to the people the fishermen who no longer can ply their trade, the young people who are unemployed, the families that need a roof over their head. i have also been to the west bank. i have seen with my own eyes how the land of the palestinians has literally been cut to pieces by horrible walls of separation. that is wrong. that is [number] [number]-[number] unjust. that is against every moral code that iceland has ever stood for as a guardian of human rights. we must remember that palestine today is really doing just the same thing as israel did in [number], and iceland and so many other states at the time supported israel s action. israel took its case to the united nations and emerged with statehood. palestine deserves the same. and i think it is hypocrisy to suggest otherwise. in the middle of the democratic revolution brought on by the fresh breeze of the arabic spring and inspired, not least, by women and young people, it would be foolish to deny palestine its right to statehood. such denial would act against reconciliation in the region. it will, perhaps, not come as any surprise to members here, but iceland will therefore vote yes , when a resolution on palestinian statehood comes to a vote in the general assembly. furthermore, the icelandic government is determined to fully recognize palestine and will next week submit to the parliament of iceland a resolution on the recognition of palestine as a sovereign and independent state.

i bring to the general assembly the greetings of the people and government of mauritius. i assure you. sir, of our unstinted cooperation and support in the discharge of the important task that you have assumed upon your election to the high office of president of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. i join those who have already congratulated you on this singular honour, which is also a tribute to your country. i should like also to offer my felicitations to all the other officers of the assembly and to wish them success as they take the reins for the current session. in addition, i want to put on record our appreciation of the masterly manner in which your distinguished predecessor conducted the affairs of the general assembly at its forty-sixth session, which was held at a time when the most crucial transformation on which the organization has embarked was taking place. he can take pride in the commendable achievements of the organization under his wise guidance. it is an equally pleasant duty to welcome the [number] states of eastern europe that have joined our ranks as members of this comity of free nations. their membership in the united nations can only reinforce the foundations of the organization and make a positive contribution to the new agenda that it has assumed. the beginning of the current session of the general assembly follows a year which was very eventful on the international scene but, more important, within the organization itself. indeed, during the past year the united nations has witnessed, and in some cases has triggered, major developments. when i addressed the assembly during the general debate last year, i referred to the selection of a new man to take the helm of the organization. i said that we were in a new era and that the new secretary-general would have to tackle a different agenda and face new challenges as we approached the twenty-first century. i also said that it would be appropriate to have a secretary-general from the south and, indeed, from africa. in that respect we have been served well. it is therefore with pride that i record as one of the important developments in our system the brilliant choice of mr. boutros boutros-ghali as secretary-general, which has kindled in many a member nation fresh hope that its just aspirations will be addressed and fulfilled. mr. boutros-ghali's election to lead this world body has been welcomed with elation by the international community, and with great expectation by those of us who are from africa. we take pride in the fact that this wise man of proven distinguished leadership and excellence is an egyptian son of africa. mauritius would like to associate itself with all those who have commended the secretary-general on the laudable actions he has undertaken so far in his bid to initiate the much-needed reform of the organization. it is conceded that reform of an organization like the united nations is not an easy task, but it is more than overdue, especially at a time when the cold war has definitely been laid to rest. the drop of the curtain on the cold-war era has brought the reform and restructuring of the united nations within the realm of possibility. the task is mammoth for sure, but it is one that is imperative, given the new priorities on the international agenda. the secretary-general deserves all the encouragement possible in his endeavours along this difficult path. his task becomes even more exacting when it is placed in the perspective of the forthcoming fiftieth anniversary of the organization in [number], which, incidentally, is also the year when the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons will come up for renewal. the years leading up to [number] are, to our mind, absolutely crucial for the united nations. now, more than ever before, it is of paramount importance that the united nations address, with renewed vigour but within the parameters of the charter, the various and complex issues that preoccupy the international community. it is with those preoccupations in mind that we in mauritius have welcomed the secretary-general's "agenda for peace" submitted under the mandate issued at the end of the historic and first-of-its-kind summit meeting of the security council held on [number] january last. we share the secretary-general's optimism when he states "a conviction has grown, among nations large and small, that an opportunity has been regained to achieve the great objectives of the charter a united nations capable of maintaining international peace and security, of securing justice and human rights and of promoting, in the words of the charter, 'social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. '" a [number] [number], para. [number] yes, we agree that this opportunity must not be allowed to pass, must not be squandered. it is for us member states to ensure that the charter is strengthened to create the appropriate conditions for the organization to assume the role to which we want it to aspire. our faith in the united nations should be reinforced, and we should match our words with action to give the innovative structures proposed by the secretary-general a chance to work, and thus move the organization out of the paralysis that characterized it during the cold-war era. the first steps out of this paralysis have been taken, but there are still miles to go. in our endeavours to achieve the redefined objectives meant to ensure international peace and security we must be wary that no attempt is made, deliberate or otherwise, to overstretch the interpretation of the charter to suit any hidden political or even economic agendas. the universal membership of the united nations should make it possible for the international community to discuss with equity, fairness and justice any issue that is likely to jeopardize or bring into question the atmosphere of international peace and security in which we aspire to live. in that perspective, i should like to commit the support of mauritius to the proposals of the secretary-general with respect to preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and confidence-building measures envisaged for the united nations and its executing organs. but, as the secretary-general has said in his annual report, the demands on the united nations are not matched by an equivalent provision of resources, expecially by those who can well afford such resources. the secretary-general's report informs us that since [number] [number] new peace-keeping operations have been organized and that the organization is at present administering [number] peace-keeping operations in various regions of the world, operations that are estimated to cost close to [number] billion in the current [number]-month period. if we expect the united nations to fulfil the new role that we are designing for it we must collectively ensure that we provide as well the financial support that it requires. it is only with secure financial foundations that the united nations will be able to respond adequately and satisfactorily to our aspirations. i should therefore like to appeal to fellow member states to honour their financial obligations within a reasonable time and thus remove the current pecuniary constraints faced by the organization. i must also add that my country, which is among those member states that religiously pay up their annual assessed contributions, will give favourable consideration to the secretary-general's proposals to deal with the cash-flow problems, as outlined in his report. i should not like to leave the issue of reform of the organization without joining my voice with those that have called for a review of the responsibilities of the security council in this changed environment of ours. we must be cautious lest we fall easy prey to the dangers that a unipolar world can trigger. it is evident that a new world order is emerging. let us commit ourselves not to take a limited view of this new world order or, indeed, give it a limited concept. we welcome the ever-increasing activities of the security council to the extent that, as the secretary-general informs us in his report, during the first [number] months of this year, [number] resolutions were adopted by the council compared to [number] in all in [number]. we should, however, beware of allowing ambiguities to crop up in those resolutions, ambiguities that may make it dangerously possible for various interpretations to be given to those resolutions, the implementation of which may perpetuate the situation of conflicts that unfortunately pervades our globe. indeed, criticism has been levelled at the council for its seemingly ad hoc approach to matters relating to international security. there is therefore a need to define set considerations, which, in turn, would determine what situations constitute threats to international peace and security requiring action by the security council. furthermore, it has been rightly and forcefully argued that while a more vigorous and dynamic role is being envisaged for the security council, this magnified mandate of the council should be matched by enhanced transparency and democracy. we fully concur with the secretary-general, who, in the introduction to his report, while arguing that the current international situation rquires an organization capable of dealing comprehensively with the economic, social, environmental and political dimensions of human development, underlines that "this requires the full application of the principles of democracy within the family of nations and within our organization. " a [number] [number], para. [number] in this context, we await with keen interest the results of the deliberations of the high-level working group for the restructuring of the united nations set up by the recent summit meeting of the movement of non-aligned countries. earlier on i said that while [number] will mark the fiftieth anniversary of the organization, it will also be the year when the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons will come up for review and renewal. last year in my address to the assembly, i dwelt at length on the issue of disarmament, principally because it constitutes especially to us smaller states of the world the only path to lasting security. i expressed the hope then that in the wake of the dramatic announcements made by president gorbachev, the leader of the then-soviet union, president bush and president mitterrand the disarmament race would be confirmed. it is with deep satisfaction that my country notes the tremendous progress achieved over the past year in that race. we welcome the vote by the united states senate two months ago for a nine-month moratorium on united states nuclear testing and an end to all such tests by september [number], which came in the wake of the french and russian moratoriums. those developments lead us to assert that the time has now come for all of us seriously to consider a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty, the more so in that the international community hailed the agreement by presidents bush and yeltsin in washington d. c. in june of this year to cut the number of long-range nuclear-missile warheads on the united states and russian sides by about two thirds. another encouraging event in the field of disarmament has been the promise kept by china and france, which have deposited their instruments of accession to the non-proliferation treaty. speaking of that treaty brings me to reiterate the dire need for an informal dialogue to be undertaken between now and [number] between states parties to the treaty and non-party states, with a view to addressing in the best possible way those provisions of the treaty that have so far prevented it from acquiring a universal dimension. we also look forward to the establishment in [number] of the preparatory committee for the [number] nuclear non-proliferation treaty renewal conference and are confident that it will have fruitful and conclusive deliberations. we applaud the progress that has been achieved in the formulation of a chemical weapons convention and congratulate the negotiators in geneva who have put in arduous hours to ensure that the target date of [number] for the completion of such a convention be met. i am pleased to inform the assembly that mauritius will co-sponsor with others the resolution on that convention and will be among its original signatories when it comes up for ratification. we believe that, with the end of the cold war and in this new era, complete nuclear disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction are no longer a dream but are now very much in the realm of reality. on the way towards that ideal objective, mauritius will support all plausible initiatives, including the elaboration of a convention providing for a "cut off" in the production of fissile nuclear material for weapons purposes, as well as an international convention on negative nuclear security assurances. while we welcome the positive elements in the field of disarmament, some of which i have just mentioned, we deplore the continued movement of highly dangerous nuclear material on land and on the high seas. we have also taken cognizance with grave concern of the movement of plutonium and other toxic waste across the world. we exhort the countries involved in such trade to refrain from such actions and pay heed to the genuine concerns that have been expressed and continue to be voiced by the international community. mauritius deplores the fact that some private companies based in europe are shamefully exploiting the situations of disarray and complete chaos prevailing in somalia to dump toxic waste on its territory, thereby adding to the calamities that are already claiming a heavy toll of human lives. the international community should, with o single voice, condemn such abominable actions. it is indeed regrettable that while we, within the context of the new role of the united nations and other regional organizations, are trying to resolve the conflicts that beset the world, others, with no qualms whatsoever, are exploiting those conflicts for their own material benefit. as regards the situation of conflicts throughout the world, a sad sight unfolds before our eyes. in certain areas, especially after the historic collapse of one ideological bloc, new dangers loom heavily over entire populations enmeshed in ethnic and nationalist bickering. their release from long years of repression seems to have given way to an unfortunate lust for self-destruction. we are particularly concerned at the utter lack of consideration for the value of human life and property that has become an everyday occurrence in certain parts of eastern europe. it is very difficult for us to accept that ethnic, religious, and nationalist feelings could be so strong as to render entire populations expendable, or that political leaders should encourage such murderous and genocidal sprees when it ought to have been possible for them to thrash out their differences peacefully through civilized negotiations. the sadness of the matter is that, while the various political groups often motivated by a misguided and exaggerated sense of territorial expansion, turn whole areas into wargrounds of desolation and lay to ruin entire cities and towns, it is the innocent civilian population that has to hold the thorny end of the stick. i do not need to retell the countless stories of atrocities being perpetrated daily in many parts of our world to convince anybody of the kind of manmade calamity that afflicts us. every god-given day is turned into a nightmare by the needless killings perpetrated in the name of supremacy. on the one hand, we do everything in our power to rid ourselves collectively of oppressive regimes and superficial ideologies but on the other, once that goal is achieved we turn the guns on one another. entire nations have crumbled over the past few months, principally in europe and africa. entire populations have been decimated. bosnia and herzegovina and somalia are indeed sad and disgraceful examples of the kind of cruelty and brutality of which man is capable. on both counts, the international community has been shamefully slow in addressing the issues with a view to bringing an end to the senseless killings that have characterized the daily evolution of the situation in those countries, whose victims have been the innocent and helpless populations. what a sad reflection this is on humanity. for months we have remained impassive to the images of desolation and despair, of emaciated fellow beings too sick and too weak to move, of mutilated people degenerating into apparitions of skin and bones - images brought to us in the comfort of our living rooms on the small screen. the somali human rights disaster for indeed that is what it is has been left to simmer for months unheeded. this brings me to address another area of priority on the international agenda the issue of human rights. it has been known since time immemorial that man as an individual has a capacity to go to extremes. as capable as he is of displaying a depthless sense of compassion and love, he is just as able to manifest a diametrically opposed and excruciating sense of cruelty and oppression towards his fellow being. but when such harassment and privation of man's basic rights become institutionalized, it is a matter of distress that should be the concern of the international community. one cannot talk of economic development and progress on the one hand without on the other hand ensuring that man who remains at the centre of development and therefore of progress is not prevented from enjoying his dignity, nor divested of his basic freedoms and rights. the promotion and upholding of human rights should remain high on the international community's list of priorities. in fact, as the secretary-general reminds us in his report, the charter of the united nations makes the promotion of human rights one of our priority objectives. constant dialogue with a view to defusing any situation in which human rights have been breached should be encouraged and welcomed at all levels. human rights are indivisible. political, social, civil and economic rights are fundamental to humanity in its quest for progress and its endeavours towards the economic and social improvement of its environment. that is why we in mauritius staunchly support those who believe that concern for human rights and the promotion and defence thereof cannot be considered as interference in the internal affairs of a state where that state displays an arrogant disregard for the basic rights and freedoms of its people. we believe that violations and gross abuse of human rights should be decried forcefully. in the same manner that the international community has with one voice condemned, apartheid as a human rights abuse, it should be free and honest enough to point the finger at those who continue to thwart the efforts of man to assert his dignity. if we can without restraint declare ourselves against such scourges as apartheid, racism and xenophobia, we should equally be at full liberty to denounce those who for archaic or obscure reasons but often out of self-interest deny their fellow beings the freedom to exercise their basic rights. we therefore condemn without reserve those who, for political expediency and or survival, find it necessary in the normal course of events to deprive their people of civil and political rights to the extent of imprisoning and even exterminating those who militate for such rights. we also view with grave concern those cases in which human rights monitors, local or international, have been arrested, jailed, or even killed while trying to come to the assistance of populations that are victims of human rights deprivation. however, we should like to appeal to the donor community to ensure that, while withholding or cutting off aid and assistance to any country or region as a punitive measure against regimes guilty of gross violations and abuse of human rights, nothing be done to exacerbate the plight of innocent people whose lives are already miserable as a result of their being deprived of their basic rights. after all, human feelings and therefore humanitarian compassion should transcend political considerations. a people afflicted by severe human rights abuse should not be made to endure further suffering by being deprived of much-needed assistance. with a view to addressing serious human-rights-abuse situations in certain territories in a positive and constructive manner, we are fully supportive of the idea that the general assembly or the security council should be able to entrust the secretary-general with mounting fact-finding missions to those territories, either at the request of the government thereof or at the behest of the appropriate organ of the united nations itself subject, of course, to prior arrangements having been made with the states concerned. we must here commend the work done by the united nations commission on human rights and human rights committee, the centre for human rights in geneva and the committee on economic, social and cultural rights, as well as the various non-governmental organizations which have been playing a crucial role in the protection and enhancement of human rights. we must also place on record our appreciation for those states that have legislated appropriately to give human rights the protection of the law and make their enjoyment a matter of course. in the context of the international concern for human rights, we hope that the opportunity provided by the second world conference on human rights, to be held in vienna in june [number], will be seized by all concerned to pledge themselves to the universal upholding and promotion of human rights. respect for human rights must become a cardinal characteristic of all governments. a passionate debate is currently on regarding the relationship between democracy, development and human rights, as indeed on the issue of human rights and sovereignty. we believe that the [number] conference will be the perfect platform to debate these issues sufficiently for universal norms thereon to emerge. i should like to seize this opportunity to wish the preparatory committee in geneva success in the work it has started. the upsurge of racism and xenophobia in certain countries of the west is also a matter of great concern to us, and we consider the discrimination in the treatment of migrant workers and foreign students in those countries a human-rights violation. it is a matter of deep regret that some countries that have come to the fore as champions of human rights should themselves be found wanting on that level. let them put their human-rights house in order first before decrying and acting on violations beyond their frontiers. similarly, some countries that are quick to denounce human-rights abuse do not always abide by the consistency that is required in such matters. we firmly believe that the same approach should be applied in all cases of alleged human-rights abuse, whenever they may occur. no political or economic interest should interfere with that approach. picking and choosing between countries will only make a farce of the human-rights issue. i now wish to touch briefly on a few issues that are of specific importance to us in mauritius. the unfortunate turn of events in south africa, in particular the boipatong massacre and the bisho killings, has dampened the ardour with which we were anticipating the accession of the republic of south africa to the fold of free and democratic countries of the world. we call on all the parties concerned in the south african arena, and especially those currently in power, to recast their bearings in as positive a way as possible to ensure that the objective we dream of for that country is achieved in the not-too-distant future, so that every citizen of the nation that will emerge can start working towards its reconstruction based on freedom, peace, equality and justice. we are hopeful that the wisdom of the leaders involved and the encouragement of the international community will make it possible for the stalled negotiations to be resumed, for the benefit of all south african citizens. in neighbouring mozambigue, a breakthrough had appeared at hand as all parties concerned declared their readiness to work for the progress of that country in the wake of the recent negotiations aimed at ending years of civil strife. we hope that last-minute snags will be overcome in a spirit of compromise so that peace can at last prevail in the better interests of the population. similarly, we are encouraged by the ongoing middle east peace talks. we must, however, constantly remind ourselves that the crux of the matter remains an equitable and just solution to the palestinian issue. the scourge of famine and drought that continues to take its toll of lives on the african continent, especially in its southern part and in the horn of africa, is a matter of deep concern. we would like to see the international community act more urgently to stop the dreadful loss of life that has become a daily occurrence in many countries of that region. mauritius is ready to contribute within the possibility of its means to any action aimed at alleviating the plight of those unfortunate and often forgotten souls. another issue that is of great importance to us in mauritius is the need to respect the territorial integrity of nations. i should here like to place once more on record the appreciation of my country to all those countries that have consistently expressed their support of our sovereignty over the chagos archipelago, including diego garcia. we should like to inform the assembly that we have resumed exchanges with the united kingdom on this issue. in my address to the assembly last year, i expressed the hope that the leaders of fiji would redress the situation that prevails there by amending its present constitution to the satisfaction of all the citizens of that sister island nation. mauritius draws comfort from recent assertions by the prime minister of that country that he is morally committed to reviewing the constitution of the land. we are confident that the fijian government will now act on the basis of those assertions and make it once more possible for the fijian citizens, irrespective of the community to which they belong, to work hand in hand for the progress of their nation. similarly, we commend the authorities of that other neighbourly sister island of sri lanka for the efforts being deployed to put an end to the unfortunate strife that has ravaged their country and taken such a heavy toll of human lives. we are confident that with a reasonable degree of compromise on all sides, peace and harmony will prevail anew there. finally, allow me to reiterate the continued faith of my country in the collective wisdom of our organization and pledge anew our unstinting support for its laudable efforts, under the skilled and enlightened leadership of mr. boutros boutros-ghali, to address the political, social and economic obstacles that remain strewn on the path to harmonious coexistence and global progress.

it is a tradition at the united nations for its members to gather at the general assembly to reflect upon the manner in which they plan to shoulder the responsibilities incumbent upon them in guiding the fate of mankind. however, there is no doubt that such collective reflection can bear fruit only if it is pursued in the light of the goals that have been set. this session, more than any other, is of great importance for the central african republic in appreciating the efforts the organization has made out its mission. i am also very pleased, mr. president, to convey to you and, through you, to the assembly, the wishes for complete success from general andre kolingba, president of the military committee of national reconstruction and head of state, who, together with the people of the central african republic, has a profound trust and renewed faith in the organization. it also gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, sir, on behalf of the delegation it is my honor to head, on your important election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the general assembly. your great personal qualities will, i am certain, lead to the success of our work. i should like to address my sincere congratulations to the outgoing president, mr. kittani, for the dynamism, competence aid efficiency with which he guided the previous session of the assembly. it gives me pleasure to renew my congratulations to the secretary-general, mr. perez de cuellar, and to assure him that the central african republic stands ready to support the efforts he is undertaking with fervor, conviction and courage in the daily accomplishment of his tasks. lastly, my country wishes to express its appreciation to the former secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, for his devotion to the cause of the united nations during his term of office. although states with different social and political systems may experience certain problems in coexisting within the united nations, it is none the less true that such diversity clearly testifies to the vitality of the organization. and although some of those problems, by their very nature, often constitute an outright challenge, the imperatives of the well-being of mankind demand from us a concerted search for ways and means of strengthening the organization's capacity to act. to that end, the united nation should not only be an instrument for making the international political climate more healthy, it should be, above all, an instrument for economic and social development. that twofold wish which, in the view of my delegation, lies at the core of our concerns and forms the framework of united nations doctrine, has inspired the two themes of the message i have been entrusted to deliver to the assembly for its consideration. created at the outset as an instrument for improving the international political climate, as it was of the common will of states that cherish peace and justice, the organization has unfortunately been constant prey to the harsh daily reality of intolerance and violence. in many parts of the world, particularly in southern africa, the middle east, south-east asia and latin america, the emergence of conflicts creates hotbeds of tension whose persistence is inimical to peaceful and fraternal coexistence. some people even today, [number] years after the adoption of general assembly resolution [number] xv continue the struggle for their human dignity and freedom. the distressing situation which prevails in southern africa is a clear example of this. in this connection, my delegation believes that the accession to sovereignty of territories still under colonial and racist domination can only promote the universality of the organization. therefore, the improvement of the political climate requires, first, the elimination of all forms of domination now existing in the world, which today are considered to be contrary to international morality. that is why the central african republic believes that namibia should as soon as possible-and why should this not be in [number]- accede to independence in accordance with the spirit and letter of security council resolution [number] [number] . in lebanon and the falkland islands malvinas , in a period of less than four months this year, the international community witnessed and remained powerless in the face of a tragedy most of whose victims were innocent people. in one case there was aggression by force in an attempt to thwart the aspirations of a people, in flagrant violation of international rules in the other case there was an express refusal to have recourse to the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. in the case of the falkland islands malvinas , my country appeals to the good sense of the interested parties to begin direct negotiations, if necessary with the participation and the good offices of the secretary-general. recent events in the middle east can be described by only one word, horror. the massacres at sabra and shatila, despicable acts directed at women, children and the elderly, constitute nothing less than the crime of genocide, which no country that supports the ideals of the united nations can tolerate. i wish to reiterate from this rostrum my country's condemnation of that abject act which compounds other attempts by the state of israel to contain the just struggle of the palestinian people, through the plo, for self-determination. the life of wandering forced on that people cannot continue. that is why my country continues to support security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] as the basis for an acceptable solution to the conflict in the middle east. because the united nations has been paralyzed and unable to act in that region at this critical stage, it has become more urgent than ever, as suggested in the report of the secretary-general on the work of the organization, to strengthen the capacity of the organization to accomplish its mission. the central african republic considers that it is necessary to restore to the security council its role as the guarantor of international peace and security and, furthermore, to reconsider the mechanics that govern its operation, because the important changes that have occurred on the international scene since the san francisco conference, call for the establishment of a balance in the decision-making process. improvement of the international climate, as i have said, means, in the final analysis, the maintenance of world peace and security. [number]. the united nations, through the organ competent in that area, is frequently called upon in the case of a threat to peace. the unsatisfactory results of sessions devoted to disarmament reduce the chances of consolidating and preserving peace. states continue to devote enormous sums to armaments, while two thirds of the people of the world live in poverty. the struggle for world supremacy, which is called hegemonism, is pursued inexorably, leading to the research into, manufacture, and qualitative and quantitative stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction. this phenomenon, added to everything covered by the key word "deterrence", seriously compromises peace and security in many regions of the world. that is why the central african republic encourages all new initiatives designed to curb the arms race and help to improve the international climate. [number]. although a sovereign state may freely choose a given system, certain powers continue to interfere in their internal affairs, using the weapons of blackmail and threat. are we to infer from that that the principles which govern international relations need be observed and applied only by the weak countries? that is the question my delegation wishes to put to the assembly. between iraq and the islamic republic of iran, in western sahara, in democratic kampuchea and in afghanistan armed conflicts persist which threaten peace in those regions of the world. nevertheless, the charter commits nations to settling their differences by peaceful means. we firmly believe in the virtues of dialogue and appeal urgently to the various protagonists in these conflicts to resort to it. with regard to the korean problem, the north- south joint communique of [number] advocates direct negotiations between the two parties, free of all foreign interference. that historic document, constitutes in the view of my delegation, a valuable basis on which to seek a just and lasting solution. the central african republic welcomes the strenuous efforts made by the parties to the conflict to lay the basis for the constructive, fruitful dialogue which is so sincerely desired so that the question of their simultaneous admission to the united nations can be considered again, without prejudice to the principle of reunification, in keeping with the wishes of their peoples. the present international situation gives no cause for optimism because the world political order is being challenged by another factor the unequal development of the members of the international community. this is the second part of my message. the united nations should devote itself increasingly to the economic and social development of member states. indeed, how can we not be moved by the problems caused by the world economic crisis, which is seriously affecting third world countries? these include increasing balance-of-payments imbalances, the constant deterioration in the terms of trade the excessive burden of their foreign debts the insecurity of their food supplies and the disorganization of the present monetary system. all these factors, which indicate the interdependence of states, should lead the "haves" to seek more actively, together with the "have not", new bases for a restructuring of international economic relations. on the contrary, however, we are witnessing a very marked re-emergence of protectionism, which seriously penalizes the countries of the south. the illusion of the concept of the transfer of technology in turn compounds their disillusionment. that is why we believe that the "have" states, in a spirit of solidarity, should facilitate and support the united nations in its efforts to establish a new international economic order. these efforts clearly demonstrate the will of the organization, which is now engaged in "economic decolonization". this will is reflected in the adoption of the charter of economic rights and duties of states the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade and the substantial new programme of action for the 1980s for the least developed countries. the central african republic, which falls within the category of least developed countries, would like to see the "have" countries devote more effort and sacrifice to the implementation of those measures, in order to establish co-operation between them and the developing countries, to the mutual advantage of their respective peoples. as the assembly is aware, there was a change of regime in the central african republic on [number] september [number]. it should be recalled that the national army took power following dark years during which the country was on the verge of ruin and security and peace were increasingly threatened. as stated recently by the head of state, general andre kolingba, the military committee of national reconstruction set for itself four goals the creation of conditions of general mobilization through a resumption of work the reorganization of the state finances the restoration of a climate of confidence and guarantees of the security of property and person and economic recovery. the highest priority was given to the correction of economic and financial imbalances. we therefore reduced the budget deficit of the state by almost [number] per cent as compared with that of previous years. that result was obtained as a result of very severe limitations on certain expenditures, a reordering in the area of earnings, a campaign to combat fraud and the financial sacrifices of state officials. the reassurance of investors by restoring a climate of confidence is one of the policies guiding the actions of the military committee for national reconstruction intended to bring about conditions for the economic recovery of the central african republic. the plan requires that other demands be met, including food self-sufficiency and growth through increased productive investments, both public and private. however, our present financial situation does not yet enable us to tackle by our own efforts alone other vital tasks, such as the reconstruction of our road system and the creation of social and educational structures. the co-operation of the international community, which we hope will be increased, remains essential in that regard. thus the accomplishment of the mission that the military committee of national reconstruction has set for itself has not been easy and continues to be limited in terms of time and of objectives. to achieve the necessary results, the military committee of national reconstruction has only one weapon dialogue, based on the concept the central african people has of the real democracy that results from listening to the questions in the hearts of the people. the central african government has a dynamic view of democracy, which must take account of the developmental aspects of the life of a people capable of reconstructing its national unity, which is a prerequisite for development. as a land-locked country, the central african republic has been subjected to serious constraints. the convention that has just been adopted a a result of the work of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea could make it possible for us to be provided with the necessary trade facilities. that is the fervent hope of my country. we wish to welcome once again resolutions [number] [number] of [number] december [number] and [number] [number] of [number] december [number], in which the general assembly calls upon all member states, the specialized agencies and other economic and financial organizations to contribute generously to the reconstruction, rehabilitation and development of the central african republic, whose economic situation remains a matter of concern. on behalf of the central african people, the military committee of national reconstruction and its president, general andre kolingba, i wish to thank from this rostrum all the states and institutions which, in spite of their own difficulties, have shown a generosity which we very much appreciate- my country is convinced that this international solidarity, which is based on human awareness, will continue to increase. the central african republic hopes, and indeed is convinced, that the member states, in spite of this period of adversity that the world is experiencing, will make the contributions necessary to make the organization an instrument for the improvement of the international political environment and of economic and social development. the secretary-general's report, with the spirit of which we fully agree and to whose author we pay a tribute, is important because it concurs in that idea. the unity and harmony of the international community will certainly benefit from it.

we should like you, sir, to convey our greetings to comrade peter florin on his unanimous election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-second session. we wish him every success in the discharge of his lofty and responsible functions. the forty-second session of the general assembly is taking place at a crucial turning-point. it is called upon to make use of all its authority in order to consolidate the positive changes in world affairs, overcome confrontational stereotypes and put into practice the new political thinking in international relations. there has emerged in international affairs a certain encouraging movement towards the realization of the aspirations of the peoples of the world for the preservation of peace and the strengthening of security. these hopes have not been brought about by unfounded optimism or by wishful thinking. there has appeared on the political horizon a real prospect for achieving agreements on the most pressing problem of reducing nuclear arms and improving the international atmosphere as a whole. what exactly do we have in mind? above all, what we have in mind is the agreement in principle between the ussr and the united states to conclude a treaty on the complete elimination of two classes of nuclear missiles shorter-range and medium-range. for the first time in history the idea of nuclear disarmament is close to fruition. should this very first - and hence especially difficult - step be accomplished, international relations would be placed on an entirely new footing. such agreement would have not only a major political and military significance, but would also change the whole situation psychologically. after all, up to now there has been only a process of building up nuclear arsenals. secondly, reykjavik and the soviet-united states talks in washington have shown that, given political will, it is possible, in principle, to cut back substantially the strategic offensive arms of the two biggest nuclear powers, provided that the treaty on anti-ballistic missiles abm is strictly complied with. given a mutual desire, agreement on a [number]-per-cent reduction in their strategic offensive arms could become a reality as early as the first half of [number]. our optimism is bolstered by the progress made at the geneva talks in the framework of the conference on disarmament, where the representatives of the countries are on the verge of concluding a convention on banning chemical weapons and destroying stockpiles of such weapons. favourable conditions for such a change of course have been created as a result of the deliberate choice made by states in favour of restraint and self-imposed limitations. the sphere of the sensible, responsible and rational organization of international affairs is expanding, albeit timidly, before our very eyes". that is the conclusion reached by mikhail s. gorbachev, general secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the soviet union, in his article "the reality and the guarantees of a secure world", which has been perceived by world public opinion as a doctrine of a world free from nuclear weapons and violence. the article, which was timed to coincide with the opening of the session of the united nations general assembly, contains some anxious thoughts on what could be done, and how, by the community of nations to make peace a political reality even before the end of this century. it emphasizes that natural processes are spontaneously creating a situation where our complex and diverse world is becoming increasingly interrelated and interdependent, and this world is increasingly in need of machinery to enable us to discuss together - in a responsible fashion and at a representative level - and deal together with its common problems and it is the united nations that was intended to constitute such machinery. the ukrainian ssr has always supported, and continues to support, the idea of enhancing the role of the united nations as an irreplaceable instrument of peace and harmonization of the efforts of states, as well as the idea of strengthening the political, legal and moral status of the united nations and making its activities more democratic. our commitment to this organization was reaffirmed once again with the utmost clarity during the recent visit to the ukrainian ssr by the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. perez de cuellar. today, international relations cannot be built if the interests of all states are not taken into account. the balance of interests should be observed, for it alone produces sensible policies. to that end, we must therefore learn to harness our national interests to purposes common to all mankind. all this is felt especially keenly here at the united nations. in the kaleidoscope of problems posed by our times, one task stands out to ensure the survival of mankind and save it from nuclear self-annihilation. the arms race, produced by the wrong-headed strategy of nuclear deterrence and containment, is crippling the life of civilization on earth it consumes annually nearly [number] trillion - funds so badly needed to ease the plight of hundreds of millions of people suffering from poverty, hunger and disease. is it possible that, at the end of the twentieth century, we will allow the clangour of the anvils that are forging the weapons to drown out the voice of reason and warning? is it really possible that we are incapable of combining the capabilities and the will of states and peoples in order to rid mankind of the prospect of total destruction? for the sake of the survival of mankind, for the sake of its salvation and development, for the sake of the life of present and succeeding generations, it is imperative that all the strength, authority and influence of the united nations be devoted to the cause of creating a nuclear-free and non-violent world. outside the movement towards a nuclear-free and non-violent world - and this is our profound conviction - there is not and cannot be any path to the progress of mankind. this conclusion underlies the new political thinking, which we believe is meeting with the understanding of all sensible men and women. the looming danger of the destruction of civilization makes it imperative, indeed vital, for diverse social and political forces to unite and create a coalition of political realism, reason and good will. the new political thinking and the foreign policy that goes with it, which is based on an objective analysis of the world of today, presuppose a sober and judicious view of the diversity of forces that make up world politics, and emanate from the awareness of the responsibility for the survival of mankind. they are oriented towards the development and building of trust among nations, towards the actual implementation of the principle of the peaceful coexistence of states as the supreme universal norm in relations between nations. an important step in that direction would be the adoption by the forty-second session of the general assembly of a declaration on the renunciation of the threat or use of force in international relations. it was the criterion of common human values that guided the socialist states, including the ukrainian ssr, when they proposed in the united nations the initiative to establish a comprehensive system of international peace and security. the co-sponsors of the proposal proceeded from the principle of the indivisibility of international security, which cannot but be global and equal for all and which must encompass the military, political, economic, environmental and humanitarian spheres. such a security system would lead to the building of a nuclear-free world, where the threat or the use of force would be ruled out and relations among nations would be built in a spirit of mutual respect, friendship and co-operation. the ongoing broad exchange of views in the united nations on these matters confirms the fact that the socialist countries' initiative is aimed at surmounting confrontational approaches and establishing civilized norms of relations and an atmosphere of mutual understanding and trust in the practice of international affairs. the delegation of the ukrainian ssr is in favour of continuing and developing constructive international dialogue, for the purpose or jointly searching for ways and means of shaping a comprehensive system of international peace and security and adopting concrete measures to provide material, political, legal, moral and psychological safeguards for a world free from the nuclear threat. what the socialist countries are proposing to the world community is not a short-term concept but a long-term, rational programme that invites everyone to strive for peaceful and mutually beneficial international relations. the ukrainian ssr expresses the hope that the united nations will make a substantial contribution to the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security, in strict compliance with the organization's purposes and principles and on the basis of its charter, and will act as that system's effective and authoritative guarantor. thus, the concept of security, as we see it, is both a new political and philosophic vision of the age which mankind has entered and a programme of concrete actions to ensure practical movement towards a nuclear-free and non violent world and - from the historical standpoint - towards a demilitarised world. arms limitation and disarmament undoubtedly form a foundation for the edifice of general security. on [number] january [number] the soviet union proposed a programme to rid the world of nuclear weapons. this document contains clear-cut stages stretching to the year [number] - a world without means of mass destruction, - a peaceful outer space, the restriction of the military potentials of states to the limits of reasonable sufficiency. its significance lies in the fact that it marks the beginning of the process of merging new political thinking with practice. we proceed from the belief that it is impossible to resolve completely the questions of nuclear disarmament within the sole framework of relations between the union of soviet socialist republics and the united states of america, here, the united nations - which, i must say, plays a unique role in the movement towards a nuclear-weapon-free world - can and should make an important contribution the ukrainian ssr would like to see the most made of the organization's potential for that purpose, putting to use all existing negotiating mechanisms, including such an important body as the security council the question of banning nuclear tests occupies a special place in the whole range of nuclear disarmament problems the critical need to resolve that question is explained by the fact that the reduction of nuclear arsenals cannot in itself, without the banning of nuclear--weapon tests, solve the problem, since it leaves open the possibility of modernizing the remaining part of such weapons - that is of developing ever-more-sophisticated and deadly nuclear weapons. hence, a nuclear-test ban is a concrete step towards the genuine elimination of nuclear arms. the document entitled "basic provisions of a treaty on the general and complete prohibition of nuclear tests", submitted by the socialist countries at the conference on disarmament in geneva, provides good opportunities for constructive talks on this subject- the delegation of the ukrainian ussr believes that dealing with this question in practical terms as soon as possible would be in keeping with the will of the overwhelming majority of states. we hail the agreement between the soviet union and the united states to start before [number] december full-scale negotiations on the limitation and, ultimately, the total cessation of nuclear tests. the agreement signed between the soviet union and the united states on the establishment of nuclear-risk-reduction centres deserves our approval. the ukrainian ssr supports the secretary-general's proposal for the establishment of a multilateral centre to reduce the threat of war. in our view, a direct communication line linking united nations headquarters with the capitals of the permanent members of the security council and the place where the chairman of the non-aligned movement is located could serve the same purpose. the socialist states propose a peaceful alternative to counter irrational bids for nuclear supremacy. the ukrainian ssr calls upon all countries to take an active part in implementing the programme to establish an international regime for the safe development of nuclear energy production, which provides for a whole series of material, scientific and technological measures, supplemented by international legal norms and agreements. the programme could prevent people from making errors and from incurring incidents fraught with dire consequences for their life and health . the prevention of an arms race in outer space is yet another concern for all mankind. preparations for "star wars" should not be allowed to become irreversible and to create insurmountable obstacles to disarmament. we are convinced that the strategic defence initiative programme is disastrous. this is recognized by many people, including people in the united states. the strategic defence initiative is an exclusively militaristic programme designed to gain military superiority and undermine strategic stability in the world. in this key area the lack of realistic policies is particularly severe. concrete actions are needed first, the treaty on the limitation of anti-ballistic missile systems, which is the corner-stone of strategic stability, should be strictly complied with. it is time for the talks on concluding an agreement or agreements to prevent an arms race in outer space to begin at the conference on disarmament in geneva. the objective of the talks could be agreements on such problems as the prohibition of weapons systems of the space-to-space and space-to-earth type, the non-development of new anti-satellite weapons and the elimination of existing weapons of this type, and guarantees of the immunity of man-made earth satellites. it is also necessary to concentrate efforts on solving as soon as possible another urgent problem - ridding the world of chemical weapons. i have already said that promising progress has been made at the talks within the framework of the geneva conference on disarmament. the proposals put forward there recently by various states clear the way to agreement. the proposal to proceed on the basis of the need to make legally binding the principle of mandatory challenge inspections without the right of denial is a concrete contribution to the success of the talks. we reiterate our support for the initiatives taken by the german democratic republic, czechoslovakia, bulgaria and romania to establish zones free from chemical weapons in central europe and the balkans. the movement towards genuine security through disarmament presupposes, in addition to the elimination of the weapons of mass destruction, urgent agreed on reductions in conventional arms and armed forces. the socialist countries have repeatedly stated their readiness to go as far as other countries are prepared to go on this question. as will be recalled, to confirm their readiness they made specific proposals in june [number] on a substantial reduction of armed forces and armaments in europe from the atlantic to the urals, subject to far-reaching verification. the co-ordination and implementation of exhaustive measures for international control over disarmament and permitted military activities, including verification at foreign military bases, and the adoption by all nuclear powers of defensive military doctrines would make it possible radically to consolidate confidence among states. the ukrainian ssr supports the initiative of the polish people's republic for a reduction of armaments and a strengthening of trust in central europe, known as the jaruzelski plan. i emphasize our conviction that the release of financial resources and intellectual potential for the purposes of social and economic development, including that of developing countries, should form an integral part of all disarmament measures. we believe that every step on the way to arms reduction should not only increase the security of nations but also provide more resources for raising the standards of living of the peoples. our position was clearly reflected in the memorandum "disarmament for development" submitted by the socialist countries at the recent international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development. the edifice of peace cannot be solid if any part of it is not covered by the security system. that is why the ukrainian ssr is firmly in favour of settling conflict situations and eliminating regional focuses of tension. particularly prominent among them is the middle east conflict, one of the oldest and most explosive hotbeds of international tension. the development of the situation in the middle east has made abundantly clear the failure of reliance on military force, confrontation or separate deals. genuine settlement is possible only through the withdrawal of israeli troops from all arab territories occupied since [number], the exercise by the people of palestine of their inalienable right to self-determination and to the establishment of their own independent state, and a guarantee of the right of all countries in the region to secure existence and development. the convening, under united nations auspices, of a plenipotentiary international middle east conference, with the participation, on an equal footing, of all the parties concerned, including the plo as the sole, legitimate representative of the palestinian people, and the permanent members of the security council, would be a reasonable and correct way to bring about a just peace in the region. a broad international consensus has emerged in favour of convening such a conference. the position of the present israeli government is the only stumbling-block. it is at the negotiating table that political solutions to the issues between iran and iraq and an end to the fratricidal war between them should be sought. the build-up by the united states and some other north atlantic treaty organization countries of a massive naval presence in the relatively confined area in which the war is raging is fraught with unpredictable grave consequences. the ukrainian ssr supports implementing security council resolution [number] [number] in full, maintaining and consolidating on that basis the unity of action of its permanent members. we attach particular significance to political efforts within the united nations framework to switch the iran-iraq conflict onto the track of a peaceful solution. we believe that the secretary-general can play a big part in finding a just settlement acceptable to both sides. the interests of universal security, like the vital interests of the cypriot people, urgently require collective international efforts to remedy the crisis situation in cyprus. the proper way to resolve this problem, as we see it, would be to call, within the united nations framework, a representative international conference which would be in a position to work out essential components of an agreement such as the demilitarisation of the island and the establishment of a system of effective international guarantees of the independence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of the republic of cyprus. we support the good offices mission of the secretary-general and the active role of our organization in this matter. the ukrainian soviet socialist republic shares the anxiety of the world community about the explosive situation in central america, we strongly demand that an end be put to the united states administration's interference in the affairs of nicaragua, and declare our firm solidarity with the just struggle of the nicaraguan people. it is possible to attain mutually acceptable solutions in that region, as is conclusively borne out by the agreements reached by the central american states concerning ways of securing lasting peace in the region. it would be in the interests of international peace and security to settle promptly the conflict in southern africa, which continues to be a dangerous hotbed of tension. the apartheid regime in south africa is stepping up its repression of the country's indigenous population, pursuing its strategic course of destabilizing the front-line states, bringing military and political pressure to bear upon them, and is continuing its occupation of namibia. it is not merely changes by way of so-called reforms but rather a complete and definitive elimination of apartheid that is the indispensable condition for achieving peace and security in the region. the ukrainian ssr strongly supports the call by african states for the introduction of all-embracing mandatory sanctions against the racist regime of south africa, in accordance with the united nations charter. a good basis for normalizing the situation in south-east asia is the realistic proposal by viet nam, laos and kampuchea for the establishment of a zone of lasting peace, stability and co-operation in the region. the national reconciliation policy launched by the government of the people's republic of kampuchea would facilitate the early and real attainment of those goals. the ukrainian ssr associates itself with the course advocated by the people's democratic republic of korea, namely the withdrawal of united states troops from south korea and the reunification of the country on a democratic basis, without outside interference. we fully support the proposal by the people's democratic republic of korea to turn the korean peninsula into a nuclear-free zone. we have dwelt on just a few hotbeds of tension. their elimination and the prevention of new crises and conflicts at the regional and global levels is part and parcel of efforts to shape a comprehensive system of international peace and security. an important part of that, concept relates to the economic aspects. changes in the world economy and in international economic relations, like changes in the political sphere, are characterized by their growing interrelationship. this is where the interdependence of states is likely to manifest itself most conspicuously, yet given the existing international economic order, the consequences of that interrelationship affect various countries in a hideously lopsided way, grossly infringing the elementary notions of equality, justice and honesty. some reap billion-dollar profits while others are slipping further into the abyss of economic and financial collapse. all this is fraught with the most serious political implications. the existence in international economic relations of such potentially explosive elements as non-equivalent exchanges, the bondage of debt and other forms of neo-colonialist plundering of the developing nations involves a real danger of upheavals that could jeopardize universal peace we believe that an important contribution to the ensuring of international security could be made by measures designed to bring under control the process of economic interdependence of states, measures that would ensure predictability and stability in inter-state relations and ultimately ensure the safe and mutually beneficial character of world economic exchanges. to fulfil that task, all countries of the world, big and small, industrialized and developing, irrespective of their social systems and levels of development, should unite their efforts and work together. the co-operation of states in the environmental and humanitarian spheres is an integral part of the process a moulding a comprehensive system of security. it is inadmissible to extend ideological differences to international relations or to use the problem of human rights and social development for the purposes of fomenting confrontation, just as it is inadmissible to apply double standards. . we call on all states members of the united nations to be guided in their policies by the primacy of common human values and international law, to resolve disputes through negotiation and to rid themselves of the burden of confrontation and suspicion. the ukrainian ssr intends to co-operative actively with other states in ensuring world peace and security, in a spirit of good will and in the awareness of the joint responsibility for the future of human civilization. that position is fully in conformity with the historic purposes and principles of the foreign policy of the soviet state, whose seventieth anniversary will be celebrated on [number] november this year. in our minds, in our hearts, the socialist revolution of [number] is a matter of supreme national pride for the soviet people. the revolution gave rise to unprecedented enthusiasm and a creative vigour on the part of the broad masses of people and became the finest hour for the victorious people who had done away, once and for all, with the exploitation of man by man. scores of years have gone by since unemployment was eliminated in our land. we have no oppression of ethnic minorities, no poverty, no illiteracy. the working people live in confidence that they are protected by society they live in confidence about their future. the great october revolution continues even today in our deeds. in the ukrainian ssr, as throughout the soviet union, a splendid process of perestroika is under way in all fields of life, for the purpose of accelerating the economic and social development of our socialist society. it is highly symbolic that the first legislative act of the soviet state was the decree of peace. our new political thinking as applied to foreign policy and our conduct in the international arena are linked integrally with lenin's behest about a democratic and just world. as the first secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the ukraine, vladimir v. shcherbitsky, stressed "in carrying out that behest, our party and the soviet state do everything they can to preserve and strengthen peace and to improve the complex and often explosive international situation. " the delegation of the ukrainian ssr is convinced that the participants in this forty-second session of the united nations general assembly will raise their voices in favour of such a way of acting and that the general assembly itself will become a place and a school for co-operation and collaboration on the part of states in devising a concept of security for all, security in keeping with the realities of the nuclear and space age.

the delegation of niger is pleased to add its voice to all those who have preceded us and express to mr. ganev our heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. this election is testimony to the high esteem and prestige enjoyed by his country, bulgaria, on the international scene and its contribution to the achievement of the ideals of our organization, and is an acknowledgment of his talents as a seasoned diplomat and man of experience. he should like to include in these congratulations the other members of the bureau and to assure them of the full and total cooperation of the delegation of niger in accomplishing their task. i should like to express to mr. ganev's predecessor. ambassador samir shihabi of saudi arabia, our great satisfaction and compliments on his excellent guidance of the work of the forty-sixth session. we hail and welcome the countries that have just joined the great family of the united nations, whose admission is in keeping with the universality of our organization. i should also like to express once again to mr. boutros boutros-ghali, secretary-general of the united nations, the heartfelt congratulations of his excellency mr. cheiffou amadou, prime minister and head of government of the republic of niger, on his election, which is the crowning of a brilliant career. the government of niger also wishes to extend to him its encouragement and support for the dynamism he has already imparted to the organization. niger rejoices at the end of east-west rivalries and at the climate of confidence that has thus been created. it is a decisive turning-point in the history of mankind, marked by profound and rapid political and social changes brought about by powerful currents towards freedom, justice, democracy and human rights. this positive development in international relations, and particularly the hopes and expectations to which it has given rise, makes it imperative for us to engage in the search for a new world balance that takes into consideration the aspirations and needs all of the components of international society. in this connection, the sessions of the general assembly are for the international community opportunities to achieve further progress in the search for peace, justice and harmony among peoples, in keeping with the ideals and principles of the charter. thanks to the climate of international detente, prospects of general and complete disarmament and the hope that that will release additional resources for development seem increasingly achievable. niger notes with satisfaction the positive results already on record in this field and wishes to congratulate the secretary-general on his efforts towards general and complete disarmament. international peace and security require that all countries make greater efforts towards a reduction of all armed forces and all deadly weapons of destruction. in this regard, i should like to announce that niger has just ratified the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. the climate of international detente is felt also in the evolution of regional conflicts. the "agenda for peace", which is a compendium of extremely relevant recommendations and measures for the prevention of conflict, peace-keeping and peacemaking, is an invaluable contribution of the secretary-general to current thinking on ways of safeguarding international peace. niger hopes for a speedy and equitable solution to the conflict in western sahara through the organization of a self-determination referendum. the government of niger expresses the hope that the recommendations of the meetings of lome, bamako and yamoussokro and the most recent summit in dakar of the economic community of west african states be taken into account by all parties to the conflict in liberia, with a view to the establishment of peace and national reconciliation. the situation in somalia is tragic and repugnant. he witness daily the appalling suffering of an entire people, victim of the most tragic drought exacerbated by a fratricidal war that makes the provision of humanitarian assistance difficult. niger joins the rest of the international community in urging the rival factions to cease their hostilities and accept the presence of united nations observers and a united nations peace-keeping force to ensure respect for the cease-fire agreement and to ensure the distribution of food aid. recent developments in south africa give us hope. niger believes that the international community must continue to encourage the south african regime to take further measures to accelerate the democratization process while at the same time maintaining the necessary pressure until a democratic, non-racial government is formed. the organization must make the pretoria regime adopt urgent measures to put an end to the organized violence that is tearing apart the country's black community and that constitutes a serious obstacle to the resumption and proper conduct of negotiations in the framework of the convention for a democratic south africa. with respect to security, the middle east remains the most sensitive region in the world. niger believes that no just and lasting peace can be established in the middle east unless israel withdraws completely from occupied palestinian and arab territories, including al-quds al-sharif. we encourage all efforts to that end, and we welcome the dialog that has begun since the madrid conference, as well as the current peace negotiations on a just and final settlement of the middle east conflict. with respect to the arabian-persian gulf niger strongly condemned the aggression against and occupation of kuwait. kuwait has been liberated, but the threat of war persists. respect for security council resolutions and the delimitation of the boundaries between iraq and kuwait are indispensable if a lasting peace is to return to the region. the tragic situation in bosnia and herzegovina is inadmissible in the twentieth century. niger vigorously condemns the acts of barbarism committed by forces of serbia and of montenegro against the populations of bosnia and herzegovina in violation of the sovereignty, independence and integrity of that country. niger fully supports security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . as well as the resolutions of other international bodies condemning the aggression and calling for cooperation by all states in helping bosnia and herzegovina. the guest for peace in the world is one of the organization's loftiest objectives. but to be complete, world peace must be backed by action to eliminate poverty. at the [number] paris conference of least developed countries, the world was not surprised to learn that the number of least developed countries had grown from [number] to [number], most of them african. the ever-growing burden of debt and debt servicing continues to deprive developing countries of resources they need for their development. reasons for the grave crisis in africa include the constant drop in commodity prices, the rise in prices for manufactured goods, the lack of access to developed-country markets, and the decline in development assistance. the continuing deterioration in africa's economic situation is condemning hundreds of millions of individuals to stagnation and permanent poverty. in [number] the united nations, which we invoke each year, adopted the united nations program of action for african economic recovery and development. it was then the consensus view that the economic crisis in africa was essentially structural. african countries had committed themselves to adopt structural-adjustment policies, and developed countries and financial institutions had committed themselves to provide assistance and financial flows. unfortunately, despite the policies and reforms undertaken by african countries and the recommendations made at all international conferences, the situation continues to deteriorate. despite the social cost of the reforms and sacrifices of african countries, the results have been disappointing, because of a lack of follow-up measures. but there is growing awareness of the need to tackle this extremely serious situation more resolutely. measures to lighten the debt burden of the poorest countries should be viewed in that context. the same is true of the proposal made by the former secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, on development financing, which was considered at the forty-sixth session of the general assembly. we welcome the decision of the japanese government to organize a [number] international conference on development in africa with the participation of african heads of state. we wish finally to mention the move to reinvigorate international cooperation stemming largely from the revitalization and restructuring of united nations activities in the economic and social fields. those activities should be strictly based on the recommendations adopted by the most recent international conferences. these include the declaration adopted at the eighteenth special session of the general assembly on international economic cooperation the international development strategy for the fourth united nations development decade the program of action adopted at the world summit for children and the program of action and other major decisions adopted at the earth summit the united nations conference on environment and development at rio de janeiro. the right to development presupposes the right to a healthy environment. the earth summit at rio defined the links between environment and development. it defined the responsibilities of the north and of the south for the deterioration of our ecosystem. it also made it possible to adopt legal instruments designed to reconcile man and nature. i speak here of the earth charter and of the conventions on biodiversity and on climatic change. as a sahelian country. niger must deal with the effects of repeated drought and increasing desertification. it is of particular interest to us that at this session the assembly should define the modalities for the negotiation and adoption of an international convention on drought and desertification. turning to the social sphere, we encourage united nations efforts to promote the struggle against acquired immune-deficiency syndrome aids , illegal trafficking in narcotics, and drug abuse. those scourges must remain at the center of our concerns. that is true too of efforts at the integration of women into the development process and of measures to protect the disabled, children and other vulnerable groups. the international conference on human rights in [number], the conference on population and development in [number], the world summit on social development and the fourth world conference on women, both in [number], will offer opportunities to review all these problems at the highest level. natural disasters and other calamities are on the increase, and we must continue to focus on them. each time, the devastating consequences of these phenomena remind us of the urgent need to enhance the ability of the united nations to act more effectively. he are pleased at the organization's examination of these subjects and at the appointment of distinguished individuals to deal with these issues. today, developing countries are fully aware of their primary responsibility for development. the political renewal we have seen in many african countries, including my own, stems from that awareness. indeed, as members know, niger convened, from [number] july to [number] november [number], a conference on national sovereignty at which we engaged in a stark assessment of [number] years of efforts and to identify courses of action, guidelines and decisions to be implemented over a transitional period of [number] months. since then, the democratically elected transition organs have knuckled down to implementing the political, economic, social, and cultural measures adopted by the conference. these mainly involve improving and re-balancing the economic and financial situation undertaking institutional reforms in every field establishing self-confidence and consolidating national solidarity and unity. such measures, the outcome of a national consensus, are based on the fundamental choice by the people of niger of a democratic and republican course. following its national conference, niger embarked resolutely on the road towards a pluralistic democracy with respect for human rights and guarantees of the effective exercise of public freedoms. the process initiated [number] months ago is following its charted course, gaining strength and further entrenching itself every day. there are difficulties inherent in the nature of the undertaking, but there are also results that encourage us to persevere. while perhaps modest, this experience of a young democracy has made it possible to assess the constraints imposed by such a social project, the risks of derailment it entails, the impatience that must be stifled, and the legitimate expectations that must be met in order to ensure that this lofty enterprise succeeds. the establishment of stable institutions designed to guarantee human rights and fundamental freedoms, social justice and national unity through regular and transparent elections will be crowned, we are sure, with success by the establishment of a state of law and a true democracy. i am pleased to announce that niger is making progress in the electoral consultations for the adoption of a constitution and the holding of municipal, legislative and presidential elections. thus, on the threshold of the year [number], niger will become democratic on a firm footing. he are aware, however, that no democratization policy can be considered as lasting if measures are not taken to foster conditions favorable to progress and the flourishing of humanity. that is why we turn with hope to the international community, and more specifically to the united nations, to nurture a new spirit of solidarity and justice among nations. niger cherishes the hope that the general assembly at this session will contribute to the solution of the great challenges facing the international community.

i bring the assembly greetings from her excellency mrs. ellen johnson-sirleaf, president of the republic of liberia, who should have been here today to address the assembly but chose to remain on the front lines in liberia to lead our fight against the deadly ebola virus disease. liberia congratulates the president of the assembly on his assumption of his high office and acknowledges the astute statesmanship and wisdom that he brings to that important assignment, which inspire confidence for a successful sixty-ninth session of the assembly. we assure him of liberia s full cooperation and support. we pay a special tribute to secretary-general ban ki-moon for his able and visionary stewardship of the affairs of this global institution. with just one year until the expiration date of the millennium development goals mdgs , the theme of this sixty-ninth general debate, delivering on and implementing a transformative post-[number] development agenda , could not have been more appropriate. liberia was put on the pedestal of global honour when president johnson-sirleaf was selected as one of three co-chairs of the high-level panel of eminent persons on the post- [number] development agenda, formed by the secretary- general in [number] to advise him on the contours of an ambitious but realistic post-[number] global development agenda and to define the critical steps required to reinvigorate and sustain global partnership. the panel s report, a new global partnership eradicate poverty and transform economies through sustainable development, contained a clarion call to leave no one behind, which has been embraced as a motivating theme by many. at the continental level, our president chairs a [number]-member high-level committee of african heads of state, under whose leadership a african common position has been developed and endorsed by the membership of the african union au . that position is based on six pillars that represent africa s vision of the prerequisites for eradicating poverty on the continent and for ensuring its future and development. we are encouraged that the concepts and strategies defined under each of the pillars have been significantly incorporated into the proposed [number] sustainable development goals. that makes us optimistic that the substance of our pillars will form an integral part of the post-[number] development agenda. as we await the secretary-general s synthesizing report, i can assure the assembly of liberia s continued active participation in the negotiations that lie ahead. as we survey the regional and international political landscape, we are increasingly concerned about the spread of extremist ideologies and terrorist activities around the world, especially in africa. whether we are speaking of al-shabaab in somalia and kenya, al-qaida in the maghreb or boko haram in nigeria, the african continent has not been spared the deadly and destructive consequences of extremism. additionally, over the past year, while peace processes were being consolidated in many african countries, we have been sad witnesses to the eruption or exacerbation of conflicts on the continent, notably in south sudan and the central african republic. we laud the efforts of the au and the united nations to resolve those conflicts, and join in the call for sustained international action to bring about a more secure and peaceful world. liberia commends the secretary-general for his convening, last week, of the high-level climate summit, which elicited concrete commitments from the global community on reducing greenhouse emissions and other measures aimed at achieving sustainable development. as a small country and one that is still endowed with [number] per cent of the remaining guinea forests, we are proud that we too have concluded partnership agreements and made concrete commitments aimed at supporting the goals of sustainable, climate-sensitive development. small countries like liberia contribute less to greenhouse emissions but suffer disproportionately from the adverse impact of climate change. to right that anomaly and in the united spirit of saving our one world, all countries, big and small, should make proportionate commitments to saving our planet and take concrete action to make such commitments a reality. a year ago, when president johnson-sirleaf addressed the assembly see a [number] pv. [number] , it was with a more positive message from a president reporting significant achievements and lofty aspirations for the future. president johnson-sirleaf, full of gratitude, informed the world that liberia had just celebrated [number] years of peace in august [number], and that, despite some challenges, was still registering remarkable progress on the path of socioeconomic development. the country had transitioned from an emphasis on stabilization to a focus on transformation within the framework of a long-term development agenda, vision [number]. the president also informed the assembly that the countries of the mano river basin union liberia, guinea, c te d ivoire and sierra leone were at peace and were pursuing regional integration through initiatives that would facilitate connectivity within their power and transport systems, thereby enhancing the cross- border trade in which our market women are mostly engaged. she even reported on how a small contingent of liberian peacekeepers, who are still in mali today, had contributed to the laudable united nations peacekeeping efforts there, creating an environment conducive to stability and democratic transition in that country. one year later, as i address the assembly, i am the purveyor of a different kind of story, and a sad one. over the past six months, a dark cloud has been hanging over the liberian landscape, such that instead of reporting economic growth, we are constrained to report economic decline. the implementation of virtually all the pillars of our agenda for transformation has been placed on hold, and gains are perhaps already being reversed. instead of devoting attention to regional integration through the facilitation of power and transport projects, we are talking about regional cooperation in dealing with a deadly enemy. the market women who traded goods and services across borders a year ago are now constrained to remain within those borders and suffer the consequences of economic inactivity. the deadly enemy that has visited so much harm and misery on my country and our neighbours is the ebola virus disease, which began wreaking havoc in liberia in march. since the outbreak, the government of liberia has taken a host of measures. we have declared a state of emergency and suspended schools, and, with the constructive involvement of all stakeholders, including pastors, imams, chiefs, elders, young people, government officials and opposition politicians, we have stepped up awareness and prevention campaigns to address the rigid denial and deeply rooted traditional and cultural practices that create fertile ground for the spread of the disease. we have also committed and will continue to commit significant portions of our own paltry resources to the fight. in spite of such efforts, which have been buttressed by those of our partners, ebola has confounded all of us and has sprinted faster than our collective efforts, snuffing out the life candle of more than [number], [number] of our compatriots, with a total of nearly [number], [number] infected. cumulatively, women, as the majority among our health workforce and the main caregivers in our deeply traditional society, have been disproportionately affected. sadly, as ebola widens its deadly circumference, it is creating a trail of traumatized orphans across the country, which includes a [number]-year-old child from barkedu, lofa county, who is the last person standing from a family of [number]. our already limited pool of health workers has been further reduced, because [number] of them have fallen victim to the virus, out of a total of [number] infected. the resulting panic that has arisen in health workers who see their colleagues die from ebola has precipitated the closure of many health facilities across the country. as we and our many international partners struggle to douse the wildfire caused by ebola, we are left with inadequate resources, time and personnel to attend to routine illnesses such as malaria, typhoid fever and measles, thereby causing many more, tangential deaths. an increasing number of pregnant women are dying in the process of bringing forth life. in short, our public health system, which totally collapsed during our years of conflict and was being gradually rebuilt, has collapsed again under the weight of the deadly virus. ebola is not just a health crisis it is a total crisis. it is an economic crisis, a social crisis and a potential political and security crisis. indeed, its deleterious impact has been very wide and very deep. on the economic front, it has occasioned a [number]. [number] per cent downward slide in economic growth in liberia, and some experts have predicted that, if not contained quickly, it could cause a [number] per cent decline in our economy in [number]. as a result of the slowdown in economic activities, our revenue generation capacity has been seriously undermined, thereby constricting our ability to provide basic social services and to continue to fund key development projects. the suspension of flights as well as the travel and other restrictions and sanctions imposed on liberia and other affected countries despite expert advice to the contrary from the world health organization and others, have not only undermined the humanitarian efforts aimed at quickly containing the disease, but have also aggravated the adverse economic effects of the ebola crisis. as destructive as the liberian civil conflict was, at least our people knew the warring factions and the front lines. with ebola, the enemy is more insidious, and there are no clear-cut front lines, because someone s child, someone s husband or someone s workmate could actually be the enemy and in the front line at the same time. that difficult feature of the disease, coupled with a host of other challenges, has occasioned its rapid spread. we are heartened that, as a result of separate and joint appeals of the heads of state of liberia, sierra leone and guinea to the secretary-general and leaders of friendly countries and institutions, the international community is showing a better appreciation of the unprecedented scope and magnitude of the ebola outbreak in our countries. there is a chorus of leaders advocating and committing to support more robust, scaled up and urgent assistance to the affected countries. thanks to the secretary-general and other world leaders, the past few weeks have witnessed a host of positive developments that constitute a major heightening of focus and scaling up of the international response. those developments include the following. first, we welcome the announcement by president barak obama of the united states of his government s decision to scale up assistance to the region, including the deployment of [number], [number] military and medical personnel to help us with the fight. secondly, the security council meeting held on [number] september [number] see s pv. [number] , under the leadership and council presidency of the united states, adopted resolution [number] [number] , which recognizes the ebola crisis as a threat to international peace and security, necessitating a strong and concerted international response through firm commitments of support. the resolution also called on member states to lift travel and other restrictions imposed on affected countries. thirdly, the secretary-general announced on [number] september his intention to establish the united nations mission for ebola emergency response, which was formally endorsed by assembly resolution [number] [number], submitted by the president and adopted on [number] september. fourthly, we have seen the start of the deployment by the african union of contingents of medical and relevant personnel drawn from across africa to liberia and other worst-affected countries. fifthly, the high-level meeting on response to the ebola virus disease outbreak, convened at headquarters by the secretary-general on [number] september, witnessed announcements of substantial commitments of assistance by many countries. those concrete demonstrations of solidarity have taken many forms, and we are deeply grateful for all of them. they should, however, not lead us towards complacency, because we definitely have not yet achieved the [number]-fold increase in response recommended by the experts to contain the disease. additionally, while we struggle with the first war, which involves actually disrupting the transmission of ebola, we must begin to prepare for the second war of tackling the long-term socioeconomic impacts of the ebola crisis, including building and creating the capacity for a new health system that can robustly deal with any future health challenge, and raising the resources needed to address a legion of socioeconomic, political, security and other challenges made more acute by the presence of ebola. we are also cognizant of the positive contributions of the united nations mission in liberia unmil , which has helped us enjoy [number] years of peace. the presence of unmil in liberia, especially at a time when we were experiencing isolation, has helped to reassure our people and create a security climate conducive to tackling some of the multifaceted challenges of the ebola crisis. therefore, the continued engagement of unmil in liberia will be critical to enabling liberia s transition from the ebola crisis to resume the implementation of strategies for the achievement of our long-term development agenda. ebola is a difficult enemy that has frustrated and bypassed our collective efforts in the past, causing some experts to project that, in a worst case scenario, about [number]. [number] million precious lives could be lost in our countries by january [number]. in spite of the gloom of today and as liberians ponder the question will i, my wife, my husband, my child, my friend or my workmate be one of those to populate the [number]. [number] million doomsday statistics? we should not sink into defeatism. instead, president ellen johnson-sirleaf and the resilient liberian people feel that ebola has presented us with a one-option, multiple-choice test, and that option is to fight back. and we are fighting back. as president johnson-sirleaf aptly put it in her [number] september update to the people of liberia on the ebola crisis i believe in the liberian people. i believe that we are stronger than the greatest threat with which we are currently faced. and [number] believe we will prevail. the war did not defeat us, a completely destroyed economy the greatest collapse since world war ii did not defeat us. ebola will not defeat us . we know that the road ahead may be long, curvy and hilly. but with bigger, bolder, timely and sustained efforts on our part, buttressed by the international community, we are sure that dawn will soon break on this long, dark night occasioned by the ebola virus.

[number]. the lesotho delegation wishes to add its voice to the congratulations of previous speakers on the unanimous election of ambassador lievano aguirre of colombia to preside over the deliberations of this session. this unanimity is an expression of the confidence this assembly has, not only in him as a person, but also in the government which he represents. we feel particularly honoured, because colombia is a country which has established a commendable record in the united nations struggle to -right the wrongs which plague humanity. [number]. i should also like to congratulate the other members of the general committee and express the hope that, in the fulfilment of the various responsibilities entrusted to them, they will collectively contribute to the success of our deliberations. their vast experience and desire for the betterment of the human condition will indeed be of valuable assistance to the president of the session. [number]. we are indebted to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, whose profound wisdom has guided the work of the united nations, and to the secretariat, which has, in more ways than time permits me to enumerate, advanced the work of this world body. [number]. since the founding of the united nations, more than half the membership present today has been elevated to the glory of independence. it is in the light of this awareness that the lesotho delegation welcomes solomon islands as a new member of the united nations. this is further proof of the success of the decolonization process, the subject of an item item [number] of which this assembly remains seized. [number]. this session of the general assembly is taking place against the background of an increasing international awareness of basic human rights. in my view this is appropriate, particularly as this year marks [number] years of the endurance of the profound vision that led to the authorship by the united nations of the universal declaration of human rights. the concern for the rights of man at this particular stage of international relations is a development that has further aided the efforts of this organization to awaken international outrage against the intolerable perversion of social justice, represented by the harsh poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy that afflict a large segment of humanity, and the equally intolerable nonchalance that has been for so long the hallmark of the attitude of a large part of the world community towards rights of the people of palestine and the victims of white racist minority rule in southern africa. [number]. this assembly must spearhead concrete action that will ensure that the vast resources of this world are not utilized to create weapons for the destruction of man but for the betterment of his condition. we must protest in clear terms against the irrational tendency of those states that have become the merchants of death and not the guardians of humanity's survival. [number]. we are deeply concerned about the enormous over-all capacity of the existing nuclear arsenals and the qualitative improvements they are progressively undergoing. we are equally alarmed by the ever increasing stockpiles of conventional weapons and their widening distribution, which has added fuel to localized skirmishes and wars. the big powers must be told in no uncertain terms that their spiralling arms race is no less than a race for the extinction of humanity and that their exploitation of local conflicts to advance their traffic in lethal weapons lacks the vaguest vestige of any sense of morality and is more than a tacit conspiracy to ensure that those already on the verge of death because of poverty are indeed assured of a speedy end through fratricidal battles and mutual destruction. [number]. the continent of africa is beset by numerous problems-social, political, economic and racial. while we appreciate, and are thankful for, the assistance we have received from various quarters, we agree with the views recently expressed before this assembly by mr. gaafar mohamed nimeiri, the president of the democratic republic of sudan and the chairman of the oau, that ". . . the solution of african problems is the responsibility of the africans themselves. african determination and wisdom have seen the continent through many a difficult time before. " 10th meeting, para. [number]. , [number]. we therefore appeal to all our friends, wherever they are, to help us to help ourselves-that is, to assist us along lines that will reduce our dependence on international aid and handouts. given the means, we are prepared to shoulder the responsibility for our own development. we do not wish to be used as pawns in the ideological struggle between east and west and, by the same token, we do not want to be economically exploited under the guise of assistance. [number]. my government's development plans are aimed at the elimination of ignorance, poverty and disease, particularly in the rural areas. we have therefore noted with perturbation the annual report of the world bank regarding agricultural production and food supplies. quoting the fao, the report indicates that the [number] per capita food production index was [number] per cent below the level of the period [number]-[number]. the report further shows that the food deficit in developing countries, including africa, is likely to rise to [number] million tons by [number]. this is sad news for the peoples of africa, who saw political independence as the key to social justice and economic progress. it is our duty and responsibility to see that present trends in the agricultural field are reversed, if we want peace arid political stability in our respective countries. according to fao "africa has the potential to attain and sustain rates of food production increases which will lead to higher but not necessarily full sufficiency over the next [number] to [number] years. " [number]. in the light of the foregoing remarks, we hope something positive will come out of the tenth fao regional conference for africa, held last month in arusha, in the united republic of tanzania. as far as food production is concerned, it behoves us all to strive for individual and collective self-sufficiency. unless we achieve our food production targets soon, our economies will continue to falter as a result of rising food imports which, according to fao, nearly trebled in value during the period [number]-[number]. in this regard, we pledge our full support for the world conference on agrarian reform and rural development to be held in rome in july [number]. [number]. like other economically backward regions, africa stands to benefit greatly from the promising outcome of the united nations conference on technical co-operation among developing countries, held in buenos aires, argentina, last month. provided it is faithfully implemented by all participating countries, the buenos aires plan of action, which was adopted by consensus, could give impetus to the third world's demands for a new international economic order. as in the political field, the pooling of technical knowledge and experience by non- industrialized countries could have a tremendous impact on international economic relations. [number]. it is, however, time that we recognized the affront to the human conscience posed by the increasing disparities in the conditions of life in the developed and in the developing countries. the grim reality of this gap poses frightening risks for the human community as a whole and it is the surest invitation to acts of desperation, instability and the break-down of orderly international relations among the family of nations. the dialogue between north and south represents an appreciation of the risks involved, but not their removal. dialogue, however welcome, raises expectations among the poor but has thus far provided no escape from the harsh conditions of want in which most of humanity is trapped, conditions that are universally recognized as defying any rational definition of human decency. us. those in the developed countries must therefore recognize that it is in their basic self-interest to ensure the speedy attainment of the objectives of the new international economic order, adopted by this organization. that order is predicated as a minimal basic premise for ensuring social and economic justice, for the whole of humanity and peaceful and stable relations between the developed and the developing words. [number]. peace continues to be an elusive goal in the middle east. events in that region have always presented a sharp reminder to the world that real peace is not necessarily symbolized by the absence of active hostilities. we therefore recognize the urgency of defusing the time-bomb in that area. in this context, the government and people of lesotho have observed with concern the critical situation in the middle east, a situation marked more frequently than not by increasing divisions, antagonisms and hostilities, as evidenced by the civil strife in lebanon and, as always, by the precarious path between peace and war followed by israel and its arab neighbours. [number]. and it is because of these difficulties that we in lesotho are prepared to lend our tentative support to the recent agreements reached at camp david by the prime minister of israel, mr. begin, and the president of egypt, mr. el-sadat, as a step towards peace and security in that all-too-troubled region of the world. [number]. we do so, however, in the knowledge that these agreements are merely frameworks, and frameworks by their very nature are fragile and unstable unless they represent genuine political will for peace. it is on the foundations of that political will that we must now build solid foundations. many issues still have to be resolved the precise nature and timing of the israeli withdrawal from the occupied arab territories the agreements for the eventual autonomy and self-determination of the gaza and west bank by the people of palestine and the ultimate fate of jerusalem and the palestinians, whose suffering must also be assuaged. courageous and determined leadership will therefore be needed to foster a spirit that will ensure that the compromises reached at camp david are not dissolved. [number]. in this context, the government and people of lesotho appeal to the people of israel to treat the camp david accords not as maximum and unwilling concessions but rather as a step forward to the ultimate implementation of the recommendations embodied in united nations council resolution [number] [number] , a resolution which the government of lesotho has always fully endorsed. [number]. we believe that the camp david agreements have provided for steps towards dismantling the edifice of hatred, bitterness and distrust in which the people of the middle east have been locked for so many decades, and that they represent rays lighting the way towards relations based on friendship, to the benefit of all the peoples of the middle east. i can do no less, therefore, than appeal to all parties to show the admirable spirit, understanding and statesmanship that led to the first initiative of president el-sadat in visiting jerusalem, and to continue the spirit of camp david. [number]. on southern africa, my government welcomes the initiative of the united states and the united kingdom on rhodesia and of the five western powers on namibia. it is a fact of political life in southern africa that the western initiatives are the direct outcome of the success of the liberation struggle. for too long the west, which has been the bulwark of support for the white minority regimes, has turned a blind eye to the inhuman treatment suffered by the majority of the peoples of rhodesia, namibia and south africa. the threat to international peace posed by white racist rule has for too long been dismissed as the hyperbole of african diplomatic rhetoric. we warned while there was time we urged, cajoled and pleaded for the west to use its clearly recognized influence over the white minority regimes to bring about change but the western response was always tardy and at best cosmetic. [number]. in particular the united kingdom-united states proposals on rhodesia seem destined to be buried beneath a bitter welter of blood and chaos as the smith regime adopts one subterfuge after another to cling to power and follows one atrocity by a yet bloodier one in an attempt to halt the liberation process. [number]. at the conference table the smith regime has epitomised the worst kind of chicanery. it should thus come as no surprise to anyone that the united kingdom- united states proposals are in abeyance as a. result of the attitude of the smith clique. indeed smith's co-called internal settlement is nothing but another futile subterfuge to side-step the united kingdom-united states proposals. the smith regime knows better than anyone else that it is witnessing the shreds of the settlement being blown away before its very eyes by the windy gusts of the liberation struggle. and yet it persists in clinging to illusory power. [number]. inside their country the rhodesians continue their acts of mass murder and indiscriminate killing. their catalogue of wanton acts of brutality increases with each day. where they promised freedom of thought and association in terms of the illegal internal settlement, they now resort to mass arrests of leaders of liberation movements. they seek, not accommodation, but the creation of a basis for the destruction of the economic foundations of the country. they offer not a semblance of peace but a recipe for chaos. [number]. the racist smith regime, in yet another act of treachery, is attempting to widen the conflict with the liberation movements by mounting criminal acts of aggression against independent neighbouring states. mozambique, zambia and botswana have become targets of the desperation of the smith regime, and their innocent nationals the objects of the terror of mass bombings and brutal murder. the strategy of the illegal smith criminal clique is to embroil the whole of southern africa in war and inflame the area into the blistering inferno of a racial holocaust. [number]. it is to the credit of the three neighbouring state's that they have so far resisted the temptation of responding to provocations of the smith regime and have opted for policies of safeguarding the welfare of their nationals rather than entering into battle with that regime. their response has been exemplary and they deserve far more support from the international community than the verbal assurances which they have received. [number]. the initiative of the five western powers on namibia has closed a sad chapter of [number] years of inactivity to give concrete meaning to this assembly's resolution [number] xxi , . which terminated south africa's mandate ever namibia. south africa deserves little credit for the fact that freedom is now on the horizon for the people of namibia. for [number] years it vigorously tried to dismember the territory of namibia on the basis of its odious apartheid policies. for [number] long years the people of namibia were subjected to south africa's illegal occupation, and it is only the threat of direct action against south africa by the international community and intensification of the liberation struggle by swapo that has persuaded cool heads in pretoria to accept south africa's withdrawal from that territory. [number]. south africa cannot now demand sympathy for its continuing quibbling over the terms of the hand-over of namibia. its de jure responsibility for that territory has long since ceased to exist and its duty is now to end its de facto illegal domination of the territory. after its denial of the rights of the people of namibia and its destructive military ventures in that territory, its claim to an individual responsibility for peace in namibia is flimsy and irrelevant. the responsibility firmly belongs to the international community, and in this context my government welcomes the secretary-general's report to the security council. that report is fair and balanced. it provides for adequate time for an electoral process to be set in motion in an atmosphere free of intimidation by the occupation force of [number] years. [number]. we support swapo's insistence on the withdrawal of south african troops from namibia. swapo started its liberation struggle in namibia precisely because the south african government insisted on its illegal occupation of namibia and used its troops and their police counterparts to deny any free political activity to swapo and others in namibia. thus south africa's insistence that the strength of the united nations troops should be minimized while south africa's troops are retained to provide an umbrella for political activity is farcical. equally, south africa's insistence that the electoral process should be advanced is no more than a naked ploy to give political advantage to its creations of the turnhalle conference, who, after all, have been allowed free political activity denied to swapo. [number]. south africa must not be allowed to add further acts of illegality by imposing on the people of namibia its own geo-political interests and denying them a peaceful solution to the problem of namibia. equally, it must not be permitted to create its own turnhalle-type internal settlement in namibia, as that would be a prescription for continued instability in the territory. [number]. swapo has displayed its goodwill by declaring its readiness for a cease-fire in namibia in response to initiatives towards a peaceful solution of the namibia problem. lesotho rejects in categorical terms the south african stand in reply to both the report of the united nations secretary-general and swapo's offer. south africa has a clear duty to respond by turning away from the bad faith it is showing by its repeated objections to details of lesser impact in the package proposed by the secretary-general. pretoria must recognize that it has been the linchpin for the systematic denial of basic rights in zimbabwe, namibia and south africa and that withdrawing its support for the smith clique and relinquishing its illegal hold on namibia will at the very least bring forward the promise of liberty for the vast majority of the peoples of these territories and of creating a more suitable climate for the solution of internal problems, the complexity of which cannot be denied and the potential of which in terms of creating a-racial war of frightening proportions must be clear to all. what the people of south africa demand now is liberation, liberty and majority rule and not cosmetic solutions to the problems of white minority rule. [number]. the withdrawal of south africa from namibia is an act of reason and an acceptance of the realities of the liberation struggle in southern africa. that is the lesson that the white minority in south africa must accept. that minority should not commit the suicidal blunder of interpreting these events as a tactical withdrawal behind the fortress of apartheid. for it to do so would be to bury its head in the sand. it would be tantamount to an aberration from the human urge to live in peace and in circumstances that provide for the serene development of the full human person. [number]. the lesotho government welcomed security council resolution [number] [number] , which reiterates that the council's objective is the withdrawal of south africa's illegal occupation and administration of namibia and the transfer of power to the people of namibia, my government calls on the government of south africa to cooperate in the implementation of the report of the secretary-general of the united nations and the initiatives of the five western powers. failure to do so by the pretoria government will, at this late hour, prove its continued intransigence and exacerbate the growing anger and impatience of the international community. for us, i need say only that our position has always been clear. our vulnerability is obvious to everyone. our preparedness to support the united nations charter and our readiness to meet our obligations in terms of united nations security council resolutions, however, must be matched by the readiness of the international community to meet its commitments in terms of article [number] of the united nations charter. my prime minister said at a recent meeting of the consultative assembly of the group of african, caribbean and pacific states and the european economic community "we have consistently warned south africa that her actions and policies would sooner or later invite the international community to invoke economic sanctions against them and that she should abandon those policies before the imposition of such sanctions become inevitable. over the years, motlotlehi's government has sought to bring home to the authorities of south africa that her military preparedness was no guarantee for peace and economic stability in the region. our warnings have been ignored by the government of south africa. at the same time, our support for the liberation and liberty of the majority of the people of southern africa has not weakened. " i should like to say, in the words of my prime minister "the international community has an obligation to countries such as mine in the event that embargoes are imposed on south africa". he also said "i should like to remind the international community that it is its duty to safeguard the basic interests of countries such as lesotho which will inevitably be affected, should action against south africa become unavoidable as a result of her continuing denial of basic human rights. " [number]. it must be recognized that in the post-world-war era apartheid constitutes the single most monumental lapse of the human conscience. this assembly has quite rightly labelled it a crime against humanity. my prime minister, in his opening statement at the symposium on the exploitation of the blacks in south africa and namibia, and on prison conditions in south african jails held in maseru last july, said "the people of south africa have been described as an imprisoned society. a black south african is nevermore than "a step from the prison door. one in every four adults is imprisoned every year. africans in south africa are faced with a whole battery of laws that govern every facet of their lives. a stroke of the pen can rob them of their citizenship and dispossess them the whim of a police official can confine them to jail without trial. such is the array of apartheid legislation that faces africans that they live in a twilight terror of arrest. prison life has become part of the black man's experience. there are over [number] prisons in south africa compared to [number] in the united kingdom. in [number] some [number], [number] people were imprisoned in the united kingdom compared to [number], [number] in south africa. south africa's daily average prison population was [number], [number] in [number]. by [number] it had risen to over [number], [number]. this is the grim reality of unjust laws applied with unremitting brutality and vengeance. " [number]. the harshness of the apartheid laws and the brutality of their application are most clearly demonstrated in the statements of south african police officials. colonel j. v. visser, chief of the soweto criminal investigation department, told the south african sunday post on [number] september [number] that he was sorry that he had not shot tsietsi mashinini when he had the chance. the temerity of that admission is as astonishing as it is typical of the attitude of the south african police towards africans. the rule of law is no longer in the custody of the courts. the white policeman is the law-enforcement agent, the court, the judge and the executioner. in [number], [number] prisoners awaiting trial died in prison cells in [number], the record was [number]. those statistics do not take into account the numerous detainees who died in prison without trial or any charges being preferred against them. nationals of my country have been victims of this criminal police attitude. any claim by south africa. to respect for the law is nothing less than an aberration from truth and a travesty of morality. colonel visser was asked by south african authorities neither to explain his remarks nor to justify his apparent disregard of the basic rights of mr. mashinini. i owe it to my own sense of justice, and this assembly owes it to the high ideals of the united nations charter, to address a special appeal to south africa to get rid of its colonel visser and the murderers of steven biko and other detainees. [number]. apartheid remains a blot not only on south africa but also on the conscience of mankind. each act of apartheid, every incident of brutality, diminishes us all. it is therefore fitting that we should all strive to afford the people of southern africa better opportunities for self- fulfilment, self-respect, and the dignity and exercise of basic rights due to all men on earth. [number]. in my view, that is the basic challenge to which this organization must respond. it is the agenda for its action not for verbal palliatives. the report of the maseru symposium is before the general assembly, as is the declaration and plan of action adopted at the world conference to combat racism and racial discrimination a [number] [number], chap. ill , held in geneva under the presidency of a lesotho cabinet minister. [number]. our willingness to act as host to international conferences on south african issues is motivated by the very deep concern that we feel at the continuation of apartheid, coupled with the very direct manner in which it affects lesotho. we have sought to provide an opportunity to representatives from various regions of the world to make a close scrutiny of the evils of apartheid. in [number] we were host to a meeting of american political and economic leaders and african ministers and provided them with an opportunity for gaining a deep insight into apartheid from the vantage point of maseru, last year we were host to parliamentarians from the european communities and the african, caribbean and pacific states and we focused on southern africa. the symposium to which we were host this year is part of our continuing effort in the direction of a close examination of what apartheid means for us and for our fellow africans in south africa. we are caught in the agony of the imprisoned society. we also share its aspirations to liberty. our people suffer under apartheid laws in south africa. around the territorial land of lesotho pretoria has thrown the noose of a circle of bantustans. on our historic land those bogus states are being constructed to deny us any opportunity for the return of the land. on our present territory further encroachments are being made and, in blatant disregard of our territorial sovereignty, efforts are being made by pretoria to cede our lands to its bantustans. [number]. my government supported general assembly resolution [number] [number] a which enjoined all governments not to grant any recognition to south africa's bantustans. our support of that resolution was based on our firm belief that bantustans represented a terrible fraud that was being perpetrated on the majority of the people of south africa by pretoria. they represent nothing less than the loss of their birthright for that people. the blacks of south africa are being herded on to [number] per cent of the land surface of south africa against their will. they are being stripped of their south african citizenship on the grounds that they belong to the so-called homelands and not to south africa. they have become aliens in their country of birth. that is the callous face of apartheid. those black leaders who have collaborated with the pretoria regime in this treacherous and criminal act will not escape the judgement of the oppressed majority of the people of south africa. [number]. the pretoria government is not only continuing its policies of depriving the black people of south africa of their citizenship but also implementing its inhuman policies of displacing africans from their places of residence. last year it was the cruel displacement of thousands of africans from their homes in modderdam, sent to cape town, in bitter winter conditions, and the white south african press denounced the pretoria government for the bestiality of its actions. this year we have had a repetition of a massive dispossession of africans- who have been driven out of their homes in crossroads, at the stroke of a pen over [number], [number] africans were removed from their homes in crossroads. their protest met with massive police action resulting in the loss of the life of at least one home-owner. that is the brutality of apartheid, the inhuman situation that this organization and all countries which love peace and freedom have a clear duty to deal with. [number]. as this assembly knows, the response of south africa to our firm rejection of its apartheid and bantustan policies was to close the south-eastern borders of lesotho. my country deeply appreciated the reply of the united nations system to that irresponsible action. security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] were sources of great solace to the basotho people. we were gratified by the deep appreciation that the missions sent to lesotho by the secretary-general displayed in their reports. to all the countries and organizations which contributed to the recommendations of the report in document s [number] i wish, on behalf of the lesotho government, to pay a special tribute. naturally, we still hope that the amount outstanding, which has still not been pledged, will be made available to enable us to resist the unfair pressures that are continuously being applied against lesotho by pretoria. for our part and as a matter of principle, we pledge to continue our policy of resistance to being a party to the bantustan fraud. [number]. today we are host to over [number] black children from south africa that is part of our tradition and custom. we have always provided succour to those fleeing from injustice and persecution. accommodating those children in lesotho has inevitably led to special demands on our resources. we appreciate the help that we continue to receive from friendly governments in this task of ensuring that those children can continue their education and live in circumstances in which their youth and dignity are respected. [number]. the international community has a right to know that, even though the refugee community is safe in lesotho, pretoria has embarked on a policy of harassment against the people of lesotho and the refugee community. it has stepped up its espionage activities in lesotho to such a level that my government is now left with no option but to respond with firm action. [number]. i shall not dwell on the various harsh aspects of apartheid. my delegation has instructions to discuss them in depth in the relevant committees. [number]. however, i should like to end with a vision of a southern africa that this organization must help to create and a vision of man that as we approach the end of the twentieth century we should strive to realize on this planet. in southern africa, a region rich in natural and human resources, -we should strive to banish, for ever the myth of racial antagonism and achieve the promise of racial harmony the promise that will give expression to the truth that no man, no race, no nation, no government has a right to tamper with what god has bequeathed to us our common humanity for man and his condition. let us make ignorance, disease, hunger and-poverty features of a bygone age and create, conditions for man to develop his abilities to the fullest.

sir, i should like to begin by congratulating you on your unanimous election to the presidency of the united nations general assembly at the fortieth session. you are a distinguished son and eminent representative of a country with which india has close and cordial relations, and your association with the united nations goes back many years. we are confident that you will provide this assembly with able stewardship. i should also like to place on record our appreciation of the effective and statesmanlike leadership given to the assembly at the thirty-ninth session by your predecessor, mr. lusaka of zambia. i wish also to pay a tribute to our secretary-general for his untiring efforts in the cause of peace and for his patience, perseverance and wisdom. he has won our admiration for his skillful handling of several crisis situations. we wish him continued success and reiterate to him our support. before proceeding further, allow me to express cm behalf of the people and government of india our profound grief at the heavy toll in human and material terms claimed by the earthquakes which so tragically struck mexico last week. we express our solidarity with and support for the people and government of mexico in their hour of travail and in their heroic efforts to overcome this unprecedented calamity. mr. president, you preside today over a historic session. the united nations has completed [number] years of its existence. these have been years not only of tribulation but also of promise and even achievement. the world is surcharged with suspicion and uncertainty, with incipient as well as overt conflict, but the ideals of the united nations continue to instill optimism. the dawn of independence and freedom for the overwhelming majority of mankind, particularly in the erstwhile colonial and imperial domains in asia, africa and latin america, has been a significant and welcome development of our times. the generation that launched the united nations also saw the launching of the nuclear age. while conventional attitudes towards this world organization are still shaped by the memories of the second world war, there is today a new specter that haunts our civilization, the specter of a nuclear catastrophe. hostile military blocs are poised against each other with an armada of nuclear weaponry that could wipe out all life on this planet many times over. survival in this nuclear age has become the key issue of our times. the united nations today is the hub of diplomatic activity for the nations of the world. whatever their divergence in political systems, economic structures or cultural mores, they come together in almost daily contact on a variety of bilateral, multilateral and global issues. yet this so-called democratization of international relations is only part of the story. on the other hand, the pressures and divisions that characterize contemporary international relations seriously hamper the organization and reduce its capacity for effective action. as jawaharlal nehru stated at the united nations as early as [number] "we have got into a cycle of hatred and violence, and not the roost brilliant debate will get you out of it, unless you look some other way and find some other means. it is obvious that if you continue in this cycle and have wars which this assembly was specially meant to avoid and prevent, the result will be not only tremendous devastation all over the world, but the non-achievement by any individual power or group of its objective. " in his thought-provoking report on the work of the organization, the secretary-general has very aptly characterized the united nations as an essential element in the historic choice before humanity - between a world of technological promise and one of potentially terminal danger. he has rightly stressed the need to strengthen the concept of international authority embodied in the united nations as one that should serve as a substitute for "unilateral action, exclusive alliances end spheres of influence" a [number] [number], p. [number] . his specific suggestions deserve careful study and reasoned application. we in india and in the movement of non-aligned countries believe that the united nations represents, in a real sense, the best hope of mankind. as the late prime minister, mrs. indira gandhi, stated in her address to the united nations general assembly at its thirty-eighth session, "firm faith in the united nations is central to the non-aligned" a [number] pv. [number], p. [number] . our affinity for the united nations is rooted in our world view. we cherish peace. we believe in the equality, sovereignty and independence of states. we have a fundamental conviction in the dignity and worth of the human person. the united nations embodies in itself these lofty principles and more. it constitutes a unique international forum where nations can resolve their differences and work together for the common good of humanity. throughout the years of india's freedom struggle, our leaders viewed independence not in narrow national terms but as part of the struggle of oppressed peoples everywhere for justice - political, social and economic. following india's attainment of independence in [number], our democratic institutions have stabilized and given to our people a deep sense of participation and commitment in determining the nation's priorities in the political and economic fields, as well as in the building up of its social and cultural ethos. in our international relationships, the commitment to the policy of non-alignment has been both instinctive and inevitable. as the prime minister of india, mr. rajiv gandhi, has stated "we have inherited a well-tested and consistent foreign policy which serves our national interest. we have always believed in working for peace. our policy is to be friends with all countries on the basis of reciprocity and mutual benefit. our commitment to non-alignment and a new world economic order based on justice means a total dedication to the twin causes of peace and development. he also believe in safeguarding the independence of states and upholding the principles of non-interference and non-intervention. " only a few weeks ago we marked the fortieth anniversary of the dropping of the first nuclear bombs on hiroshima and nagasaki. memories of that catastrophe make us even more acutely aware of the devastating potential of nuclear arsenals today. as we begin this fifth decade of the nuclear age, the attitudes of nuclear-weapon states towards the possession and use of their nuclear weapons have not undergone any basic change. there is a wide gap between public fears of a nuclear war and the calculations of statesmen and strategists of the efficacy of the nuclear balance of terror. ever increasing expenditures are being undertaken for the qualitative development of weapons. new generations of weapon systems have come into existence and the militarization of outer space appears imminent. indeed a whole range of new strategic concepts are being built which seek to smother any sense of moral outrage that humanity may feel over the politics of nuclear confrontation among the most powerful states of the world. all nations stand to suffer to a greater or lesser degree from the impact of the arms race. no one can predict with certainty the devastation that would be caused by a nuclear war. when the immediate effects of the blast and fire- are combined with the long-term effects of the fall-out, the erosion of the ozone layer and the damage to all our planetary life support systems, it is clear that another world war might well bring an end to human history. it is time for us to go the roots of our predicament. if the states most responsible for creating this threat are as yet unprepared to suggest urgent measures for preventing the outbreak of a nuclear war, others should take the lead. there is clearly today a rising tide of protest all around the world against the wasteful and dangerous arms race. the political climate generated by the spontaneous popular movements against the accretion of armaments, against the testing of nuclear weapons and against the use of science and technology for purposes inconsistent with humanitarian principles, makes it imperative for us to take bold action now. the tendency towards the legitimization of nuclear weapons should be reversed. the process of reduction of nuclear arsenals should be commenced as the only way to build up confidence and trust among states. a commitment by leaders of the major nuclear-weapon states to follow a path of arms limitation rather than arms build-up is the need of the hour. the evolution of healthy national societies in the world can only be ensured if the pervasive influence of an armaments culture, particularly of a nuclear armaments culture, is curbed and the massive expenditure now being directed towards perfecting and modernizing the instruments of war is channeled towards securing more equitable and better conditions of livelihood for the peoples of the world. even a token reduction in arms expenditure can produce dramatic results if channelized into the development of the less affluent sections of the world. in this context we welcome the convening of the international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development next year. we have welcomed the resumption of negotiations in geneva between the united states and the ussr on a complex of questions concerning space and nuclear arms, to be considered and resolved in their interrelationship, with the declared objective of working towards the complete elimination of nuclear arms everywhere. all nations have a stake in the success of the geneva negotiations and it is, therefore, with some concern that we note that these talks have not produced any concrete results so far. we hope that the forthcoming summit meeting between the leaders of the two countries will give a significant impetus to this process. i should like at this stage to refer to the delhi declaration issued at the end of the meeting of the heads of state or government of argentina, greece, india, mexico, sweden and tanzania who, in january this year, issued a fervent appeal to the nuclear-weapon states to halt all testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, to be followed by substantial reduction in their nuclear forces. the delhi declaration specified two steps for special attention - the prevention of an arms race in outer space and the early conclusion of a comprehensive test ban treaty. these leaders from five continents called for a continuing program of arms reduction leading to general and complete disarmament accompanied by measures to strengthen the united nations system and to ensure the urgently needed transfer of substantial resources from the arms race to economic and social development. in determining our international political and economic policies we, the non-aligned countries have consistently refused to tailor our responses to the dictates of cold-war predispositions. we do not mortgage our decisions to foreign dictates, we do not seek confrontation. but we urge the necessity of change as the key to the transformation of the world community. india does not believe, however, that such a transformation can be achieved merely by resort to strident rhetoric or by destructive criticism. the test for the international community consists in managing change by peaceful and co-operative means, recognizing the objective imperatives of our situation in the present-day world. therefore, we seek the widest co-operation of all nations of the world. but we ask that such co-operation be based on equality, justice and a genuine recognition of our mutual interdependence. as nations subjected to colonial domination and racial discrimination we stand firmly committed to the complete elimination of the pernicious practice of apartheid or racism in any form. the situation in southern africa is an affront to the conscience of mankind. the policies of apartheid of the racist regime in pretoria constitute a source of tension, instability and conflict, endangering both regional and international peace and security. the recent tragic developments in south africa, as a result of the fresh wave of terror and repression unleashed by the racist regime following its imposition of a state of emergency, testify to pretoria's determination to continue its repressive policies. mr. botha's statement in durban of [number] august provided ample proof, if proof were indeed needed, that pretoria remains wedded to apartheid, that it will continue to turn a deaf ear to the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed majority in south africa and to the voice of the entire international community, that it will persist in its attempts to divide the struggling majority in south africa, and that it will show no scruple in killing, maiming and detaining arbitrarily those who dare raise their voice in protest. recent events make it clear, at the same time, that the people of south africa will not be cowed into submission. as the special communique on south africa, adopted by the non-aligned countries at their recent ministerial conference in luanda, stated "the countdown to the collapse of apartheid has started in earnest". we call once again for the immediate and unconditional release of nelson mandela and other valiant freedom fighters under detention. we are convinced that the struggle for a united, democratic and non-fragmented south africa will, before long, find culmination in final victory. we reiterate to our brothers and sisters in south africa the assurances of our total solidarity and support. equally, our hearts go out to the suffering people of namibia who have now completed a century under oppressive colonial occupation. the same abhorrent regime that persecutes its own people persists in its illegal occupation of namibia, now close to two decades after the united nations assumed direct responsibility over the territory. the attempts by that regime to set up another puppet administration in namibia through the so-called multi-party conference, have met with the universal contempt and repudiation that they deserve. the extraordinary ministerial meeting of the coordinating bureau of the non-aligned movement on namibia, held in new delhi from [number] to [number] april this year, reaffirmed the clear and consistent support of the non-aligned movement for the cause of namibia and set out a concrete program of action to advance that cause. during that historic meeting, india took an important step forward by according full diplomatic status to the representative of the south-west africa people's organization swapo in new delhi, thereby reaffirming its firm support for the namibian cause. the united nations security council, convened in response to thq call made by the non-aligned countries at new delhi, has once again called for immediate and unconditional implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , which constitutes the only basis for a peaceful settlement of the namibian question. once again. south africa has spurned that call. it is incumbent on the council to meet again. it is clear that south africa could not have persisted in its defiance of the will of the international community for so long but for the diplomatic and moral support and the wide-ranging collaboration in the economic, military, nuclear and other fields that-it has been receiving from its friends and allies. the pursuit of apartheid, the occupation of namibia, and the repeated acts of aggression against independent african states, jointly and severally, all constitute threats to peace. yet the security council has, time and again, been paralyzed into inaction on account of vetoes cast by one or more of its permanent members against mandatory measures aimed at the total isolation of south africa. the pretoria regime is beyond persuasion. clearly, policies such as those of "constructive engagement" have failed. comprehensive mandatory sanctions under chapter vii of the united nations charter are the only answer. meanwhile, states have a moral duty to sever all links with pretoria. the recent upsurge of public opinion in many parts of the world for more resolute action against south africa is a welcome development. my country is proud to have led the way in [number], when we became the first voluntarily to impose comprehensive sanctions against south africa. nearer to our own shores, the destabilizing and escalating great-power military presence in the indian ocean causes us great concern. only the elimination of such presence can enable the nations of the area to shape their own destinies without hindrance or military tutelage from beyond their territorial boundaries. the [number] declaration adopted by the united nations laid down the objective of a zone of peace in the indian ocean area, which is universally supported by all non-aligned states of the region. these states now call for the early convening in [number] of a conference on the indian ocean in colombo in order to achieve the realization of the objectives of the declaration. the participation of all the great powers at such a conference is crucial, indeed indispensable, to its all the great powers at such a conference is crucial, indeed indispensable, to its success. the presence of military bases, command structures and other forms of military presence against the express wishes of the countries of the area only add to the tensions already prevailing in the indian ocean littoral and should be progressively reduced and eliminated. meanwhile, in our own neighborhood, the countries of south asia have embarked on a process of regional co-operation which holds out significant prospects for the betterment of our peoples. it is important that these developments are not adversely affected by the political and military factors involving the introduction of sophisticated arms serving external strategic interests. as we have repeatedly stressed, it is necessary that the existing thresholds are not crossed or new elements of controversy introduced which could adversely affect the security environment in our neighborhood. we, for our part, are committed to promoting good neighborliness and harmonious relations in the area. it is in this spirit that we look forward to the first summit meeting of the south asia regional cooperation organization in december this year in dhaka. our solidarity with the struggle of the palestinian people under the leadership of the palestine liberation organization plo to secure the establishment of an independent state in palestine and the return of the palestinian and arab territories occupied by israel has been a well-recognized plank in the non-aligned platform. the plight of the palestinians today is indeed one of the supreme tragedies of history. few people have been more systematically brutalized, oppressed or humiliated in their own lands. the dispersal of the heroic palestinians will not weaken their will to fight for their inalienable rights. nor will it bring peace to the area. occupation of land belonging to its neighbors will not guarantee israel its security. there is now an increasing understanding of the fact that no comprehensive solution of the problem in the middle east is attainable without the active involvement of the plo, the sole and authentic representative of the palestinian people. a comprehensive solution of the question can only achieved by a forward-losing approach based on a recognition of the realities of the palestinian right to an independent state and the right of all the states of the region to live in peace within secure international frontiers. any such solution must comprise the total and unconditional withdrawal of israel from all arab territories occupied since [number] and the exercise by the palestinian people of their inalienable national and human rights, including the right to establish an independent state in their homeland. the situation does not brook delay. we underscore once again the importance of the early convening of the proposed international conference on peace in the middle east, under the auspices of the united nations and with the participation of all parties concerned, for securing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region in accordance with well-established principles. india is ready to extend its full support and co-operation in this connection, and is appreciative of the efforts being undertaken by the secretary-general. the tragic conflict between iran and iraq, two valued members of the non-aligned fraternity, continues to be a matter of concern and anguish. india, along with other non-aligned countries, has taken repeated initiatives to resolve this conflict. our efforts continue, along with the efforts of the secretary-general and others. in spite of the valiant efforts of the contadora group to bring about a peaceful negotiated solution to the problems in central america, the situation in the region continues to be marked by instability, tension and conflict. policies of interference and intervention and the threat of the use of force imperil peace and security in the region, complicating its serious social and economic problems. the government and the people of nicaragua live under constant threat, harassment and intimidation. the problems of central america can be resolved only by peaceful means, through political dialog and negotiation. the contadora group must intensify its efforts to overcome the obstacles in its bid to bring lasting peace to the region. we are distressed by the last-minute impediments which prevented the signing of the revised draft contadora act for peace and co-operation in central america of [number] september [number]. however, we have noted with satisfaction the presentation of a further revised draft, following the meeting in panama earlier this month. it is our earnest hope that the meeting of plenipotentiaries scheduled for next month will finally pave the way for durable peace to return to this troubled part of the world. the endeavors of the newly constituted lima group will no doubt strengthen contadora's hand. we have always affirmed the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of states, as also of the introduction of foreign troops into any country. the situation in south-west asia can be resolved only through an overall political settlement based on the principles set out in the new delhi declaration. india's own efforts have been directed towards this end. we support the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of afghanistan. we have closely followed the efforts of the special representative of the secretary-general, which deserve the fullest support of all concerned. tension, conflict and instability afflict other parts of the world, including south-east asia. cyprus continues to face travail and threats to its sovereignty, independence, unity, territorial integrity and non-aligned status. tension continues to prevail in the mediterranean, the south atlantic and the pacific region. colonialism, as i observed earlier, persists in its most virulent form in namibia. in other parts of the world as well, the task of decolonization remains incomplete. in this twenty-fifth year of the united nations declaration on decolonization, tribute is due to the commendable role the united nations has played in the field of decolonization. we must also reaffirm our lesolve to eliminate the colonial phenomenon altogether. the world economic environment continues to cause grave concern. at the seventh summit conference of non-aligned countries, held at new delhi in march [number], our heads of state or government stressed that "the international community cannot be assured of durable peace so long as the economic disparities between nations are widening". the foreign ministers of non-aligned countries, meeting at luanda earlier this month, were constrained to point out that the world economic situation had not improved since [number]. the limited and fragile recovery achieved in some of the industrialized countries, whose spread has remained uneven even amongst them, is now faltering, because it has been based on unsustainable macro-economic policies. the projections for the rate of growth of the economies of industrialized countries for [number] and [number] remain low. the [number] rate of growth may not exceed [number]. [number] per cent it may well be lower. at the same time, the economies of the developing countries remain under heavy pressure. their overall growth rates remain well below levels which would offset population growth, let alone secure development gains. combined with the severities of the adjustment process which marked the first three years of this decade, this decline in growth rates has brought into sharp focus the constraints on their economies, threatening wider social and political strife. the developing countries have been making adjustments without any parallel improvement in the world economic environment and in the face of serious resource constraints, the growing menace of an increasingly intolerable debt burden, reverse transfer of financial resources and intensifying protectionist barriers against their exports to developed countries. against this background, the weakening of the commitment to the spirit of international economic co-operation and an erosion of the multilateral system is a deeply disturbing trend. it is paradoxical that this should be happening when there is an increasingly wider recognition that the world economy has become more interdependent, calling for a greater need to sustain and further the international consensus in favor of development. we have also seen with growing concern the increasing resort to bilateralism or selective multilateralism with the adoption of policies and practices which run counter to the agreed goals and objectives of international economic co-operation. this is a negation of the consensus which the developed countries themselves had helped to achieve. it is apparent that the prevailing international economic crisis cannot be explained away as a cyclical phenomenon. it has its origin in structural inadequacies which have been working to the particular detriment of the developing countries. it calls for a fundamental review of the existing structures. it is essential that the international community renew at this fortieth anniversary session its commitment to the resumption of international negotiations with the objective of stimulating world economic recovery and ensuring sustained growth, particularly of developing countries. this requires in particular an integrated approach in the interrelated areas of money, finance, debt and trade, and a restructuring of international economic relations. the luanda ministerial conference of the non-aligned countries reaffirmed the strategies for international economic negotiations adopted by the seventh summit at new delhi. the conference also defined a framewoiu for the commencement of a dialog. i would like to suggest that our immediate efforts should concentrate on the following first, rectifying through appropriate measures and actions the "inadequacies and malfunctioning" of the international monetary and financial system. secondly, the adoption of policies and actions to implement the agreements on rollback and standstill with a widening o! the access to exports from developing countries and the removal of all infringements on principles, rules and regulations of the international trading system. thirdly, the adoption of methodologies which would ensure multilateral co-ordination of macro-economic policies pursued by developed countries and the placing of their monetary and financial policies within the purview of international discipline. fourthly, the increase of financial flows to the developing countries, in particular concessional flows to the low-income countries. fifthly, making the international adjustment process symmetrical and equitable. i would also like to propose that during this session high-level discussions be undertaken to achieve understandings that would commence the process for the convening of an international conference on money and finance for development. the critical economic situation in africa and the drought and famine conditions have evoked a spontaneous response from the international community, including many non-aligned countries. the leaders of the african countries at the twenty-eighth summit conference of the organization of african unity oau have adopted a bold and courageous declaration in which they have expressed africa's determination to deal with the challenge of development. it is incumbent on the international community fully to support their efforts. as a token of solidarity, the non-aligned movement has adopted a plan of action. india has, on its own part, made a contribution of [number], [number] tons of wheat, followed by another contribution of us [number] million to the oau special fund. under the plan of action, india has already identified nine agricultural projects in africa. our participation in these projects, which is in an advanced stage of preparation, shall assist in priority areas for the rehabilitation of the agricultural infrastructure. the efforts by india that i have mentioned are additional to the bilateral program that my country has on an ongoing basis with the african countries as a part of which a large number of african experts are undergoing training in indian institutions, and indian experts are working in several areas with their african brethren in african countries. this, too, is a contribution to the priority areas of socio-economic development in africa. as one of the original signatories of the united nations charter, india has remained steadfast in its commitment to the values and ideals enshrined therein. to quote once again the words of india's first prime minister, pandit jawaharlal nehru, from a speech he made in [number] even before we attained our independence "towards the united nations, india's attitude is that of whole-hearted co-operation and unreserved adherence, in both spirit and letter, to the charter governing it. to that end, india will participate fully in its various activities and actively play that role in its councils to which her geographical position, population and contribution towards peaceful progress entitle her. " by the same token, the united nations and its system of specialized agencies have been a valued partner for india in the task of nation building and economic development. for the assistance and co-operation that the united nations has given us, we are deeply grateful. that, however, is not the only vindication of the trust, hope and confidence that we repose in the united nations. the importance and utility of the united nations for us, for the non-aligned and other developing countries, indeed for the entire international community, is to be measured not only by the material assistance the united nations provides in bettering the quality of life on this planet, but by the higher and more noble aspirations of humanity embodied in this remarkable institution. the greatest tribute that we can pay to the united nations on this occasion is therefore to rededicate ourselves to the purposes and principles of the charter and to reaffirm our commitment to give them full effect. as this assembly proclaimed last year, let [number] "mark the beginning of an era of durable global peace and justice, social and economic development and progress and independence for all peoples". we hope indeed that we are on the threshold of such an era.

at the outset, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you, sir, on behalf of the delegation of the united arab emirates, our warmest congratulations on your election as president of the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly. your election is an expression of the international community's recognition of your experience and ability, and an assertion of the important role played by your friendly country, zambia. we are confident that your ability will contribute positively and effectively to the realization of the hopes pinned on this session. [number]. we are pleased to extend our thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, mr. jorge illueca, who skilfully presided over the thirty-eighth session we highly praise his efforts aimed at the settlement of international disputes. [number]. we should like to seize this opportunity to renew our expression of confidence in the endeavours undertaken by the secretary-general and to reaffirm our support for his persistent efforts aimed at ensuring adherence to the purposes and principles of the united nations and enhancing its role in the settlement of the international disputes that threaten the security and existence of mankind. [number]. my country's delegation is pleased warmly to welcome the admission of the state of brunei darussalam to the united nations we look forward to the establishment of mutual co-operation with that friendly country based on our common ties. [number]. as we are approaching the fortieth anniversary of the united nations, we hope that the day will come when the countries still under colonialism or foreign occupation will become free and join the united nations. [number]. the secretary-general has indicated, in his report on the work of the organization, that the past year has been characterized by great-power tension and by violence or threatened violence in various parts of the world. the cycle of violence referred to by the secretary-general and undoubtedly involving almost all parts of the world, is caused by lack of good sense, by the obstinate adherence by states to concepts of self-interest and by the exertion of pressure on third-world countries to prevent them from achieving stability and devoting their national resources to the development of their economic potential. hence, security has become the preoccupation of individuals and nations in our contemporary world. [number]. our region, the gulf area, is one of the regions of the world where tension has increased as a result of the destructive war raging between two neighbours iraq and iran. the consequences of that war have affected international shipping lines, thus seriously endangering international navigation in the gulf area and inflicting severe damage not only on the economies of the gulf countries but also on those of the entire world. [number]. events have shown that the course of that war, and its consequences, will only bring havoc to the two muslim peoples in particular and to the security of the gulf area, as well as to world peace in general. the real beneficiaries of the continuation of that war are those who exploit regional disputes for the attainment of their own aims, namely, the extension of their spheres of influence in the world through the creation of regional climates conducive to that end. [number]. in view of our responsibility with regard to the region's stability and security as well as the maintenance of international peace, we have supported all the efforts being exerted by the secretary-general, the organization of the islamic conference and the movement of non-aligned countries for the halting of this haemorrhage, bringing the combatants to the negotiating table to settle their differences through peaceful means, infusing a spirit of peace and leading to an accord between the two states. [number]. in our endeavour to achieve these lofty goals, we have not only supported those initiatives, but we have also contributed, in co-ordination with the member states of the gulf co-operation council, by contacting both parties in an attempt to put an end to that war in a manner guaranteeing the legitimate rights of both countries. [number]. in this context, we put on record with appreciation the positive response exhibited by brotherly iraq towards the initiatives taken and its declared readiness to end the war immediately. we look forward to the day when the government of the islamic republic of iran will do likewise and respond positively to the efforts and initiatives undertaken for that purpose. [number]. we, in the gulf, attach particular importance to freedom of navigation because of its close connection with the development of our resources and economy, in addition to its significance to the world economy. we are opposed to any action which hinders or restricts freedom of navigation on the high seas. hence, we were gravely concerned over the recent events in the red sea, given their inherent danger and threat to navigation in that vital waterway. [number]. on the basis of this understanding and in view of our area's direct link with the indian ocean, my country continues strongly to support the efforts undertaken for die adoption of the necessary measures for the implementation of the declaration of the indian ocean is a zone of peace and for effective compliance with it on the part of the international community. [number]. the united arab emirates has affirmed on more than one occasion that the security of the gulf area is exclusively the security of its states and they are directly responsible for it. this principle is an extension of the general principle that mv country continues to adhere to, namely, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. [number]. the middle east is one of those regions that continues to suffer from tensions. it witnesses daily, in an unprecedented manner, displacement, murder, destruction, wars, occupation and violence. the region has become the scene of the most violent acts of aggression in the contemporary world. an entire people has been denied stability and peace in a free and independent homeland, while other peoples are threatened with the same destiny. calls for help and denunciations have been made on an almost daily basis from this and other forums but the world stands helpless, despite all the progress made in various fields and at all levels, unable to put an end to the destructive violence which has already lasted too long and has almost become the inevitable destiny of man in the region. [number]. the conditions which prevail in the middle east region stem, in their origin and development, from israel's continued persistence in perpetrating aggression and its refusal to comply with the resolutions of the international community. for this reason, the question of palestine remains unresolved. it constitutes a source of continued concern because of the suffering of the palestinian and other arab peoples and the risk of global confrontation which could lead to a destructive war extending in its effects beyond the states of the region, to engulf the whole world. [number]. the true reasons behind the continuation of this problem are well known to the international community, namely, israel's desire to achieve the zionist dream by means of expansion and hegemony over the states of the region, the convergence of this desire with the goal of certain states to play havoc with the destiny of the region's peoples and the pursuance by these states of policies hindering the security council from adopting resolutions aimed at putting an end to aggression and holding the aggressor responsible for its aggression. [number]. we maintain and stress the conviction that the middle east problem is a clear expression and an inevitable outcome of the failure to settle the core question, namely, the question of palestine. the conclusion of a just and comprehensive settlement should be predicated, fundamentally, on the following first, recognition of the inalienable rights of the people of palestine to return to its homeland and to establish its independent state on its national soil under the leadership of its sole and legitimate representative, the plo and secondly, israeli withdrawal from all the occupied arab territories, including jerusalem. [number]. the continued absence of such settlement could lead only to further deterioration of the situation and greater tension and, consequently, to the creation of new problems, as is the case with the israeli occupation of southern lebanon. thus, the world finds itself, once again, confronted with derivative issues that require further efforts that may drag on indefinitely. [number]. lebanon, a vivid example of this, has been the victim of israeli aggression and occupation for over two years. in spite of all the efforts made and resolutions adopted by the united nations, particularly security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , which call for the withdrawal of israeli forces immediately and unconditionally to the internationally recognized borders, the israeli forces continue to occupy southern lebanon and to subject its population to all forms of military and economic pressures in order to force them to leave their lands. in this context, we regret the exercise by the united states of its right of veto last month, thus preventing all the other members of the security council from adopting a humanitarian draft resolution, calling upon israel to desist from its inhuman practices against the population of the south and to comply with the provisions of the fourth geneva convention of [number]. [number]. the separate attempts and the partial solutions aimed at addressing the middle east problem will remain in their essence and ramifications, insufficient for establishing a sound basis for the desired just and comprehensive settlement. therefore, we affirm that general assembly resolution [number] [number] c, which calls for the convening of an international peace conference on the middle east, with the participation of all the parties, including the plo, offers the appropriate framework for the establishment of the conditions for a just and durable peace in the region. we hope that certain major powers will reconsider their position on the convening of this conference in conformity with their international responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. [number]. southern africa, like the middle east, continues to suffer from the abhorrent yoke of colonialism and the practices of racial discrimination, which constitute an affront to humanity. such practices cast doubt on the ability of the international community to shoulder its responsibilities towards a large segment of mankind in the realization of justice, equality, freedom and human dignity. we salute the heroic struggle of the nationalists for freedom, equality and independence, and we reaffirm our belief in their just cause and our firm determination to continue to support their legitimate struggle. [number]. we condemn the policy of apartheid pursued by the government of south africa. we consider that policy a crime against humanity, whose elimination requires concerted international efforts. this applies to the so-called new constitution introduced recently by the pretoria regime and aimed at consolidating the policy of apartheid. hence, we support security council resolution [number] [number] and the recent resolution adopted by the general assembly which condemned that act with all its implications. [number]. on the same premise, we salute the just struggle of the people of namibia under the leadership of swapo, and we affirm our continued support for the self-determination, independence and territorial integrity of namibia. we are very confident and unshaken in our belief that no matter how oppressive and evil aggression may be, it is inevitable for justice to win and for man's dignity to be respected. [number]. in accordance with the basic principles upon which our foreign policy is predicated, together with our commitment to the charter of the united nations and international norms and our conviction that non-interference in the internal affairs of other states is conducive to the alleviation, to a great extent, of international tension, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from afghanistan and for the freedom of its people to establish the regime they choose. this applies to kampuchea, whose people have long suffered from foreign interference. it also applies to the problems facing the states of central america. in this connection, we endorse the principles and concepts adopted by the contadora group for the settlement or those problems. likewise, we urge that the dispute between north korea and south korea be settled through free dialogue between the two countries in order to achieve the aspirations of their people for unity. [number]. with regard to the question of cyprus, we commend the recent efforts made by the secretary- general to help the turkish and greek communities of cyprus to arrive at a solution to this problem that would guarantee the rights of both communities, ensure security and coexistence for the people of the island and guarantee the territorial integrity, independence and non-alignment of the republic of cyprus. [number]. we believe that arms control and disarmament are of vital importance for international peace and security and that they can be realized only in an atmosphere of political stability and mutual confidence, particularly among the states possessing nuclear weapons. [number]. the secretary-general has printed out in his report on the work of the organization that the lack of concrete progress in disarmament and arms control has aroused deep fears of a nuclear confrontation. we are deeply concerned over the escalation of the production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and their storage in various parts of the world. moreover, our concern is aggravated by the stalemate in the negotiations between the two super-powers and the failure to resume them with regard to control of the development and production of certain kinds of nuclear weapons. because of this grave situation, it is becoming more and more difficult to live in an atmosphere of escalating fear and panic from the possible outbreak of nuclear war. furthermore, it is no longer possible to overlook the enormous resources that are wasted on armaments at a time when mankind is in dire need of those resources for the purposes of economic and social development. [number]. the united arab emirates welcomes the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, including the region of the middle east. we hope that the international community, and in particular the great powers, will view this matter with the importance it deserves, since it constitutes a fundamental element in the maintenance of security and stability in the region. [number]. the political situation cannot be examined separately from the prevailing economic problems. the economic problems in the world today indicate that the economic crisis continues to affect all countries. the current situation is not only disappointing but also a source of deep concern over the possible consequences. [number]. while economic stagnation, low growth rates and high rates of unemployment and inflation have all become constant aspects of the world economy, their effects are most severely felt by the developing countries. those countries are unable to sustain their economic and social development programmes and to arrest the continued deterioration in their already low standards of living. there is overall agreement that the continuation of such a situation could ultimately have catastrophic consequences. [number]. although in some developed countries the economy has experienced relatively slight recovery, that does not call for much optimism because that recovery is limited and has not brought about any real changes in economic policies with respect to current problems. in their economic policies, the developed countries have not always been willing to address the basic problems of the world economy. [number]. hence, the economies of the developing countries have continued to suffer a great deal from the consequences of such practices as continued protectionism, congestion of export markets, deterioration of the terms of trade, decline in export revenues, exacerbation of foreign debts, high level of interest rates and increasing pressure for instituting external structural adjustments. all of this has created enormous difficulties for the developing countries and made them unable to pursue their economic development programmes and to halt the erosion of their standards of living, thus creating a situation that could seriously threaten their social stability. [number]. this critical situation of the world economy calls for serious and responsible consideration on the part of all in order to alleviate its negative effects within a comprehensive framework, with the participation of the developing and developed countries alike. it is therefore imperative to strengthen the role of the united nations and its collective framework in a process of international economic reform. [number]. it is also imperative to establish sound and objective foundations to be observed by all other international institutions in the consideration of the economic problems of the world on an interdependent, balanced and comprehensive basis, in order to lead ultimately to the establishment of a just and effective international economic order. [number]. this appeal has its roots in numerous resolutions adopted by the general assembly, particularly those pertaining to the establishment of a new international economic order, it also stems from the continued efforts of the developing countries, represented by the group of [number] which have been reflected in the positive decisions adopted by that group in various economic forums and it has been clearly expressed in our persistent pursuit to launch global negotiations, since we believe in the important role such negotiations could play in reforming the world economy. [number]. we aspire to a world built on the solid foundations of justice, amity and peace, a world in which each state, big or small, will enjoy stability and a secure future.

i am pleased, on behalf of my delegation, to extend to mr. opertti our warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-third session. just three months ago, the philippines commemorated the centennial of the birth of asia s first republic. a month before that the filipino people conducted the most sacred rite of a democracy the election of national leaders by popular will. the successful electoral process resulted in the second peaceful transfer of power since our people power revolution of [number]. president joseph ejercito estrada, with a resounding mandate from the filipino people, has taken over the task of leading the philippines into its second century as a free and democratic nation. but he does so at a very trying time he must steer the ship of state on very turbulent waters, with global forecasts painting a picture of even more stormy weather ahead. and the asian economic crisis rolls on it is no longer just asian nor entirely economic. it will wreak havoc anywhere and spare no one. it has already hit the philippines hard, though perhaps not as badly as some other countries. yet, for us, the only tenable direction to go is forward to go back is to founder. thus, the estrada administration s economic policy will remain market- friendly, even as it is pro-poor and pro-business. the philippines will keep the momentum of economic reform and strengthen in particular its financial and banking sectors. like all other states, the philippines pursues foreign policy to promote national security and development. but we view national security beyond the traditional concerns of sovereignty and territorial integrity. for in a global regime characterized by evolving multipolarity of political and military power and by growing economic and financial interdependence, with all their attendant opportunities and risks, my nation s peace and prosperity increasingly depend on stability and growth abroad. as president estrada has said, our way of life, our fundamental values and our institutions can flourish and find true expression only if we enjoy political stability, economic solidarity, sociocultural cohesion, moral consensus and ecological balance, at home as well as with our partners in the world. our national security and development demand that we actively advance the internationally shared goals of freedom, openness, peace, prosperity and justice. it is in this context that the philippines regards the united nations, which it helped found [number] years ago, as a most important partner in our efforts to promote our own national security and development. our part of the world, the asia-pacific region, is the scene of growing regional cooperation coexisting side by side with regional tensions. the association of south-east asian nations asean has not only increased its membership but has also expanded its work from the purely economic and social to the security and political fields. it took the lead in creating the asean regional forum the only regional security dialogue mechanism that brings together all the powers with a stake in peace and stability in east asia and the western pacific. the philippines hosted the fifth asean regional forum last july and is gratified with the growing trust and confidence among forum participants and with the [number] progress in the promotion of greater transparency and mutual understanding in the region. nevertheless, the asia-pacific region is not tension- free. territorial disputes and issues left over from the second world war fester. the philippines hopes that as the new millennium dawns meaningful action towards the resolution of such issues will commence in earnest among the countries concerned. peace in the korean peninsula is essential. the philippines supports ongoing efforts, including those of the four-party talks and of the korean peninsula energy development organization kedo , to build the foundations of peace in the korean peninsula. peace in the south china sea is crucial to peace and prosperity in east asia. the philippines encourages all parties concerned to scrupulously observe the principles contained in the asean declaration on the south china sea of [number]. the ratification of the treaty establishing the african economic community augurs well for africa. the efforts at conflict resolution and prevention by the organization of african unity oau and subregional organizations such as the economic community of west african states ecowas , deserve to be lauded. nonetheless, one cannot escape the fact that the more intense of today s conflicts have occurred in africa. the tragic events in rwanda, in burundi, between ethiopia and eritrea, in sierra leone and now in the congo are familiar to us all. although these states are responsible for their future, the recurring and protracted conflicts in africa demand a multilateral response to the political, economic and social ills of the region, and the need to address development issues is paramount. we also cannot afford to ignore the humanitarian disasters such as those in the sudan. indeed, political stability is required in africa, but so is aid. let no one in this hall forget africa and our collective duty to alleviate human suffering there. the philippines firmly hopes that the middle east peace process will resume in earnest and encompass all relevant parties. we reaffirm the need to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the middle east. the growing number of signatures to and ratifications of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty ctbt and the review of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt raised hopes that nuclear weapons were becoming obsolete. unfortunately, the nuclear- weapon states have yet to live up to their npt commitments. moreover, the recent nuclear tests in south asia were a destabilizing development. the proliferation of missile technology and capability is just as fraught with danger, if not more dangerous, than the spread of nuclear weapons. these two make for a deadly combination for everyone both must be stopped. so, too, must the continuing development and stockpiling of other weapons of mass destruction cease. likewise, we need to put an end to the unregulated transfer and indiscriminate and often illegal circulation of small arms and light weapons. the philippines is also deeply committed to the banning and destruction of anti-personnel landmines. my government is deeply gratified that our common intense effort to conclude the convention on anti-personnel mines succeeded last december. we strongly urge states that have not yet done so to sign the convention. we urge all to assist in landmine clearance and the rehabilitation of landmine victims. political instability and the collapse of peace and order in any state produce deleterious effects, including security threats for others. for this reason, the philippines contributes where it can to the establishment or restoration of political stability in other lands, particularly in support of democracy. cambodia s recently held elections have been judged free and fair. but, as recent developments in that country show, democratic elections, while necessary, are not a sufficient condition for democracy or for peace and stability. cooperation by all cambodian parties, prompted by a deeper love for the nation s good, is required. the efforts of the asean troika, the friends of cambodia and the united nations have not been in vain they have just not been enough. much could be done by the international community but so much more needs to be done by the cambodians themselves to pull their country back from the brink. the philippines hopes to see a fully stable south- east asia, where all peoples enjoy peace and national reconciliation. we hope to see all [number] countries in the region working together for a united and outward-looking south-east asia, bonded in a partnership of dynamic development and in a community of caring societies. thus, we are committed to assisting myanmar and laos [number] in their integration into a peaceful, prosperous, humane and just asean. peace and order are threatened by the evils of terrorism and transnational crime. terrorism is a crime against humanity, and we strongly condemn it. transnational crime in all its guises, including drug- trafficking, trafficking in women and children, and money- laundering, must be stopped. the philippines joins the rest of the international community in hailing the adoption of the rome statute of the international criminal court. i wish to convey my government s serious intention to consider the matter of accession to that treaty in the near future. the world needs economic solidarity. and the asian crisis, which has spread to other regions, is our immediate global concern. for in its wake, millions of lives have been afflicted, with untold suffering. in its path, nations may fall. the bretton woods institutions have played a vital role in the global economy. but it is now clear that their methods and their resources, particularly those of the international monetary fund imf , are sorely insufficient to contain the crisis and to restore the health of afflicted economies. we need to replenish imf resources, augment the funds of the world bank and the regional banks, and develop new remedies for the new problems of a globalized economy. the united nations can play a significant role in fostering international cooperation and action to solve the global crisis and mitigate its effects. together, we can fight protectionism. the suffering spawned by the crisis must be addressed. the significant decline in official development assistance from donor countries needs to be reversed. now more than ever, social amelioration programmes and safety nets must be enhanced. the crisis has forced us, too, to focus attention on the quality of governance. the issues of corruption and cronyism have been catapulted to the top of national debates. the ensuing convergence of ideas and resolve towards greater transparency and a more level playing field, at home and throughout the world, should be boons to our peoples and nations. the financial crisis has also confronted us with the reality that the world is dealing with a new phenomenon. this is the phenomenon of massive amounts of capital flowing across national borders at lightning speed, bloating economies into fragile bubbles as they rush in and shaking economies to their foundations as they are withdrawn. this is one aspect of globalization that carries great peril. it requires much diligent study and delicate handling. we have long recognized the need to recast the global trading regime and make it more responsive to the requirements of our time. our efforts on this are well advanced. now we must begin the work on the global financial system. together, we must plan and build a new architecture that best suits today s and tomorrow s needs. the philippines welcomes president clinton s eight- point agenda to lead the world out of the current global economic and financial instability. real action is what the world, not just asia, needs urgently. indeed, threatening clouds are overhead. lives are needlessly shattered. we need to limit the damage now and start rebuilding as soon as we can. another lesson the crisis teaches us is about how brittle and fleeting high growth in gross domestic product is. it is not difficult to associate the roots of civil unrest in the wake of economic hardships with the lack of social justice on the ground. the poor, who get hit first and hardest in any economic downturn, will always be restive if development yields dividends only for the rich. the crisis makes us realize that the fruits of prosperity and the pains of sacrifice must be enjoyed or borne equitably. the globalization of information and the media may have reduced cultural barriers to the point of homogenizing certain cultural aspects of life. but the world continues to suffer from cultural intolerance. the plight of children, the rights and advancement of women and human rights in general still need to be addressed vigorously by the international community. the continuing exploitation of children for pornography, prostitution and drug-trafficking, not to mention the suffering of displaced and refugee children, is a global problem. the convention on the rights of the child should guide international action in this area. at the regional level, the philippines and the united kingdom, under the aegis of the asia-europe meeting, have launched a joint initiative on child welfare with a view to creating a better international cooperation mechanism on this endeavour. the philippines attaches great importance to the promotion and protection of the rights of migrant workers and their families, and we continue to call upon all countries to accede to the international convention on the protection of the rights of all migrant workers and members of their families. all human rights political, civil, social and economic are universal, indivisible, interdependent and [number] interrelated. so long as any or all of these rights are not respected globally, we cannot rest, even as we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights. for the philippines, the best and surest way to promote social justice and human rights is through a sincere commitment to the rule of law. and one law that is self- evident and immutable in all cultures is the sanctity of human life and the dignity of the human person. many of the international commitments made at the united nations conference on environment and development, particularly agenda [number], remain unfulfilled. and sadly, no new or additional resources needed by developing countries to implement many of the actions agreed at the summit have materialized. we appeal for early action on these points. sustainable development continues to be an important focus of philippine foreign policy. as chair of the sixth session of the commission on sustainable development, the philippines emphasized the role of civil society in the implementation of cooperative activities in key areas such as freshwater resources, the role of industry, technology transfer and capacity-building in development. last april, the philippines signed the kyoto protocol to the united nations framework convention on climate change. we join other states parties to the convention in urging the speedy entry into force of that protocol. addressing global challenges and problems requires international action and cooperation. the united nations remains the principal multilateral forum for the initiation of such action and cooperation. as a founding member, the philippines recognizes that the united nations must have the active support of all its members and adequate resources in order to be effective. we have supported the various reform exercises undertaken in the past years, and we will continue to do so, to ensure the continued relevance of this our reliable partner. inasmuch as the overwhelming majority of united nations members are from the developing world, the united nations reform process must restore development issues to the core of the united nations agenda. it should also enable the general assembly to fulfil effectively its charter- mandated responsibilities. there is a pressing need to modernize and reform the security council. the council is the united nations organ with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, and its decisions must be viewed as serving the collective interest of all united nations members. thus, its membership must be enlarged to include more key global players and developing countries. its working methods and decision-making processes should become more transparent and democratic. as a democracy, the philippines is convinced that global efforts and cooperation to achieve peace, prosperity and development can succeed only if democracy thrives within nations and serves as the basis for relations between and among them. at the global level, this requires respect for the principle of sovereign equality among states, the commitment to enrich, not beggar, one another, the need to uphold and defend the principles of the united nations charter and international law, the pacific settlement of disputes, the promotion of all human rights, and respect for the one and only world we live in. without exception, all nations need to cooperate and be part of the solution to all the world s woes. for we are all in this together, and there are no others to blame. as shakespeare admonished, the fault, dear brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves, that we are underlings julius caesar, act i, scene [number] .

it gives me great pleasure to congratulate mr. holkeri on his assumption of the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty- fifth session. i am confident that under his most able guidance we will make substantive progress in our deliberations. i also pay tribute to his predecessor, mr. theo-ben gurirab, the esteemed foreign minister of namibia, for the skilful manner in which he guided our work during a busy year. i also take this opportunity to commend the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, for his report on the work of the organization. i also take this occasion to welcome the new member, tuvalu, to our midst. the fifty-fifth session opened with the historic millennium summit and the adoption of a visionary declaration offering the cardinal principles that should govern relations among nations. it charted a course that, if followed, will ensure durable peace and security as well as common progress and prosperity for all humanity. it, hopefully, began a new chapter in the history of the united nations. undeniably, expectations are raised that the organization will overcome the pervasive and interrelated obstacles to peace and development, while strongly reaffirming and preserving the purposes and principles of the united nations charter. we know that these goals can be achieved, but it is crucial that member states, civil society, international organizations and the private sector cooperate and work together for that purpose. these efforts must be supported by the empowerment of the organization, entailing more than charting a new structure and new mechanisms, or providing additional resources. it demands a willingness to provide genuine authority and legitimacy to the united nations by setting new norms and agendas as needed. it also urgently calls for reform of the security council. new prospects for that effort may have emerged in the joint statement of the heads of state or government of the permanent members of the council on [number] september. in that statement they pledged to foster a more transparent and broadly representative council to enhance its effectiveness for peace and security. one major issue confronting us is the lack of progress on the elimination of nuclear weapons. we are even more concerned to see a new rationalization for their continued use, coupled with repeated assertions of their legitimacy and necessity, and to see the danger of the deployment of anti-ballistic missile defence systems. this lack of progress increases the prospects of a new nuclear arms race which will threaten the existing arms control agreements and the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . ridding the world of the dangers posed by nuclear weapons, pending their total abolition, is the greatest challenge of our time. in contributing to peace and security, indonesia has since [number] actively participated in and contributed to the various peacekeeping operations of the united nations. in anticipating the new and emerging problems identified by the secretary-general and, in particular, the report a [number] [number] of the brahimi panel, we are in the process of responding to the new requirements with a view to bolstering the numbers, quality and effectiveness of our participation in future united nations missions. armed conflict and tensions persist in many parts of the world. in the middle east we must continue to focus our attention on the core of the conflict, namely, the legitimate struggle of the palestinian people to secure their inalienable rights to self-determination and sovereign statehood in their own homeland, with jerusalem as its capital. in this context, my delegation commends the palestinian leaders for their statesmanlike approach. they have demonstrated their commitment to peace through the decision to share the city of jerusalem, while remaining committed to their national rights, in order to reach a compromise. hence, it behoves israel to make a similar compromise so that a final settlement can be achieved. the withdrawal of israel last june from southern lebanon, following more than two decades of occupation, has finally restored the territorial integrity and sovereignty of lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries. my delegation also hopes for a resumption of the israeli- syrian peace talks, based on the madrid peace formula. in various regions of the world, however, we see many positive developments which reflect a new spirit of cooperation and compromise. these are exemplified by, among other things, the summit meeting of the two leaders of north and south korea, the formation of a new government in somalia, and the ceasefire agreement between eritrea and ethiopia. it is my delegation's expectation that the same spirit of cooperation and compromise will prevail in easing the impact of sanctions on the people of iraq. it is also an imperative on humanitarian grounds to address the issue of missing persons of the parties concerned during the gulf war. in the afterglow of the millennium summit and the first south summit, which took place in august in havana, there was a distinct sense of optimism that the enormous power and promise of globalization and the information revolution could be harnessed in the service of development and in combating poverty. in this regard, the declarations and programmes of action provide us with an excellent blueprint for charting the path ahead. today, particularly in the developing countries, millions remain untouched by the benefits of globalization and the information revolution and, being bypassed and marginalized, can greatly provoke instability. thus, rather than enjoying generalized peace and prosperity, the world at the turn of the century continues to be disfigured by ruthless conflicts, wrenching poverty, blatant inequalities and problems including hunger, illiteracy and disease. while declarations and programmes of action are of critical importance for changing this reality, their implementation is the key. i am convinced that there can be no alternative to productive dialogue to achieve this aim such dialogue must be based on mutual interests and benefits, shared responsibility and genuine partnership. one of the core issues of development on which globalization has had a great impact and which requires such dialogue is that of financing for development, an issue that has assumed immense importance in the new global economy. while enormous financial flows have characterized the global financial system, the basic problem for the majority of developing countries is that they are not in a position to benefit from such flows and must instead depend on official development assistance, which has sharply declined. hence the importance of the forthcoming international high-level [number] event on financing for development that is to be held in [number]. another area in which globalization has had a great impact, one closely associated with financing for development, is the issue of the indebtedness of the developing countries which often seriously undermines their development efforts, particularly in this era of globalization. regrettably, the numerous debt strategies and initiatives employed over the years have failed to resolve this problem. equally important in this age of information is the need to harness the potential of the information and communication technologies in the service of development. progress was made in placing this critical issue on the agenda of the united nations when for the first time the high-level segment of the economic and social council this year considered information and communication technologies ict for development as its major theme. the outcome, particularly the ministerial declaration, underlined the critical importance of unlocking the vast potential of information and communication technologies for all humanity. more than ever before, due largely to globalization, we must strive for sustainable development as set out in agenda [number], adopted in rio de janeiro in [number]. the outcome of that conference committed the international community to meet the economic needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of the planet to provide for the needs of future generations. but almost a decade later, with the exception of a number of conventions that have been enacted, relatively little has been achieved in fully implementing agenda [number], known as rio [number]. it is therefore important that we seriously prepare for the ten-year review of its implementation. in doing so we should be able to generate the highest political commitment to help to ensure the full implementation of the agenda. in this regard, i am pleased to inform the assembly that indonesia's offer to host rio [number] has been strongly supported by the ministerial conference on environment and development of asia and the pacific. only a short time ago the five-year reviews were held on the copenhagen conference on social development and the beijing conference on women. from those two special sessions we learned valuable lessons. we learned that for many people social development remains an elusive goal and that only through gender equality and women's empowerment can true prosperity be achieved. clearly the time has come to move beyond rhetoric and fully implement the commitments of the various international conferences of the 1990s. we must also work towards eradicating ethnic and racial discrimination, religious intolerance and xenophobia, which threaten to undermine all progress political, economic and social. the forthcoming world conference against racism in [number] therefore presents an opportunity that must be seized. we are committed to ensuring that humanitarian assistance is available wherever and whenever needed throughout the world. the plight of refugees and displaced persons must continue to hold a prominent position on the global agenda, with each nation meeting its responsibilities to render aid and assistance in times of natural disaster, civil conflict or other emergency situations. we must work also to ensure the integrity of humanitarian missions. the murder of staff of the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees unhcr in atambua, west timor, has shocked and saddened the world, and nowhere more than indonesia. that humanitarian workers should become victims in the performance of their work is unacceptable. let me be clear in stating that this crime should not go unpunished. the necessary measures must be taken to ensure that such a heinous crime is never again repeated. this tragedy should not, however, result in a withdrawal of humanitarian assistance, thus compounding the loss. we should work together to resolve any and all obstacles to the safe delivery of humanitarian assistance. international cooperation in the millennium is unavoidable and indispensable. the quality, extent and timeliness of such cooperation will make the difference between despair and progress. in this setting, the significance of the united nations should be evident and accepted. preserving the role of the organization requires the participation of all member states, large and small. beyond declarations, it is time to translate our ideas into action. achievement is required in the twenty-first century. that was the message of the millennium summit.

at the outset, i would like to convey the condolences of the people and the government of the republic of malawi to the government and the people of the united states of america, as well as to the people and government of the dominican republic and other countries whose nationals died in the plane crash that occurred in queens, here in new york, on [number] november [number]. similarly, i also wish to convey my condolences to the government and the people of algeria, following the recent flood disaster in which many lives were lost and much property was damaged. on behalf of the malawi delegation, i feel deeply honoured to join my fellow representatives in congratulating mr. han seung-soo on his assumption of the presidency of the general assembly. my delegation looks forward to working closely with him over the coming months in the pursuit of sustainable solutions to the major global concerns and challenges that continue to confront humankind and in the promotion of international peace, security and understanding. let me also take this opportunity to express malawi s deep appreciation of and thanks to his predecessor, mr. harri holkeri of finland, for his exceptional skills, expertise and unswerving commitment. we have noted with appreciation how his tireless efforts and tenacity have resulted in progress on most of the items of the agenda during his presidency. may i also take this opportunity to congratulate our secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, and the united nations as a whole, for being jointly awarded the nobel peace prize for the year [number]. this demonstrates the world s recognition of the great strides the organization and the secretary-general have made in carrying forward the mandate of the united nations. this achievement is a rare feat that we should be proud of, and it should serve to encourage all of us to do more for the good of humanity. i would also like to reiterate the congratulations of the government of malawi to mr. kofi annan on his appointment to the post of secretary-general for a second term of office. it is appalling and extremely unfortunate that at a time when we thought we were making progress in human development, some people among us conducted heinous and abhorrent acts of terrorism. the terrorist attacks in this country on [number] september serve to remind us that the global village we are living in is under threat from people who do not value human life and democratic values. the government of malawi believes that no cause or rationale can justify terrorism as a means of achieving individual or group goals, as such acts result in indiscriminate destruction of human life and property. clearly, it is evident that no nation will be spared the far-reaching, devastating impact of the attacks of [number] september. the government of malawi unreservedly condemns those acts and pledges its support and cooperation in the fight against such unjustifiable criminal acts. it is our sincere hope that all those responsible for the terrorist attacks on the united states of america and, indeed, elsewhere in the world, will speedily be brought to justice. as we all share sympathy with the victims of the recent terrorist attacks, let us also demonstrate our unanimous resolve to deal with this problem in a decisive and conclusive manner by ratifying or acceding to all conventions aimed at combating terrorism. that will send a strong message to all parts of the world about our common purpose to remove this evil from our midst. it is common knowledge that terrorist groups and individuals or entities operate in sophisticated networks throughout the world. no country, therefore, can decisively deal with this problem alone. it is imperative that we all pool our resources to resolutely deal with the cancer of terrorism. security council resolution [number] [number] forms a sound and clear basis on which our cooperation should be anchored. it is abundantly clear that, if this resolution can be seriously implemented, it may effectively frustrate and check terrorist activities. it will be recalled that the strategic priority of the millennium summit held last year was to find ways of reshaping and reorienting the focus of the united nations that would inspire a renewed and shared sense of universal mission, thereby enabling it to make a real, quantifiable difference in the lives of we, the peoples in the new millennium. and yet, regrettably, one year after that watershed event, the commitments of the millennium summit already seem to be anything but what they are commitments and to be mere platitudes on the part of the developed countries. the summit s much- trumpeted visions, goals and collective social [number] objectives already appear to have been consigned to the same fate of non-fulfilment that has befallen similar, previous commitments of the rich nations. it is saddening that, at the height of a global integration drive, a shockingly large number of countries remains outside the globalization loop, while a handful of economically powerful countries of the north controls the pace and terms of participation in the global economy, not least the skewed distribution of its benefits. it is equally disheartening to note, in particular, that the african continent is nowhere near attaining even half as much of the benefit that it has strenuously striven for in the global economy. now more than ever, our continent is fast sliding deeper and deeper into a plight of deteriorating mass poverty. this situation is aggravated by mounting external debt, crumbling public infrastructure, marginally functional social services, severe environmental degradation, rising illiteracy and the rapid depletion of human resources and the skilled labour force as a result of endless armed conflicts and the devastation caused by epidemics, such as those of hiv aids, malaria, tuberculosis and other transmissible infections. these are some of the many issues that we have discussed time and again in this assembly and other forums, and yet we seem to be getting nowhere. clearly, africa is under the threat of imminent virtual exclusion from the mainstream global economy more so if the underlying spirit, ideals, goals and commitments of the millennium summit are not faithfully upheld to ensure the concrete and effective integration of the developing countries into the global economic framework on terms that reflect a shared future of promise of equality, equity, prosperity for all and a just world. in spite of all these apprehensions, my delegation is still encouraged by the wide global consensus on a range of major issues of critical concern to the least developed countries of africa. the positive conclusions reached during the special session on hiv aids and the world conferences that took place this year the third united nations conference on the least developed countries, the united nations conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects and the world conference against racism and racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance reflect a newly emerging global recognition that there is an urgent need to begin concretely addressing the issues that will aggressively advance the economic and social progress of the less developed nations. the declarations and programmes of action agreed at those conferences must be the centrepiece of any genuine international crusade to reduce social and economic disparities and inequalities between the north and the south. indeed, the persistence of these inequalities and injustices, in our view, is the root cause of the political, economic and social turmoil currently tearing apart the african countries and some parts of the world. malawi would like to reaffirm its steadfast commitment to the declarations of commitment, actions and programmes agreed at these conferences. what the developing countries need is a chance for a fresh start, which can come about only through a comprehensive package of total debt forgiveness that cuts across the existing initiatives for debt relief, including the enhanced heavily indebted poor countries debt initiative. we also need increased technical assistance, enhanced official development assistance and much greater flows of capital resources and foreign direct investment from developed countries. we would also like to insist on the genuine commitment of the north to the full integration of our economies into globalized markets through the removal of technical obstacles placed in the way of our exports. the united nations ought to play a leading role in breaking down the walls of protectionism and to sustain the search for measures that can help the poor nations wriggle out of their poverty and vulnerability. this is in line with the spirit of the resolutions and decisions taken at last year s world summit for social development. i take this opportunity to pay special tribute to secretary-general kofi annan for the numerous initiatives that he has undertaken to prevent violent conflicts in africa and other troubled regions of the world. the recent release to the security council of his special report on conflict prevention, which addresses in depth the many issues that arose from the brahimi report, is one practical demonstration of the secretary- general s overpowering resolve to ensure that the international community addresses political disputes and tensions before they degenerate into all-out armed confrontations and violent conflicts. these pose a major challenge and real threat to international peace and security. [number] in the same vein, to effectively tame violent conflicts, the united nations needs to deal decisively with the problem of the illicit trade and trafficking in small arms and light weapons. their easy availability, transfer and proliferation remain at the centre of the intractability of violent conflicts, rising insecurity and instability in some parts of africa. my delegation is most thankful for the success, albeit measured, achieved during the recent united nations conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects. in spite of a spirited bid by others to water down the agreed global consensus and programme of action, africa takes heart in the holding of the conference itself as a good starting point for putting in place effective measures to curb the immeasurable damage caused by these deadly weapons. many evils such as slavery, the slave trade, colonialism, apartheid, genocide, the hiv aids pandemic, poverty and starvation have afflicted the continent of africa and its people. these evils have been entrenched to such an extent that even the international media only look forward to reporting on the tragedies befalling the continent. however, despite these ills, africa deserves a special place in the economic, political and social spheres of the world. it is in cognizance of this fact that our leaders, in their quest for a prosperous and dynamic africa, resolved to transform the organization of african unity into the african union. the birth of the union has ushered in the new african initiative, now renamed the new partnership for africa s development, which seeks to pull africa out of stagnation and put the continent on a new footing for economic recovery and prosperity as well as for the promotion of human rights and good governance. as a developing region with very limited financial resources, we shall rely on our cooperating partners in order to ensure that our dream for a new africa is realized. therefore, i wish to appeal for global support for this noble initiative being espoused by our leaders so that the people of the african continent may see real social, economic and political transformation for the betterment of their lives. malawi recently assumed the one-year rotating chairmanship of the southern african development community sadc . while sadc member states take pride in the relative peace and stability that prevail in much of the subregion, we still have serious concerns about the persistent general economic slowdown and the deterioration of human development in the subregion. sadc is experiencing an unfair share of problems and challenges which require the international community s enhanced generous assistance and good will. it is common knowledge that sadc is reeling under the pressures of the untold devastation caused by the hiv aids pandemic, which is unravelling decades of hard-earned economic gains. the subregion accounts for [number] per cent of the world s total number that is, [number] million of people living with deadly hiv aids. sadc s modest average economic growth rate of [number]. [number] per cent becomes a cause for serious concern when compared with its staggering population growth rate of nearly the same level. apart from causing untold human suffering, the continuing civil wars in angola and the democratic republic of the congo two of the subregion s potential economic powerhouses have hamstrung every genuine endeavour by sadc to promote itself as a prime destination for foreign capital and investment. therefore, we call upon the united nations to step up its efforts to bring pressure to bear on the belligerents in angola and the democratic republic of the congo so that the ongoing peace initiatives can yield the rich rewards of an early and decisive settlement. we also call upon the international community to continue rendering vital support and cooperation to the peace facilitator in the democratic republic of the congo to ensure that the inter-congolese dialogue bears fruit and serves to consolidate the gains achieved so far by the united nations peacekeeping operation and the lusaka peace process. sadc would also like to see much more pressure exerted on jonas savimbi in order to force unita to return to the [number] lusaka peace framework. only the intensification of the united nations sanctions against unita and the punishment of those violating the embargo would genuinely achieve that goal. the attainment of durable peace and stability in the democratic republic of the congo and angola and the removal of tensions in the rest of the subregion would put sadc on a stronger footing for economic recovery and a firmer foundation for sustainable peace, security and tangible economic growth and development. [number] time and again, malawi has spoken in favour of readmission of the republic of china on taiwan to united nations membership, which would grant to that country a well-deserved opportunity for active engagement in international affairs. malawi finds it grossly unjust that the hard-working and peace-loving people of taiwan should suffer diplomatic isolation so unnecessarily. therefore, malawi would like to appeal to the entire united nations membership to look beyond narrow political considerations and face up to the geopolitical and economic realities that obtain on both sides of the taiwan straits. the diplomatic isolation of taiwan remains both a curiosity and a contradiction in terms. first, almost every country deals with taiwan in terms of trade and other forms of bilateral cooperation. secondly, the isolation of taiwan violates its people s inalienable right to free association within the framework of the united nations charter. lastly, let me reaffirm malawi s trust and confidence in the leadership role of the united nations in making our world a better place in which to live. i would also like to reaffirm malawi s unwavering commitment to its obligations and responsibilities as a member of the international community of nations.

[number]. mr. president, allow me first of all to address to you the warmest congratulations of my delegation on the responsible mission the general assembly has unanimously entrusted to you by electing you to the presidency of its thirtieth session. this choice is a proof of the esteem which the states members of our organization have for you. it is also the expression of a tribute they have sought through you to pay to the dynamic and constructive policies of your country in favor of international co-operation. at the same time, for us it constitutes the guarantee that our deliberations will take place in the best possible conditions of effectiveness because of your talent and your competence, and in particular because of the political open-mindedness that has always characterized your actions. [number]. my congratulations also go to your predecessor, mr. abdelaziz bouteflika. to whom it is a great pleasure for me to pay a tribute for the actions he undertook in order to ensure the success of our work during the last regular and special sessions. [number]. i hope the secretary-general will be kind enough to accept our great appreciation of and our gratitude for the tireless action he has undertaken to ensure the triumph of the principles of the united nations in order to promote lasting peace throughout the world. [number]. we extend a warm welcome to the new members, whose admission to our organization is the result of the long struggle they have courageously and heroically waged against colonialism. it is a matter of great satisfaction for us to welcome the delegations of the people's republic of mozambique, the republic of cape verde and the democratic republic of sao tome and principe. my country intends to develop with those fraternal states the most extensive co-operation and the closest relations possible. [number]. in the past year progress has been achieved in the establishment of a new era of peace in the world. [number] would refer first and foremost to the restoration of peace in south-bast asia, thanks to which the peoples of viet nam and cambodia will finally be able to devote themselves to achieving the exalting work of national reconstruction. my country, which is fully aware of the long suffering which has been endured by these peoples, will continue to give them all necessary support in their development and reconstruction efforts. [number]. the african continent has also scored new successes on the path to liberation through the accession of new countries to independence and national sovereignty. [number]. the conference cm security and co-operation in europe, held at helsinki last july, represents a step towards the strengthening of peace throughout the world. its effects, however, will not make themselves fully felt in international relations unless the states signing the final act resolve to apply the principles adopted, not only in their mutual relations, but also in the relations which they entertain with the rest of the world. [number]. in the middle east, praiseworthy efforts have been made to restore peace. but we must confess that peace is still a long way off because the real problems have not been tackled, particularly the question of recognizing the inalienable rights, of the palestinian people. [number]. the situation is equally disquieting in africa and, although colonialism has given ground, foreign domination persists over vast areas of territory, and racism remains one of the fundamental principles of the governments of certain states. [number]. in the field of economic and social development, we believe that the efforts made by the international community to establish a new economic order, and the results obtained, particularly during the seventh special session of the general assembly, constitute an important step towards the establishment of this new international economic order. [number]. the seventh special session of the general assembly has just concluded its work in an atmosphere of mutual understanding which, we venture to hope, will be a red-letter day in the history of relations among peoples. as a result, the sterility of a series of monologues has given way to the fruitful exchange of a genuinely constructive dialog. [number]. thus, new prospects are now opening up before mankind of banishing confrontations from the international scene and devoting ourselves to broader cooperation in all fields of economic and social activity. this is the only way to achieve progressive elimination of the injustices and the inequalities which have hitherto hampered the advent of an equitable economic order that would guarantee peoples throughout the world an era of progress, peace and prosperity. [number]. this special session has thus made it possible to presage the advent of a new international economic order by means of the collective definition of specific steps all aimed at bringing about an economic institutional restructuring of international life, in order to ensure stable and equitable incomes for the developing countries, to safeguard and improve the terms of trade, to stimulate the transfer of science and technology, to stem inflation, and to inject a new morality into the international monetary system. [number]. consequently, it is important that the dynamic process born of the spirit of the seventh special session, as well as the political will and desire for co-operation and understanding which was characteristic of its work, should be channeled towards serving the interests and the welfare of our peoples, by means of our continuing and persistent efforts. [number]. definition of this new co-operation and strategy, it must be noted, was possible only because of the new spirit of mutual understanding and of compromise which allowed us to arrive at a broad consensus. we hardly need to stress that it cannot be implemented without other meetings to discuss formulas which will make it possible to reconcile differing viewpoints and which will help to concert interests that can hardly be regarded as conflicting. [number]. morocco, while affirming its total adherence to the principles contained in the charter of economic rights and duties of states, hopes, in the spirit of constructive dialog which now prevails among the members of the international community, that the misgivings expressed by certain developed countries in connexion with that charter will be dispelled, so that the principles contained therein can be implemented in the interests of all parties. [number]. the situation in the middle east is still fraught with increasingly serious threats to world peace, despite the progress which has been recently accomplished. israel continues to occupy vast territories belonging to three states members of our organization, despite the unanimous condemnation of the international community which was reflected in the numerous resolutions adopted by both regional organizations and international bodies, and in particular by the united nations. in spite of universal disapproval, israel continues its murderous raids against arab countries and does not balk at using the most destructive type of weapons even against civilian populations, [number]. while our organization has been equal to its responsibilities in condemning such criminal acts, we see with indignation that the resolutions adopted in this connexion have remained ineffectual, and have merely been added to the many previous resolutions that have been passed since [number]. [number]. the occupation of the holy city of jerusalem, the east bank of the jordan, the golan heights, and the major part of the sinai peninsula constitutes a telling illustration of israel's policies of annexation and expansionism. [number]. morocco supports all the efforts which are being made to achieve a global, just and lasting solution to the middle east problem. we would reiterate that such a solution cannot consist only of the total evacuation of the occupied territories and the holy city of jerusalem, but necessarily implies the unequivocal recognition of the national rights of the palestinian people. [number]. recent initiatives in the middle east undoubtedly introduce a new element into the efforts made to bring about the evacuation of occupied arab territories. but we are disturbed to see that, despite long and arduous negotiations, and despite the good faith and positive attitude of the victim of the aggression, israel continues to occupy approximately [number] per cent of the sinai, [number]. and if such a limited result has required eight years of difficult and lengthy negotiations from the mission of mr. jarring, the special representative of the secretary-general, right up to the numerous trips made by mr. kissinger, the secretary of state of the united states, this would seem to indicate that the middle east will continue under the threat of an explosive situation, endangering international peace and security in a way involving incalculable political, economic, and human consequences. [number]. we must, therefore, remain vigilant. this is the price of peace. it is our duty to give full effect to the resolutions adopted by our organization. [number]. morocco and the international community cannot be indifferent to the tragedy of the palestinian people, who, for approximately [number] years now, have been victims of international zionism and who live scattered throughout the world. israel stops at nothing in its attempts to destroy that people both physically and politically. but the determination of our palestinian brothers to recover their national rights, the heroism and the abnegation they have displayed, have led to a world-wide awareness of the realities of the palestine situation. [number]. resolution [number] xxix in which the general assembly called upon the palestine liberation organization plo to participate in all its work and at all international conferences held under its aegis, and general assembly resolution [number] xxix reaffirming the inalienable right of the palestinian people in palestine, including their right to independence and sovereignty, are both of profound political significance. they have made it possible for the palestinian question to be transferred from the realm of charitable or humanitarian considerations to the realm to which it really belongs, that of an acute political problem which threatens international peace and security and requires of us an urgent solution. [number]. morocco, faithful to the resolution of the seventh conference of arab heads of state or government, held at rabat in october [number], would here solemnly restate its view that there can be no global and final solution to the question of the middle east unless an independent palestinian national authority is set up under the aegis of the plo. [number]. the tragedy which has been visited upon our brothers in lebanon is only a consequence of the pernicious and diabolical israeli designs to disrupt the unity of the lebanese nation and to sow hatred and discord among the citizens of the same country. that is why israel is seeking to destroy the structures of the lebanese state, since it symbolizes understanding and harmonious and peaceful coexistence among communities professing different creeds. in so doing, the zionist state is attempting to give the impression that even the concept of coexistence in palestine would lack realism and objectivity. thus, the covert action and treacherous maneuvers which ave been instigated by israel tn lebanon are quite definitely further proof of the unsavory role played y israel in the middle east. [number]. the israeli-arab conflict, unfortunately, is not the only source of tension in the mediterranean. the situation in cyprus continues to divide two communities which common sense and mutual interests would prompt to a peaceful and harmonious coexistence. morocco expresses the hope that the inter- communal talks, initiated under the auspices of the secretary-general, may continue until a just and final solution to this painful conflict can be found. [number]. acting on the premise that security in europe and the restoration of peace in the mediterranean are indivisible, the conference on security and cooperation in europe sought, to a certain point, to take due account of the concerns expressed by the non- participating mediterranean countries. [number]. we regret, however, that the conference did not include the coastal mediterranean countries, which, quite obviously, are vitally concerned by most of the problems which it discussed. [number]. nevertheless, we took note of the fact that the participant stales proclaimed their intention to maintain and to broaden the dialog which has been started with the other coastal countries in order to contribute to peace, to the reduction of armed forces in the area, and to the broadening of co-operation. thus, the conference recognized that the cultural and economic ties and the imperative need for security on both sides of the mediterranean legitimized the interest of morocco and other coastal countries in security and the development of good relations throughout the region. [number]. the changes occurring in portugal have brought about a noteworthy acceleration of the process of decolonization in africa. but it is intolerable that other territories are still subject to colonialism or still endure the odious system of racism and apartheid. the continuation of this situation involves the grave risks of tension and conflict in our continent and constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. [number]. the kingdom of morocco is resolved to pursue its action in order to bring about the total liberation of africa and to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination from that continent. i should like here to express our regret that a number of countries continue to co-operate with racist regimes, thus helping to consolidate their economies and their capacity to repress indigenous populations. [number]. in referring to the problems of our continent, i should like to express the deep distress which we experience in learning each day of the events which afflict angola at a time when it is on the eve of its accession to independence. my country urgently appeals to the national movements, each one of which is aware of the patriotic spirit and sacrifices made during their liberation struggle, to put an end to their internecine quarrels. [number]. the time has come for all to tum this gloomy page of history marked by fratricidal struggle and to turn boldly towards the future and fully shoulder the new responsibilities incumbent upon them in order to build a stable state with a prosperous economy for the benefit of their peoples. the kingdom of morocco is fully prepared to make its contribution to the effort of national reconstruction which will have to be immediately undertaken in angola. [number]. i referred just now to territories still under colonial domination. the western sahara is precisely a part of those territories, [number]. since its partial decolonization in [number], the kingdom of morocco has constantly worked beside all the liberation movements which are struggling against colonialism and has been actively involved in the work of the liberation committee of the organization of african unity oau . [number]. may [number] recall that the oau has had fresh life breathed into it since the assembly of heads of state and government of the oau held at rabat from [number] to [number] june [number] furthermore, it has now become commonplace to speak of the "spirit of rabat". [number]. faithful as it is to the same policy. morocco is supporting the efforts of the third-world countries to strengthen their sovereignty and to defend their integrity against any attempts at disintegration or divisiveness. [number]. this policy must be seen as part and parcel of the principles and declarations of our organization. the principles, of national unity and territorial integrity are an integral part of the binding law which is the very foundation of the actions of the united nations and the agencies affiliated with it. this, in particular, makes it possible for us to thwart all maneuvers aimed at perpetuating direct or indirect domination on the part of the colonial powers. [number]. the peoples of zaire, nigeria and indonesia were able to triumph precisely over these maneuvers by seeking, through struggle and great sacrifice, to ensure their right to national unity and territorial integrity. in so doing they received the effective support of both the oau and our organization. [number]. in these circumstances, morocco can justifiably request the support of the international community to help it achieve its own territorial integrity in the context of the application of these self-same principles. [number]. in this connexion, we are indeed grateful to those states which unequivocally supported the just claims of morocco in connexion with its territories in the north still under spanish domination the towns of ceuta and melilla, the jaafarines islands and the rocks of velez and alhoceima. [number]. we would express our thanks to the islamic conference, the oau and the conference of ministers for foreign affairs of non-aligned countries held at lima from [number] to [number] august [number], which, in the course of this year, have given their unanimous and complete support to the just claims of my country. [number]. the political declaration of lima, which defined the strategy to strengthen international peace and security and to intensify solidarity and mutual assistance among non-aligned countries, states "furthermore, considering the repressive acts committed by the spanish authorities in the towns of ceuta and melilla, on the jaafarines islands and on the rocks of alhoceima and velez under the moroccan jurisdiction, the non-aligned countries express their full support for the claims of the kingdom of morocco to recover its territorial integrity over its towns, islands and enclaves and request spain to enter into direct negotiations with morocco to arrange for their immediate restitution. " all0217 and corr. l, annex, para. [number]. [number]. the government of his majesty the king of morocco reaffirms its rights of sovereignty over those territories and, strengthened by the support of the overwhelming majority of the states members of our organization, declares itself prepared immediately to undertake negotiations with the spanish government. spain cannot reject this dialog, because it is precisely the same process which it is advocating to settle the question of gibraltar. [number]. for [number] years now the general assembly has had before it the question of the decolonization of western sahara. morocco, while supporting the initiatives taken by our organization to bring about true decolonization, has constantly maintained that western sahara is a fundamental part of the moroccan nation. for its part, the administering power has remained heedless of all the resolutions which have been passed previously and has obstinately aimed at a thorough distortion of the necessary conditions for their implementation. all the delays that have occurred in the process of decolonization are therefore ascribable to spain. [number]. in fact, far from promoting the liberation of the colonized peoples, spain has endeavored to condition them by resorting particularly to the classic procedure of so-called representative assemblies. at the same time it has stepped up its military and economic control it has endeavored to turn the referendum into a tool which it can fashion according to its whim and which it can use when and how it chooses in order to elicit a predetermined response. of course, this so-called process of decolonization, which has furthermore been constantly deferred, has involved no negotiations with morocco or mauritania, parties directly concerned, and the united nations itself has not been able to intervene, unless it be to give its blessing to decisions taken by the administering power. it is this situation which the moroccan and mauritanian governments, with the support of other governments, forcefully denounced during the last session of the general assembly. [number]. in view of the specific character of western sahara, the general assembly was induced during its last session to seek an advisory opinion from the international court of justice on certain legal aspects of the problem resolution [number] xxix . it will be up to our assembly, in the light of the advisory opinion that will be handed down, to advocate specific political measures, while at the same time, however, respecting the fundamental right to territorial integrity of both morocco and mauritania. [number]. his majesty the king of morocco was moved, furthermore, just before the twenty-ninth session of the general assembly, to recall vividly how morocco unanimously views the problem of the decolonization of western sahara. spanish colonization did not involve an empty space which the colonizer settled or organized in any way. that colonization subjugated peoples who already had a political and social organization of a type which undoubtedly was appropriate to the region and the era in question and whose existence could in no wise be challenged. in other words, western sahara was never a terra nullius. furthermore, the entire political and social organization which antedated the spanish colonization showed that it was moroccan soil that the colonizer had usurped. in point of fact, the geographical, ethnic and cultural unity of the liberated part of morocco and that part of it still under spanish domination is crystal clear. the same teknas tribes live in both parts and have always been subject to moroccan political and administrative organization. that organization itself acquired distinctive features by being exercised over widely scattered populations, who lived a nomadic life over vast expanses of desert. [number]. morocco is convinced that it has given the international court of justice clear evidence of the numerous ties which unite it with western sahara, despite the very difficult technical circumstances which it had to cope with. there can be no doubt that one of the effects of colonization is the confiscation of history. the negligent or willful destruction of documents, their absorption into the archives of the administering power, which, when it has to, produces only those which are favorable to it, undoubtedly do not help to serve the cause of those states which have been frustrated and are demanding compensation for that frustration. [number]. morocco, however, co-operated fully with the international court of justice in the performance ot its mission. on the other hand, it was with some regret that we viewed the negative attitude of the administering power, which endeavored to convince the court not to give the general assembly the assistance it had requested of it. it would be tedious to recall here how, by turns, the spanish government first sought to persuade the court that the assembly had submitted to it for its opinion a spanish-moroccan dispute, in other words a territorial dispute, and then argued that what was before the court was purely academic and without interest, these technical legal points need not have been recalled here if, behind them, we- did not glimpse the constant desire of using all means to reduce the process of decolonization to a sort of authoritarian monologue in which the administering power itself asks the questions and gives the answers, seeks for no negotiation and brooks no discussion. [number]. it is in the same spirit that, at the time when the case was being reviewed by the court, the spanish government threatened to shed forthwith its responsibilities in western sahara, taking as a pretext a deterioration of the situation in the territory. in this connexion it outlined certain prospects which quite clearly boiled down to a direct and arbitrary institution of a political authority in western sahara, a classic and convenient procedure whereby it could appear to give the impression of withdrawing while still remaining present through intermediaries. [number]. it is in the same way that spain has systematically refused for many years to receive the visiting mission that the general assembly decided should be sent to western sahara, it was only this year that that mission was finally able to discharge its functions and to visit the territory. thus, the assembly is now furnished with and will shortly have before it the report of the mission aii0023, chap. xiii, annex , whose work we cannot over-praise for its moral integrity and its fidelity. [number]. i should now particularly like to explain the state of mind in which the moroccan government will take up the discussion of the problem of the decolonization of western sahara. [number]. needless to say, morocco considers that this decolonization involves not only areas bordering on its own territory. we would reaffirm that it is not only a question, as in the case of any process of. decolonization, of rendering justice to the people who have been colonized themselves, but also, by the same token, of rendering justice to a nation which has been mutilated by the colonizers. the opinion of the inter-national court of justice will indicate under what juridical heading we will have to place western sahara's ties with morocco and mauritania. but, over and above all categories and concepts, there is one certainty which every moroccan, whatever be his station or his opinion, bears in his heart, and that is that there cannot be any true decolonization of the territory and population of western sahara as long as the rift created by the colonization persists. [number]. i hardly need to remind this assembly to what extent the new international law, the international law characterized by the liberation of colonized peoples, is inspired by a sense of national unity, and how often, in connexion with the question of respect for territorial integrity, the united nations has paid a tribute to national unity, nothing would be more unfair or more injurious to understanding among nations than to carry out a process of decolonization without taking, first and foremost, due account of this desire to reunite what has been separated and to put together what has been broken into pieces. [number]. of course, at this stage of our discussion morocco does not intend to submit any detailed procedure to the general assembly. there will be adequate time to do so when our work has taken on a more technical turn, particularly in the fourth committee. for the time being, we cannot but ask the assembly to pay due attention to two essential facts. [number]. the first is that the process of decolonization of western sahara, as, furthermore, is demonstrated in the general terms of resolution [number] xv , is not something which can be decided by a sort of automatic machinery. we are faced here with a specific problem, in connexion with which all the necessary elements must be weighed and which cannot be fitted into a strait-jacket. [number]. the second fact is that of the hope which my country cherishes. few peoples have paid as heavy a price under colonization as the moroccan people. for morocco, colonization took the most cynical forms of division and mutilation, the very negation of national identity. the continuous struggle of the moroccan people thus made it possible, in [number], for an end to be put to the dual french and spanish protectorate, for us to recover the zone of tangier, which had been placed under an international statute, and, finally, by means of direct negotiations with spain, to obtain the restoration of the saharan provinces of tarfaya in [number] and ifni in january [number]. [number]. it is therefore with patience, and also, at the same time, with full confidence in the work of liberation and justice pursued by the united nations, that morocco has awaited the completion of its territorial integrity. [number]. how great would be our disappointment were the organization to embark on a course likely to lead to a rejection of its national unity. that is a disappointment we shall not have to suffer. the work of liberation and the work of justice are one and the same.