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first of all, allow me to subscribe to the statement delivered this morning by the foreign minister of luxembourg, mr. jacques poos, on behalf of the european union. in particular, sir, i wish to join him in his congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the general assembly. as the year [number] draws closer, our feelings somehow make us ponder more keenly the achievements and misfortunes of the present century, and make us look ahead to the next one. as i do this, central to my thoughts is the united nations, an institution created when i was an adolescent, at the end of a war whose horrors were just then coming to light. i remember having been elated at the time about the purposes and principles of the new organization, and i remember how intrigued i was to see that, in a way, devastation and despair had given rise to the belief that a better world could yet be built, a world marked by peace, development and respect for human rights, notions i was just beginning to learn about. soon enough, i came to realize that such a world would be rather longer in the making than the charter had led me to hope that old questions were giving way to new ones that the united nations was not a panacea for all the troubles of mankind and, more to the point, that the united nations could never be stronger than its member states collectively willed it to be. yet somehow my expectations remained, expectations which i shared with a growing audience around the globe, and which one generation was passing on to the next. rightly or wrongly, nations and individuals, governments, civil society and the public at large they all have expectations about what the united nations can do for them, and about how it might change their lives and their destiny for the better. the question then is not so much whether the united nations can meet all of those expectations. for it cannot, and it probably should not even try. the united nations has neither the mandate, nor the resources, nor the power to be the world s keeper. the question is rather how we can exploit the strong points of the charter, how we can make the united nations play a role that only the united nations can play, and how we can better equip the organization to do more by doing what it does better. with that in mind, i wish to highlight three matters this afternoon the fitness of the organization the potential of the united nations to manage crises in the wider context of development and the organization s action in the field of human rights. part of the reason why the united nations has problems in meeting expectations is what it has turned into over the past [number] years an amazing structure of boards and committees populated by a growing membership and assisted by an army of civil servants. for that reason alone, the organization has lost credibility. efforts to streamline and revitalize the organization are therefore long overdue. united nations reform is a must. the proposals put forward by the secretary-general are an important first step in that process, as the foreign minister of luxembourg, mr. poos, said this morning, a process that will have to incorporate more ambitious ideas as it unfolds. the kingdom of the netherlands supports the secretary-general in his reform drive, we applaud the fact that he has made reform his number-one agenda item, and we welcome the reform package mr. kofi annan has put in our care. but we should get on with it. the world cannot afford to wait. we are looking at an organization that is far behind on its maintenance schedule. yet over the past three years, the reform debate has inched forward as if oblivious to the need to produce results. fortunately, the secretary-general has injected new momentum into the debate, and we should all welcome this. as we are about to engage in this reform assembly , as the secretary-general has called it, we should be conscious of the underlying concerns that have surfaced in the reform debate from time to time. these concerns are real, and dismissing them would jeopardize a promising outcome for the present session. indeed, various groups of nations have doubts about what other groups of nations are ultimately aiming for in this exercise. developing countries have even expressed misgivings about the reform process as a whole. some of them are clearly afraid that major western governments [number] are out to recast the united nations as an institution that would run on the lowest possible budget and concentrate on peacekeeping, humanitarian aid and human rights. another concern is that the development programme of this organization perhaps its single most important achievement over the past [number] years might actually suffer as a result of reform. understandably, many nations see the decline in recent years of official aid levels as the writing on the wall. they are disheartened by the empty promises of rio de janeiro in [number]. moreover, they are worried about the current financial crisis of the united nations. and finally, a handful of nations describe the secretary-general s proposals as a northern package one that caters mainly to the needs of the industrialized world. instead, developing nations would wish to see the united nations strengthened in what to them is perhaps its most critical field of action, a field of action that corresponds to one of the main purposes mentioned in the charter social and economic development. they rightly argue that if the united nations membership wants to be serious about that objective, it needs to equip the organization accordingly. and so, in their view, more resources should flow into the organization. before consenting to change anything, they are inclined to play it safe and to hold on to what is there. this line of thought, assuming i am reading it correctly, calls for comments. my first remark is that, clearly, the secretary-general was well-advised in having most of his package focus on the economic and social sectors. this is indeed the area that commands the widest interest among the membership. if we look at the merits of the package, it seems fair to say that many industrialized nations might have wanted to see more ambitious and comprehensive proposals. still, speaking for the netherlands government, i would argue that the present package of reform measures is well-directed, substantial and worthwhile. evidently, the secretary-general, on the basis of consultations which only he could undertake, has concluded that the contents of the package represent the maximum of what is achievable in the present state of play. and we should all accept that as a given. furthermore, it is important to remember that reform might strengthen the development sector of the united nations to the point where it can actually deliver better service with the resources that are presently available. this exercise is not about cutting costs. yet a leaner and meaner organization might give better value for the money. at the same time, we welcome the idea of a development dividend, as put forward by the secretary-general. a stronger development sector may help make the united nations a more attractive organization not only to recipients, but to donor countries as well. voluntary contributions should not come only from the same small group of traditional donors year after year. for a long time now, the netherlands has been among the top contributors to the united nations system, and we intend to remain so. we appreciate the spectacular gesture by mr. ted turner. but donor contributions should also come from those nations that fall far below the [number]. [number] per cent mark, as well as from newly industrialized countries in asia and elsewhere. finally, all member states should become current and stay current on their financial obligations under the regular and peacekeeping budgets and payments should be prompt, in full and certainly without conditions. all in all, the heart of the matter is not about core concepts and not about mindset it is about trust. it is about feeling comfortable with the idea that among [number] member states, a difference of views is inevitable, particularly when they are asked to discuss such a wide- ranging matter as the future of this organization. we have arrived at a crossroads where we face a critical choice. this is a moment when we have to rise above the level of squabbling over details in working groups. no doubt, we all have a point to raise, a question to ask and a change to make. but that avenue would lead us nowhere, for soon enough the package would fall apart. now is the time to start trusting each other. this is a time for vision and political courage. we, as statesmen, should be ready to accept our responsibility in this regard, to join forces and to forge a breakthrough. we should all rise to the occasion and accept the package of the secretary-general as it is before us now and work out the details and implementation later. endorsement in general terms needs to be expressed before we all adjourn next december. without such endorsement, the momentum in the reform process will be lost. we, the member states of the united nations, pledged ourselves, in the words of the charter to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace . [number] next to the united nations development effort, peacekeeping and peace-building are perhaps the most visible part of what the united nations does an impression refreshed by cable news network cnn almost daily. more importantly, those who are on the run, who are afraid for their lives, who watch their homesteads invaded, who are occupied and repressed, who look starvation and genocide in the face they have expectations of the united nations. they expect the organization to bail them out. we need to improve the capacity of the united nations to deal with crises, be they military, political or humanitarian ones, whether man-made or not. there is considerable room for improvement here, as illustrated by the situations in bosnia, somalia, rwanda and zaire. as we speak, innocent blood is flowing in many places around the world. yet all too often the united nations remains impotent. we cannot allow this to continue. here again lies a major area where reform is indispensable, and the secretary-general has duly underlined this. a number of member states, including the kingdom of the netherlands, have been trying to develop the concept of a standby high-readiness brigade within the framework of the united nations standby agreements. they have been making modest progress over the last three years. a rapidly deployable headquarters is now being established. tomorrow a small group of nations will informally deliberate on how to promote further steps. several other initiatives are under way, including regional ones. given the complexities, this is going to be an incremental process, but one where we cannot afford to let up. the real test is where to position peacekeeping in the wider context of the overall concerns of the united nations. our agenda should be wider and should include conflict prevention and peace-building. the difficulty we need to address here is how to integrate different policy instruments political, military, relief, rehabilitation and social and economic development into one comprehensive framework. crises require a coherent and effective international response, a response that should integrate preventive diplomacy, political mediation and humanitarian relief, but also social action, economic alternatives and cultural communication. in sum development. of course, prevention is the key. the united nations can be much more effective when we invest in prevention. diplomacy, economic sanctions, arms embargoes and political pressure will reduce risk and costs as compared to military intervention in an escalated conflict. we could avoid the loss of life and escape generalized human misery. as a result of timely prevention, we could also avoid the immense costs for rehabilitation, resettlement and reconstruction that arise after violence is over. military intervention, under united nations auspices, for humanitarian purposes may be necessary in certain conflict situations. but it should always be a means of last resort. intervention implies that prevention has failed. the link between development on the one hand and peace and security on the other is a tenuous one in the united nations system. yet experience has proved that making the link is imperative. we need to find the best combination of conflict management, humanitarian assistance and social and economic programmes to pave the way for sustainable development and for sustainable peace. in san francisco we promised to promote and encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all . it is a pledge we will have to renew again and again, perhaps indefinitely. yet such a pledge may not degenerate into lipservice. commitments must be turned into reality obligations must be implemented. we cannot let our guard down as we face reports on violations of human rights. torture is still being practised on a wide scale. people continue to disappear. arrest and detention without cause take place routinely. and freedom of the press is non-existent in too many countries. still, we recognize that human rights are in better shape worldwide than they were [number] years ago, and certainly [number] years ago. totalitarian regimes have all but disappeared democracy is on the rise. also, there is more interest than ever before in the triangle of democracy, good governance and human rights. today, human rights are well established as an important objective in their own right and a major field of activity for the united nations. but, perhaps more important, human rights have become a leitmotif in a wide variety of other areas of united nations policy, from sustainable development to population, from trade to humanitarian aid, and from peacekeeping to human settlements. that human rights is a cross-cutting issue is evident from the reform proposals of the secretary- [number] general and from the way he has revised the top management structure in the secretariat both of which we welcome warmly. expectations on what the united nations can achieve in the field of human rights have run high, among victims of human-rights violations, among mothers of the disappeared, among grass-roots groups, and among non-governmental organizations. then again, there are governments that expect the united nations to stay out of their precincts entirely governments that accept the universality of human rights, but only as a debating point governments that accept the united nations actions against human rights-violations, but only at a theoretical level and not when it concerns them. all in all, the instruments the united nations can apply have become the core of an extensive machinery that in many cases has worked strikingly well. examples are numerous and expanding. i refer to such diverse methods as international dialogue, the integration of human rights activities into cooperation arrangements, the work of human rights field offices, human rights education and strengthening regional supervisory machinery. more recently, a new high commissioner for human rights took up her position. if this is indeed the age of human rights, as the secretary-general says, then mrs. mary robinson will be one of its key personalities. we wish her courage and wisdom in her new assignment, and she can be sure of our commitment. one major platform in the realization of human rights and the international administration of justice is soon to take its definitive shape. next summer, a diplomatic conference will convene in rome we should all be grateful to the italian government for hosting it that will, hopefully, adopt a convention establishing an international criminal court. once established, the court will be the natural counterpart to the international court of justice. my government is looking forward with anticipation to this new offspring in the international legal order, and i take pride in announcing that my country is offering to house the seat of the court, in the city of the hague. the fitness of the united nations as an organization, its capacity to manage crises in the wider context of development, and its action in the field of human rights are areas of ongoing concern to all member states. this assembly will continue to address them, either on their own merits or in the context of united nations reform. the united nations is expected to perform in these areas and to produce results. yet there is only one way this is going to happen if all of us join forces, join forces to make the united nations a viable and credible institution, join forces to make it a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends. for only then will we keep the promise of san francisco.

i should like to begin by extending our warmest and most heartfelt congratulations to the foreign minister of the republic of argentina, mr. dante caputo, upon the occasion of his election to the post of president of the forty-third regular session of the united nations general assembly. we consider him to be a friend of our government and of our people and we recognize his great experience and ability. we can therefore say that his presidency represents an assurance that the work of this assembly will proceed in an orderly fashion. it is also my pleasure to think mr. peter florin of the german democratic republic for his brilliant and efficient work as president of the assembly during the previous session. i should also like to express our admiration for the secretary-general for the efforts that he has been making for peace. his activities, intelligent, prudent and, at the same time, bold, notwithstanding the institutional and financial constraints upon the organization, have represented an invaluable contribution to the resolution of various regional conflicts and they sure eloquent testimony to the value of the united nations as a forum and instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. the lengthy agenda of this session of the general assembly reflects all the major issues of concern to mankind today. taken as a whole, it shows that in fulfilling the purposes and principles laid down in articles [number] and [number] of the charter [number] years ago, we are continuing resolutely to search for and to safeguard international peace and security, which continue to be the raison d' tre of the organization and which determine all its other activities and objectives. peace has been declared to be a human right. consequently, all the efforts made to preserve and to restore it are simply the consequences of this right, and the attainment of its objectives becomes a duty for the organization and all its member states. today, as in the past, the efforts for peace call for direct action by the united nations, which presupposes, in turn, that states must respect certain principles, such as non-intervention, renunciation of the use or threat of force, self-determination, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. ever since the early years of the united nations, uruguay has complied strictly with those principles which underlie the organization and has promoted respect for them. it has also done everything within its modest means to contribute to the success of the united nations peace efforts. at this time, as we celebrate the well-deserved awarding of the [number] nobel peace prize to the united nations peace-keeping forces, i cannot but recall with pride that uruguayan officers have been present since [number] in the united nations military observer group in india and pakistan umoglp , and recently in the iran-iraq military observer group uniimog . our effective participation in these efforts reflects our unswerving faith in the organization as an instrument for peace. the progress that the united nations has made in the cases of afghanistan, angola and namibia, in the iran-iraq conflict, and in the question of western sahara, must be hailed as a happy resurgence of the capacity for action and the negotiating ability of the organs and mechanisms operating within the framework of the united nations. we earnestly hope and trust that the processes currently under way will culminate in a just and lasting peace for the nations currently embroiled in conflict. unfortunately, we cannot be so optimistic with respect to the present situation in central america and that in the middle east. in the case of central america, uruguay believes that only by full compliance with the esquipulas ii agreements and the arias plan, and by strict compliance with the principles of non-interference, self-determination and non-use of force, combined in a process of international democratization in the countries in conflict, will it be possible to achieve a stable peace in the region. our country has participated in the efforts of the contadora support group with sincere enthusiasm, encouraging the parties to comply with the esquipulas ii agreements, and it is willing to continue to do so because it feels that the pacification and democratization of central america are essential objectives for the harmonious development of all of latin america, which is, in the end, an objective that is shared by all. as for the middle east, it is clear that there can be no lasting peace in the region without recognition of the right to exist of all the states in conflict, and without recognition of the full validity of the principle of self-determination of peoples. but at the same time, we must remember that the rights of those peoples are inexorably linked to the establishment of adequate safeguards, that the borders that have been set, or are to be set in the future, will be duly respected by all. likewise, the continuation of artificial political divisions, such as those affecting the korean people, do not contribute to the attainment of lasting peace in the region. at the special session devoted to disarmament, uruguay confirmed its conviction that the arms race could lead to a world war, and that we must continue the efforts already under way to bring about general and complete disarmament. this is essential for the creation of a climate compatible with the search for peace, in the hope that when this is achieved the resources that today are spent on weapons may be put to constructive uses, such as the economic development of the non-industrialized countries and their technological modernization. latin america has given the world the example of the treaty of tlatelolco, which proscribes the proliferation of nuclear weapons among developing countries, without affecting the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes and scientific and technological progress, in this respect, we emphasize our support for the declaration of the south atlantic as a zone of peace and co-operation, and we hope that the zone of peace in the south pacific will soon become reality as well. we think that the establishment of these zones of peace constitutes a promising attempt to preserve vast stretches of sea and ocean free from the tensions and conflicts that arise from the threat or use of force or from the dangers resulting from the deployment of nuclear weapons. among the conflicts that are still unresolved, we should like once again to emphasize our position with respect to the malvinas islands. uruguay has supported argentina's claim of sovereignty over the islands. but we also are mindful of our historic ties with the united kingdom, with which uruguay has maintained relations of friendship and co-operation for over a century. we should like now to reaffirm our willingness to co-operate in the search for solutions to a conflict that, with its recent military events, opened a painful breach throughout latin america. the wounds must as a matter of urgency be healed through negotiation and dialogue. the world is currently undergoing an unprecedented process of rapid change. we have fully entered the information age and are witnessing the end of the so-called industrial age with no sense of loss. the united nations must adapt to this process of change in order to be able to continue to fulfil its mission and to ensure the equitable distribution of technological resources and the enjoyment of their benefits by all states. the monopoly of advanced technologies in the hands of a few countries is turning a majority of nations into compulsory purchasers of imported technology. as a result of this, their political sovereignty is as much endangered as it would be by an act of war. consequently, we need to universalise the availability of the new resources that are being produced through science and technology. this means an attitude of universal openness, on the part of all countries of the world, industrialized and developing, to the free circulation, not only of goods and services, but ultimately of ideas and knowledge. if this objective is not faced with all its political implications, any attempts to overcome the world's current economic and financial crisis will be impossible. today, we cannot think of the work of the united nations without thinking of the question of human rights. these never were - and certainly are not today - a matter within the jurisdiction of states. the international promotion and protection of human rights, on the basis of the charter and of many international instruments is an objective to which mankind as a whole is committed. in this context, we once again repeat our condemnation of apartheid, a shameful doctrine based on inequality and racial discrimination, which is a clear, institutionalized violation of human rights. in this connection there are other scourges in the world today such as terrorism and drugs. terrorism is not merely a factor that contributes to - international insecurity and a form of action that violates fundamental principles of civilized coexistence , it is essentially a flagrant violation of human rights, an attack upon the freedom and dignity of man, and especially on his right to life. ws consider that the action by the united nations against terrorism must be firm and clear, based on the view that terrorism is a crime against humanity, one that calls for the co-operation of all states. as for the fight against the illegal use of drugs, international action roust be greatly expanded in order to confront this plague, which is particularly severe today. the united nations is the appropriate setting for the adoption and promotion of economic, social, cultural and legal measures for its prevention and sanction. but such measures should not be considered as negating the responsibility of producer countries, nor of consumer countries since, if there were no large consumer market, there would not be any drug-producing market. we should also call attention to the responsibility of the countries that allow their territory to be used for drug trafficking. our country confirms its determination to co-operate in the international fight against the narcotics trade and pledges its support to any co-ordinated effort at the regional or international levels. conservation of the environment is a matter of growing concern for the international community. the quality of man's life on earth and his very existence are at stake. we reaffirm our support for the recommendations in the report entitled "our common culture", prepared by the world commission on environment and development, and we agree with the basic principles of maintaining the steady productivity of the ecosystems and the biosphere as a whole. we are convinced of the need to increase efforts and to act in a co-ordinated fashion to avert the grave danger of altering the ecological balance and the progressive and rapid physical and chemical deterioration of the environment that is affecting the infrastructure of planetary life. the achievement of full economic development has been the basic challenge of the last years of our century. without balanced and global economic development, there can be no firm and lasting peace the existence of both highly industrialized countries and countries hindered by underdevelopment is, over the medium- or long-term, a constant source of instability and tension and a threat to world peace. even if one recognizes that development is also the responsibility of the developing countries themselves, at this time in our century it seems clear that, even in those developing countries that are willing to absorb the social and political costs of painful adjustments in their economies, there eventually comes a time when national instruments of economic rationality are exhausted. hence there arises the indispensable need for greater international solidarity, which starts with clear and stable trade regulations - free from irritating protectionism - and greater flexibility and co-operation in solving the financial problems caused by the current foreign debt crisis, the weight of which is frustrating the efforts of the debtor countries to promote their economic growth and placing the stability of their democratic institutions at risk. nevertheless, it must be said that the overwhelming debt burden is monopolizing international attention, pushing into the background the urgent need to discuss new resources necessary to promote the scientific and technological modernization and development of the non-industrialized countries. naturally, the problem has transcended the mere economic nature of the issue. it is now time to recognize that the world's financial problems - the past debt and the future debt - are also political problems that must be faced from an international perspective based on a faithful and honest commitment by creditors and debtors alike, in which both recognize their due share of responsibility for the past and the future. to this end, i believe that it is constructive to highlight the recent commitment of the president of the spanish government at the close of the twenty-fifth meeting of latin american governors, spain and the philippines before the international monetary fund and the world bank. it is useful to recall this here because it shows that the sensitivity which we have been calling for is starting to emerge among the leaders of industrialized creditor countries as well. president felipe gonzalez began by recognizing the failure of the strategy thus far pursued to resolve the debt crisis and recognized that from [number] to date the situation of the banks and creditor countries has improved sufficiently for them to assume a more realistic and flexible attitude in this matter, . consequently, he feels that the time has come for the creditors to redefine their debt strategy by specifically proposing the capitalization of interest and the reduction in outstanding debt, along the lines, i suppose, of explicitly recognizing the devaluation of the debt in the securities market. i believe that this is the appropriate forum and time to welcome views such as the one expressed by the president of the spanish government, which tend to bring balance into international attention by recalling that, in spite of the progress in political terms observed at the international level, at this level there still persist serious problems - with no clear solutions - affecting not merely the quality of life of millions of inhabitants of the world but also the possibility of building a world at peace. soon, two international events will occur expressing our active commitment - uruguay's - at the regional and international levels. the first is the meeting of latin american presidents of the group of eight to be held at punta del este. this group, which was created in rio de janeiro, emerged out of the conviction of its democratic governments that it is important for latin america as a whole that there be a mechanism for co-ordination and consultation enabling it to harmonize its international activities, promote regional democratization and act in unity in analysing all the problems affecting the region. there can be no doubt that this group has acquired clear international standing and can now play its part in maintaining relations with other international organizations and countries outside the region. the forthcoming summit meeting at punta del est will undoubtedly provide a timely opportunity to analyse what has been done since the acapulco declaration and to define a realistic plan of action to pursue in the future in the political, cultural, educational and technological fields. the second is the uruguay round of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt , a result of the punta del este conference, where discussions were held which, we hope, will serve as an example of international wisdom, promoting international trade free from discrimination and protectionism and capable of promoting international trade exchanges on the basis of which the shared objective for development of all states on earth can be solidly established. within this broader picture, the importance of multilateralism and the transcendental role of the united nations is clear. but for our organization to be active and respected, it is necessary that it have the wherewithal necessary for the attainment of the goals assigned to it by the charter and the resources efficiently to conduct the operations for which its machinery was established. we recognize, therefore, that in order to revitalize the organization once and for all, we need to start with honest self-criticism aimed at eliminating inefficiencies, lessening bureaucracy and improving existing systems. in saying that, we also realize that the way to achieve this objective is surely not by suffocating it financially to the point of undermining not only its functioning but also its very existence. hence it is the duty of all member states particularly the large industrialized countries, to reconsider their position as contributions to the united nations budget and to make the necessary efforts to keep the organization going and functioning. in summary, my country reaffirms its commitment to the united nations. uruguay is today living in peace, free from conflicts with other states. it maintains relations of friendship and co-operation with states of all political and economic systems in the world it has developed a strong democratic life that fully respects human rights and is governed by leaders elected through the free expression of the will of the people. that is why we come before the assembly today and express our views on foreign policy as the result of national consensus on the basis of which the country is participating at the regional and international levels in the search for the reaffirmation of the fundamental principles that gave birth to the organization. in closing, while confirming my country's confidence in the results of this session, let us recall that the difficult challenges we are currently facing and will have to face in the future can only be overcome through decisive and clear international action without unrealistic rhetoric or expressions of one-sided intent. this call for pragmatic and rational action includes strict observance by all members of the organization of the fundamental principles of the san francisco charter, because these principles are not merely rhetorical phrases but rather inescapable legal duties that all states must observe in order to ensure the credibility and efficiency of the united nations in accomplishing its basic objectives.

let me begin by congratulating mr. udovenko on his election as president of the general assembly at this fifty-second session. the country and the group he represents have seen great changes in the last decade. it therefore seems particularly fitting that he is presiding over a general assembly which will lay the foundation for significant changes to the united nations itself changes which must equip it better for the new and potentially more cooperative international environment in which we find ourselves. it is thus not only right but necessary that reform is the major theme of the united nations at present, and of this general assembly in particular. we would like to thank the former president of the assembly, ambassador razali, for the outstanding contribution he made to pursuing the reform agenda during his presidency, notably [number] in his capacity as chairman of the general assembly working groups. today i want to concentrate on three issues in particular reform of the united nations reorienting our approach to human rights so as to promote cooperation and institution building, creating durable structures to give substance to the goals set out in the charter of the united nations, the universal declaration of human rights and other international human rights instruments and reconfiguring the traditional united nations groups better to reflect the regional groupings of the contemporary world. in dealing with reform, my purpose is to build a world for the next generation, and i am inspired by the hope and aspirations of the next generation. in that context, i am pleased that we are joined in the general assembly today by mr. perry cross, a distinguished and courageous young australian who is leading the fight against paralysis. he exemplifies the australian belief that individuals with a will and a practical focus can make a difference in fighting barriers and reforming structures which are representative of an earlier era. australia wants to work with you, sir, and with the secretary-general and all members of the united nations, to ensure that by the end of this session of the general assembly further, substantive progress has been made in the three critical areas of reform financial reform and resolution of the crisis surrounding the united nations budget and scale of assessments reform of the security council and reform of the organization. when i made my first statement to the assembly last year, i stressed the need to move ahead urgently with reform and the reinvigoration of this important organization, to ensure its future effectiveness and relevance. this year reform has been given real impetus by the new secretary-general, whose appointment australia warmly welcomed. both in march and in july this year he announced significant organizational reforms aimed at the renewal of this body. i have enthusiastically supported these initiatives. we must now build on them. we share the secretary-general s conclusions about the shortcomings of the united nations. the organization s mission, as enshrined in the charter, has been repeatedly reaffirmed and remains valid today. but the machinery and the working methods to pursue that mission need thorough review and revision. we agree that there is too much fragmentation of structures, too much rigidity within bodies and too much emphasis on bureaucracy and process. i would like to highlight in particular the reforms suggested to the united nations structure and to the secretariat. the integration of [number] secretariats and entities into [number], and the proposed consolidation of five intergovernmental bodies into two are particularly welcome. they will help streamline and remove unnecessary bureaucratic structure and duplication from the secretariat. it is an approach we commend also to the specialized agencies as member nations seek to streamline and even merge some of these bodies. important steps are proposed in reforming the way the secretariat works. we applaud the removal of [number], [number] staff posts and the cutting of administrative costs by one third to which the secretary-general has committed himself. we also wish to see all secretariat staff move to fixed-term, renewable contracts to allow for greater employment flexibility in the organization. we support the introduction of a merit-based promotion system and performance appraisal in the place of a system where seniority plays a disproportionate role. we also encourage management to improve training opportunities for junior as well as senior staff. these reforms will not only make the united nations work better, but also provide real savings. these savings will be available for programmes, programmes which benefit all of us, but especially support the developing members of the united nations. thus it is a package which is in the interests of all, and deserves support from all. we believe the assembly needs to provide broad endorsement of the package as a whole early in this session to allow the reform process to proceed, even if some details are negotiated subsequently. but i acknowledge that for reform to succeed and for the united nations to carry out its mandate adequate resources must be made available to run the organization. australia continues to meet all its financial obligations in full and on time and without conditions, and seeks the same commitment from all our fellow members. we continue to believe that the negotiation of financial reforms would be facilitated by early settlement of all unpaid contributions. the adoption of a responsible negative- growth budget and a new scale of assessments which accurately reflects relative shares of national income and thus the principle of capacity to pay will also be key issues at this year s session. it is important that the result [number] ensures the burden of supporting the organization falls fairly on member states. australia remains committed to an expanded, more representative and transparent security council, better able to tackle the challenges of the twenty-first century. it should include as permanent members important powers able to make a major contribution to international peace and security, particularly at this time japan and germany. it should also include permanent seats for under-represented regions as well as additional non-permanent seats. middle powers such as australia have made a significant contribution to the united nations since its foundation, notably in disarmament, development, peacekeeping and human rights. we are concerned that the interests of small and medium-sized countries not be forgotten in this exercise. in this context, and because of our long-standing historical concerns about the veto, we would like to see an expansion of the council accompanied by a new understanding on the application of the veto. we would also support a review of any new arrangements after [number] years so that countries like australia and all other members of the international community have a further opportunity to examine the size, composition and working methods of the council. i am optimistic about what can be achieved by the united nations if we can bring about some essential reforms which would make the organization function more efficiently and effectively. let me mention one of the areas in which the united nations has proven it can function effectively as a forum and catalyst for international arms control and disarmament efforts. in recent years we have witnessed several landmark developments in this field, notably the indefinite extension of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the adoption of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. the general assembly was the forum, one year ago, for the adoption of the comprehensive nuclear-test- ban treaty, and australia is particularly proud to have been able to play a role in that historic event. there are many challenges ahead as we work with, and through, the united nations to reduce global stockpiles of conventional and non-conventional weapons and to make the world a safer and more humane place. let me single out two. the immediate commencement and early conclusion of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty has repeatedly been identified by the international community as the next major goal for nuclear non- proliferation and disarmament efforts, most recently by the parties to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty which now has more members than the united nations itself at their first preparatory meeting for the sixth review conference in [number]. the canberra commission on the elimination of nuclear weapons also identified an agreement to cease the production of fissile material for nuclear explosive purposes as an important step towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. capping the amount of nuclear material available for nuclear weapons use by extending safeguards coverage over currently unsafeguarded, sensitive nuclear facilities would in itself be a significant achievement for international peace and security, quite apart from its significance as a step towards the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons. as i said to the committee on disarmament in january this year, the achievement of a fissile material cut-off treaty is a priority objective for australia, and i now commit australia to redoubling its efforts to achieve a cut-off treaty at the earliest possible date. we must not allow ourselves to be put off by the obstacles that currently face the achievement of this goal. the effective elimination of landmines as a weapon of war is another important task facing the united nations collectively and its members individually. i have been gratified by the gains made to date, through the ottawa process, through the inhumane weapons convention, through national and regional measures and, perhaps most important, through enhanced contributions to demining and mine-victim assistance programmes to address the terrible human toll of anti-personnel landmines. we owe it to the victims of anti-personnel landmines to continue working through all avenues to achieve a real and lasting solution to the global landmines problem. the elimination of landmines is one necessary step in creating a more humane world, a world where individual human rights can demand proper respect. but further measures need to be taken involving the establishment of durable national human rights institutions to advance the goals to which our international human rights treaty commitments aspire. we are encouraged by and support the proposal to integrate human rights issues more fully into a range of united nations activities. in our view, the linkages between respect for human rights, good governance and sustainable development are important. the fact that all four executive committees established by the secretary-general will take human [number] rights issues into account in their deliberations should ensure that more effective coordination is possible across united nations activities. we warmly welcome also the steps taken by the secretary general to reform and reinvigorate the secretariat s organizational structure to support human rights, particularly the consolidation of the office of the high commissioner and the centre for human rights into a single office. his appointment of the former president of ireland, mary robinson, as high commissioner for human rights is an excellent choice. we pledge ourselves to support her in her task. another important recent development at the international level has been the negotiation of a draft statute for an international criminal court. australia is strongly committed to the early establishment of the court as a major human rights objective. we urge all nations to support by consensus the proposed resolution at this general assembly calling for the convening of a diplomatic conference in june [number] to finalize and adopt the statute of the court. as we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, we pay tribute to the universal standards the declaration has helped to establish. let us never forget as well that the declaration, along with the two international covenants, and the whole body of treaty law and practice that has since developed, was reaffirmed by all nations at the vienna world conference on human rights in [number]. australia is a nation committed to the advancement of human rights and regards human rights issues as integral to its diplomacy. however, the australian government does not want the important area of human rights to become an unproductive battleground or an environment for sloganeering. what we seek is results, not rhetoric, with the outcome being genuine improvements in human rights. the real basis for a sustained improvement in the quality of human rights needs to be through domestic reform founded on working institutions that guarantee participation and accountability. reform of the institutions of civil governance must come from within. it is not something that can be imposed from outside, for if there is not the political will and the people with the knowledge and a commitment to making those institutions work, then they will simply founder. almost all nations have dark moments in their history where abuses have occurred, where vigilance has failed. abuses and corruption are most likely to disappear when there are institutions established to bring light into this darkness. all too often, however, instead of working patiently to encourage and help others to build these institutions, countries have tended to address issues of human rights by criticism alone. there is no doubt that in the [number] years since the united nations was established the world has witnessed many egregious and vile acts committed for the most inhumane of reasons, and deserving the strongest condemnation. however, the condemnatory approach alone has only limited practical value. we need to recognize that in practical terms protecting human rights must primarily be done at the national level. the international human rights system, which we have worked hard to build, inevitably has a broad focus and a limited ability to assist states to implement agreed standards. regional human rights mechanisms also have a role, and we should do what we can to encourage their establishment and strengthening, including in the asia-pacific. however, it is clear that the ability of each state effectively to protect human rights depends to a significant degree on the strength of its own institutions, including a representative legislature, an accountable executive and an independent judiciary. a vigorous civil society is another important element in creating a culture of human rights. a critical element that has often been undervalued in the national implementation of human rights standards is the importance of effective institutions as a means to achieving good governance. it is this institution-based good governance that offers a real hope of eradicating the randomness and violence that can characterize systems where there is neither popular participation nor genuine accountability. good governance creates the environment in which civil and political rights are respected and protected. good governance also promotes an environment for sound economic management and sustainable use of resources to increase prosperity. these conditions are important to the protection of economic, social and cultural rights. at the same time, the exercise of civil and political rights through participatory processes is essential to good governance because it helps ensure governmental accountability and effectiveness. the interlinkages are such that action in one area of human rights has a positive reinforcing effect on other dimensions of human rights, making all human rights indivisible. accountability, participation and effective institutions are three fundamental principles necessary for the protection of human rights. [number] it is with all this in mind that australia gives priority to institution building in the human rights field. one of the most significant developments in recent years has been the spread of national institutions for the promotion of human rights. such institutions, able to work with governments and civil society, can reflect to a significant degree the different cultures and local conditions of the societies in which they are established, while remaining consistent with international human rights standards. moreover, it is worth noting that the general assembly has endorsed a set of minimum standards for such institutions the so-called paris principles. despite considerable early scepticism, recent experience has been very positive, and many governments and non-governmental organizations are now looking positively at independent national institutions as an important means to promote and protect human rights. the generally positive view of the work of national institutions held by most states was reflected in the adoption by consensus of australia s resolution on this subject at this year s session of the commission on human rights, with an increased number of co-sponsors. developing countries are showing rapidly increasing interest in establishing or strengthening existing national human rights institutions, as a constructive way to take positive action at the national level, bearing in mind national circumstances, to promote respect for human rights. important examples of human rights institutions recently established in my part of the world that are making a difference on the ground include those in india and indonesia. i was encouraged recently by the statement of papua new guinea s prime minister that he intends to press ahead to establish a human rights commission in the near future. we will also watch with expectation the development of the proposed cambodian national human rights commission. a credible and independent human rights commission, along with a genuinely independent national electoral commission, could make an important contribution to protecting stability and promoting the observance of human rights in cambodia in the lead-up to what we strongly hope will be free, fair and credible elections in may next year. the work of national institutions in individual countries can be strengthened through subregional and regional arrangements which provide a framework for exchanges of views and experiences. australia is a strong supporter of the development of such arrangements in the asia-pacific region. since an inaugural meeting in darwin in [number] there has been a steady consolidation of links among established and emerging asia-pacific human rights commissions. the [number] meeting saw the commissions of australia, new zealand, indonesia and india later also joined by the philippines establish a regional network of human rights commissions, the asia-pacific forum of national human rights institutions, with a supporting secretariat based in and financed by australia. the aim of this network is to strengthen cooperation among national human rights institutions, including through information sharing, staff exchanges, technical cooperation and an annual regional meeting. it also assists other regional governments wishing to establish such institutions. the most recent regional meeting has just been held, in new delhi. it attracted participation from the founding human rights commissions as well as that of sri lanka. other regional countries from asia and the pacific attended as observers, some of which are considering the establishment of their own human rights commissions. a most effective area of united nations operations in this field has been the work of the special adviser to the high commissioner for human rights on national institutions, regional arrangements and preventive strategies. the united nations work with a number of governments, including in our own region, is at an important stage. australia was therefore pleased to provide additional financial support this year to enable the united nations to continue to support national institutions. we welcome the secretary-general s commitment in his report on the work of the organization to strengthening cooperation on issues of democratization and good governance. we note his comment that this past year has seen a dramatic increase in activities relating to the establishment of national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights. a [number] [number], para. [number] we are heartened by this development and by the responsiveness of the secretary-general. his report clearly reflects the need i am stressing here for support for national institution-building to be at the centre of united nations human rights endeavours. earlier this year i announced the establishment in australia of a centre for democratic institutions. this centre will be devoted to the provision of practical support for the consolidation and strengthening of [number] democratic institutions in developing countries included in australia s aid programme. it exemplifies a cooperative rather than a conflict approach towards promoting human rights, and it will be the flagship of our good governance initiatives. the focus of the centre s training programmes will be on electoral, parliamentary, judicial and human rights institution-building and the processes by which broader society, notably the media and community groups, can contribute to democratic decision-making. it will also facilitate visits and secondments of appropriate participants, such as parliamentarians, senior administrators and other influential persons to relevant australian organizations. while human rights remain at risk, our values are compromised and international stability is jeopardized. the protection of human rights to promote the dignity of the individual is too important a matter for symbolic gestures alone. it is only through the pursuit of practical and effective efforts to promote human rights that we show our real commitment to the welfare of individuals and society. and it is vital to such practical outcomes that we orient our approach to human rights to emphasize cooperation and the creation of durable structures. if i may stay briefly with the subjects of practical outcomes and durable structures, the nations of the world are facing today the threat of climate change and will need to agree later this year in kyoto on sustainable responses to that threat. at the recent south pacific forum, australia, along with other forum countries, acknowledged deep concern about the impact of increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases on rising sea levels and changing weather patterns, especially low-lying islands. australia, along with others, is working hard to ensure that the kyoto meeting delivers a sustainable environmental outcome. we stand ready to play our part, although, as we have made clear in these negotiations, we have no intention of imposing upon australians an unfair and disproportionate cost in addressing this global problem. before concluding, i should like to address the third and final reform issue i said i would be raising. australia believes there is an element missing in the present discussion on reform. i am referring to the existing electoral group system, which dates back to the last major reform of the group system in [number]. since the size of the united nations has nearly doubled since [number], mostly with new nations from africa, asia and the pacific, this issue needs to be addressed again. the present configuration contains many conspicuous anomalies and inequities which constitute powerful arguments for reform. the substantial disparities in the size of the various groups and the inadequate level of representation available to the many subregions, including in our own geographic region of east asia and the pacific, has long been an evident source of frustration. comparisons between the size of the african and east european groups embracing [number] and [number] members, respectively demonstrate the legitimacy of dissatisfaction with the status quo in this regard. this widespread sense of under-representation is exacerbated by the social and political diversity of the larger groups and the limited extent to which a single member can be said to represent the group as a whole. while we have our own ideas, australia does not believe it would be helpful to prescribe any rigid formula for reconfiguration of the group system. we acknowledge this is a sensitive issue on which there are many views. but i believe it is time we began to think about and discuss this matter, as we seek to equip the united nations for the future. ultimately, reform of the united nations means one thing. it means a more efficient organization capable of delivering practical outcomes to the people of the world. if we are to achieve that reform, then we must focus on cooperation, not conflict. we must build institutions which will guarantee effective vigilance, and above all else we must have the courage to abandon the ideas and structures of the past and embrace the changes which bring the future.

the delegation of the byelorussian soviet socialist republic associates itself with the congratulations which have been addressed to the president of the twenty ninth session, mr. bouteflika, foreign minister of algeria. we are sure he will conduct a well organized and effective session so that we can in due course take part in the adoption of important decisions to strengthen the cause of peace and cooperation on an equal footing among all states. [number]. the delegation of the byelorussian ssr has been following the general debate very closely. now that it is drawing to a close, we can say with good reason that virtually all states highly appreciate the continuing process of international detente and ever increasing confirmation of the principle of peaceful coexistence between states with different social systems in the practice of international relations. the current year has brought new illustrations of the further strengthening of universal peace and international security and of the growth and cohesion of the forces of peace, socialism and progress and the deepening of their influence on the development of the international situation. [number]. detente is ever more confidently gaining ground, because powerful forces are working in its favor first of all, world socialism, which is exerting a decisive influence over the course of world events, and also the forces of national liberation and social progress, together with all peace-loving forces and public opinion that are actively working for the defense of the cause of peace. it should also be pointed out that western leaders who are realistic in their thinking cannot fail to take into account the changed balance of forces in the world, and they acknowledge more and more that there can exist no other ground for relationships between states with different social systems than the principles of peaceful coexistence. [number]. the developing countries approve of the relaxation of tension as the main trend in the development of events in the international arena. it is well known that the atmosphere of the cold war was a suitable source of nourishment for antidemocratic trends in international relations and for the suppression by imperialism of the interests and rights of the countries of asia, africa and latin america. the historic experience of those countries shows how important the fruitful and versatile activities of the socialist states are for them, those activities designed to put the relations between the opposing social systems on the road to peaceful coexistence and making detente irreversible. detente creates the necessary prerequisites to the realization of the plans for building a new future. [number]. the further improvement in the international climate is inseparably linked to the results of the third sovietamerican summit meeting. the peoples of all countries without exception have every reason to experience satisfaction that the ussr and the united states have clearly confirmed their determination to continue the course envisaged by them in [number] and [number] and to do their best to diminish and ultimately to eliminate completely the risk of a military collision between the two countries which would be tantamount to a world nuclear war with catastrophic consequences for the whole of mankind. in addition to the treaties and agreements that have been concluded already, of which the agreement on the prevention of nuclear war is particularly important, the parties have agreed upon new practical measures with a view to limiting and curbing the arms race. [number]. the fruitful development of bilateral relations between the states of the socialist community and france, the federal republic of germany and other countries of the opposing social system and their joint quest for ways to settle important international problems have promoted the strengthening of international detente. [number]. we stress with satisfaction the increasing role in international affairs of the nonaligned states and their anti-imperialist policy, their contribution to the struggle for detente, the struggle against war and aggression, the struggle for peace, national independence and social progress, their cooperation with the socialist states in the solution of important international problems. as experience has already shown, while deepening and expanding relations in a spirit of trust and solidarity, the socialist and developing states are able decisively to influence the development of the international situation in the interest of peace. [number]. some very important and welcome changes have occurred in europe. a number of bilateral treaties and multilateral agreements concluded between the socialist and capitalist countries in recent years constitute a foundation for the political life of the continent in our era. [number]. the successful completion of the conference on security and cooperation in europe at the highest level is to play an immense role in bringing about a sharp turn for the better in relations between the european states and the strengthening of peace throughout europe. for the conference to be successful, it is first of all necessary that the basic principles of peaceful development of the continent should be clearly proclaimed and strengthened by the united will of all its participants, and that no one should try to slow down its work by submitting proposals incompatible with the principles of equality and noninterference in the domestic affairs of other countries. [number]. successful completion of the talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in central europe on the basis of strict observance by all of the rule of undiminished security for each side would be a substantial contribution to the cause of political detente on the european continent and would supplement political detente by military detente. [number]. the byelorussian people ardently welcome efforts to strengthen european security. thirty years ago, in july [number], peace and freedom returned to byelorussia. they were won at an unprecedently high cost, requiring unparalleled military feats and toil by the entire soviet people. in the byelorussian ssr alone, every fourth citizen perished more than one half of the national wealth of the republic was plundered or destroyed. while solemnly observing the thirtieth anniversary of the liberation of the byelorussian ssr from the german nazi invaders, the working people of the republic welcomed with satisfaction the award to our capital, the city of minsk, of the glorious title of "heroic city". they rejoiced at the results achieved in the construction of a communist society. in [number], industrial production increased fold compared to the prewar period. this year, farmers have reaped [number]. [number] metric centers of grain for every hectare of grain crops. science and culture have flourished, and the standard of living of the population has risen significantly. [number]. we cherish the memory of the soldiers, partisans and underground workers who sacrificed their lives to secure freedom and independence for the soviet union and to save world civilization from the brown shirt plague we are engaged in peaceful creative work, and we most emphatically insist that europe should never in future be the source of a new world war or military conflict. we want a europe that will be a continent of lasting peace and equitable cooperation. [number]. the byelorussian ssr feels that detente should not be limited to one part of the globe. it should extend to all areas of the world. the idea of creating collective security in asia put forward by the soviet union is finding increasing favor. the putting into effect of that proposal is being promoted by new positive trends on the continent. it goes without saying that much still has to be done in this direction. it is necessary, first of ail, that problems arising between states should be settled by peaceful means, due account being taken of the legitimate rights and interests of all nations. [number]. adoption by the general assembly without delay of a decision to withdraw all foreign troops stationed in south korea under the flag of the united nations and cessation of interference in the domestic affairs of the korean people would be an important contribution by the united nations to the cause of relaxation of tension on the asian continent. [number]. there is no doubt that all i have said accords with the interests of those who truly want to strengthen peace and to work for peace. bilateral and multilateral cooperation between states with different social systems for the solution of extremely important international questions is fully and entirely in accord with the purposes and principles of the united nations and supplements its activities in implementing its main task the strengthening of peace and international security. [number]. as was shown by the general debate, it is no mere coincidence that such a trend of development in interstate relations finds the widest support. and approval. therefore no one in the united nations takes seriously the wild theory about the so-called conspiracy of the two superpowers put forward by the opponents of the cause of peace, detente and equitable cooperation. the statement of the representative of china 2252nd meeting , who since [number] has repeated the same prefabricated cliches and utter inanities in the united nations, reminds us of the situation of a blind man who has come up against a fence and cannot find his way round it. [number]. detente does not come of its own accord. it is a complicated process requiring constant and single minded political struggle, active joint endeavors of the peace-loving states and broad support for that course of action by the popular masses of all countries. "we are firmly convinced", said comrade leonid ilyich brezhnev, general secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the soviet union, several days ago, "that the struggle for the strengthening of peace and for the enhancing and development of detente must never cease". it is the untiring and consistent struggle for the strengthening of international security which the soviet union, in cooperation with other states of the socialist community, has been carrying out in implementing the program of peace put forward by the twenty fourth congress of the communist party of the soviet union, and which has become the banner of all peace loving forces. [number]. in fighting for detente and developing relations with the capitalist countries on the basis of peaceful coexistence, the states of the socialist community at the same time consistently and firmly support the struggle of peoples for freedom and consolidation of national independence, against the forces of imperialism, reaction and aggression. scores of african, asian and latin american states are experiencing the beneficial effect of the solidarity and support of the soviet union and other countries of the socialist community in their struggle to consolidate their national independence. [number]. the need to strengthen further the joint actions of all peace-loving states is all the more evident in that the reactionary and aggressive forces have not laid down their arms. the tragedy of the people of the republic of cyprus is an illustration of this. who can remain indifferent when the military circles of the north atlantic treaty organization nato have embarked upon the materialization of plans hatched long in advance and directed against the republic of cyprus as a nonaligned state? it is inadmissible that cyprus, a state member of the united nations, should lose its independence and territorial integrity, whether through foreign military interference or through the behind the scenes machinations of nato. [number]. like other socialist states, the byelorussian ssr has always been on the side of the people of cyprus. urgent and effective measures must be taken to safeguard the republic of cyprus from outside interference, to ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory, to restore constitutional order in that country and to allow the cypriots to decide their destiny by themselves. the byelorussian ssr favors the realization of the proposal of the soviet union for the convening, within the framework of the united nations, of an international conference to settle the problem of cyprus. it is at such a conference that it will be possible to achieve an effective solution of the international aspects of this problem with the proper authoritative international guarantees. the byelorussian ssr has resolutely advocated this fundamental position in the security council. the dispatch of a special mission of the security council to cyprus would meet the policy of ensuring the existence of cyprus as an independent, sovereign and territorially intact state. [number]. for many years the self-sacrificing and heroic struggle against imperialist aggression by the peoples of indochina has benefited from constant and comprehensive assistance and support from the soviet union and other socialist. countries, and today we stand together with the peoples of viet nam, laos and cambodia. [number]. the cessation of imperialist aggression in indochina and the conclusion of the paris agreement on viet nam have created prerequisites for the consolidation of the turn away from war to peace, for the normalization of the situation in the indochinese peninsula and in southeast asia as a whole. at the same time, we cannot but denounce resolutely the provocative activities of the saigon administration which, relying on the support of foreign forces, has been trying by every means possible to frustrate a political settlement in indochina. the byelorussian ssr considers that the real way to strengthen peace and to normalize the situation in south viet nam lies in the strict and consistent fulfillment of the paris agreements, a full ceasefire, the release of all detained military and civilian persons, the granting of full democratic rights to the population of south viet nam, the speedy conduct of negotiations between the two south vietnamese parties on the formation of a national council for reconciliation and concord with a view to creating favorable conditions for the holding of universal, genuinely free and democratic elections. this is the real way to strengthen peace and to normalize the situation in south viet nam. [number]. the byelorussian ssr favors the granting of the status of observer to the provisional revolutionary government of the republic of south viet nam. [number]. more favorable conditions have been created for the struggle against imperialist aggression and the elimination of the hotbed of war in the middle east, thanks to the active joint endeavors of the socialist states and nonaligned countries. agreement on troop disengagement in the areas of the sinai peninsula and the golan heights has been reached. however, these are only the first steps towards a settlement of the problem of the middle east. it is not possible to permit the situation to be dealt with only by half measures, which is exactly what israel and its protectors would like to see. such a situation would be fraught with the dangers of a new military outbreak. the main issues of a political settlement in the middle east are to be considered and solved at the geneva peace conference which should resume its work as soon as possible. as is known, the withdrawal of israeli troops from all occupied arab territories and the elimination of the consequences of the israeli aggression constitute the basis for a political settlement in the middle east. [number]. it goes without saying that the political settlement in the middle east should guarantee the security and rights of all states and peoples in the area, including the legitimate national rights of the arab people of palestine, whose representatives must have a seat at the table of the geneva negotiations as an independent party. [number]. the byelorussian ssr has supported the proposal of the arab countries to consider the question of palestine at the current' session of the general assembly, and is a cosponsor of the draft resolution inviting the representatives of the plo to participate in the discussion of this problem ajl. [number] . [number]. today we are faced with a paradoxical situation in which real preparations for war continue while international tension is tangibly becoming relaxed. this is not only because of inertia but also because powerful imperialist forces are still active in the world, forces which for various economic and political reasons continue to speed up the flywheel of the arms race. these forces are trying to whip up the race of missiles and nuclear armaments which are most dangerous for mankind, trying to utilize the greatest achievements of the human mind for the creation of new and ever newer types of weapons. [number]. the socialist countries have always fought against such a dangerous development, and we have every reason to pride ourselves on the fact that it is on the initiative of those countries that most disarmament questions have been considered or are being considered in the united nations. the socialist countries have achieved positive results which are known to all, due to their consistent and resolute position and because they have proceeded in cooperation with the young independent states. this is in accord with the interests of all states, including the large group of developing countries which, in the solution of economic and social problems which they are 'facing, urgently need the release of funds being swallowed up by the arms race and the switching of those funds to the development of their national economies. for those countries peace is a primary and necessary prerequisite to save them from the colonial heritage and to give them a weapon to fight against neocolonialism. how pathetic is the attitude of one country which, in words, tries to present itself here as a friend of the third world and at the same time, by its deeds, opposes the cessation of the arms race and opposes disarmament. [number]. the soviet union has submitted an important new item, entitled "prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human wellbeing and health" item [number] , for the consideration of the general assembly at its twenty-ninth session. in the opinion of the byelorussian ssr, the drafting and conclusion of an appropriate international convention is most timely and indeed farsighted. it is imperative today that measures should be taken to save humanity from the danger of the use of new means of waging war which tomorrow may widely proliferate and which will then be much more difficult to curb. the conclusion of such a convention would be not only a step forward in the limitation of the scope of the arms race but also an important means of protecting the human environment. [number]. we should do all we can at this session to implement the resolution adopted at the twenty-eighth session of the general assembly on the reduction of the military budgets of states permanent members of the security council by [number] per cent and the utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries resolution [number] xxviii . that decision, which links together the problems of disarmament and those of development, may promote the cause of the strengthening of universal peace and socioeconomic development, provided there is good will on the part of all the permanent members of the security council. [number]. the byelorussian ssr will press for the adoption at this, session of a decision making it possible to start directly on the preparation of recommendations on the practical questions related to the convening of the world disarmament conference. we are confident that through the combined efforts of peace-loving countries the opposition of the enemies of the convening of such a conference will be overcome. [number]. the world community continues to face the task of bringing about the prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons, the cessation by everyone, everywhere, of nuclear weapons testing, and the implementation of other measures towards complete and general disarmament. [number]. we expect at this session of the general assembly to consider anew and in a broad context the question of the implementation of the declaration on the strengthening of international security resolution [number] xxv , which should result in additional specific steps for the strict implementation of the main provisions of that declaration. it is essential that the discussion of this question should promote the strengthening and further development of the results already achieved in the general normalization of the international situation. [number]. as a member of the security council, the byelorussian ssr favors the adoption by the council of appropriate measures to make mandatory the solemn resolution of the general assembly on the non use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons resolution [number] xxvii . such a decision by the security council will have a longterm favorable influence on international relations. it is high time for those permanent members of the security council that have been opposing the adoption of such a decision to cease their obstructionism. [number]. the general assembly must make the best use of the favorable opportunities available for a fruitful discussion of the problems of disarmament and the strengthening of international security. that in turn will serve the cause of the further extension and deepening of the process of detente and the solution of the tasks of economic development. [number]. the admission to the united nations at this session of three states, bangladesh, grenada and guineabissau whose delegations we warmly welcome here is further proof of the continuing, powerful upsurge of the national liberation movement and of the emergence on the world arena on a broad scale of the independent developing countries of asia, africa and latin america. [number]. international support for those fighting for freedom, national independence, democracy and socialism has always been an integral part of the foreign policies of the socialist states. as members will recall, in [number], on the initiative of the soviet union, the general assembly adopted the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples resolution [number] xv , an event of historic importance. the results of the struggle of the people of guineabissau have convincingly shown that the liberation movement is invincible when the alliance between it and world socialism has become an objective reality. the colonialists, though armed to the teeth, were incapable of bringing the heroic people of guinea bissau to their knees. [number]. the chauvinists, blinded by their greatpower aspirations to hegemony, ultimately proved to be incapable of preventing the people of bangladesh, who had embarked on the road to freedom and independence, from seeing their country become a member of the united nations. [number]. the circumstances of detente have made it possible for the developing countries to intensify their struggle to eliminate unequal economic relations between developed capitalist countries and developing countries. the byelorussian ssr actively supports the attitude and demands of the developing countries. the byelorussian ssr took that stand at the sixth special session of the general assembly, at which the developing countries presented a fully justified historical bill to imperialism and colonialism for centuries of exploitation and appropriation of their wealth and demanded the cessation of the pernicious activities of transnational monopolies. [number]. as was rightly pointed out by the foreign minister of algeria at the sixth special session, the adoption of the anti imperialist decisions at that session was the result of natural alliances of the developing countries with the socialist states, alliances and here i would quote mr. bouteflika's words "which are profoundly motivated by the will of the international community to establish a new era based on justice, progress and peace". 2230th meeting, para. [number] , [number]. the support given by the socialist countries to the former colonial and dependent peoples has received a new and deeper meaning during the period in which a number of developing countries have embarked on and are carrying out broad socioeconomic transformations. that support and that assistance are rendered as a matter of principle and are devoid of any consideration of short term gain or aspirations to one sided benefits. we resolutely support the african fighters against colonialism, racism and apartheid, all democrats struggling for the freedom of their peoples and against fascist tyranny. [number]. we consider that the united nations should increase its efforts to bring about the cessation of repression of democrats, the release of all political prisoners in chile and the cessation of the arbitrary rule and lawlessness of the fascist junta, which has sold itself down the river to foreign capital. and no matter how often an agent of the fascist military regime of chile runs up to this rostrum to spread slander, abusing the right of reply, honest people whether in chile or in other countries will not stop their struggle against the crimes of the bloody dictatorship in chile they will constantly render support to the patriots and democrats of chile in their just struggle, which is inseparably linked with the peoples aspiration to lasting peace on earth. [number]. during the general debate, a number of representatives have tried to criticize the charter of the united nations and have even called for its revision. the charter has been subjected to attacks for a long time now. there have always been people and there evidently are such people around today who regard the charter as an obstacle. on the other hand, a number of young independent states which sincerely seek the speedy implementation of the basic provisions of the charter are inclined to yield to the temptation to revise it, to reorganize the united nations, and so forth. we should like to draw their attention to the fact that it is precisely at the moment when the united nations has begun to solve more effectively the tasks assigned to it in the'charter, at the moment when the rote and influence of the nonaligned countries have grown immensely, that the rabid supporters of the revision of the charter have become active. [number]. we oppose any attempts to revise the charter of the united nations, for it fully reflects the existing balance of forces in the world and the presence of two social and political systems socialism and capitalism it ensures the vitality of the united nations it is in accordance with the interests of the maintenance and strengthening of peace. the whole history of the united nations convincingly shows that it has been the strict observance of the charter and the consistent implementation of the decisions of the security council and the positive recommendations of other united nations bodies that have ensured the way to the success of the united nations activities. those who would strengthen the united nations should vigorously and actively press for this, while unmasking and isolating those who try to undermine the organization on the false pretext of perfecting its charter. [number]. the delegation of the byelorussian ssr, like many other delegations that have spoken in the general debate, is convinced that in the discussion and solution of any questions in the united nations problems related to the strengthening of peace and international security, disarmament, decolonization, the struggle against racism and apartheid, economic development, the working out and observance of the rules of international law it is always necessary to have unity and cohesion, a high degree of activity and consistency on the part of all the anti-imperialist forces, in the vanguard of which the states of the socialist community march on and cooperate on a fraternal basis with the nonaligned and developing countries.

[number]. it is my pleasure to convey on behalf of my government, and on my own behalf, warmest congratulations to mr. lievano of colombia on his well deserved election to the honourable post of president of this general assembly. his election is a universal recognition of his high qualities as a statesman and a diplomat and a tribute to the noble nation which he so worthily represents, as well as an honour for the whole of latin america. [number]. i wish also to congratulate his predecessor, mr. lazar mojsov, on the way in which he conducted the work of the previous regular session and the three special sessions held this year. i should like also to convey my respects to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, whose intense and untiring work deserves the gratitude of all of us who share his concern for the attainment of the purposes of our organization. [number]. i want, too, to take this opportunity to welcome the delegation of solomon islands, which is taking part in this assembly for the first time. the admission of that recently independent nation to our organization gives practical application to the principle of universality. [number]. a few days ago we received with great satisfaction news of progress towards peace in the middle east which had been achieved in the camp david talks. we sincerely believe that the efforts of president carter, president el-sadat and prime minister begin deserve every praise. it is quite certain that, although there are still many agreements to be reached, through these talks a way has been opened towards a total and final solution. we hope that all the parties interested and concerned in the middle east situation will continue to seek a just and lasting peace which would eliminate the danger of recourse to violence and its possible extension to other areas. [number]. we have followed with due attention the situation in lebanon and have viewed with great concern the difficulties which the united nations forces have met with in striving to fulfil their noble mission, but we hope that the events i referred to earlier will have a decisive impact on a forthcoming settlement soon to be achieved. [number]. in cyprus, stagnation has been reached and all the efforts of the united nations to find a solution have remained fruitless. it is our greatest wish that negotiations should be resumed and, with the goodwill of the parties to the conflict, that a just solution to the problem should be found. [number]. on the other hand, we are very pleased to note the progress made in the question of namibia, which, of course, is a very difficult one. encouraged by the results thus far attained, we should spare no effort now until the situation has been finally resolved. [number]. we regard disarmament as closely linked to the maintenance of world peace and security and the same applies to economic development. [number]. a few months ago the general assembly held a tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, the results of which can be judged as contradictory in the light of the preconceived idea which people had of them. my country considers that the result is a step forward. the very fact that the final document resolution s-[number] [number] was adopted by consensus shows the existence of a political will to achieve general and complete disarmament. [number]. of course, there are still many difficulties to be overcome, but the final document establishes the negotiating bodies and the back-up activities that we regard as suitable for its achievement. we should all express our desire to co-operate to the best of our ability in order to smooth the way so that such praiseworthy aspirations become reality in a short time. [number]. in economic matters the world outlook is not favourable. last week the committee established under general assembly resolution [number] [number] reached the end of its session without agreement on the mandate entrusted to it. [number]. meanwhile, the position of the developing countries is daily worsening. fluctuations in the prices of raw materials produced by them, prices which are always on the downward trend, accompanied by the rise in the prices of manufactures produced by the developed countries, result in an imbalance in the balance of payments of the former, the loss of their reserves and an increase in their foreign indebtedness. in turn, this has the effect of preventing development and infringes the right to health and education of the peoples concerned. [number]. as developing countries, we are aware of the injustice of the situation and believe that we must find a solution. in our view, the solution lies in the so-called north-south dialogue, but for this dialogue to produce practical results it is essential for the developed countries also to recognize the injustice of the situation, to be willing to give up the undeserved advantages that they have enjoyed and to accept the establishment of a new international economic order that would regulate with greater equity economic relations between countries. [number]. similarly, we believe that technical and economic co-operation among developing countries should be increased, though this should not be a substitute for the co-operation that the developed countries are obliged to give. [number]. i turn to the question of the law of the sea. we note that in the second part of the seventh session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea very little progress was made. in particular, there are still serious differences between the developed and the developing countries over the regime for the exploitation of the sea-bed. we are concerned about the statement by one of the developed countries that it will introduce unilateral legislation on this matter. it seems to us that that will make it even more difficult to reach a compromise on the matter of the sea-bed, which, according to a statement of this general assembly, is the common heritage of mankind. [number]. a new session of the conference has been convened for next year. we hope that it will be more successful and that negotiations will focus on the differences that divide us, without reopening discussions on points that have already been agreed. that is our most fervent desire. we do not want even to think about the alternative that the developed countries should be able to exploit the sea-bed exclusively for their own benefit, thus widening even more the difference between them and the developing countries. [number]. nicaragua is continuing its unchanging policy of respect for human rights, and firmly believes in the need to promote them at the international level, a principle enshrined in the charter of our organization. [number]. in accordance with that conviction, my country has invited the inter-american commission on human rights of the oas to visit nicaragua and is most willing to give all the cooperation that the committee feels useful for its work. [number]. in order to check subversive terrorist activities, of which i stall speak a little later, my government was forced temporarily to suspend constitutional guarantees and safeguards, but it was done only for that end, and was done with the greatest moderation. in any event the inter-american commission of human rights has been invited to visit nicaragua as soon as possible. this visit might take place on [number] october, a date agreed upon with its president, mr. andres aguilar this commission will go to nicaragua any day now to observe how human rights are respected in my country. [number]. the government of nicaragua is a democratic government, and our current president, general anastasio somoza debayle, received his mandate in popular elections as a candidate of the nationalist liberal party. the conservative party, traditionally the opponent of the liberal party, also took part in those elections. the presidential term ends on [number] may [number], and before that date new popular elections will be held. [number]. despite what i have just said, there are groups in nicaragua which seek to change the constitutional order by force-some because they are not sufficient numerous to organize themselves as a political party and take part in the election, others because they do not believe in the democratic principle under which the majority elects the government. some of those groups have received assistance from abroad for their subversive purpose. [number]. last month a group of terrorists in a surprise attack seized the national palace [number] where the national congress was in session and where the offices of the ministries of the interior and the treasury are situated. the terrorists took hostage members of parliament, the minister of government and officials and employees who were doing their work, as well as members of the public who were there-in all, almost [number], [number] persons, including many women and children. in return for the release of the hostages the terrorists demanded of the government that [number] people who were in prison for crimes committed, such as murders, kidnappings and armed assault, and whom they described as political prisoners should be allowed to leave the country and that a ransom should be paid. for humanitarian reasons and to save the lives of so many innocent persons, the government acceded to those demands. [number]. in the following days, possibly owing to this humanitarian gesture being taken for weakness, terrorist attacks were carried out in many cities throughout the country, causing great loss of life and destruction of property. [number]. in order to carry out its duty to maintain public order, the government was obliged to use force, relying on the support of the majority of the nicaraguan people, who are peace-loving and repudiate the use of violence for the purpose of subverting the constitutional order. [number]. the government of nicaragua considers that international action is necessary to prevent and put down terrorism, and is taking part in both of the committees set up by the general assembly for that purpose. none the less we believe that the action undertaken thus far should be stepped up and made specific furthermore, we favour 25ad hoc committee on international terrorism ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages. renewal of the mandate of the ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages. [number]. i am therefore pleased to inform this assembly that yesterday the report of the ad hoc commission of observers of the permanent council established to verify border incidents brought to its attention by the governments of costa rica and venezuela was completed. that report, which was read yesterday afternoon, and in which both parties have set forth their views, was found satisfactory by the council. in such circumstances, i was surprised by the statement of the president of costa rica to the effect that there had been aggression on the part of nicaragua. the aforementioned report makes reference to that situation, and i repeat that that report was considered yesterday as the result of the impartial efforts of the ad hoc commission. i stress my surprise at the statement made by the president of costa rica at this meeting because, as an important statesman of his country, he has been in a position to observe that before this year, in which we have been torn asunder, there had been attacks against the territory of nicaragua. i had the honour to witness his inauguration. in his message the president declared "costa rica will no longer be a haven for outlaws and international brigands. we will not allow our country to be a staging ground for extremist groups of any political tendency. " [number]. i listened with rapt attention to that promise uttered by the president of costa rica implying acknowledgement of the fact that before that date invasions had been mounted against my country by organized terrorist groups from the territory of that sister republic. none the less, [number] days after the president had taken office, a pardon was issued to the detained communist chief -- communist, extremist or "sandinista", as he likes to call himself. that pardon was granted by the government council, despite the fact that it had previously been refused by the supreme court, pursuant to a ruling of which i have a copy in this file but which it is not convenient to read out because of its length. [number]. we are awaiting the fulfilment of all international agreements that we have signed and, indeed, favourable reports have been received to the effect that calm has been restored in nicaragua. yesterday it was ordered that all the political detainees who had been arrested because of the recent events which caused bloodshed in our homeland should be released. [number]- we understand that we have, in costa rica, a fraternal neighbour which has always managed to find peaceful solutions to our differences. but we cannot but regret that the terrorists operating from costa rica, who recently attacked my country, have gone unpunished. [number]. nevertheless, everything is returning to normal, and i hope that with the visit of the inter-american commission on human rights, which will be arriving in my country at the beginning of next month, all of our current problems will be settled, since my government and the president of the republic are committed to the maintenance of relations of the greatest friendship with all nations of the american continent, particularly with the friendly countries of costa rica and honduras. [number]. i am making no reproach i am simply stating what has happened, and there is no lack of respect on my part for the sister republic of costa rica, which is making all possible efforts for the restoration of peace between our two countries. [number]. i would conclude by thanking this assembly for its attention, and with the fervent promise that nicaragua is committed to the maintenance of peace in the republic and to the restoration of constitutional order after these days of unrest and bloodshed on our national soil.

mr. president, on behalf of the government of the republic of panama, may i express great pleasure at the choice of your excellency to carry out the responsible task of presiding over the forty-third session of the general assembly of the united nations. your excellency s experience and capacity, as well as your thorough knowledge of world problems, and in particular your familiarity with the cause of central american peace, will, without doubt, contribute to the achievement of satisfactory results in the assembly's consideration of the complex and delicate issues with which it will be dealing. i wish to pay a special tribute also to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, for his diplomacy, which has produced significant results in the case of some of the issues that concern us most. he is to be commended for his immense and positive activity in the cause of peace, particularly with regard to the cessation of hostilities between iran and iraq, those achievements seem to have brought closer the realization of the ideals espoused by the founders of the united nations, enabling the organisation to serve effectively as a system of collective security. from the secretary-general's report, there are many lessons we can learn concerning the need, in the case of external debt, to recognize that debtors and creditors share responsibility, and concerning the relationship between the arms race and inequalities of economic development. in addition, there is the question of the net export of capital to which the latin american nations have been subjected in the servicing of their debt. the imposition of terms that are quite our of keeping with their capability, or even with the most elementary criterion of equity, constitutes a graphic accusation against their creditors, a decade of zero growth in our continent, and even, in many areas, of decline in the production of wealth, constitutes an irrefutable and terrible denunciation of the imbalance that still persists in our world. what has really been happening is a greater concentration of wealth in a tiny minority of nations, while the difficulties placed on the majority of the less privileged nations, which are trying to break out of the trap of poverty and backwardness, have increased. if it is calculated that there may be [number] million latin americans living in poverty by the end of this century, surely that is more than enough reason to assert that the problem requires immediate action through the integration of latin america, leaving aside traditional considerations. apart from the grave economic and social problems encountered everywhere, we are deeply disturbed by the international conflicts that keep the world in a state of instability and anxiety. even so, let me observe that the recent understandings between the two great powers on the reduction of certain types of nuclear weapons allows us to hope that the world is moving away from the danger of a holocaust and that immense resources may be released for the solution of the most serious economic and social problems. it is encouraging that the principal source of fear and disquiet for several decades among large segments of mankind now appears to be less threatening. however, these nuclear-arms limitation agreements coincide with the emergence of new concepts of security among the powers that feel the need for greater emphasis on the use of conventional weapons as an instrument with which to subjugate weak and smaller peoples. this in turn means that renewed importance attaches to military installations located in strategic sites of regional or global importance. thus, while the world moves towards peace, a new danger hovers over many underdeveloped countries, and this is particularly true of panama because the united states is now attaching greater importance to its military bases on panamanian soil than it did before its agreements with the soviet union. that is why the united states does not wish to honour the commitments it entered into under the current panama canal treaties and seeks to prolong its military presence in my country beyond the agreed terms. our geographical position, our most important and valuable natural resource, is thus being turned into the greatest danger to our sovereignty and independence. what for us is a bridge between the seas for the strengthening of international trade and for our own development is for others becoming a strategic position with global implications. what we have offered for the benefit of the world, others want for control of the world. we in panama have no ambitions or aspirations to wield power. we aspire only to being allowed to develop, under normal conditions, our capacity and potential to bring about material and spiritual improvements for our people. another of the great dangers now hanging over small peoples is disinformation. using the weapon of disinformation to subjugate a smaller people, a great power has set in motion its enormous established capacity to influence and control systems of collection, generation, distribution and presentation of news and comment, and has established a network for the manipulation of public opinion the world over. the defenceless state in which societies now find themselves, confronted with massive processes of distortion in the mass media, is one of the most terrible problems of our time, particularly for the underdeveloped peoples, which are very vulnerable to disinformation. if that vulnerability is exploited at the national level, or at the level of regional hegemony, and if the strategy includes cultivating, exporting and introducing methods of nazi fascism, from the defeat of which this organization was born, then the time has come to give thought to the need for broad-based action to halt such a diversion of mankind from the right path. discord has been introduced into panamanian society in a studied and planned way by the manipulation of minds, which has been extended to the rest of the world through the substitution of invented reality for truth - an invented reality in keeping with the will and designs of the present american government. it should be recalled that in the last two years disinformation has been functioning as a propaganda ministry whose purpose it is to introduce everywhere a monstrous image of panama and its highest officials. if i say here and now that the whole campaign against the commander-in-chief of the panamanian defence forces, general manuel antonio noriega, is nothing but a sinister tissue of lies and falsehoods organized and spread by agents of the present government of the united states, and if i say that the panamanian defence forces have struggled in an exemplary manner against narcotics trafficking throughout the whole time they have been under his authority, some of the distinguished statesmen and officials in this hall will perhaps think i am not talking about the same man against whom such immense power has been unleashed. what, then, is the truth? on [number] july [number], in the senate of the united states, mr. john c. lawn, chief of the united states drug enforcement agency, declared that he had never seen any evidence at all linking general noriega with drug trafficking. what the united states government has done is to introduce into world public opinion an image of panama and its leaders that is nothing more than the product of its own invention, a fiction manufactured by its agents and transmitted and disseminated through channels under its control and orchestrated to lend dignity and merit to united states objectives. the peoples of the world, and particularly the people of the united states, have been feed deplorable lies about panama and have been induced to yield to fear of panama. in the implementation of this plan not only the norms and fundamental principles of the united nations have been breached but also even the most elementary considerations of humanity. what is being inflicted on the panamian nation today deserves the most careful attention and very serious thought by the governments of states members of this organization, because a new mode of war of conquest is now being set in motion against the republic of panama. since the end of february of last year the present united states government has committed against my country an astonishing series of violations of the basic norms of international law and the rules of peaceful coexistence. i wish to place on record categorically that my government has more than sufficient reason to fear direct military aggression by the united states against the republic of panama. the heads of state or government of countries which have diplomatic or consular representatives accredited to my government know quite well what i am talking about. with the presidential succession of [number] february this year, when i took over as constitutional head of state, all the masks were torn away, to leave exposed to the eyes of the whole world the objectives of the united states government - that is, to overthrow the legitimate government of panama and impose a de facto regime headed by figures committed to the renegotiation of those clauses of the panama canal treaties which guarantee the panamanian people definitive consolidation of an independent, free, sovereign and neutral nation at noon on [number] december [number]. i strongly urge all representatives to focus most emphatically on this painful account of the grievous sufferings which my country and my people have endured, and which i shall now describe. panama was a flourishing, tranquil, happy and simple country with a satisfactory growth index. dialogue had been the normal way of resolving our internal and international differences, when suddenly we found that discord had been insidiously injected into panamanian society, with a strategy of subjugation aimed at my country under the pretext that the system of government was not democratic. we have long understood that the only way to give the word "democracy" any teal meaning is by means of a high level of popular participation and a just distribution of wealth and opportunities, so that all sectors may have access to the political decision-making machinery and the benefits of growth. aware of the inherent weaknesses of institutions which are copied or imposed by force, we have worked constantly on the vital substance of democracy, striking at the essence of social injustice and the social and economic obstacles that confine the liberty and equality of individuals, because they are prejudicial to human dignity. of course, this mode of thinking gave rise to opposing reactions among those who felt that it was a threat to the privileges which they had accumulated with a regime of supposed formal democracy, but which could not be sustained. there were also opposing reactions in sectors which felt that we were moving too slowly, because the solution of problems could not be delayed. those reactions were viewed and accepted by us as a domestic issue. we find it utterly unacceptable that a foreign power should use all the resources of disinformation and manipulation of peoples' minds in order to penetrate those sectors and force them to act against the interests of our nation. democracy is forged through the daily practice of a combined effort, by those who govern and those who are governed, designed to establish the true economic and social justice on which is based the development of a new mode of life, which each nation has the right to try for itself. no country may take upon itself the power to intervene in another in order to impose on it an institutional pattern contrary to its self-determination. our sovereign rights were violated when the government of the united states proceeded to freeze [number] million belonging to the national bank of panama belonging to the panamanian people, thus unleashing a fierce campaign designed to create widespread distrust in the panamanian banking system. this was action provided for in plans made long ago to destroy the banking centre of panama, an objective which, independently of the destabilising campaigns, had been attempted some years before. so arbitrary was this action that it included the denial of justice to the national bank of panama, which has been unable to bring its case before united states courts or even obtain any information on the fate of its funds. similarly, another thing that is completely inconceivable is the retention of payments which the united states government undertook to make to our country under the panama canal treaties, and of payments which should be made by united states individuals or corporations in the form of taxes or duties established in our fiscal legislation. it is without precedent, moreover, that by virtue of the executive order of the united states president, of [number] april [number], the state department authorises individuals to dispose with absolute impunity and no legal controls of public and private panamanian funds arbitrarily withheld and deposited in a bank of the united states federal reserve. that executive order, to provide a reason to invoke the war powers act, makes the absurd claim that my government "constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, the foreign policy and the economy of the united states of america. " a country such as panama cannot be a threat to the united states from any point of view, and our legitimate exercise of our independence, sovereignty and self-determination cannot be a threat to any people in the world. but, when the united states resorts to arbitrary actions and capricious moves in its relations with another nation, that certainly has very grave consequences. world leadership in the political field imposes great responsibilities in both the execution and the formulation of policies. the united states declared economic war on the republic of panama. in this war the effects of warfare are not quantified in terms of loss of life and material destruction, but rather through the grave political, social, economic and moral damage which has had such a severe impact on the entire panamanian people. in [number], the gross domestic product will drop by more than [number] per cent, which represents more than [number] billion. in a country of [number] million inhabitants, sudden impoverishment of this sort makes the whole job of strengthening democratic institutions very much more arduous and difficult. when we have seen the destruction of our economy, of the sources of our work, of our means of production and exploitation of our resources, and when supplies of food and medicine for our population have been seriously jeopardized, how can panama fail to protest in the most energetic terms? how can it fail to protest when its financial negotiations are sabotaged, when public panamanian funds, which have been withheld, are dealt with in a piratical manner without precedent in history, and in particular when every day may be the eve of a military attack from those united states bases located in our own territory? allow me now to state the reasons why the panamian people is increasingly afraid of direct military intervention. we are now experiencing a visible, tangible and permanent threat, as can be discerned from the facts i have given and shall now continue to give because the entire international community needs to know these things. the [number] panama canal treaty authorizes united states military presence in my country only for the purposes of the defence and protection of the inter-ocean canal. however, that presence has now been turned into a base for hegemony and influence, particularly since [number] with the fundamental restructuring of the nature and purposes of that military presence. with the establishment of the southern army, and the reorganization of the hierarchy of the chain of command in the southern command, and with the considerable build-up of troops and military hardware, the united states military bases became a part of a structure designed to have the capacity to plan and carry out armed attacks against other countries. at the beginning of [number], the total united states manpower present in panama exceeded by several thousand the figures permitted by the panama canal treaty. between [number] february and the first days of march of this year, commando units specialized in surprise attacks arrived in panama together with an elite battalion of the 82nd airborne division, groups specializing in electronic warfare and more than [number] attack helicopters and troop helicopters in addition to special units for control and occupation of urban centres. later, [number] more soldiers arrived, and [number] marines, combat helicopters and offensive military equipment which has never been a part of the military facilities used by the united states for the defence of the panama canal. fighters planes have taken over the panamian skies. they are carrying out, with significant frequency, threatening manoeuvres not only against installations of the panamian defence forces but even against international commercial flights flying different flags. there has been a steady, unbroken succession of movements of arriving troops, reinforcing and taking over from those already present, together with more armaments having overwhelming destructive power. in addition, every day an interminable succession of manoeuvres and war exercises is rehearsed continuously its purpose can only be to display the power constantly available for attack. i wish now to refer again to the secretary-general's report in order to reiterate the position the panamian republic has traditionally upheld at the united nations and as a member of the movement of non-aligned countries in the light of the problems dealt with in this important paper presented to us by mr. perez de cuellar. we agree with the secretary-general's concerns about central america and, as panama has done within the contadora group and the contadora support group, we insist on the need for a halt to pressure and foreign interference so that the central american republics can press ahead on the path to the broad-based agreement adopted in the esquipulas ii agreement. mr. perez de cuellar's report also touches on a problem of vital importance to my country and people when it refers to the manifestations of contempt for international law which have occurred lately. if states do not properly implement treaties they have entered into and are currently in force, that will mean the collapse of the entire superstructure of international law and of the foundation of the organized international community. the secretary-general tells us this in words which are a warning laden with grave implications. seeing the sufferings being endured by ray country as a result of the determination of the united states to disregard substantive commitments under the [number] panama canal treaties, i wish to add some final considerations because contempt for international treaties implicitly involves a very grave breakdown of the moral basis for coexistence among nations. when force replaces the mandates of international law, the door is opened to all sorts of abuses. the united states maintains a diplomatic mission in my country but does not recognize my government that mission continues to engage in destabilizing activities, and we cannot have it removed from our soil because we are quite sure that that would be used as a pretext to use force against us. this is a new dimension of abuse of power. it is a day-to-day humiliation, an affront to the dignity of nations and their leaders. it is disrespect for the law of peoples. panama is not the only vulnerable nation. many other nations now run the same risk and are faced with the same threat, a threat we can avoid only by uniting more strongly, because the sole protection of weak countries lies in our common defence of the principles the united states is violating. is not the power to decide upon the legitimacy of a government and to give the funds of a sovereign state to individuals to use as they like a threat to everybody? only through the fullest and most resolute exercise of solidarity in union by all now and the taking of concrete steps towards prompt integration can it be guaranteed that panama will be the last in a chain of similar cases. the political alliance constituted by the movement of non-aligned countries is a powerful moral force in the international community. it is an unquestionable political force which is now obliged to extend its influence to the economic field in order to generate greater solidarity among the smaller, weaker countries. that is the best protection against situations such as that now inflicted on my country. latin america bears an excessively onerous burden in terms of its problems of social, economic and cultural development, with immense numbers of people plunged into despair. in that context the introduction of discord into societies in the name of democracy, justice and freedom may give rise to results that will be quite contrary to those same ideals. one hundred and sixty-seven years ago, one of the most distinguished of the founders of the united states, john quincy adams, uttered a prophetic warning against the danger of its government going beyond its frontiers seeking monsters to destroy, warning that the consequences would severely tarnish its libertarian ideals. those who love freedom, in my country and indeed all over the world, are certainly dismayed and indignant that the united states government now resorts to the invention of monsters in pursuit of its designs of continental domination. the fact that the united states government is now using its economic and military might to asphyxiate panama and trying to bring it to its knees is seen by the countries of latin america with weak economies as a sinister precedent. that policy can turn into a grievous parasitic burden for continental development and for the normal deployment of united states capital. foreign investment would give rise to apprehension and well justified fear, particularly in the latin american countries, which would find themselves abruptly obliged to identify such investment as potential instruments of imperialist designs. the orders and prohibitions imposed by the current united states government on the corporations of its nationals in panama are really tantamount to stamping its foreign investments with the label of weapons of aggression. there are many countries which, like panama, require massive capital investment in their development process, countries which have reformed their policies, have modernized their methods, have invested efforts and valuable resources in the training of qualified personnel. they have adapted their laws and signed agreements in order to help attract foreign capital for the strengthening of their economy. however, if those countries now see that panama, with an economy so closely linked to united states investment, suddenly finds that the united states government is exploiting the relative dependence which emanates from that bond, and if they see that it is then brandishing that fact as a weapon in order to strangle the panamanian economy, bring its government to its knees and subjugate its people, then, of necessity, they are bound to have grave misgivings. in the world economy a formula whereby more dollars are generated with less dignity can only give rise to fear. panama has rigorously fulfilled its international function as a centre for inter-ocean communication for the benefit of mankind and will continue to fulfil its historic role with absolute self-denial whatever difficulties may come its way and notwithstanding all the obstacles deliberately placed on its path. for that reason we demand respect for our dignity as an independent nation. we demand full compliance with the terms of the treaties which govern the functioning and maintenance of the canal, with a view both to achieving full control by the end of this century and to ensuring its strict neutrality. as the main reason for the existence of the united nations is the desire of all mankind for peace, i am obliged to invoke the full capacity for moral deterrence which its assembled members represent as protection for a nation which is threatened and against which aggression has been committed. my government wants peace and will seek a dialogue and broad-based agreement for the solution of all its international disputes. i wish to place on record in this assembly that panama has proved itself able to withstand aggression and has upheld its dignity because of the sense of nationhood and the feeling of the sovereignty of the panamian people, which has gradually deepened with each passing generation in my country. our will not be stifled however unequal the terms of the struggle that lies ahead of us may be. the deliberate aggravation of differences and the stepping up of aggression against panama can only result in driving our peoples further apart and doing serious damage to the peace and security of that part of the world. it can have no other result. on the other hand, stretching our hands to each other and reaching an understanding will have great mutual benefits for the community of nations as a whole.

i extend my congratulations on your election, madam, and my respects to his majesty king hamad bin isa al-khalifa and to the government and people of the kingdom of bahrain. i assure you of brunei darussalam s full support in the coming year and wish you great success during your term of office. i would also like to thank your predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, for his excellent leadership of the assembly over the past year. finally, may i express my special appreciation to our secretary-general. for many years, he has been the united nations most public figure. that has never been easy, but he has served us with great distinction. his programmes of action have strengthened our voice. his personal leadership has inspired us, and i thank him most warmly for that. during the past few years, we have regularly discussed united nations reform, and i am sure that discussions will continue in the coming years. therefore, at the opening of the sixty-first session of the general assembly, i would like to take this opportunity to mention a few of our own feelings in brunei darussalam about the question of united nations reform. i would like to start by acknowledging the fine work done for so many years by our united nations agencies in the field, particularly by the world health organization, the united nations economic and social commission for asia and the pacific, the united nations children s fund, the united nations development programme, and the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization, and by united nations volunteers all over the world. those agencies can truly be called our body s life blood, and at times literally so. every day of every year, they attempt to bring hope, confidence and meaning to the lives of ordinary people. they provide people with the simplest and most basic definition of security. by that, i mean that they give people a feeling that even the most severe problems can be faced and solved. i thank them with great respect for their dedication and their professionalism. they represent the united nations at its best. consequently, i believe that any reform of our organization should be considered with one crucial primary question in mind does it directly strengthen the work of our agencies and people in the field? that is becoming more and more important to the ordinary people we represent. the new century has brought a host of new challenges. the past year, like every year of this new century, has presented problems that are typical of those the united nations is increasingly going to face and expected to solve. they are, sadly, all the stuff of regular breaking news natural and environmental disasters, health, economic and security disasters, countless political failures and the enormous human suffering that follows. the immediate impression is a dramatic one. our new century seems to be defining itself in images of disaster landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis and terrorist bombings. the most lasting images are human ones. those are the countless victims of events over which they had no control and of which they had no knowledge or warning. the long-term result is a deep sense of insecurity. it is reaching into the lives of every individual, every family and every community in every country we represent. many people are feeling so insecure that they are engaged in finding any way they can to salvage some hope for themselves. in asia, africa and the americas, they are doing so in their hundreds of thousands. they are leaving their families and homelands to emigrate. they often put their lives at enormous personal risk in the search for somewhere where they hope to find hope. that presents a bleak vision of the future for millions of our people. it would be even bleaker without the united nations. sometimes, in the refugee camps, in the disaster areas and in all the other arenas [number]-[number] [number] of destruction, the united nations offers all they have by way of hope. hence, the second consideration we give to proposals for reform is a human one. we ask a simple question is the proposal relevant to ordinary peoples personal lives and problems? those lives are increasingly dominated by the extremely complex challenges of our new century. those challenges are global. they are scientific, technological, economic, environmental and political. they now involve over six and a half billion people. those people are becoming more and more dependent on each other for survival. that means, i believe, that we must continue to stress the need for more than just administrative reform. so our third consideration regarding reform is practical. does the proposed reform reflect the current century, its priorities, its special challenges and its changing character? in other words, are we certain that we are not trying to solve twenty-first-century problems with the mechanisms, priorities and procedures of the twentieth century and sometimes even of the nineteenth century? we look forward to continuing our discussions with colleagues in the coming year on this critical matter of effective and lasting reform. we are starting to see what the twenty-first century is presenting, both the good and the disturbing. we are also seeing the demands it is making on the united nations. they are considerable. we believe, however, that the considerations i have mentioned are the essential basis for reforming the united nations in a manner that will ensure that our world body is well capable of meeting the twenty-first century on twenty-first century terms.

permit me to congratulate mr. razali ismail on his unanimous election to preside over this session. his election is a reaffirmation by the united nations member states of the confidence that they have placed in him and in the government of [number] malaysia. in this regard, i should like to assure him of the cooperation of the delegation of the republic of rwanda in our shared desire to galvanize the community of nations in their common resolve to fulfil the objectives of the united nations charter. i should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to his predecessor, his excellency mr. diogo freitas do amaral, for presiding over the fiftieth session of the general assembly in a most efficient and able manner. the session over which mr. razali is presiding will be addressing a considerable agenda of more than [number] items, which, when put together, will contribute to world peace, security and stability. the united nations is the most appropriate forum to discuss these and other related matters of global peace, development and international cooperation. the agenda before us therefore seeks to address the implementation of the objectives of the charter, as enshrined in article [number]. as we move towards the twenty-first century, it is our individual and collective responsibility to re-examine the extent to which our countries have or have not contributed to the attainment of these objectives. the united nations agenda for peace and its valuable initiatives on peacekeeping, human rights and other development-related issues collective security, terrorism, denuclearization, conflict prevention and resolution will be discussed during the session. rwanda would like to join its voice to those of the delegations that spoke from this rostrum and who called for world peace, security and the development of developing countries. statements have been made from this rostrum in connection with what some have described as the ghastly events that took place in rwanda in [number]. many, perhaps inadvertently and in a simplistic manner, have described the events of [number] in rwanda as a conflict, a crisis, ghastly events or as gross violations of human rights. there was genocide in rwanda, nothing else but a genocide. it was not a tribal or ethnic conflict, as it is often referred to. between april and july [number] more than one million rwandans were butchered in a systematic and planned manner. this carnage was carried out in only [number] days. the devastating effects of the aftermath of the rwandan genocide are still with us, and we live with them. rwanda s population now consists of [number] per cent women, [number] per cent of whom are widows, and we have [number], [number] orphans in the country. the perpetrators of the rwandan genocide are still at large in some capitals. far from feeling remorse, they pride themselves in their unfinished agenda. their army, militia and political leadership are in military and refugee camps within walking distance of the rwanda-zaire border. they have recently stepped up infiltrations into rwanda in order to kill the remaining survivors of genocide. we call upon the international community to exert pressure on the government of zaire to relocate the refugees away from its borders with rwanda, in conformity with the [number] geneva convention relating to the status of refugees . the withdrawal of united nations peacekeeping troops in april [number], at the height of the execution of the genocidal agenda, was not helpful. for us in rwanda, it remains, and will continue to remain, a reminder of the responsibility of the united nations to ensure that this does not reoccur anywhere else. more importantly, it points to the need for the united nations to support rwanda in its efforts to rebuild its socio-economic infrastructure. this is critical. there can be no sustainable peace without reconstruction and development. the recent high-level symposium on conflicts in africa, which was held in tokyo this month, on [number] and [number] september, came to the same conclusion. allow me to put on record my government s appreciation of the efforts made by those countries, institutions and humanitarian agencies that helped and continue to assist rwanda in the various sectoral rehabilitation programmes. we are equally grateful to those who have shown their disposition to do so in the near future. the recently concluded round table conference, which was organized with the support of the united nations development programme undp , has been helpful. we are grateful for the commitments that were made. this will go a long way in assisting rwanda to consolidate and build on the achievements of the past two years. the government of national unity of rwanda, under the leadership of his excellency president pasteur bizimungu, has made significant strides to return the country to normalcy. tremendous achievements have been made, including the gradual and steady rehabilitation of the security structure, the judiciary, the legislature and the economy. the sound macroeconomic policies that have been adopted have contributed, in less than two years, to a reduction in inflation from [number] per cent in [number] to [number] per cent in [number]. this will drop to [number] per cent by the [number] end of [number]. agricultural production has reached [number] per cent of the pre-war level, and we have recorded impressive levels of food production. we are also pleased to inform the international community that more than [number]. [number] million refugees have now returned to rwanda. all rwandan refugees originally based in burundi have been repatriated and successfully resettled in their own communities without incident. this is sufficient proof that rwandan refugees in other neighbouring countries, apart from being the hostages of genocidal leaders in the refugee camps, have no other reasons to remain. these achievements have been made in spite of some critical factors that the international community could help rwanda overcome if we are to maintain the pace of our continuing progress towards stability, durable peace and development. the crippling debt burden has hamstrung all social sectors, especially the most vulnerable groups. children, women, widows and the elderly are among the most affected. rwanda s debt stock at the end of [number] stood at a staggering high of [number] billion, or [number] per cent of the gross domestic product gdp . most of this, [number] per cent, is owed to multilateral institutions [number] per cent is bilateral and the remaining [number] per cent is on account of suppliers credits. given the magnitude of this suffocating debt, the government cannot rebuild its shattered socio-economic infrastructure in the aftermath of genocide. we therefore urge the international community, and especially the multilateral financial and development institutions, to cancel immediately rwanda s debt. short of new resources in the form of a marshall plan, this cancellation would greatly contribute to rwanda s recovery and sustainable growth. we know very well that where there has been a significant infusion of financial resources in post-war periods, peace and stability have been achieved and sustained. the question of conflicts and insecurity in the great lakes region has been mentioned by many speakers. the situation in burundi is cause for concern to many, especially the countries of the region. i should like in this regard to commend the efforts of the organization of african unity, the leaders of the region and all those who are involved in the search for a durable solution. regional instability has been complicated by the systematic persecution of kinyarwanda-speaking zaireans. this process was stepped up this year with the massacre of several north kivu region zaireans of rwandese culture others were forced to flee to rwanda and uganda. this persecution has recently been extended to the south kivu region of zaire, where, again, kinyarwanda-speaking zaireans have been subjected to brutal attacks by zairean forces, along with former rwanda government soldiers and interahamwe militias, who did not finish but exported their genocidal and ethnic cleansing agenda. survivors of these attacks predominantly women and children, as men and boys are either killed or imprisoned have been forced to seek refuge in rwanda. it is the responsibility of the government of zaire to unconditionally repatriate its nationals who are currently living in refugee camps in rwanda. we call upon the international community to prevail upon the government of zaire so as to stop the systematic ethnic cleansing currently taking place in eastern zaire. we further call upon the government of zaire to cease immediately its military aggression which has recently been directed against rwandan territory. we would like to pay tribute to mwalimu julius nyerere, former president of the united republic of tanzania, for his unequivocal and genuine search for solutions, not only for burundi, but also within the wider context of the great lakes region. the problem is not the lack of solutions. what is lacking is the decisiveness to implement commitments voluntarily entered into. that is what should be addressed. in the case of the great lakes region, former presidents julius nyerere of tanzania, jimmy carter of the united states of america and general tour of mali successfully managed to get the heads of state and government to agree and sign solemn declarations on the modalities for solving the problems of the region. at this session, we will be considering the re-election of the secretary-general. my government s position has been clear since yaound , during the summit of the organization of african unity. we are not supportive of the re-election of the incumbent. doing so would reward his failure to use the instruments of the united nations charter in order to come to the rescue of rwandans during the genocide. above all, it would be against the collective conscience of the rwandan people to support the candidacy of the incumbent. but beyond these moral grounds, we believe that the election of a contested secretary-general is not in the interest of the united nations. it would jeopardize the functioning of an institution that needs to be strengthened. [number]

i would like to begin by extending my warmest congratulations to the president on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its current session. i also take this opportunity to place on record our sincere appreciation of father miguel d escoto brockmann for his efforts and leadership during the sixty-third session. i wish as well to commend the secretary-general for his comprehensive report on the work of the organization and for his tireless efforts and dedication in the cause of international peace and security. the current financial and economic crisis affecting many countries around the globe, particularly in the west, has reached the shores of africa. originating in the west, the uncontrolled banking and mortgage crisis, arising from over-leveraged subprime lending schemes, burst into the open, destroying the liquidity and survivability of many institutions in the developed countries. it was thought that, since africa was not a player in this sector, its financial institutions and its economies would escape more or less unscathed. such was not to be african difficulties have been compounded. this crisis follows on the heels of the food and energy crises and the challenges posed by the impacts of climate change. the severity of the crisis on poor countries cannot be underestimated. poor countries have no choice but to work hard to restore strong growth and recover lost ground in order to move towards internationally agreed development goals. in this respect, it must be emphasized that the global [number] [number]-[number] crisis cannot be an excuse to avoid fulfilling existing international aid commitments. in addition to timely delivery, flexibility of resources and predictability, it is critical that the aid be effective. developing countries need access to new funding, including credit and liquidity facilities, infrastructure investment and support for domestic financial systems. members of the general assembly are by now aware of the tense standoff that prevails in the northern part of my country, following the unwarranted and deliberately provocative incursion and occupation by eritrean forces of djibouti s sovereign territory at the beginning of last year, [number]. this wholly reckless action by eritrea, a neighbour, provoked a mutual military build-up, leading to serious clashes between the two forces. in particular, the clashes of [number] to [number] june [number] resulted in many deaths, countless wounded and prisoners taken on both sides, and this merits a special note. my country embarked upon a calm and prudent policy that deliberately allowed sufficient time for the possibility of comprehensive bilateral contacts at every level in order to resolve hostilities amicably and peacefully. our efforts fell consistently on deaf ears, accompanied by rebuffs, blatant denials, and dismissive and condescending utterances. regional organizations, heads of state and government, and the united nations have all attempted to initiate dialogue these efforts have gone for naught with eritrea, which, in its usual brazen manner, has gone so far as to deny even the existence of any tension in the area, despite the clear, far-reaching and unmistakable conclusions of the united nations fact-finding mission. indeed, the mission s report represents a damning indictment of the regime s deceptive and erratic behaviour. the security council has consistently condemned eritrea s forceful occupation of my country s territory, namely, ras doumeira and doumeira island, and in resolution [number] [number] of [number] january [number], demanded, inter alia, that eritrea withdraw its forces and all their military hardware to the status quo ante acknowledge its border dispute with djibouti engage actively in dialogue to defuse the tension and in diplomatic efforts leading to a mutually acceptable settlement and to abide by its obligations as a member of the united nations. the resolution required eritrea to comply immediately, and, in any case no later than five weeks after the resolution s adoption date of [number] january. eritrea, however, rejected the resolution the next day. there the matter has essentially remained, in the light of the series of requests made by the secretariat for more time to pursue contacts, particularly with the eritrean authorities. as everyone now realizes, it is a futile exercise to seek a credible response from eritrea, whose intentions have always been to procrastinate on various pretexts while firmly entrenching itself in the occupied territory. as djibouti has repeatedly stated, the occupied areas of ras doumeira hill, which overlooks the bab-el-mandeb strait, and doumeira island, which is in the same red sea area, are situated in one of the busiest shipping lanes in the world. the militarization of this key strategic maritime route does not augur well for peace in the region or for international shipping and investment. the dispute between eritrea and djibouti must not be allowed to fester any longer. it must be resolved along the lines of security council resolution [number] [number] without further equivocation, confusion or deliberate procrastination. inaction sets a dangerous precedent that others will surely follow in the future deny and refuse to cooperate. the council must not appear to be appeasing eritrea indefinitely. it is a dangerous and an unpredictable regime that so far has not shown any respect for international norms and behaviour. the council must act now, using all means at its disposal. once again, the situation in somalia is tense, tenuous and unpredictable. somalia s plight is sickening, hopeless and disgusting, to say the least. here we have a transitional government that enjoys the full backing of the international community. yet paradoxically, that same entity is woefully lacking the money and manpower that would enable it to confront the deadly insurrection that has paralysed the whole country. mogadishu, the capital, is essentially a war zone. most of its civilian population has been displaced, having fled the never-ending anarchy, abuses, impunity and other egregious crimes against humanity. the collateral damage to the civilian population is horrendous in short, unquantifiable. coupled with that, the somali people are facing an extreme drought that threatens a widespread food shortage and starvation, which would necessitate major international emergency food aid. [number]-[number] [number] the presence of african union peacekeepers has been a major factor in keeping the transitional government in power, but they are continuously under attack, and the need for more troops, as well as for the training and equipping of sufficient somali forces, cannot be overemphasized. indeed, there is tremendous goodwill towards the current transitional federal government, in particular towards sheikh sharif sheikh ahmed, the current president, who enjoys both trust and international credibility. unfortunately, that has not been matched by a commensurate support in terms of resource flows consistent with the promises and pledges made to the government. resources make the difference in the outcome of hostilities. all the same, life in somalia goes on, and with resources that country would be able to start addressing the critical urgent problems and issues of security, governance and job creation. addressing the terrible drought now battering the country and crippling its already low food stock is a top priority. we must all fulfil our obligations to enable the government to function. no doubt that is a tall order, but that is what it takes and that is the challenge that we all have to confront. we are well aware of the flow of arms, resources and foreign fighters into somalia and of the threat that al-qaida might establish a beachhead there. one can say that the time has come for all well-meaning somalis, as well as peoples and governments of goodwill everywhere, to step forward in order to create a lasting and stable environment for the people of somalia. we owe that to the people of somalia. the stage appears set for dramatic developments in the israeli occupation of the palestinian territories, which is by far the longest occupation in modern times. as we all know, the united nations fact-finding mission investigating last winter s three-week war in gaza has issued its report. while both the israelis and the palestinians were strongly criticized, the condemnation of israel by a united nations body was unprecedented, stating that the result was a deliberately disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorize a civilian population, radically diminish its local economic capacity both to work and provide for itself, and to force upon it an ever increasing sense of dependency and vulnerability . a hrc [number] [number], para. [number] the peace process is frozen and there is no hope in sight of jump-starting it soon, as the new israeli government is intent on pursuing its business-as-usual policy of more settlements and refusal to engage in a process that addresses the final status issues. my country is keen to have peace and security soon restored in the northern part of the sisterly nation of yemen, within the framework of its territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity. one cannot fail to notice the number of countries that have raised the issue of the representation on and composition of the security council. it is undeniable that we are in a different world from that which existed in the aftermath of the second world war. given the critical need to have a global body capable of addressing, in some manner, the challenges of an evolving international landscape, the issue is of concern to many countries. for the united nations to retain its credibility and authority, it must continue to be relevant. new norms have risen, while whole continents lack permanent representation, let alone the power of the veto. once again, it must be said that africa, the continent with the largest number of countries, needs to have a permanent voice in the conduct of world affairs. we see no reason to change our position, which we noted in [number], that africa seeks no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the prerogatives and privileges of a permanent member, including the right of the veto, in addition to five non-permanent seats. of late, things have been changing for the better in much of africa, but the current disastrous international economic crisis was not of our making, as is true for the fallout from global warming. they and other crises underscore the urgency of our meaningful involvement in the united nations and in world affairs. permanent seats and increased membership on the security council would be in keeping with those growing international demands. time and space do not allow us to consider in any depth a number of other critical issues confronting developing countries. there should be some mention, however, of the harm to countries trade and development stemming from the protective tariffs of the industrialized west. the effort to provide subsidies for a few large farming operations, blocking competition from farmers of the developing world, only hurts the latter. perhaps cotton is a good example. [number] [number]-[number] there is also the stalemate in the doha round trade talks. those discussions must reopen in earnest, with the commitment to reach a satisfactory conclusion. lastly, we need to highlight the concern regarding the millennium development goals and the likelihood that they will not be achieved by [number] in most countries. in sum, that is tragic for so many lives. efforts must therefore increase towards mitigating that trend. in conclusion, i wish, on behalf of my government and the people of djibouti, to express our heartfelt sorrow and profound condolences to the bereaved families and to the government and the people of the philippines for the torrential rains and heavy flooding that caused havoc and unprecedented disruption of lives and destroyed infrastructure.

when i assumed the presidency of my country less than two months ago, i recalled that in the tradition of the aymara, an indigenous people of the republic of bolivia, a human being and a country and, may i say, the united nations do their work if they manage to find harmony in seven fundamental fields. for the aymaras there is a type of harmony that rises from the head, and that is the harmony we need to maintain with our beliefs and principles. there is a second type of harmony which goes from the feet down. that is the harmony we must maintain with nature, the earth and the environment. there is a third harmony that goes from the body out to the right side. that is the harmony we must have with our families, with those closest to us. a fourth type of harmony moves towards the left. that is the harmony we must have with our neighbours, our colleagues at work and those others who, without being very close to us, surround us. there is a fifth type of harmony which moves forward from us, and for the aymara people that is harmony with the past. they believe that human beings face the past and not the future, because we can see what is in front of us, and the past is the only thing we can really see. a sixth type of harmony is behind us. that is our harmony with the future, because although we do not see the future we have an intuition about it and a sense of it. often, although it has not yet come, we can already feel its weight on our shoulders. the seventh and final type of harmony is self- harmony, an inner harmony. if we achieve harmony in those seven areas, we will have a harmonious body, a harmonious country and a harmonious world. it is with that vision that we have begun to govern in ecuador and i believe it is with that vision that the united nations is doing its work. we can discuss many issues here. i want to focus on two, both related to left-sided harmony harmony with our neighbours, international harmony and their implications for the development of our peoples. in latin america, as in many parts of the world, we face one of the gravest crises in our history. we have been considering the advantages of globalization. now we are also suffering the problems of globalization. when we speak of a global system, we speak of a real network, which, like a large cobweb, encompasses us all. the problem with such a network is that wherever we touch or apply pressure to the web we produce a vibration and an impact throughout the web. the great majority of the countries of latin america have made enormous efforts to overcome the problems of previous decades. they have worked to reduce their fiscal deficits to a minimum, to open up to the global economy, to participate in trade and to share the principles of open, fair and transparent trade, free of discrimination. they have understood that integration is the tool for progress in the future. they have established regional markets, and now they seek a continental market. after so much effort, which at times has been costly in internal terms, we have found that that effort can be wasted, that it may not be a way out of our problems, because of an international crisis, which did not originate in our countries it came from outside, but because of globalization, and the network connecting us, we are all affected. we understand the mechanics of the system. we understand how something that affects markets in asia has an impact on latin america. yet, while we understand the mechanics of the system, we cannot see its fairness. if while working together we encounter problems that do not originate in our region, we must ask the industrialized countries in particular to take decisions that will ensure that not all the countries of the world suffer to the extent that we are suffering now. there is talk of risk of a global recession as severe as, or even more severe, than that of the 1930s. we see the stock markets of the largest countries of our region affected daily. we see a crisis that is already striking the industrialized countries. i think this is the appropriate forum for us to consider the need to work together. we small countries like ecuador can do little in a crisis of this magnitude but call for reflection and true fraternity among our nations so that a problem affecting the whole world can be overcome. otherwise, a crisis as big as this leaves many of us with no option but to wait and see how we can protect ourselves against these troubles. the countries of latin america see ourselves as a region, and we believe we must behave as a region. every country has its own characteristics and has to do what is necessary individually, but it is the region as a whole that is being affected by all these changes. the countries of latin america have not come here simply to ask for money and loans, as they have done at other times of crisis. the countries of the region have not appeared here one by one to try to overcome their difficulties on an individual basis, as on other occasions. this time we have made joint proposals just, global proposals. we hope these proposals will yield results. all analysts maintain that unless interest rates are lowered, in particular in the industrialized countries, this global trend is undoubtedly not going to change. the [number]. [number] per cent drop in interest rates was widely considered important but insufficient in view of the magnitude of the current crisis. it is therefore crucial that we deal with this matter here in the assembly. along with this international crisis, ecuador is confronting an issue that is fundamental to its development its relations with peru, and the search for a definitive peace with peru. we have a problem that has been dragged out over many decades. in its most recent stage, for the last [number] years, we have had a protocol of peace, friendship and boundaries, which should now enter a definitive phase. peace is our objective we see it as an ethical, moral and economic good. nothing is more advantageous to the budgets of our countries than peace. we can do great things for the benefit of our economies. in this case, peace is accompanied by a set of incentives, specifically, the possibility of [number] billion in loans from multilateral entities for border development projects, irrigation, roads, agricultural systems, schools and health centres, to give a few examples. this [number] billion a very large sum for both countries can be put into action if we achieve peace. over the past three years, we have been holding talks. commissions have reached agreements on border integration, trade, navigation in the extraordinarily important basin of the amazon river and measures of security and confidence-building for the future. but the [number] most delicate and difficult issue has yet to be resolved the establishment of the borderline between the two countries. we have held talks at a number of levels among our foreign ministers, in the negotiating commissions, among the countries that are guarantors of the protocol and these conversations have also risen to the level of the presidencies of peru and ecuador. we have had three meetings in less than two months in order to seek that final agreement. last night, i spoke with president fujimori he is planning to travel to the united states, and we agreed that tomorrow we will see each other here in new york for a fourth meeting to try to continue seeking the definitive formula that will resolve the question of our border in a way that is fitting, acceptable to the two countries and appropriate for our peoples. the principles are clear. as countries, we cannot enter the twenty-first century dragging with us problems that date back to the nineteenth. we must embark on the twenty-first century with a clear and positive vision that is directed towards the future. we share all the tenets of the united nations on issues related to this one. we are completely in agreement with the ottawa convention on the question of landmines. our country signed that convention, and at the end of last week in brasilia, the presidents of peru and ecuador submitted to president cardoso of brazil a joint communiqu requesting that plans be drawn up for the removal of all the landmines that have been placed in the border area over the years. this is a positive and very real step it means that the convention will not simply be signed and ratified but will also be applied in practical terms in the field. we are also completely in agreement with the proposals of the united nations on the reduction of military budgets and expenditures. we believe that money should be invested in poverty reduction and in the social programmes and projects our peoples need so much. we are completely in agreement with the conventional disarmament programmes. we believe that trust must replace distrust, and we believe that this task, accomplished jointly, can allow us to leave behind long decades of mutual suspicion and the great scepticism that sometimes pervades our countries. we are in agreement as regards general and complete disarmament. we agree with the prohibition of nuclear weapons. we welcome the decision of the southern cone common market mercosur to make all the countries of that region into a nuclear-weapon-free zone. we believe in peace, and we are working to achieve it. it will be hard to find, in the future, two presidents of neighbouring countries with a history of problems who are so firmly committed to peace, so deeply convinced that they must achieve peace, and so zealously at work to reach a speedy, just and honourable peace. we hope our efforts will soon meet their reward. we completely support the initiatives of the united nations on the subject of the protection of human rights. ecuador has adopted its own national human rights plan into law. we are the second country in latin america, and one of the first in the world, to adopt such a plan. it is not a plan of the ecuadorian government, but a plan made by ecuadorian society, coordinated by the ministry with the participation of representatives of various sectors of the society. we believe in human rights, and we defend them in their entirety and without reservation. our minister for foreign affairs was the first united nations high commissioner for human rights before joining our ministry for foreign relations, so our support in this field is complete. in addition, we are concerned about the issue of sustainable development, and we will vigorously promote environmental issues. for the first time in history, a woman from a country that is not in the northern hemisphere has become chairperson of the world s largest intergovernmental organization on the environment. that woman s name is yolanda kakabadse, and she is the present minister of the environment in ecuador. we seek to indicate several things by this, which are easily understandable in what i have just said. these are the central issues in the link between the united nations and my country peace, the international crisis and the search for a just global accord, the environment and human rights. other issues could be taken up, but i prefer to focus on this message. i believe that there is no better way to pay tribute to the united nations and to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights than for two countries with democratically elected governments to seek peace and endeavour to sign a peace agreement perhaps sign one this year so that the development of our peoples can proceed and their quality of life can improve. in this way we can sum up the most important human rights. democracy, freedom, development, life, the right to work, gender-related issues, the problems of minorities and the most disadvantaged groups and the protection of children are encompassed in these words that are so simple and so important peace, development and international cooperation. we want to emphasize these ideas here, in this organization which has done so much to bring them about throughout the world. i wish the assembly every success in its work for the benefit of all of humanity.

let me begin by extending, on behalf of the people and government of the republic of bosnia and herzegovina, our most heartfelt condolences to the peoples and governments of both venezuela and india, which have recently been hit severely by the tragedy of disaster. it is our hope that both countries, through the will and spirit of their peoples, will recover quickly. may we also extend our sympathies to those countries and families that have lost loved ones under the united nations flag in bosnia and herzegovina in attempting to carry out their mission of peace and humanity. indeed, our sympathies go out to all families of united nations personnel in all peace-keeping missions throughout the globe who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the name of the united nations charter. we should also like to congratulate the palestinian and israeli people on their recent efforts towards peace. we are likewise happy to see the great strides towards democracy being made in south africa. mr. president, it is my pleasure and privilege to extend to you our sincerest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-eighth session. your election to this high office reaffirms the importance of the role that small states play in the family of nations. we should also like to extend our appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, his excellency mr. stojan ganev, our balkan colleague, for conducting the deliberations of this body with great expertise and commitment. the republic of bosnia and herzegovina is pleased to welcome the organization s newest members andorra, the czech republic, eritrea, monaco, the republic of macedonia and the slovak republic. we are confident that these members will uphold the principles of the united nations charter. the international community has neither a definite policy nor a clear plan of political action that would facilitate a transition from the communist structures that have been in power for [number] years to concepts based on freedom and democracy. we believe that it is impossible to find solutions for either global or local conflicts unless a clear stand is taken on the overall question of what the post-communist heritage is to be. the negative aspects of this problem have been fully illustrated in the case of my country. it is obvious that the remaining forces of the communist potential for aggression have been exercised against us and that an extirpation of chances for democratic development has been perpetrated before the eyes of europe, america and the whole world. this act is being carried out entirely by force, in forms ranging from aggression and mass murder of civilians to destruction of all traces of civilization and culture and the extermination of whole nations by the barbaric tactics of burned and destroyed land. simultaneously with this unprecedented violence, an experiment in political vivisection is being carried out against our country. it is being carried out by an international community that, in the case of bosnia and herzegovina, has obviously been testing various models for the post-communist state. the experiment, unfortunately, is being performed in vivo by testing various hypotheses on our living national and governmental organism. in this experiment, our people are dying, and so is our country and our state. the first experiment was performed by the london conference. this concept, which sought to stop the aggression, was abandoned without a single attempt to implement it and this only intensified the war on our soil. this was followed by an attempt to find a solution by means of constitutional, legal and political reform to a crisis that was becoming ever deeper. this project, known as the vance-owen plan, no one even attempted to implement. it was abandoned only to be replaced by a new one, which is based on the false thesis that what we have in bosnia and herzegovina is a civil war between the three peoples and that territorial partition is therefore the only solution. but this plan is being fulfilled neither with respect to the idea that the partition of the land should be carried out in accordance with the criterion of ethnic majority, nor with respect to the basic intention of bringing about peace. as a result, the uncontrollable unfolding of events will continue, and will cause nothing but new suffering for our people. now the people of bosnia and herzegovina are being asked to choose between a just, defensive war and an unjust peace. the war, if continued, is likely to cause further suffering for our people and the further destruction of our nation. it could mean the death of thousands more. the unjust peace plan is flawed because it is based upon the repugnant and historically failed concept of ethnic partition and apartheid. the flaw is compounded by the fact that even the partition is unfair, since it seeks to satisfy the aggressor s appetite for an inequitably large share at the expense of the victim. however, the flaws in the so-called peace plan being forced upon us are not merely philosophical. first, any plan that legitimizes genocide and promotes ethnic partition will most likely sow the seeds for new aggression and fuel the fires of retribution. secondly, any peace that does not address the true causes of war will, at best, offer only temporary, remedial relief rather than promoting the healing that is essential. finally, any peace plan that makes no provision for a viable bosnian state, that does not address even the most basic needs of the victim and that does not provide the necessary measures for real implementation and durability is, in the end, not a plan for real peace. last week s provisional acceptance by the bosnian parliament of the peace proposals is dependent on the same minimal adjustments that we have consistently held to be necessary for a durable peace. these adjustments are the following first, the bosnian republic within the proposed union of the republics of bosnia and herzegovina must be viable geographically, economically, politically and defensively. secondly, the aggressor forces must surrender control of the territories where they have slaughtered and expelled civilian populations so that the bosnians can return to their homes. well over half a million refugees would find it impossible to return to villages, towns and cities from which they were expelled if serbian forces that committed murder, rape and torture were to continue to control those territories. there is the option that some of those territories could be temporarily administered by international peace-keeping forces. thirdly, the final agreement must contain comprehensive and specific guarantees concerning its implementation from those nations and regional organizations that will actually be enforcing the peace. such guarantees must be an integral part of the peace accords and cannot be delayed until a later date. otherwise, we risk adopting another agreement or commitment that will, like so many others previously, become worthless for peace and of value only to further legitimize the aggressor. forty-eighth session - [number] october l993 [number] fourthly, in the event that the international community is not successful in implementing the peace plan, then we must be allowed to arm and defend ourselves. consistent with its authority and unavoidable responsibility, the security council should evaluate the plan prepared by lord owen and mr. stoltenberg to determine its consistency or inconsistency with the united nations charter and numerous resolutions previously adopted by the council. the council cannot escape its responsibilities and the inherent inconsistencies by hiding behind the frequently repeated excuse that it will accept whatever all the parties agree to, when one party, the victim, is under the pressure of the very real threat of genocide. as further negotiations on these matters continue, the mediation team should be enlarged to include a representative of the north atlantic treaty organization nato , which will most likely be the agent of enforcement. this would add a degree of clarity, direction and credibility to the talks that has been lacking so far. now, let me bring to the assembly s attention the impending humanitarian tragedy unfolding in my country. on behalf of all bosnians, i must first thank the united nations and all the friendly governments, private institutions and heroic individuals that have helped provide humanitarian assistance in bosnia. we profoundly appreciate the efforts that have so far saved many lives. but with the coming of winter, more help will be needed if our wounded and malnourished population is to avoid finally succumbing to starvation, disease and exposure. in this effort it is essential that the international community and its most capable members and relevant regional organizations do the following first, take steps to encourage and enforce the maintenance of the cease-fires recently agreed to by all the relevant forces secondly, take steps, as envisioned in several security council resolutions, to stop the blockage of humanitarian relief and other essential supplies such as water, electricity and gas thirdly, reopen tuzla airport, making possible the delivery of humanitarian relief to over a million people and, fourthly, establish clear demands for the lifting of the siege of sarajevo as a first step towards the lifting of all sieges of bosnian towns, including the safe areas designated by security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . our bosnian minority in serbia, the muslims of sandzak, have been deprived of their rights. many people who have defended the rights of their countrymen have been imprisoned or expelled. while the serbian regime has ostensibly been protecting the rights of ethnic serbs in croatia, it has not been willing to recognize those same rights for minorities in serbia. we demand the same rights for the muslims of sandzak as those that serbs are demanding for themselves in croatia. future negotiations cannot neglect this very important political and human-rights issue. as united states president clinton recently stated before this body, the united nations cannot become involved in every world conflict. united nations involvement should only be undertaken with a clear political and military strategy in place. tragically, united nations involvement in bosnia and herzegovina has so far shown the very antithesis of any clarity of objective and firmness of resolve. the moral void created by this confusion has naturally been filled with a determination to defer to the aggressor s wishes at the expense of the victim. the united nations intervention, in its half-heartedness and equivocation, combined with its proud insistence that it is getting the job done and that therefore we cannot be allowed to arm ourselves, may well go down in history as the principal instrument of my country s destruction. in this regard, a few unavoidable questions arise. why has there been no implementation of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] calling for the lifting of the siege of our cities? what has happened to the security council s demands in resolution [number] [number] for the withdrawal of all serbian military and paramilitary units from our country along with their heavy weapons? why has there been no implementation of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , which were to monitor the border between serbia and bosnia and herzegovina and prevent the continuing massive flow of arms and material going to the aggressors in bosnia? it is no longer possible to speak of non-intervention. the international community s involvement in bosnia began with the imposition of the arms embargo and has continued through this whole series of unfulfilled commitments. the united nations must either follow [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session through with its intervention or decide to rescind that intervention. one way or another, it cannot continue with the present policy, which makes it an accomplice in the destruction of the bosnian people. my government remains committed to peace and to the ideals of a pluralistic, democratic and multi-religious society. unfortunately, some of the very nations that espouse these ideals world wide have betrayed them by inaction, and in their own backyards. we cannot indefinitely continue a struggle on principle without adequate help from outside or without at least being afforded the full opportunity to defend ourselves. the action of our parliament is clear in its commitment to peace, its demands for a viable state and a durable peace. principles have been shamelessly abandoned by those who had the greatest duty and reason to uphold them in our country. we cannot and will not accommodate the anxieties of those same governments and allow them to pressure us to abandon our last hope for self-preservation and a real and durable peace. although there has been a process through which many witnesses to this crime have become anaesthetized to its horror, the horror itself will never go away, and future generations of the righteous and the just in every nation will neither forgive nor trust the countries which allowed it to happen. at least a billion people are waiting for this body to act. are members really ready to surrender bosnia and its people to annihilation? those billion people i have mentioned, and not only they, will never forgive you.