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let me begin by expressing the deep sympathy we all feel with the people of mexico following the serious earthquakes that struck their country and their capital last week. the tragic and widespread consequences, loss of life, human suffering and material damage have made the deepest impact world-wide. the international community stands ready to help the mexican people in the enormous tasks that now lie ahead. let me also join the previous speakers who have congratulated you, sir, on your election to the very important office of president of this session of the general assembly, i feel confident that your wise and firm leadership will contribute greatly to the successful outcome of our work this autumn. the fortieth anniversary of the united nations calls for reflection and assessment of the future role of the organization. - in his report the secretary-general says "he must be realistic about our difficulties and the dangers that we face. but let us also resolve to find the ways by which, together, we can surmount them. " a [number] [number], p. [number] norway fully concurs with the secretary-general in his call for such a constructive and forward-looking approach. but, unfortunately, the realities today do not always correspond with the aims and objectives of the united nations charter. too often we see a lack of the political will to assume collective responsibility and to respect and abide by the decisions taken. political rhetoric and verbal condemnations have often replaced efforts and taken time for the work of seeking realistic and constructive solutions. this is harmful to the reputation of the united nations and, even more important, it is contrary to the long-term interests of member states. we urgently need to alter this. meraber states must face up to this challenge realistically and reaffirm their commitment to the purposes and principles of the charter, not only in words but, above all, in deeds. the challenges we are facing today, grave conflicts the resolution of which requires concerted international action, explain why a strengthening of the united nations is so important. let me comment on some of the more pressing problems with which the organization is faced. in south africa the situation is explosive. opposition to apartheid is growing every day. apartheid represents a serious violation of basic human rights as laid down in the united nations charter and the universal declaration of human rights. apartheid also constitutes a serious threat to peace and stability in southern africa. the response of the south african government to the legitimate demands for meaningful political participation by the non-white majority has been disappointing, to say the least. one should have no illusions that the recent attempts at reforming the apartheid system will bring any fundamental changes in the system as such. they are mostly directed towards maintaining it in another form. in july this year the south african government declared a state of emergency, detaining hundreds of political opponents and using violent means to suppress all political manifestation. these acts of oppression must be strongly condemned. the norwegian government firmly believes that effective international pressure must be brought to bear on the south african government to put an end to apartheid by peaceful means. norway has therefore repeatedly advocated that the united nations security council adopt mandatory and comprehensive economic sanctions against south africa. in the absence of this, norway and the other nordic countries have adopted a number of unilateral measures in order to increase the pressure on south africa to abolish apartheid. in [number] the nordic countries adopted a program of action for this purpose, and in march this year norway took the initiative in reviewing and extending this program. the result of this will be that the nordic foreign ministers will finalize an extended nordic program of action at their meeting in oslo next month. in addition to these nordic measures, last march the norwegian government presented a national plan of action in order further to reduce norway's trade and other economic relations with south africa. this plan has already resulted in substantially reduced imports of any commodities from south africa. in the present situation even limited sanctions may have an important psychological effect on the south african government by making it clear that the apartheid system is unacceptable to the world community. in recent months many countries have introduced various such measures. in july the security council, in its resolution [number] 19s5 , recommended that member states adopt a number of voluntary measures against south africa. norway welcomes these developments and urges other countries to implement similar measures. however, mandatory sanctions by the security council are still our primary request. words of condensation of apartheid are not enough. norway also appeals urgently to the south african government to lift the state of emergency, to release all political prisoners and to start a dialog with the genuine leaders of the black population with the aim of abolishing apartheid and introducing equal rights for all population groups. the question of namibia also constitutes a major challenge to the united nations. my government continues to believe that every effort must be made to achieve a negotiated settlement of the namibian conflict in accordance with security council resolution [number] [number] . we have noted in this respect the efforts made by the secretary-general and by the united states and would encourage them to continue their endeavors. the independence of namibia is long overdue. the middle east continues to be one of the most serious areas of conflict in the world. lebanon remains in turmoil. there is no foreseeable end to the tragic armed conflict between iraq and iran with its meaningless loss of life and endless human suffering. the arab-israeli conflict is still an unresolved issue, we have, however, witnessed some positive developments. the peace initiatives taken by king hussein of jordan and president mubarak of egypt are steps forward in the search for a settlement. it is our impression that the cautious israeli response enhances this prospect of renewing the peace process. peace and security in the middle east can ultimately be achieved only through a negotiated settlement that takes due account of the interests of all the parties concerned. such a settlement must be based on the united nations charter and security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , and negotiations should take place directly between the parties concerned. peace-keeping operations constitute one of the most important and successful tools of the united nations in its efforts to maintain international peace and security. the situation of the united nations interim force in lebanon unifil illustrates, however, the great difficulties that a peace-keeping force may encounter. unifil is still in a position to fulfill its mandate. in spite of the difficult circumstances in which the force has operated over the years, unifil's presence has symbolized the will of the international community to restore peace and security and to re-establish lebanese authority in the area in accordance with the resolutions of the security council. as a major troop-contributing country, norway is concerned about the present unsatisfactory situation for the force. it is of particular importance that unifil be given a realistic opportunity to perform the tasks it has been assigned. unifil should be allowed to deploy its troops down to the international border. the parties involved must genuinely co-operate with unifil in discharging its mandate. the security of the forces must not be unduly jeopardized. responsibility for that rests primarily with the parties but the security council also has an obligation to see to it that the force's mandate can be implemented in accordance with the council's own decisions. before the present mandate expires in mid-october, careful consideration must be given to all aspects of unifil s presence in southern lebanon. in asia also we are faced with serious conflicts with widespread international consequences. the soviet union's military intervention in afghanistan not only causes great suffering and losses for the afghan people and increases tension in the region, but it is also me of the major issues preventing normalization between the east and the west. in spite of the efforts undertaken by the secretary-general, the afghan problem remains unresolved. the core of the problem is the unwillingness of the soviet union to consider in a serious way the question of troop withdrawal. we urge the soviet union to reconsider its position. a solution would significantly improve international relations. in kampuchea we are confronted with a similar situation. kampuchea has been occupied for nearly seven years by vietnamese forces. the occupying power shows no concrete willingness to contribute to a lasting and peaceful solution as drawn up by the general assembly first, the total withdrawal of all foreign troops and, secondly, the right of the kampuchean people freely to choose their own government. in central america, the persistent efforts of the contadora countries offer the best hope for resolving problems in the area. the aim is to lessen the military tension and build confidence among the neighboring countries. durable solutions can best be sought by the countries of the region themselves. in the opinion of sty government, it is of particular importance to prevent outside interference. but other nations should render economic support and co-operation and encourage political and social reforms as a basis for a truly democratic and peaceful development. disarmament has remained a central and important concern of our world organization over the years. the challenge is especially urgent in the field of nuclear weapons. it is highly significant therefore - and it must be welcomed -that the united states and the soviet union have resumed their talks in geneva. norway fully supports those negotiations as a means of obtaining substantial reductions in the number of nuclear arms and in securing the removal of the most destabilizing nuclear-weapon systems. it is equally important to prevent an arms race in outer space. it is our hope that the geneva talks will result in agreements covering reductions and limitations of offensive and defensive weapon systems. the maintenance of the non-proliferation regime is of vital importance for international peace and security. during the third review conference of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt that aspect was strongly emphasized. moreover, the review conference has demonstrated the urgent need for further measures to halt the nuclear-arms buildup and to begin nuclear disarmament. we should continue to take concrete measures also within the united nations framework to create a favorable climate for new progress in disarmament. our task must clearly be to broaden the areas of agreement and put the collective weight of the member states behind our recommendations. in this way our organization will be able to make significant contributions to our efforts in search of security at a substantially lower level of armament. similarly, the negotiations in the conference on disarmament should be expedited in particular, it would be of special importance to move forward on a comprehensive ban on all nuclear tests. for our part, we have also stated that we would be ready to support proposals to create a basis for an agreed, balanced and verifiable freeze on nuclear arms in the context of negotiations on substantial reductions. although substantial and balanced reductions in nuclear weapon are of primary importance, it is also vital to achieve progress in the field of conventional disarmament. we believe that a verified, lower level of forces in europe, as a result of the vienna negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions, would be an important contribution to stability in that region. it would also be conducive to building confidence in east-west relations. the stockholm conference on disarmament in europe has taken up this particular task. norway considers it most important that the confidence-building measures laid down in the final act of helsinki be developed further. the commemoration this summer of the tenth anniversary of the signing of the final act of helsinki reminded us that many expectations relating to the process of security and co-operation in europe have not been met. however, through persistent efforts and by taking small steps at a time it should be possible to reduce mutual suspicion and insecurity and break down the barriers between east and west in europe we regret that agreement on a comprehensive convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons has not been readied despite painstaking efforts in the conference on disarmament. the elimination of all chemical weapons from existing arsenals must be our aim. it is a matter of the utmost concern that such abhorrent weapons have been used in recent years and that they continue to be considered as militarily useful. both the buildup and the spread of such weapons should be halted and a process of reduction should be started. international stability depends to a great extent upon our ability to secure a balanced development in all parts of the world. if we succeed in reducing the present levels of armament - as we must - some of the resources released in this process should be used for the benefit of the poorer nations. for those reasons norway puts great emphasis on and will take an active part in next year's international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development. the recently concluded world conference to review and appraise the achievements of the united nations decade for women succeeded in adopting by consensus a forward-looking strategy. this is a highly satisfactory result. after [number] years of struggle and confrontation, the conference was able to affirm a global commitment to seek long-term changes in order to eliminate discrimination against women. we have thereby been provided with an important set of propositions that will guide our renewed efforts to help women to move into the social and economic mainstream of their societies. the general assembly should at this session take steps to ensure that the many recommendations are systematically followed up and monitored by the united nations. norway intends to participate actively in the . deliberations at this session of the general assembly in order to arrive at a comprehensive approach within the united nations to issues related to women. the united nations has over the past [number] years made substantive advances in elaborating international human rights standards. the covenants and conventions that grew out of the universal declaration of human rights constitute the basis for promoting equal and fundamental rights for people in all parts of the world. specific mechanisms have also been established by the united nations to monitor compliance with these agreements. although the existing international instruments are fairly comprehensive, improvements can and should be made. norway supports these efforts of the united nations and stands ready to participate actively and constructively in this field. in spite of present international rules and regulations, violations of human rights continue to take place to an alarming extent. in many parts of the world, discrimination, arbitrary executions, torture and denial of basic political and civil rights seem to be the rule rather than the exception. the most pressing challenge facing us today in the field of human rights is the practical implementation of agreed standards. this obligation rests primarily with the governments themselves within their area of responsibility. the international community, however, in particular through the relevant organs of the united nations, has a responsibility to oppose and as far as possible prevent violations wherever they occur. this international responsibility roust be exerted in a non-discriminatory way irrespective of. where the violation takes place. the application of basic human rights standards must be truly universal. a priority task must therefore be to strengthen the ability of the united nations to deal with human rights violations. the establishment of a position such as the united nations high commissioner for human rights will in our opinion be a useful instrument to this end. the refugee problem is also a joint responsibility of the international community. it is important that we all contribute to its solution. the united nations high commissioner for refugees plays a key role in the efforts to alleviate the plight of refugees, in providing humanitarian assistance and protection and in finding countries for resettlement. international humanitarian work, and in particular assistance to refugees, is an important element and has a long tradition in norway's foreign policy. this policy will be continued and we will do our utmost to strengthen and support the activities of the high commissioner. the united nations is aptly described as a corner-stone in norway's foreign policy. to enhance the role of the organization is an important task for the norwegian government. our aim is an organization that is effective and vigorous, that serves the needs of member states and that plays a central role in the maintenance of international peace and security, in the promotion of economic and social development and in the protection of fundamental human rights. only if our organization can truly be said to be "a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends", as formulated in the charter, will we be able to build a more peaceful, stable and just world.

i am very pleased on behalf of the people and the government of guinea to convey to mr. harri holkeri of finland our warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to preside over our deliberations at the fifty-fifth session of the general assembly. his election highlighted his merits, his personal qualities and his rich experience in international affairs. it also reflected the high esteem in which the international community holds his great country, finland, whose commitment to the ideals of peace, justice, progress and the advancement of women is well known and appreciated by one and all. as a member of the general committee at this session, my delegation wishes to assure the president of its support and full cooperation. it gives me pleasure also to pay tribute to the president of the general assembly at its fifty-fourth session, mr. theo-ben gurirab of namibia, who honourably carried out his weighty responsibilities in the service of the organization. let me also pay tribute to the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, whose exemplary work at the helm of the organization merits our highest appreciation and our support. i take this opportunity moreover to thank the secretary-general for his report a [number] [number] entitled we the peoples the role of the united nations in the twenty-first century . that remarkable document takes account of all the current concerns of member states. i welcome the admission of the state of tuvalu as the one hundred eighty-ninth member of the organization. this reinforces the universality of the united nations. this session of the general assembly is a historic one. it is taking place just as the organization has successfully concluded the millennium summit, which brought together in this hall nearly all the world's leaders. the outcome of that important summit is a source of hope for our peoples at the dawn of the new millennium. just one week ago, from this very rostrum, the prime minister of guinea informed the international community of a barbarous act of aggression against the republic of guinea, an act of aggression whose sole aim was to destabilize my country. deadly, devastating attacks have been carried out against the peaceful population of guinea. these were led by armed gangs from liberia, but it is regrettable to have to note that another fraternal african country, burkina faso, has also been involved in the aggression. the republic of guinea, a land of peace and hospitality, which has paid an enormous price by receiving hundreds of thousands of refugees and which is working for the restoration of peace and harmony in west africa, has thus been the victim of aggression by the same people who caused the genocide and mutilations in liberia and in sierra leone. [number] i urgently call on the international community strongly to condemn this aggression, which is part of a plan to destabilize the subregion. it is this that justifies my government's request to the security council that vigorous measures be taken to guarantee peace, security and stability in the west african region. the government of guinea has had to face the severe consequences of the massive presence of [number], [number] on its territory for the past decade, and it has been obliged to divert resources from our country's economic development programmes. that is why my government is most grateful for the united nations initiative to convene a conference for support and solidarity with respect to guinea. on behalf of my government, i wish once again to convey my delegation's sincere thanks to the secretary-general and to all others who have contributed to this important initiative. my country looks forward with great interest to the completion of this initiative with the convening of a second meeting, scheduled to be held in november at geneva. this is the proper moment for my delegation to turn to the thorny question of conflict in africa. indeed, many of the crises that have emerged on our continent pose a threat to peace and constitute a grave violation of the principles and purposes of the united nations. the scope of these crises and their proliferation jeopardizes all efforts at national development and at achieving subregional integration. i take this opportunity to welcome the report a [number] [number] of the panel on united nations peace operations, chaired by mr. lakhdar brahimi. its recommendations enabled the security council to adopt an important resolution on ensuring an effective role for the council in the maintenance of international peace and security, particularly in africa. my delegation hopes that the new provisions of that resolution will be used to guarantee the effectiveness of united nations peacekeeping operations. among the central priorities of africa, which remains the theatre of many conflicts, is the strengthening of its capacity to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts. thus, whether it be the conflict between ethiopia and eritrea or the situation in the great lakes region, in angola or in the democratic republic of the congo, there have been significant breakthroughs in the pursuit of peaceful, just and lasting solutions, thanks to concerted action by the organization of african unity oau and the united nations. in the west african region, the quest for peace in sierra leone is continuing with the commendable assistance of states members of the economic community of west african states ecowas and with the active support of the united nations, through the deployment of the united nations mission in sierra leone unamsil . my delegation expresses its full support for security council resolution [number] [number] , which placed an embargo on the illegal sale of diamonds from conflict zones. we appeal urgently to all states and to all specialized agencies to cooperate actively in the effective implementation of that resolution. the proliferation and uncontrolled distribution of light weapons is another subject of grave concern, and is a major factor complicating and prolonging conflicts in africa and, more tragically, encouraging the recruitment of child soldiers. indeed, the resurgence of rebel movements and the expansion of large-scale banditry in our countries have been made possible by that phenomenon. the firm support of the international community is required to eradicate it. in that connection, my delegation is pleased at the initiatives taken by the united nations and by the oau to support the efforts of our states to combat this scourge, which threatens the stability of our continent. the beginning of the third millennium brings many challenges and hopes. it brings the hope of seeing a plan for the settlement to the conflict in western sahara, thanks to the joint efforts of the oau and the united nations, and the hope of finally seeing israel and its arab neighbours give peace a chance through a just and lasting settlement to the crisis, taking into account the legitimate aspirations of the palestinian people, as well as the respect for the rights and dignity of all peoples in the region. the question of development remains one of the major challenges of this century, and as such it must remain at the centre of our organization's concerns. at a time when a portion of the planet has contentedly crossed the threshold of this new millennium and is embarking, under the rubric of globalization, on what is called the new economy , a major portion of the world indeed, the largest portion continues to live in poverty, suffering the perverse effects of this globalization. with regard to the alarming situation prevailing on the african continent, the main concern of the [number] peoples of the united nations must be africa, so that the root causes of its non-development can be eradicated and so that it can be enabled to eliminate poverty and enhance its capacities in order for it to have better access to markets. to do that, debt cancellation, an increase in official development assistance and better attention to its specific needs should make it possible to integrate the african continent into the world economy. that is why my delegation, based on the correlation between peace and development, is pleased at the recent decisions taken by the g-[number] in okinawa, aimed at more effectively combating poverty and at bridging the digital gap between the north and the south and at humanizing globalization. in that respect, my country calls for more solidarity on the part of the rich countries, and we deeply hope that over and above professions of good faith concrete measures will be taken to allow the developing countries, particularly those in africa, to experience sustained growth leading to sustainable development. with that in mind, my delegation appeals to all its development partners to contribute, by means of more generous and better-targeted aid, to strengthening the institutional capacities of our states and to creating adequate infrastructures, which guarantee balanced development and success in the struggle against poverty. the republic of guinea is very much concerned by the ravages of the aids virus. we believe that this battle must further mobilize the international community so that the necessary sacrifices can be made to halt this scourge, which has taken more victims in africa than anywhere else in the world. that is why my delegation supports the important decisions that resulted from the recent international conference held in durban, south africa. the protection of fundamental human rights, the satisfaction of priority human needs and social justice must remain at the forefront of united nations concerns. the united nations, in its irreplaceable role as an instrument for the promotion of cooperation and understanding between peoples, must strengthen the culture of peace and sharing. today it is unanimously acknowledged that the united nations can continue to play an effective role only if there is a necessary reform of its organs, in particular the security council, which has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. the aspirations of strengthening its authority and ensuring more equitable representation in the council for the organization's members have been reiterated many times by the overwhelming majority of united nations members, and recently by virtually all of the heads of state or government during the millennium summit. we must also restore to the general assembly its central role as the main deliberative body and, finally, reform the other organs, with a view to a greater revitalization of the entire united nations system. these are the aspirations of the peoples of the united nations to enable this organization to face the challenges of the twenty-first century. in his statement at the millennium summit, the prime minister of the republic of guinea reiterated the total commitment of our country to the principles of the united nations and to the charter. in this assembly, i would like to reaffirm this commitment, which has never been found wanting in the history of my country. under the leadership of its president, general lansana cont , a man of peace and dialogue, guinea has always struggled to uplift human dignity, to defend freedom, to restore peace and to cultivate harmony among peoples. guinea will continue, side by side with other member states of our organization, to work resolutely to free humankind from the spectre of war, violence, exclusion and intolerance, and for a world of peace, justice and solidarity for all.

on behalf of the people and government of honduras, i wish to recognize mr. ali abdussalam treki for his leadership during the previous session. i also congratulate president joseph deiss on his election to the assembly presidency and the secretary-general, ban ki-moon, on his wise leadership of our organization. in this same house of the peoples of the united nations, at the world summit on the millennium development goals mdgs , our president, porfirio lobo sosa, highlighted the faith that our country has in this organization and in its charter for achieving a world that is more peaceful, prosperous and fair see a [number] pv. [number] . as a founding member of the united nations and a peace-loving country, we reaffirm our obligations. as we have been working, ceaselessly and together with many other member states, since the birth of the organization, we will continue to work to fully realize the ideals enshrined in the san francisco charter. honduras which is geographically small but great of spirit and generous in its democratic and peaceful vocation has involved itself in the world, basing itself on the principles of equal rights, self- determination for peoples and non-interference in internal affairs. the imperative of promoting economic and social progress for all nations moves us to acknowledge that the mdgs have been a first step in the right direction. we agree with secretary-general ban ki-moon that the millennium goals are not easy, but they are achievable. however, the struggle against poverty requires additional efforts that recognize the fact that we have a collective responsibility to protect and share what the president of honduras has called global common goods, including solidarity. another global good should be the prudent management of our economies. the financial crises have proven that that responsibility does not fall just to the developing countries. it is so important that, according to the world bank, the recent crises in food, fuel and finances have sunk an additional [number] million human beings into poverty. such crises can make our efforts to fight poverty more difficult or even impossible. the opening of trade and of financial systems is another global good. access to international markets is as important as official development assistance itself, although it does not replace it. we must add efforts to enable foreign direct investment in our developing nations access to technology, in particular technology having to do with medications the reduction of greenhouse gases and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. the challenge of achieving the millennium development goals before [number] in a manner as responsible as possible lies with our government. given the results already achieved and what remains to be done, president lobo sosa has launched an appeal to start talks as soon as possible on a new global agreement that will guide our actions and goals after [number]. we firmly believe that poverty is not only the shortage of material goods, but also the lack of opportunities. that is why we are committed to respect for human dignity, the common good, support and human solidarity. those four principles are not just a moral imperative in the case of honduras, they are a national imperative. in that regard, with broad consultation with civil society, the political parties and other independent sectors, we adopted a country vision and national plan that sets out four focal points for achieving our national goals, inspired by the millennium development goals a honduras without poverty, educated and healthy, with robust social welfare systems a honduras that is developing in democracy, with security and without violence, with absolute respect for human rights a productive honduras that generates opportunities and decent jobs, that sustainably exploits its resources and that reduces environmental vulnerability and a modern, transparent, responsible, efficient and competitive state, with fully independent branches of government. the cohesion of our society, unity, reconciliation, governance, coexistence and peace all depend on achieving that. that is why we are engaged in building [number]-[number] [number] an inclusive society, since no country is so poor that it cannot show solidarity with those that are even poorer. our first commitment is to helping people in extreme poverty through the bono [number], [number] programme. bono [number], [number] is a credit programme that will greatly strengthen family economics and, furthermore, is conditional on steps to improve the access of the most vulnerable hondurans to education, health care and nutrition through the broad dissemination of the school snack scheme and other food security programmes. we are strengthening the decentralization processes and improving citizen participation in the making, implementation, monitoring and assessment of public policies. we are also addressing social inequality by creating economic opportunities at the local level. productive programmes, such as the united states millennium challenge corporation in honduras, have had a huge impact on the recipients, resulting in a very significant increase in the income of the farmers participating in the programme. with the same aim of generating greater income for families, we have launched a programme to finance microbusinesses and small enterprises, thanks to the cooperation programmes of the european union, japan and taiwan, as well as all those countries that are extending the hand of solidarity to our people. in all those programmes, women are a particular target of our government s efforts because we know that, along with the fight against poverty, we must combat gender inequality. while we work at the local and community levels, we are also promoting private investment. the purpose is to create decent jobs for more than [number], [number] young people who join the labour market annually. the government of honduras bases the successful implementation of its social agenda on a social market economy. with those premises in mind, our government has drawn up a national programme to promote investment for the period [number] to [number] in six main sectors industries generating more and better jobs, agro-food and forestry production, clean generation of energy, tourism development, infrastructure to support manufacturing, and water and sanitation. we will develop those programmes within the new framework of the law on public-private partnerships, the law on rural and marginal urban employment, a new law on clean energy and the law on promoting and protecting investments. with such efforts, a new era is opening in honduras with the creation of conditions so that private business can boost sustained economic growth with social responsibility and the country is guided towards prosperity and stability. honduras is ready to better address the challenges of reducing its vulnerability to natural disasters and climate change. the law on land management makes it possible to utilize and protect the land properly, with responsible management of the natural resources. at the same time, we have launched a national risk management system. efforts to improve the social situation and to boost economic growth must be based on a legal and institutional foundation. there is a strong link between individual freedom and political stability with economic growth and social justice. higher rates of economic growth that are sustainable over time also help to create the social conditions for governance, confidence and smaller political threats. for [number] years, we hondurans have strived to develop our democratic institutions. the international community has supported us throughout that process. at the end of the third decade of our democracy, we had an institutional system that had ceased to be the monopoly of the executive branch and that shared power more evenly among the judicial, legislative and executive organs. despite that progress, we underwent a political crisis, from which we emerged when the honduran people turned out in huge numbers on [number] november [number] to vote in the election with the greatest turnout and transparency in our electoral history. we hondurans exercised our popular sovereignty and our right to self-determination. we sent an unequivocal message we love democracy and our institutions, and we prefer dialogue to conflict. that is our message, which has been understood and respected by the great majority of the nations represented here. we wish it to be acknowledged by all governments in the world. in that spirit, president porfirio lobo sosa endorsed a broad amnesty for political crimes and formed a government of national unity, with the [number] [number]-[number] participation of all the country s political parties. furthermore, the president decreed the creation of the truth and reconciliation commission a totally independent body that will ensure that the critical events of [number] will never happen again. the work of the commission is already under way, and its report is expected during the first quarter of next year. its conclusions will be broadly disseminated and its recommendations will be implemented. we are convinced that national reconciliation and unity are based on respect for all sectors of society irrespective of political or ideological position. tolerance is and must be the foundation of democracy. we are also convinced that the human rights and fundamental freedoms of citizens must be respected without restriction. the president of the honduras has proposed to the national congress the creation a secretary of state for justice to promote and take charge of designing, implementing, supervising and evaluating all public policies and ensuring that they are based squarely on human rights principles. inspired by our respect for human dignity, our government condemns all forms of racial discrimination and enthusiastically welcomes the forthcoming launch of the international year for people of african descent. to implement our commitment against racial discrimination, honduras is creating an entity for the development of indigenous peoples and afro-honduran people and a policy of racial equality. in the context of those commitments any person deprived of liberty must be treated with the respect inherent in his human dignity. to that end, the president approved an executive decree aimed at reducing overcrowding in the penal institutions through renovation of their infrastructure and equipment. along that same line, the government of honduras has energetically condemned and continues to condemn human rights violations, especially violation of the right to life. we are firmly committed to the fight against impunity and will continue to make every possible effort to bring to justice those who violate that essential right of the human person. we are thankful for the cooperation we have received so far in overcoming difficulties in guaranteeing security for our citizens. president lobo sosa has also asked secretary-general ban ki-moon to have the united nations consider support for setting up a commission to fight impunity, in order to support national institutions and strengthen their capacities as they carry out their tasks in investigating and prosecuting crime. at the same time, we reiterate our government s invitation to the agencies that make up the united nations human rights system to follow up on the situation in honduras. i wish to convey the ongoing appreciation of hondurans to the united nations system and its secretary-general for all the cooperation and assistance given our country. we thank all of those who have firmly supported honduras, because that has benefited our people directly. i want to highlight the solidarity and friendship that exist among the brothers of the central american region. within the central american integration system we will continue to go forward until our common homeland becomes one great nation, beyond the limits of the historic central america. our government is aware of the difficulties and challenges of the moment in history in which we are living, and we are taking decisions based on that awareness. today i can state with conviction that we are moving along the path to prosperity, because i believe in the determination of the people of honduras, their ability to deal with adversity, their hard work, their strength of heart and their sprit and hope. we have an unbreakable will we have the human capital. the time has come to reaffirm our commitment and to act in favour of the poorest members of society. the time has come to act in solidarity and with determination so that all human beings may be protected from discrimination and need. it is time to create a world with tolerance, with harmony and with freedom and security for all. the time to globalize social justice with freedom and democracy is now.

mr. president, on behalf of the government of the republic of san marino, i wish to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of [number] the fifty-fourth session of the general assembly. you represent a geographical region, the african continent, which can significantly contribute to identifying the major causes of world problems and help to evaluate their effects. you can lead this organization towards desirable and concrete results. a particular acknowledgment goes to president didier opertti. san marino had the opportunity and privilege to work in close cooperation with him and to ascertain his undeniable and extraordinary skills and the remarkable accomplishments reached during his mandate. finally, i would like to congratulate the three new states which have recently joined the big family of the united nations. i am deeply convinced that countries never involved in wars possess an inestimable richness and can transmit to the whole world their history of peace and tolerance, helping us reach the goals set forth in the preambular paragraphs of the charter. the republic of san marino believes that the united nations is, and must remain, the forum for international negotiations best suited to the nations expectations. we reiterate its central role in the prevention and management of international crises, particularly in the field of peace and security, through the necessary updating process of its main operative organs, and primarily the security council, which should never be delegitimized. the council s reform, in the context of a larger reform of the united nations system, is a fundamental step in the construction of the new international structure. the reform originated from the need to update the composition and the modus operandi of the most important united nations organ to operate in a deeply changed international environment. we are particularly thankful to the secretary-general for courageously proposing, and partly already accomplishing, a complete, wide-ranging programme of reforms to strengthen the united nations. this programme will progress because only an organization in constant evolution will be able to prevent, in some cases, and to tackle, in others, the challenges of the next millennium. san marino feels internationally responsible and it feels the need to mobilize all its strength to find solutions of solidarity to the serious problem of the external debt of developing countries. faced with [number] billion people who still live with less than [number] a day, faced with [number] million children without access to education and [number]. [number] billion people without drinking water, we must support action aimed at creating sustainable development and healthy economic policies. the imbalance between rich and poor countries must not become irreversible, with tragic consequences for all humankind. san marino shares and supports the series of programmes and plans announced and applied by creditor countries and by the major world financial institutions to tackle this serious emergency. programmes and plans have so far shown themselves to be insufficient to tackle the problem of debt in a decisive way. we hope that the united nations will intensify the debate aimed at an equitable and durable solution to the problem. in particular, we hope that the general assembly and the economic and social council will represent the best laboratory of ideas for its definition. san marino shares the ethical approach to the situation through solidarity and development. we believe this will give more hope to the people affected by this heavy burden. in the past year the republic of san marino was one of the first countries to ratify the statute of the international criminal court, convinced that such an institution is indispensable for the future world order. in international society, it represents not only a political advance, but moral progress, too. the republic of san marino has recently established a permanent court of arbitration, trusting it will become a trustworthy and impartial international instrument for the resolution of national and international disputes. we are convinced that such an instrument will be duly evaluated by all member states of the united nations and that they will shortly be able to subscribe to a proper convention. we further believe that this initiative could represent a significant contribution by our country to the international community. at the outset of the third millennium, we still find disconcerting the coexistence of a large, consolidated corpus of humanitarian laws and human rights and the spread of atrocities beyond all limits, affecting almost exclusively civil populations, mainly women and children. the international community can rightly state that it has reached goals in the field of humanitarian law and [number] human rights that were unimaginable [number] years ago. however, these considerable goals have been reached only with the simultaneous application of established rules. in this regard, we appreciate the tireless work of the special representative of the secretary-general for children and armed conflict, aimed at filling the deep gap between legality and accepted practice, and at underlining the absolute need in the community of states for the full application of and respect for, international law. san marino has great expectations of the future world summit for children. in every country and in every culture there are messages of peace which are often forgotten, neglected or ignored. it is the responsibility of the united nations, its specialized agencies, and all of us to rehabilitate those messages through the awakening of our conscience and the application of a universal culture of peace. this will happen if we are able to courageously identify and defeat the seeds of violence. therefore, we have to decide now what culture we want to defend a culture where violence is considered an inevitable evil from which we can only protect ourselves, or a culture where violence can and must be eradicated. the preamble to the constitution of the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization unesco , which includes the words, since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed , remains today, in our opinion, the right perspective, because peace-building through dialogue, education and acceptance of differences is the best guarantee for the survival of humanity. we all know that there are [number] armed conflicts going on at this very moment all over the world. sadly, the spilling of stains of hate and violence constantly destroys the hope that humanity will soon prepare to use the so- called peace dividend , resulting from the end of the balance of terror between the super-powers, for positive goals. the republic of san marino deeply appreciates the recent security council resolution expeditiously establishing a multinational peace force to change the situation in the east timor crisis. what the united nations is starting is a risky mission, but it will contribute to increasing the role and dignity of the united nations, underlining its force as an impartial and neutral institution deploying itself as a bulwark against prevarication to defend the life and the dignity of humankind. it is with great satisfaction that the government of san marino acknowledges the renewed impetus and momentum of the arab-israeli peace process negotiations. san marino regards with equal satisfaction the present search for political solutions at the end of the balkans conflict, activating a channel of concrete solidarity for the population of kosovo. the people of san marino sadly regret to see that the important and topical question of the death penalty has not been included in the general assembly s agenda. san marino intends to continue to voice its protest against capital punishment, firmly convinced that the abhorrent instrument of death consciously and legally inflicted by one human being on another can be considered neither a valid and effective answer to defend society nor a deterrent against the spreading of criminality. on behalf of the government of san marino, i wish to acknowledge once more the focal role of the united nations with respect to the major challenges at the end of this millennium and the momentum that the greatest international organization can provide for a new century, in which the supremacy of a culture of peace over a culture of war, of a culture of life over a culture of death, of the full realization of human dignity over its systematic violation, will prevail. it is in this spirit that i wish good work to you, sir, and to all the members of the assembly.

mr. president, in calling upon you to lead the work of this session, the general assembly has recognized in you the qualities required by such high responsibilities, which your predecessor, mr. adam malik, carried out with competence and distinction. if that election is a tribute to your qualities and your experience, it is also a tribute paid to your country, whose fate for centuries was linked to almost all the painful changes that occurred in europe through which its sons, generation after generation, did honor to the independence of peoples and the dignity of man. [number]. it is also the consecration of the universality of our organization, because all of the member states without exception are entitled to assume the highest positions in it. this privilege is all the more deserved because poland, of which you are one of the leaders, has with courage and equanimity made a signal contribution to the abatement of tension in europe and to the strengthening of what we already call, with reason i hope, international detente. [number]. it is not in order to exercise the demons of the hot war or the cold war that we like to call the present development in international relations a detente stage. of course, the present state of the world still provides many serious reasons for concern, preoccupation and even anguish, and the road will still be long and difficult before the international community can feel that it is confidently moving towards that security and peace to which it aspires. but this evolution, timid and problematical as it may be, is already substantially changing the nature and quality of relations among the main powers, whose antagonisms and confrontation were precisely the main source of the crisis which has marked the last [number] years. a series of events has occurred in the last two years which had been impossible to conceive of, at least not in the near future, in any analysis of the previous international situation. [number]. the visit of chancellor brandt to warsaw, the meetings between the leaders of the two germanys, the moscow summit and the ratification of the german-soviet agreements are the most significant stages of this process which has made it possible to substitute dialog for mistrust, at least with respect to the problems of europe, a region which was one of the most serious hotbeds of crises in the post-war period. [number]. another series of events has spread the same spirit to asia and paved the way for making the most striking changes of our times. the restoration to people's china of all its rights and its admission to the united nations, and the visit of president nixon to peking are in fact significant portents that the great powers have realized the limits of the respective powers and have undertaken from now on progressively to normalize their relations. [number]. in asia again, the visit of the prime minister of japan to china and the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries at one stroke changed all the political considerations to which we had become accustomed and opened a new chapter in their history and in that of all mankind. the agreement between those two countries, the one with all its potential and the other with all its power, promises asia an international role genuinely in keeping with its size and is a primary feature in the change in the world balance. moreover, the constant readjustment of this balance, in our view, offers the best chance of safeguarding international peace and security. [number]. the non-aligned countries, which had organized themselves during the most crucial years of the cold war and held out against pressure as well as persuasion, can today be legitimately proud of having been able, through the mere force of their conviction, to set themselves aside from the influence of either block. their principles and their action were to a very large extent important factors in the evolution of relations among the great powers. if they rejoice in seeing that detente is emerging in one part of the world or has already become consolidated in another, they remain watchful and sometimes apprehensive of the risk that the new balance established among the great powers might confront those powers with the temptation of engaging in a simple reapportionment of roles, influences and interests in the various parts of the world. they want this detente to be indivisible and beneficial to the whole of the international community. in this very hall over a. full decade they have made of this a profession of faith whose defense was not always without its dangers. [number]. in this connexion, i should like to pay a tribute to u thant, who had felt and shared in this aspiration and who contributed with remarkable patience to the emergence of this new political context which brought us from the cold war to detente. i also know, mr. secretary-general, what esteem and trust have been reposed in you, and i am convinced that with the qualities that you possess which have long since established your reputation that you will be able to lead us from detente to peace. [number]. a few minutes ago i spoke of the wish of countries such as mine to see this detente spread to all parts of the world, and despite the most natural feeling of national egoism, i have recorded morocco's satisfaction at the emerging signs that peace is returning to some continents. but the continent of which morocco is a part is still outside this charmed circle. the international community, which in the past quarter of a century has undertaken a deep reconsideration of the philosophies and values upon which it bases its behavior and which succeeded in changing its structure on the basis of a more tolerant ethic, still runs up against the colonial concept which, on the african continent, has assumed its most inhuman and most intolerable form since that phenomenon spread by successive waves over our continent during the last century. these foundations of colonialism, which were none the less solemnly repudiated within the framework of the new morality governing relations among peoples, still persist in africa, where the process of decolonization which began in the 1950s has not been accelerated as we would have wished. and yet there are still nations with the most advanced civilizations which practice colonialism and others which support it, while both in the past either through their religion or their humanism have played a very important role in the changes brought about in relations among men. how are we to explain the indifference or the inertia shown by some powers in this very organization which sometimes, without any reason other than that of an alliance, ignore the courageous and desperate struggle of peoples aspiring to achieve their respect and dignity? [number]. aware of this immobility, if not of this helplessness, those peoples have been taking their fate into their own hands to an ever-increasing extent and have irrevocably chosen the narrow and painful road of struggle. this courage has earned them the sympathy and assistance of a large sector of the international community. but the african states in particular feel that it is their overriding duty to help and support these peoples. during the last summit meeting of the oau, which my country had the honor of welcoming at rabat, the member states demonstrated in the most striking terms their wide and effective support of these peoples. the liberation of africa was the dominant theme of the meeting and practical measures were taken to ensure that the struggle will be supported wholeheartedly. but if they are determined to wage an all-out struggle because it has been forced upon them by their opponents, they know that this organization, by reason of its charter and its political action, could shorten that suffering. what can be the power of south africa or portugal which allows them to claim that they are and will remain members of this organization and sometimes to behave here in an arrogant fashion while they contemptuously and disdainfully ignore the innumerable resolutions adopted by the security council and the general assembly with the support of most of the great powers? what is southern rhodesia compared to the power of great britain in the first instance, and of the international majority [number] which has condemned its secession and the policy of brutal segregation which followed thereon. [number]. it is true that the secretary-general recently traveled to south africa and namibia and that he engaged in difficult talks with the pretoria leaders. without underestimating the positive nature of that initiative and of the new mission now being undertaken by the secretary- general's representative for namibia, we shall not harbor any illusions until we become convinced that because of these efforts the south african authorities will consent to engage in a dialog within the meaning of international decisions defining the legal status of that territory, and within the terms of the resolutions clearly clearly setting out the steps for its liberation. ambassador escher, the representative of the secretary-general, enjoys our confidence. i hope that he will provide us elements likely to make us less skeptical. [number]. as for portugal, which is waging a total war in three regions of africa, it should begin by realizing that, despite the means placed at its disposal, the resistance movements in guinea bissau , as in angola and mozambique, have succeeded in establishing themselves in those territories with a remarkable organization that makes it possible to associate with them all of the liberated populations in a venture that becomes more effective day by day. what indication could portugal give us to make us understand that this country is finally ready to engage in a dialog with the united nations which could progressively substitute politics for war? the nationalist leaders confronting it have proven their courage, their authority and their ability and are able to shoulder all their responsibilities. africa has also clearly assumed its responsibilities it supports their resistance, it determinedly and tirelessly pursues its political action at the international level and within this organization. however, this same africa which is still plagued by difficulties inherent in its rapid change and which is still confronted, both at home and abroad, with problems that are at times insurmountable, has proved at rabat that it was capable of overcoming the problems inherent in its evolution and in the clarification of its interstate relations, just as it has shown itself able to cope with its responsibilities at the international level with the realization that it is an important factor in international life and that, for the world to feel concern for its problems, it must, in its turn, join ever more closely in the settlement of the world's affairs. these are the factors which the friends of africa, as well as its opponents, have called the spirit of rabat. we hope that next year this spirit will live again in another african capital. [number]. but to this analysis which, at the start of this statement, i intended to be a positive one, i must add that africa is not the only area where the situation obliges us to recognize the persistence of . tensions and dangers still threatening security and peace. it has by now become a chronic phenomenon, especially during the last five years, for this organization to consider the situation created in the middle east by the israeli against several states in that region at a pace which does away with the myth of the cease-fire and brutally reminds us that the aggression is continuous and generalized. this organization has taken a whole series of decisions, at the level of both the security council and the general assembly, establishing a framework for the search for a solution aimed at eliminating the results of the aggression of [number], and especially at evacuating the occupied arab territories and recognizing the legitimate rights of the palestine people. [number]. numerous approaches were undertaken both within the framework of these resolutions and among the great powers in their talks, or through the initiative of one country or another. the arab states have constantly lent their support to these approaches and have set up no obstacles in their way. but israel has, invariably, on one pretext or another, blocked all such action and every such initiative. it rejects the resolutions of the security council, it refuses to engage in any co-operation no matter how slight with the representative of the secretary-general, it denounces agreement among the four great powers, it even opposes the rogers plan. what is more, while opposing any search for a just and equitable solution, it continues its attacks, on an increasingly violent scale, against syria and lebanon, in particular. convinced that it can rely on the requirements of a particular combination of circumstances in the internal life of a great power, in one single week it launched two attacks against syria and bombed and invaded the territory of lebanon. and when the security council meets to consider these deliberate aggressions, the exercise of the veto by one permanent member guarantees the absence of any council decision against israel. [number]. it is particularly dangerous to international peace that a situation such as the one now prevailing in the middle east should continue without being given serious attention, as if this organization and the international conscience that it is supposed to represent had abdicated before a fait accompli carried out with inexplicable impunity. what does israel hope for? is it hoping that, once it is assured of this indifference and this impotence on the part of the united nations, it could, at will, launch its aggression against any country it chooses, for which it is free to define the objective and determine the duration? well, this is now the fact, and the vetoes in the security council will henceforth assure it that it can repeat these aggressions without any risk to itself. [number]. on several occasions the leaders of the arab countries directly concerned have clearly announced their readiness to support any initiative that, with full respect for existing resolutions and while preserving their dignity, would serve to set in motion a process capable of facilitating the restoration of peace to the area. after five years, this show of goodwill and patience has been put to the test and these states, conscious of their responsibilities to their own peoples find themselves constrained to resort more and more to other possibilities that certainly do not bring peace any closer. [number]. this situation was vigorously denounced this year by all of the african states meeting in june at rabat, and by the [number] non-aligned countries meeting in august at georgetown. the persistence of the crisis and its unforeseeable future course can be laid only at the door of israel and those members of the international community whose indifference is interpreted by israel as tacit encouragement. in the face of such a clear-cut situation there can be no alibi. especially not the alibi called terrorism. [number]. we do not hesitate to declare solemnly that we are opposed to all forms of violence, that blood shed by violence must be deplored, whatever the nationality, the race or the religion of the victim. for several decades we in fact have always been on the side of the victim of violence rather than on that of its perpetrators. and if today the explosive power of certain words is deliberately being intensified, it is exclusively for the purpose of adjusting them to their intended use. first of all, what is terrorism? we exclude from the definition that people are now trying to work out any act motivated by the defense of a legitimate and inalienable right which the law has failed to protect. this principle, in our view, applies as much as to an individual as to a group and, a fortiori, to an entire people. an objectively violent act, may have legitimate motivations and, speaking of the actions of palestinians, let us clearly say that this involves the expression of one of the most painful aspects of the crisis in the middle east, namely, that where there is aggression there is necessarily resistance. [number]. the palestine people was coldly and cynically abandoned in [number] half of that people remained as hostage to those occupying its country half was driven from its houses, its lands, beyond its border, to yield its place to foreigners coming from every corner of the globe. that people for a long time hoped that those supposedly assisting it would help in the recovery of its homeland and its dignity. the arab countries for [number] years have tried to denounce the flagrant injustice committed against their people with the blessing of those who today criticize them. they have failed so far. but a new generation, raised in frustration, often in poverty, has, on coming of age, at least regained the moral and unalterable inheritance of which nothing can deprive a great people its dignity. to express this thirst for justice and dignity it has tried the only ways and means which the political order existing in the world has left at its disposal. these were ineffectual, since its rights continued to be ignored. this international community, from which it sought justice, apparently did not understand its despair and its cry for help, while like all people in history, it used the sublime recourse which is the gift of life itself to remind the world of its existence. there is no need to seek elsewhere, other than to understand the actions of the sons of this lost palestine. [number]. that truth, which we painfully feel and which we express with the utmost regret, is also useful in our opinion to the search for a true peace in this area, a vital part of the mediterranean basin. and, we, at the opposite end of the mediterranean are trying to work out and agree, with our neighbors of the south and the north, on the basis for a co-operation likely to ensure to all of us permanent security and prosperity. the maghreb, if it has not yet succeeded, is progressing happily with confidence in and respect for that unity which is the deep aspiration of all its peoples. [number]. on the shores of europe, the common market is expanding and europe is working on a political unity which we think could be a positive factor in the stability which europe has been seeking since the end of the war, the stability necessary to ensure to it its rightful role in the world. linked by history, convinced of the similarity of our interests and desirous to the same extent of avoiding falling under the hegemony of the great powers, we are formulating together the hope of finding around this sea sufficient motivation to strengthen our ties in a solid and lasting way. [number]. we rejoice in the possibility, which we hope will come about very soon, of a conference on european security. the peoples of europe, who throughout history have often had a common destiny, can reasonably expect today to build together a world in which they will recover their true vocation and their common hope. if we greet this conference with joy, we also think that european security would be incomplete and fragile without security for the mediterranean and for all the peoples living along its shores. that is why we are most interested in having our problems taken into consideration at that conference. [number]. if europe thinks that the rhine or the elbe are the axes of its destiny, we believe equally strongly that the mediterranean is ours, and that we are seriously concerned about this. in morocco we are gratified by the relationships we maintain with all the countries of the northern coast. there are so many affinities and so many interests binding us together that our will co co-operate with them is an inevitable element in our destiny. i should like to say especially to one of those countries with which we have had a kind of centuries-old historical intimacy, that we are aware of the fact that our positions in the atlantic and the mediterranean could in future lead us to establishing closer co-operation then in the past and while the reservoir of friendship accumulated during that common history is an important factor in any calm consideration of such cooperation, i must say just as frankly that the road towards this common action must be cleared of anything that might give rise to conflicts and misunderstandings. [number]. the rather serious dispute which existed between us and spain has appreciably lightened in recent years, but it still involves fundamental divergences which continue to be a source of concern. i have in mind the problem of the sahara. the desire to preserve the potential benefits of the future has consistently led us to seek in frank and loyal dialog a solution which would redress the consequences of past phenomena which are no longer valid in our present day world, and which spain has from this very rostrum strongly condemned when it claimed the legitimate return of gibraltar to its national territory. we have carried forward a dialog for many years and action at united nations level in which spain is no longer facilitating our progress towards a solution, as it did in the past in accordance with our admission. [number]. true friends know how to overcome quarrels. both sides must also be aware of their duty not to sacrifice such important prospects for co-operation to misunderstandings which in the long-run may imperil the deepest friendship.

it is a privilege and a great honour for me today to address this unique forum where great and small, powerful and less powerful nations speak with one voice a forum we undoubtedly expect to result in dialogue and leadership in order to [number] [number]-[number] deal with the challenges to peace and security, hunger and development, human rights and climate change. success will be possible only by overcoming individual interests. i am convinced that today more than ever, each of us individually and all of us together have reasons to turn our words into actions. let me first congratulate mr. joseph deiss on his election as the president of the general assembly at its sixty-fifth session and assure him of my delegation s readiness to cooperate during his term. i also congratulate the former president, mr. treki, on successfully presiding over the assembly at its sixty- fourth session. at the same time i would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the engagement and the efforts made by the secretary-general, mr. ban ki-moon, to strengthen the role of our organization. at the outset, i would like to say a few words on the consequences of the global financial and economic crisis, and i will refer in particular to the role of the united nations in this context. the global economic and financial crisis threatened to reverse the progress made in achieving the millennium development goals mdgs and efforts to attain peace in all regions. i think that all we member states and the united nations system in general successfully dealt with it. timely, joint and adequate solutions were found to many of the problems. processes were initiated to mitigate the effects of the crisis and to face possible future crises. actions were taken to help the most affected, according to the agreed action plans and with appropriate support and cooperation, often resulting in successful outcomes. let us not forget that economic, financial and social security is a foundation on which sustainable development, national and global security and prosperity rest. five years remain before the deadline for the implementation and realization of the millennium development goals. that objective is still before us an objective we must not give up on achieving now, despite the decelerated pace of implementation. we are all aware of the high stakes and potential benefits. i welcome the outcome of the high-level plenary meeting on the millennium development goals held last week, when we all pledged to strengthen our efforts to attain the ultimate goal. the republic of macedonia, as before, remains strongly committed to achieving the goals, as reflected at the national level in the government s strategy for economic and sustainable development and in national legislation, which is adapted to the current obligations deriving from international treaties and agreements. on the other hand, global climate change is both a serious threat to our planet and survival. frequent natural disasters and humanitarian catastrophes have made it clear that nature reacts to the irresponsible attitude that humankind has adopted towards it. however, the struggle to preserve nature must not only be a matter of declarations it must enjoy global leadership and be visible in every small town, every state, and the strict observance and development of national strategies. successful formulas must be transformed into in a common global struggle to preserve our way of life, side by side with the needs of the planet. the republic of macedonia stands ready to contribute adequately to the global efforts. many initiatives have been undertaken. we are truly focused on the best possible weapons in this struggle awareness-raising and education on and a culture of reducing the use of electricity by using alternative energy sources and reductions in harmful emissions. as a party to the united nations framework convention on climate change for over a decade, my country has worked actively to achieve the convention s objectives. unfortunately, the world still does not live in the desired peace and prosperity. unfortunately, every day we continue to witness disturbances to peace and security in certain regions in the world, both in old and frozen conflicts and in the emergence of new tensions in several regions in the world. if the fundamental institutional goal and essential objective of this organization is to spare humanity from suffering, wars and conflicts, then we should ask ourselves whether our efforts have been sufficient to secure peace and prosperity. the answer is no, neither globally nor regionally. the consequences of the global financial and economic crisis and the slow pace of implementation of the mdgs have had a serious impact on the essence of conflicts, often because of a lack of democratic processes and rule of law in certain areas. only by promoting peace, human rights and the rule of law through dialogue and tolerance can we make the world a just and fair place to live in. [number]-[number] [number] in the context of what i have just said, i welcome the relevance of this session s theme, which should help create effective responses to global crises and restore the role of the united nations in global governance. the genuine vision of the founders of the united nations should be restored. they have left us a legacy. the republic of macedonia strongly supports the joint efforts to improve the overall coherence of the united nations system. i believe that we all agree that it was and remains necessary to redefine the functioning of the united nations system in order to respond to the demands and priorities of the member states in the best and most effective manner possible. we should create a highly functional global governance organization that has no overlapping of mandates, but achieves maximal effect through an appropriate and transparent use of existing resources. since gaining independence, the republic of macedonia has been fully committed to substantial reforms in all areas aimed at promoting democracy and improving the standards of living of its citizens, based on historical traditions of respect for multiethnic coexistence, dialogue and mutual understanding. our achievements in this context have been validated and internationally recognized. therefore, the republic of macedonia rightfully expects a date to be set to begin negotiations on its accession to the european union eu and an invitation to join nato. we have enforced the necessary reforms to join nato, we have been an eu membership candidate country for five years, and last year we received a positive recommendation to start negotiations with the eu. unfortunately, our citizens have not yet felt the full benefits of that. and yet, the reforms that brought us to the front doors of these organizations were not at all easy. in addition, my country is actively committed to regional cooperation and to building good-neighbourly relations. macedonia accepts and promotes dialogue as the only mechanism for overcoming all outstanding issues in the region. the republic of macedonia has directed all its available capacities and resources towards implementing our top strategic foreign policy goals integration into the eu and nato membership. i would like to remind the assembly that, [number] years ago here in new york, the interim accord was signed with our southern neighbour, whereby greece agreed not to obstruct my country s membership of and integration into international and regional organizations. nevertheless, i must note that my country is still waiting at the doors of these two organizations due to the actions of our southern neighbour, which are contrary to the obligations under the [number] interim accord. the republic of macedonia is fully committed to the process of resolving its differences with greece within the framework of the mechanism established by united nations resolutions. our name is at stake, as is our right to self-identification and human dignity. we have done our utmost to nurture close and friendly relations with our neighbour greece and its people. a solution will be reached only if the united nations charter, the relevant resolutions and international law and its principles, on which the international order rests, are respected. the republic of macedonia and its citizens deserve to enjoy the benefits of nato membership and to start eu accession negotiations. yesterday, here at the united nations, i had a meeting with the greek prime minister, which sought to build a climate of mutual trust and understanding. i hope that, as two neighbouring countries that have lived and will live with one another, we will be able to find a mutually acceptable solution. it will be a big step not only for us but also towards fulfilling our common vision for the whole region. i must say that i am encouraged by the situation in our region. the more intensive communication and cooperation efforts are, the better understanding and respect will be. by accepting dialogue as the only way to overcome inherited problems and open issues, we create a new climate. proof of this was the second balkan leaders forum, which was held here in new york city a couple of days ago. slowly but surely, the balkans is restoring its impaired dignity. the balkans again aspires to become part of the european space, where european values, european criteria and european principles will be respected. the balkans has been, is and will be europe. let me conclude with the statement that the republic of macedonia believes in the united nations and the postulates upon which it rests. i believe that the united nations can maintain the stability of international order and relations and successfully meet current and future global challenges. the republic of [number] [number]-[number] macedonia stands ready to further provide its constructive contribution to the implementation and realization of these goals.

i bring to the assembly greetings and good wishes from the president of the republic of palau, tommy e. remengesau, jr. , and from the people and the government of the republic of palau. nearly [number] years ago, in his final inaugural address, united states president franklin delano roosevelt reflected on the lessons of the first half of the twentieth century. he said we have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away. . . . we have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community. those words have more resonance today than ever before as palau and the rest of the world enter into the twenty-first century. the republic of palau is enjoying rapid development, which came with its independence on [number] october nine years ago. however, at a time of rapid globalization, when events halfway around the world and most recently in our own backyard can profoundly affect our safety and prosperity, palau realizes that it must join the international community in this new challenge to protect our people at home and our way of life. to that end, the republic of palau reaffirms its unwavering support for the war led by the united states against terrorism. we all benefit when nations [number] come together to deter aggression and terrorism, to resolve conflicts, to prevent the spread of diseases and the spread of dangerous weapons, to promote democracy and human rights, to open markets and to create economic and financial stability, to raise living standards and to protect the environment to face those myriad challenges that no nation can meet alone. globalization, however, also brings about risks. outlaw states and ethnic conflicts threaten regional stability and progress in many important areas of the world. weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, drug trafficking and other international crimes are global concerns that transcend national borders. other problems originating overseas such as the depletion of resources, rapid population growth, environmental damage, new infectious diseases such as severe acute respiratory syndrome sars , pervasive corruption and uncontrolled refugee migration have increasingly significant implications for every nation s security. national economies will suffer if the global economy is unstable or if markets collapse, and the highest environmental standards such as those set out in the kyoto protocol will not protect small, struggling island countries like palau if other countries do not join the global effort to bring about peace and stability. protection of the environment is a major concern to us. decisions made today regarding the environment and natural resources can affect every nation s security for generations. environmental threats do not respect national borders, but they can pose long-term dangers for every nation s security and well-being. scarcity and depletion of natural resources can trigger and exacerbate conflict. environmental threats such as climate change, the depletion of stratospheric ozone, the introduction of nuisance plant and animal species, the overharvesting of fish and of other living natural resources, and the transnational movement of hazardous chemicals and waste directly threaten the health and economic well-being of every people of the world. for palau, the immediate danger is the rise in sea level. another issue that we wish to address is that of the cloning of human beings. we believe that any global and comprehensive ban on human cloning must include a ban on the cloning of human embryos for research purposes. while the goal of finding cures to chronic illnesses is laudable, progress and economic gain achieved by creating and destroying human life come at too high a price. we believe that adult-stem- cell research is a promising field of study that can provide an ethical source of stem cells for scientific investigation. the international community must not allow human life to be devalued in any way, and we encourage all states to adopt such measures as may be necessary to prohibit techniques of genetic engineering that may have adverse consequences on respect for human dignity. in public health, we note that many peoples around the world are suffering and dying each day from the scourges of hiv aids, tuberculosis, malaria, cancer, polio and similar diseases. combined international support for public health beyond the clinic walls must be advocated and put into practice if we are to eliminate some of those challenges to quality human life. such international support and collaborative efforts were recently manifested during the spread of severe acute respiratory syndrome sars . i also urge all members of this body to support and ratify the framework convention on tobacco control adopted by the world health assembly this year. more importantly, we should combine our efforts to implement the mission of the convention to control tobacco use, which contributes to diseases and death throughout the world. the united nations is to truly represent all peoples, with discrimination and exclusion eliminated from its operational practice. to be effective at ensuring international peace and security, all nations, large and small, must be represented in the united nations. the republic of china on taiwan can no longer be kept on the sidelines of the most important international organization and the leading forum for international dialogue. over the past half-century, the hard-working people of taiwan have transformed their country into the world s seventeenth largest economy and a vibrant democracy. in [number], taiwan had its first direct presidential election and, in [number], accomplished its first peaceful transfer of executive powers. since then taiwan s popularly-elected government has acted in accordance with united nations resolutions to combat international terrorism and to support humanitarian relief in countries throughout the world, and yet it is still excluded from the process. our experience with sars has shown us that exclusion can bring no benefits to anyone. the [number] million taiwanese people have an equal right to a voice in the united [number] nations and should be welcomed by all members of this body. the central purpose of the united nations is the preservation and advancement of world peace. it accomplishes its peacemaking and humanitarian assistance efforts through international cooperation. its [number] member states, large and small, rich and poor, and with different political views, strive collectively to address global challenges and advance world peace. together, they consider and decide on the world s most pressing problems. thus, in this regard i ask the world here today, at the fifty-eighth session of the general assembly, to study and discuss the roots of terrorism and possible solutions, including inter-religious intervention to promote conservation standards to protect our earth s environment to promote world public health to protect the human dignity by banning the cloning of human embryos and to continue our quest for peace and security for all peoples of the world.

i should like first of all to offer you. sir, my warm congratulations on taking up the presidency of the general assembly and to express my deep thanks to the outgoing president, mr. dante caputo, for his work. i should like also to express our esteem and appreciation for the excellent work of the secretary-general - whose thoughtful and informative report we have read with great interest - in conducting the affairs and promoting the goals of the united nations. when we gathered at the united nations this time last year we all spoke with hope of the dawning of a new, more peaceful epoch in international affairs. political developments of momentous significance in the intervening [number] months have confirmed our hopes of a new era. at the same time, we have become aware of the many challenges raised by this era, which must be met effectively before our positive expectations and aspirations can be fully realized. relations between the two major super-powers - the bellwether for a general amelioration of the international political climate - have continued to improve at a quickening pace, surpassing our expectations. the momentous importance of the shift from confrontation to co-operation between the united states and the soviet union can hardly be overestimated. as a result of the opportunity for dialogue on an expanded agenda created by this new positive climate, there is today a marked overall improvement in east-west relations. a long list of disarmament accords, which a few years ago seemed unattainable, have been concluded, while the prospects for the ongoing east-west talks on conventional force reductions, chemical weapons and strategic offensive weapons have been greatly enhanced, particularly following this month's successful meeting in wyoming between mr. eduard shevardnadze and mr . james baker. we are encouraged by the proposal made by president george bush at the general assembly for cuts of at least [number] per cent in the super-power chemical-weapons arsenals, with the aim of a total ban on such weapons within [number] years of the signing of a multilateral chemical-weapons treaty, and by the very positive response of the soviet union. reflecting the shift from confrontation to co-operation in super-power relations, a number of conflicts at diverse points on the globe are now on the path to peaceful resolution. namibia is now firmly launched on the road to independence. the personal involvement of the secretary-general has contributed decisively to the namibia independence process, which represents a key success for the united nations. we also welcome the continued progress towards the resolution of the dispute in western sahara, on the basis of the peace plan presented by the united nations and the organization of african unity oau just over one year ago. in central america, we applaud the stepping up of efforts by the presidents of costa rica, el salvador, guatemala, honduras and nicaragua for the implementation of the esquipulas ii agreement. we strongly support the help being provided by the united nations towards the consolidation of democracy and an end to foreign interference in the region. the optimism generated by these positive developments, however, is tempered by the conflicts and problems that continue to afflict other parts of the world. in afghanistan, despite the [number] geneva accords, the civil war continues unabated, causing immense bloodshed and hardship among the people of that country. it is time that outside interference was converted into genuine interest in bringing peace and reconciliation to afghanistan. the afghan people need tools with which to reconstruct their country, not weapons with which to continue destroying it. we also regret the stalemate in the paris conference on cambodia. the unilateral withdrawal of the vietnamese forces has opened the way to a peaceful settlement. we urge all the parties concerned not to use the impasse in the peace negotiations as an opportunity to launch a new round of fighting, which would inflict fresh bloodshed and suffering on the cambodian people. the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] on the conflict between iran and iraq in large measure still eludes us, although the cease-fire agreed upon in [number] remains in place and the loss of human lives has ended, lasting peace in the region depends on full agreement on the interpretation of security council resolution [number] [number] aid on its implementation. in the middle east, the interrelated problems of palestine and the lebanon are of particular concern to cyprus, in that their resolution is vital to peace in the region. we support the launching of an israeli-palestinian dialogue, and regret strongly the deteriorating situation in the occupied territories, where the israeli authorities continue to react to the intifadah with killings, and detentions on an increasingly large scale. we stress the need for effective negotiations based on security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , taking fully into account the legitimate right of the palestinian people to live in peace in their own homeland. we congratulate president arafat on the statesmanship displayed in the historic decisions for a just aid comprehensive settlement of the palestinian problem which would both recognize the national rights of the palestinian people and guarantee the security of all states in the region. the people of israel themselves victims of centuries of persecution - must recognize the futility of a policy that denies the aspiration of an entire people to live in their own homeland in peace and dignity. we are appalled by the tragedy of lebanon and the enormous suffering of its people. we welcome the return to peace and the halt of lebanon's disintegration, as a result of the efforts of the arab league and of the tripartite committee on lebanon. cyprus has provided all possible humanitarian assistance to the large numbers of lebanese fleeing the country in recent months. we hope that all the parties in lebanon will realize the futility of war and will join forces in reconstituting their country. in south africa, the racist system of apartheid has run its course - condemned by the international community not only as unjust but also as anachronistic. we cautiously welcome certain trends towards the dismantling of apartheid following the recent elections in south africa, and hope for the speedy release of all political prisoners, the lifting of restrictions on political activity, and the restoration of freedom of speech aid movement. we should like to join the secretary-general, however, in warning that a partial easing of the abhorrent system of apartheid will not solve the problem of south africa, either in the eyes of the world or in the eyes of its people. justice will be done fully only when apartheid is dismantled fully. the gravity of a problem must be measured not only in terms of the size of the territory or the number of people affected but also in terms of the principles involved. the cyprus problem, viewed from the standpoint of principle, is an enormous moral problem, a clear case of breach of the accepted norms of international behaviour and of grave violations of the united nations charter, the organization's resolutions on cyprus and the rule of law. cyprus has been subjected to invasion and occupation, forced displacement of one third of its population and massive colonization by citizens of the invading country turkey. there are [number], [number] people who are still missing and all efforts to trace them have met with turkish uncooperativeness. in recalling these facts, i do not intend to exchange recriminations with our powerful neighbour, turkey? it is simply a matter of putting the cyprus problem in perspective. motivated by a sincere desire to put an end to the suffering of the people of cyprus - greek and turkish - i expressed, soon after my election, my readiness to meet with prime minister ozal of turkey or with the president, general evren, since certain aspects of the cyprus problem, such as the presence of turkish occupation troops and settlers, can be resolved only by ankara, unfortunately turkey has so far not accepted my proposal. at the same time we were happy to begin substantive talks with the turkish cypriot leader, mr. rauf denktash, on the basis of a procedure proposed by the united nations secretary-general, mr. perez de cuellar. more than [number] hours of talks with mr. denktash in the presence of the secretary-general's representative and three joint meetings in new york with the secretary-general himself culminated, last jute, in a set of ideas that mr. perez de cuellar presented to the two sides as food for thought in further negotiations. in presenting those ideas the secretary-general was acting fully within the mandate conferred upon him by the security council. mr. denktash's reaction was to reject the agreed negotiating procedure aid to challenge the mandated role of the secretary-general. mr. denktash's position, also reflected in a resolution he secured from the so-called turkish cypriot assembly, which was rejected by turkish cypriot opposition leaders, who we believe represent the majority opinion within their community, sets the withdrawal of the secretary-general's ideas as a precondition for the resumption of talks. it is characteristic that the minister of foreign affairs of turkey in his address yesterday referred to this resolution, but he failed to inform the assembly that it demanded the withdrawal of the secretary-general's ideas and that it laid down all sorts of pre-conditions. mr. denktash, through this resolution, also in effect rejects the [number] high-level agreements reached by him aid presidents makarios and ryprianou, which have been accepted by both sides as the basis for the current negotiations. whereas those agreements provide for a unified federated cyprus, mr. denktash is now demanding a separate state as a pre-condition for further dialogue. whereas the high-level agreements support the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all the citizens of the republic, mr. denktash envisages an apartheid regime in cyprus with the complete segregation of greek and turkish cypriots in two separate enclaves. coupled with the further hardening of the turkish attitude in the talks, there have been threats aid attempts to settle muslims from bulgaria in the occupied area of cyprus. those developments are aimed at creating new fait accompli that would seriously undermine the efforts to resolve the cyprus problem. they also raise serious questions as to whether the objective of the turkish side, rather than a just and viable solution to the cyprus problem, may not in fact be the legitimisation of the present division and occupation of nearly [number] per cent of cyprus. yesterday the foreign minister of turkey called this occupied territory "turkish cypriot". this is indicative of turkey's thinking. this territory is cypriot territory. it belongs to all cypriots, especially those who had lived there in ancestral homes for generations before they were expelled by the brute force of turkey's military might. the foreign minister of turkey also alluded to the republic's purchases of arms. what does turkey expect us to do? should we sit idle while they amass [number], [number] troops, [number] modern tanks and other sophisticated equipment? we acquired defensive equipment including [number] tanks, for [number], [number] to [number], [number] young conscripts. time and again we offered, in fact demanded, the demilitarisation of cyprus. i challenge the turkish government let is demilitarise cyprus. withdraw your [number], [number] troops and we shall at the same time disband our forces and dispose of all our arms. moreover, i reiterate the offer i made last year before the assembly to use the funds released thereby for the development of cyprus, especially for the turkish-cypriot community which has fallen behind. we stress that we do not, cannot and will not accept the status quo as a solution to the cyprus problem. a situation in which human rights are violated, communities are forcibly segregated on ethnic and religious lines, and territory occupied by a foreign power is neither just nor a guarantee against future conflicts. nor can the status quo be accepted as a solution to the cyprus problem by the international community, for all nations are acutely conscious of the destabilizing potential of legitimising the invasion and occupation of the territory of one sovereign state by the armies of another. it is particularly regrettable that the turkish side is taking such a negative position at a time of progress in resolving regional problems world-wide, after a year of hard work in the negotiations which, with the assistance of the secretary-general and his representatives, demonstrated that a solution to the cyprus problem is feasible. the outlines of such a solution are clear. cyprus would be federally organized and each community would have one region under its administration. the human rights of all citizens and the cultural identity aid economic well-being of both communities would be safeguarded. we have proposed that the republic of cyprus should be demilitarised and this, together with the federal provisions, leaves no room for anxiety on the part of the turkish cypriots regarding their security. the republic as a whole, however, should also be secure. this means that there is no room in the cyprus we are working to build for the presence of foreign troops or for unilateral rights of intervention by turkey. a solution to the cyprus problem is possible. now more than ever we count on our friends in the international community not to allow impediments to be placed in its way. lb sum up, we can say that the new climate of confidence between the two super-powers has effectively reversed the post-war trend towards regional conflicts and proxy wars. it has imposed significant restraints on the outbreak of new hostilities and transferred many disputes from the battlefield to the negotiating table. we are, however, still looking forward to the day when confidence between the super powers will have become great enough to give the various peace efforts under way the last decisive push towards their successful completion. the united nations has an invaluable role to play in fulfilling the arduous task of settling problems and bringing peace to war-torn areas of the globe. we are gratified to note that as a result of the recent progress towards the resolution of conflicts four new peace-keeping operations have been launched in the last three years and an additional three are currently being actively considered. we strongly support the secretary-general's recommendations for the strengthening of the role of the united nations in order to boost compliance with the organization's decisions and make the united nations an effective agent for the prevention, and not just the termination, of conflicts. the states members of the non-aligned movement, which include cyprus and which form the backbone of the united nations, can make a valuable contribution to the efforts to defuse conflicts aid strengthen the role of the organization. our public and private deliberations at last month's ninth conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries in belgrade, stressed the need for a constructive dialogue between the developed and the developing countries and explored ways of resolving global political problems, as well as economic aid social problems. hence we welcome the increasing concern and involvement of the united nations in problems of economic development a d in a number of global social issues with important political and economic implications. our gains in the political field could be seriously undermined by existing economic inequalities and imbalances. despite an improvement in world output and international trade during the past [number] months, the economic situation of the developing countries has continued to deteriorate. in many developing countries economic growth is stifled by the debt burden the overall debt of the developing countries at the end of [number] was estimated at [number], [number] billion, and debt servicing at a massive [number] billion. the result is a net transfer of resources from the developing to the developed nations. according to last month's world bank annual report, the transfer of resources from developing countries to all lenders in [number] rose to about [number] billion, from [number] billion in the previous year. while we welcome the fact that several debt-relief initiatives have been put forward recently, we would like to stress that the third-world debt problem is largely the result of low commodity prices and adverse movements in terms of trade, exacerbated by high interest rates. thus the debt problem can never be definitively resolved unless these issues are addressed. we believe there is an urgent need for a political dialogue on economic problems the special session of the general assembly on economic issues next spring could provide an effective forum for such a dialogue. we also welcome efforts to revive the economic and social council as a means of promoting the role of the united nations in tackling economic and social issues. however, we would also like to emphasize the need for direct talks between the developed and the developing nations on these issues. we face today a set of problems that fall outside the strictly political and economic spheres but nevertheless significantly impinge upon them. these problems are, in varying degrees, common to all nations. their elimination therefore requires concerted international action. the united nations has a key role to play in generating and co-ordinating such action. one such problem is that of illicit drug abuse. cyprus applauds efforts to combat illegal drug trafficking and is doing its best to contribute to the suppression of the drug trade. however, we stress the need to tackle the drug problem, which has grown to such proportions as to threaten the entire social fabric of some countries, not only by trying to stop the supply but also by trying to eliminate the demand. not only economic rules but also common sense tell us that demand generates supply, and that under such circumstances attempting to suppress the supply merely drives up profits from production and distribution. we must find ways of reducing - even eliminating - these profits, bearing in mind at all times that drug addiction is an illness and not a crime. meanwhile, we must continue efforts to expose and thus short-circuit the mechanisms of laundering drug profits through banks and other channels. the scourge of terrorism is sometimes a derivative of the drug trade. we stress the need for the sharing of information and the results of research for the detection of explosives or other tools of the terrorists' trade, and support security council resolution [number] [number] condemning hostage-taking and calling for the release of all hostages. all our other achievements in the political, economic or social spheres will have been in vain unless we succeed in tackling the smouldering ecological crisis faced by our planet. there is only one earth, and it is humankind's one and only home. there is a vital need to link economic with ecological management, to link considerations of profit and production with environmental considerations. we welcome the proposal made by prime minister rajiv gandhi at the non-aligned conference in belgrade for the establishment of a "planet protection fund" and we recommend that this proposal be taken up here in the assembly for further consideration and action. as early as [number], the united nations noted emerging environmental problems at the conference on the human environment. the organization can contribute significantly towards the elaboration of an integrated environmental policy to tackle problems such as the disposal of toxic or hazardous wastes, the depletion of the ozone layer, or desertification. we commend the ongoing united nations environment programme - world meteorological organization study of climate change and its environmental and economic repercussions and the special united nations study on key environmental issues, including the link between environment and development. we are witnessing today, just as we did at the time when the united nations was created out of the ashes of the second world war, a rebirth of hope. hope in humankind's better nature, in the triumph of peace over war, co-operation over conflict, human rights over oppression, and reason over barbarism. the united nations embodies these ideals and represents our best chance of working together as a world community, on the basis of common principles and interests, to achieve them. in the year to come let us resolutely strive to end conflicts, let us reinforce our understanding of the common nature of many of our problems, and let us take action to extend respect for international law and consolidate a global ethical order. in concluding, i should like to leave members with the thought that the price of failing in these goals is one which none of us can afford to pay, while success cannot but benefit us all.

as we speak today, the world is being shaken by the depravity of fanatics who have committed acts insulting the faith of more than [number]. [number] billion muslims. we strongly condemn such offensive acts, whether they involve the production of a film, the publication of cartoons or indeed any other insults and provocations. such acts can never be justified as manifestations of freedom of speech or expression. equally, they cannot become a reason for genuine protests to be used to incite violence and terrible losses of innocent lives. it is a matter for grave concern that our world remains strewn with daily outbreaks of violence, hatred and injustice. in particular, the menace of islamophobia is a worrying phenomenon that threatens peace and coexistence among cultures and civilizations. i call on leaders in the west, both among politicians and in the media, to confront islamophobia in all its many forms and manifestations. it is incumbent on us all to advance the cause of dialogue and cooperation, to fight the forces of division and hatred and to fulfil the promise of a better and brighter future for future generations. we must work to defeat the forces that foment conflicts among civilizations, and to support the voices of tolerance and understanding. my country, afghanistan, is testament to the benefits of multilateral cooperation and international solidarity. it was a little over a decade ago that many countries from around the world joined the afghan people in our struggle for peace and against the forces of extremism and terrorism. at the time, afghanistan was a country decimated in every way. for decades we had suffered, unnoticed, from violence, deprivation and sinister foreign intervention. long before terrorism became a security threat to the whole planet, afghans were victims of atrocities inf licted by terrorist networks from various parts of the world that had made afghanistan their haven. looking back [number] years, afghanistan has undergone a remarkable transformation. democracy has taken root health services are accessible to the majority of the population in every corner of the country millions of students, boys and girls, are enrolled in primary and higher education. our achievements have not come about easily, though. the aspirations of the afghan people for security and peace have yet to be realized. as the global fight against terrorism continues unabated, the afghan people continue to pay a bigger price than any other nation, in both life and treasure. terrorism is not rooted in afghan villages and towns it never was. its sources and support networks all exist beyond afghanistan s borders. thus while the security of the international community is being protected from the threat of terrorism, the people of afghanistan must no longer be made to pay the price and endure the brunt of the war. it is in deference to the immense sacrifices of the afghan people, and to the precious lives lost from the international community, that the campaign against terrorism must be taken to the sources of terrorism and be results-oriented. today in afghanistan, we are pursuing the cause of peace and an end to violence as a matter of great urgency. since peace is the greatest desire of the afghan people, and since we are convinced that military efforts alone are not an adequate strategy for ensuring security, we have initiated a peace and reconciliation process, which aims to induce all elements of the armed opposition to take up peaceful lives in our country. at this time last year, my visit to the general assembly was cut short by the tragic assassination of professor burhanuddin rabbani, the then chairman of the high peace council. a terrorist posing as a peace emissary took his life, and by doing so dealt our peace process a serious blow. this year, however, and fortunately, the late professor s son, mr. salahuddin rabbani, who stepped up to take the chair of the high peace council, is part of the afghan delegation and present in the assembly today. i have often said that our hand of peace and reconciliation remains extended not only to the taliban but also to all other armed opposition groups who wish to return to dignified, peaceful and independent lives in their own homeland. what we ask of them in return is simple bringing an end to violence, cutting ties with terrorist networks, preserving the valuable gains of the past decade and respecting the constitution of afghanistan. to help facilitate the peace process, i am asking the security council to give its full support to our efforts. in particular, i urge the security council committee established pursuant to resolution [number] [number] , the taliban sanctions committee, to make more active efforts to delist taliban leaders, as a step towards facilitating direct negotiations. in pursuing the path of peace, we remain hopeful about the critical role that our fraternal neighbour the islamic republic of pakistan has to play. over recent years, we have engaged our brothers in pakistan in a close dialogue in support of the afghan peace process. it is a dialogue that we believe is critical for pakistan s own security and for the security of the wider region and beyond. we are deeply committed to our brotherly relations with pakistan, but we are aware of the challenges that may strain our efforts to build trust and confidence. such incidents as the recent shelling of afghan villages risk undermining the efforts of both governments to work together in the interest of our common security and prosperity. for the past two years, our national priority has been to have afghanistan s own security forces assume full responsibility for the security of our country and our people. the transition process will be completed by mid-[number] and nato and international security assistance force forces withdrawn from our country by the end of [number]. apart from advancing transition and pursuing the peace process, the past year has been one of significant progress for consolidating international commitment and partnership. in chicago in may, we received the long-term commitment of nato and other countries to training, equipping and ensuring the sustainability of the afghan national security forces. in tokyo this past july, the international community reaffirmed its strong commitment to afghanistan s social and economic development during the transformation decade, for which we are grateful. the mutual accountability framework adopted in tokyo sets in place a clear structure for a more results- oriented partnership and cooperation. we welcome the international community s readiness to align aid with our national priorities and channel assistance through the afghan budget. for our part, we have reiterated our determination to improve governance and to collaborate with our international partners to wipe out the cancer of corruption, whether it is in the afghan government or the international aid system. we recognize that afghanistan s destiny is tied to the region that surrounds it, with respect both to our common threats, such as terrorism, extremism and narcotics, and to the opportunities we must grasp to grow and prosper. in that context, the istanbul process presents a new agenda for security, confidence-building and cooperation across the region of which afghanistan is the centre. we will spare no effort to build strong and lasting relations with our neighbors near and extended. turning to the international arena, afghanistan views the situation in syria with much concern. over the course of the past year, thousands of our syrian brothers and sisters have lost their lives due to an escalating cycle of violence. we welcome the appointment of the new joint special representative for syria of the united nations and league of arab states, mr. lakhdar brahimi. we know him very well. mr. brahimi is well respected in afghanistan, and he brings vast experience and a unique ability to the task before him. here, i say to the people of syria that we afghans have experienced violence ourselves, and we know what it takes to rebuild a country. i hope very much, on behalf of the afghan people, that the syrians will sit down together as soon as possible and find a way to end the violence, since it will be not easy to repair. the continuing plight of the palestinian people has been a source of deep distress for afghanistan and the rest of the international community. the people of palestine have suffered immensely for far too long. we remain in full support of the realization of the rights of our brothers and sisters in palestine, including their right to an independent palestinian state. the time has come for an end to the occupation and for realizing the just aspirations of the people of palestine. finally, reform of the united nations remains an important item on the international agenda. since its inception in [number], the united nations has exercised a key role in promoting a safer and more secure world, improving the lives of citizens worldwide, and safeguarding and promoting human rights. nevertheless, in view of our ever-changing world, we cannot deny the fact that the organization is in dire need of comprehensive reform, enabling it to better reflect the new challenges and realities of our time. the reform of the security council is long overdue. achieving a reformed council that is more inclusive, representative and transparent must remain a priority. we welcome the ongoing progress within the framework of the intergovernmental negotiations.

i convey warm congratulations to mr. jan kavan on his unanimous election as president of the fifty-seventh session of the general assembly. i am confident that, given his vast experience and diplomatic skills, he will be able to steer this session to a successful conclusion. in the same vein, our congratulations and sincere appreciation go to his predecessor, mr. han seung-soo, for the outstanding manner in which he conducted the work of the fifty-sixth session of the general assembly. i wish also to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the illustrious son of africa at the helm of the organization, mr. kofi annan, who has taken the united nations to greater heights. we join other members of our family of nations in welcoming the swiss confederation as the one hundred and ninetieth member of the united nations. we are confident that its membership will not only formalize that resourceful country's long involvement with the united nations but contribute greatly to the work of the organization. after a long and bitter liberation struggle, the people of east timor have finally realized their right to self-determination and independence. we look forward to welcoming the democratic republic of east timor as the one hundred and ninety first member of the united nations. just as the international community stood by the people of east timor in their darkest hour of need, the united nations must now assist them in their efforts to rebuild their country. the opening of this session of the general assembly coincided with the first anniversary of the [number] september terrorist attack on the united states of america. that horrific attack met with vigorous international condemnation and led to a concerted campaign by countries throughout the world to eradicate terrorism as a global scourge. all around the world, [number] countries, including my own, are continuing to take domestic measures to combat international terrorism. last week the general debate in this hall was overshadowed by an ominous and terrifying cloud the threat of war in iraq. indeed, most of us have been filled with grave concern about that looming danger. that concern has, however, been somewhat eased. the focus now seems to have moved away from the temptation to take unilateral military action towards the multilateralism that is so vital for the maintenance of world peace and security. in this regard, namibia welcomes the decision by iraq to cooperate with the security council. namibia is deeply concerned about the constantly escalating violence in the israeli-palestinian conflict. the continuous wanton destruction of palestinian towns, the demolition of homes and institutions and, above all, the unabating loss of life are all manifestations of the tragic plight of the palestinian people. while rejecting all acts of violence against innocent civilians, we recognize the urgent need for the international community to address the root cause of violence, namely, the continued occupation of palestinian territory by israeli troops. it is imperative for the international community to act decisively and with a renewed sense of urgency to stop the ongoing carnage and destruction in the middle east. we support the immediate establishment of an independent palestinian state, existing side by side with israel in peace and mutual security. one of the factors which have militated against development and progress in africa has been the armed conflicts in a number of countries on that continent. such conflicts have been responsible for the aggravation of poverty and the spread of disease. it is pleasing to note, however, that peace and security in africa have been increasing over the past year or so. developments in angola since february this year have filled us with hope and a sense of relief. after more than two decades of destructive war, angola is firmly and irreversibly on the road to peace. concerted efforts by the international community are, however, required to address the urgent and burning humanitarian needs and to help angola to maintain and consolidate its hard-won peace. there have been similar positive developments in the democratic republic of the congo. the ceasefire there has been holding. however, the aggressor countries have still not withdrawn their troops from that country in line with the lusaka ceasefire agreement, the pretoria agreement and the relevant security council resolutions. the united nations has confirmed, through various reports, that there continue to be large-scale violations of human rights in the eastern part of that country. this is unacceptable and should not be allowed to continue with impunity. similarly, the plundering of the natural resources of the democratic republic of the congo should no longer be condoned. furthermore, in sierra leone the machine guns, with their staccato sound, have fallen silent, thanks to the intervention of the international community in the conflict in that country. successful elections were held there this year, and the people of that country are now busy with peace-building and the reconstruction of their country. we call on the international community to assist them in this regard. in [number], the general assembly decided in favour of a referendum in western sahara. ten years later, the people of western sahara continue to endure suffering, waiting and hoping for the implementation of the united nations plan for the independence of their country. the only hope they have is our organization. we, the members of the united nations, therefore have a responsibility towards the people of western sahara in their quest for self-determination. it is not a question of our doing them a favour. rather, we have an obligation under the charter of our organization. it is high time that the people of western sahara exercise their right to self-determination and independence through a free and fair referendum under the supervision of the united nations. the secretary- general should therefore continue to seek the implementation of the united nations independence plan for western sahara. the unilateral economic blockade against cuba is continuing to cause immense suffering to the people of cuba, who suffered with us and shared with us selflessly, extending solidarity to our people during our difficult struggle for independence. we reiterate our call for the lifting of this embargo. just as the people of africa have begun, in earnest, to address the problem of armed conflict that has hindered africa's development and socio-economic [number] progress in the past, the continent must now grapple with yet another menace that is ravaging its population, namely, the hiv aids pandemic. its devastating impact is now undermining economic growth and development in sub-saharan africa, with millions already infected and dying. indeed, sub-saharan africa is now facing a human crisis of monumental proportions. millions of aids orphans are screaming out for help as a result of this rampaging disease. we appeal for increased and generous contributions to the global health fund to enable us to fight the scourge. in that connection, we would like to emphasize that the allocation of the available funds should be determined by the magnitude of the problem in each country. as part of our ongoing effort to fight the scourge of hiv aids, namibia will be hosting the second regional conference on orphans and vulnerable children from [number] to [number] november, [number]. it is our sincere hope that the conference will further highlight the fate of those children and galvanize the world's further support to ease their truly difficult plight. we are quite confident that the support of the international community will enable us, indeed, humanity, and africa in particular, to conquer this ravaging pandemic. the drought situation in southern africa places more than [number] million people at risk of hunger and destitution. we welcome the efforts of the secretary- general in that respect. we also welcome the efforts of the donor community in mobilizing resources for relief. our sincere thanks and appreciation also go to all the humanitarian agencies providing support. we encourage them to continue to mobilize and to render further support. the fifty-seventh session of the general assembly has special significance for africa, in the sense that considerable attention is being paid to the continent's problems. in the first instance, there is the tabling by the secretary-general of the report on the final review and appraisal of the implementation of the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s. this session also marks the end of the united nations programme for the second industrial development decade for africa. the conclusions of the review are sobering in the sense that both the new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s and the programme for the second industrial development decade for africa have come to an end, but africa remains marginalized in the global economy. also significant for africa at this session is the fact that notwithstanding the continent's rather minimal development performance during the periods just referred to, africa has come to the fifty-seventh session of the general assembly more determined then ever to launch itself on a new path of economic growth and development. it was in the light of this determination that on monday, [number] september [number] the general assembly devoted the whole day to exploring ways in which the international community can support the african union's new partnership for africa's development nepad , designed to rebuild and rejuvenate our continent. what emerged from the monday meeting on africa was a clear sense of purpose and direction such that, while hoping for greater support from the international community to implement its new development initiative, africa is seriously seeking to lift itself up by its own bootstraps. indeed, the african leaders have reaffirmed their commitment to the development goals of the united nations millennium summit declaration for the continent to achieve economic growth of [number] per cent by the year [number] and thus to be able to halve poverty on the continent by that same year. and while nepad is an african initiative, owned and managed by the african union, the continent still needs unfettered market access for its goods, increased foreign investment, the elimination of external debts and, yes, more official development assistance, as well as a large infusion of technology and skills into its production processes. in conclusion, i would like to state namibia's position on the international criminal court icc . a few individuals who commit heinous crimes against humanity undermine international peace and security. when those who commit serious crimes go unpunished, murder and torture carry no risk. rather, they encourage even more crimes. the entry into force of the rome statute of the international criminal court on [number] july [number] represents a historic day for international justice. as a state party to the icc, namibia has noted with great concern the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] under chapter vii of the united [number] nations charter, as if the icc were a threat to peace or an act of aggression. in this context, we call upon those states that are not parties to the statute to become so now. in the face of a growing tendency towards unilateralism, the revitalization of the general assembly, which is the collective decision-making body, is becoming even more important. in the same vein, namibia reaffirms its position on the need to reform and democratize the united nations security council in order to ensure that the council remains responsible for the peace and security of all countries in all regions. from this very rostrum, it has been said time and again that if the united nations did not exist, it would have to be created. those are not empty words. rather, they express the deep aspirations and commitment of humanity to the organization, which has stood the test of time and proven indispensable to the conduct of relations among states. let us not allow multilateralism to be eroded.

it is indeed an honour once again to address the general assembly. on behalf of the people of sierra leone, and on my own behalf, i congratulate you, sir, on your election to preside over the work of this session, which you rightly described as one that can mark the beginning of a new era in united nations history. ukraine, a founding member of our organization, is well known for its decisive stand on unilateral nuclear disarmament. this in itself is a major contribution to the promotion of international peace and security. as an experienced diplomat and former senior member of the secretariat, you are fully equipped to steer this session to a successful conclusion. i wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor, ambassador razali ismail of malaysia, for the firm and skilful manner in which he led the assembly in dealing with the issues of the fifty-first session. we commend the secretary-general for the bold effort he has made so far in mapping out the tracks of his quiet revolution, a reform of the secretariat. this is perhaps the first time in the history of the organization [number] that we have in the same session a president of the general assembly and a secretary-general both of whom were staff members of the united nations secretariat. i would like to convey through the secretary-general our appreciation to the entire staff of the united nations system, who have been and continue to be pillars supporting the structures of peace and economic and social well-being which our organization is building in various parts of the world. when i addressed this body last year, i spoke at length about my government s efforts to reach a peace agreement with the revolutionary united front ruf , the settlement of people displaced by the conflict and our efforts at national reconciliation. i also spoke of our hopes our hopes for the consolidation of our new democracy, for the revival of our economy and for the regeneration of communities scarred by years of war. these were no starry-eyed pronouncements. we were too well aware of the challenges which the achievement of these objectives entailed, but we were tackling them in a spirit of realism within the framework of a united national effort and, above all, in confident hope. in the economic sphere, for example, the response was promising. my government was credited within a year with the introduction of a social security scheme and a minimum wage act accountability and transparency in public spending trade liberalization and public enterprise reform, including privatization reduction of the rate of inflation from [number] per cent to [number] per cent achievement of a [number] per cent economic growth rate, which had been minus [number] per cent a year earlier and plans for an investment code. these are some of the signposts of confidence which national and international investors saw when they concluded that sierra leone was well on its way to economic recovery. prospects for that recovery were at their highest in more than two decades. today i appear before you with a heavy heart. as i speak, a great tragedy is unfolding in my country. on [number] may [number], a combination of elements of the sierra leone army and the revolutionary united front violently overthrew my democratically elected government and unleashed on the country a reign of terror unprecedented in its scope and ferocity. overnight, sierra leone was transformed into a gulag of horrors the killing of defenceless, innocent civilians, looting, confiscation of property and rape. these atrocities continue. the people of sierra leone have been ushered into a long night of darkness. for the first time in our history, the survival of our national society as a morally and socially cohesive whole has been put into question. it is against the background of these dramatically changed conditions in my country that i appear before you today, to make an appeal a desperate appeal for help from the international community to save a nation and a people. my presence on this podium symbolizes the people of sierra leone stretching out their hands to the united nations, asking it to pull them back from the brink of catastrophe. the people of sierra leone are united in a common fear, the fear that unless something is done, and done now, the barbarism and adventurism of the military junta will push the country over the brink. their hope is that the international community will not allow the military junta to convert their country into one vast killing field. if the prevailing situation is allowed to drift much longer, because of a failure of political will, or for any other reason, then the hopes of a peace-loving nation for a life worthy of normal human beings will have been betrayed. i am more than convinced that this cannot be what the united nations would like to see happen in sierra leone. my belief in the united nations, as the custodian of world peace and security, and as the ultimate defence of the weak and the defenceless, remains as strong as ever. it is on the strength of this conviction, which has been a part of all my adult life, that i bring the case of sierra leone to the attention of the assembly. only the speedy restoration of the democratically elected government of sierra leone can provide a lasting solution to the crisis and enable the country to return to normalcy and to resume its place as a responsible member of the community of nations. this is no self-serving statement. to insist on the restoration of my government is no more than to insist that the government which the people of sierra leone freely and openly elected in the most closely invigilated election in the post-independence history of the country be restored to them. indeed, when the summit of the organization of african unity oau held in harare considered the matter it resolved strongly and unequivocally to condemn the coup d tat and called for the immediate restoration of constitutional order in sierra leone. my government emerged as a result of a transition process under the their military regime of the national provisional ruling council. it was that regime which appointed the interim national electoral commission as the management body responsible for the conduct of both the parliamentary and presidential elections. at the request of the interior national electoral commission, the commonwealth secretariat in london provided three [number] experts, including a legal draftsman, to help with the preparations for the elections. none of these people had been to sierra leone before and they knew nobody in the country. the point of their attachment to the interior national electoral commission was to bring to bear on the work of the commission the highest international electoral practices. the european union also provided a voter education expert from britain, while the united nations supplied a logistical expert. in other words, at the heart of the election management body, the international community had a presence to ensure the highest standard of probity and transparency in the conduct of the elections. in january [number], in the middle of the preparations for the elections, brigadier maada bio forced captain valentine strasser out of office as chairman of the national provisional ruling council and immediately launched a campaign to postpone the elections. the banner of that campaign was peace before elections . a national consultative conference comprising representatives of political parties, the army, the police, trade unions, women s organizations, the churches and mosques and other organizations of civil society was convened in february [number] to pronounce on the matter. i should add that in attendance were also representatives of the international community. the overwhelming majority of the delegates to the conference supported the holding of elections. incidentally, the revolutionary united front was invited to participate in the democratic process. clearly illustrating its attitude towards legitimate democratic principles and procedures, the front categorically refused to honour the invitation. and so the elections were held on [number] and [number] february [number]. there were observers from the commonwealth, the organization of african unity oau , the african- american institute, the african-american labor center, the commonwealth trade union council and the world council of churches, all coordinated by no less a body than the united nations itself. at the close of polling, and long before the official declaration of the results, the international observers made a joint statement on [number] february [number], in which they said that, despite setbacks, they had witnessed a remarkably peaceful, orderly and transparent conduct of the vote, which led them to conclude that the results will genuinely reflect the will of the people of sierra leone and usher in an era of democracy . having failed to prevent the holding of the elections through political manoeuvring, the anti-democratic forces within the army and their revolutionary united front allies launched a campaign of terror and intimidation in those parts of the countryside where the rebels had a presence to scare away people from voting. many innocent men and women had their hands cut off. some were branded with hot irons and many more were mutilated in ways that i cannot describe in public. but no intimidation could overcome the determination of the people to put an end to military rule and all its associated abuses. the elections which brought my government into office were more than an electoral exercise to replace one government with another. they were no less than an opportunity indeed, a historic opportunity for the people of sierra leone to put an end to nearly [number] years of undemocratic rule, the last four of which were an outright military dictatorship. in retrospect, the victories of the people, first against the political sleight of hand to stop the elections, and then against the campaign of terror and intimidation to scare away the voters from the polling booths, seem to have left the reactionary forces in our country with only one remaining avenue to their objective, the unconstitutional overthrow of any civil government, and that was precisely what happened on [number] may. the people of sierra leone have responded to the coup in a manner unique in the history of africa. thousands of citizens, some out of fear for their lives and other human rights violations, simply abandoned their homes and their country, moved into neighbouring countries, declaring they would rather live as refugees outside sierra leone than stay under the rule of the illegal junta. those who stayed behind have refused to go to work and have in various ways refused to cooperate with the junta. this is the manifestation of the determination of sierra leoneans never to surrender their hard-won democracy. the struggle under way in my country is between the unarmed millions defending the cause of democracy and the armed reactionary clique of mutinous soldiers and their revolutionary united front cohorts. in embarking on that perilous struggle, the people of sierra leone were never in doubt as to where the sheer military advantage lay. what continues to sustain the determined resistance of the people and to fortify their courage is the belief, and the expectation, that the international community cannot, [number] and will not, let them down indeed, the belief that, whatever hardship they are facing at the moment, right will ultimately triumph over might. no one who has seen the reign of terror unleashed by the regime on the defenceless citizenry or witnessed the daily looting, rape and other brutalities which have now become a way of life in sierra leone can mistake this for peace. there is no peace in sierra leone. what is happening is that the horrors which the ruf inflicted on the rural communities the killings, the amputation of limbs, the looting, the arbitrary and illegal seizure of private property of all kinds and many other crimes have now been generalized to encompass the urban centres as well. to further compound their assault on innocent civilians, the illegal junta has finally resorted to the laying of anti-personnel landmines throughout the country, and within the capital city itself. i need not spell out what a horrific act this represents as far as innocent men, women and children are concerned as they begin to fall victim to these hidden devices. this was precisely what my government set out to avert. in my inaugural statement as president, i made the pursuit of peace and the end of the rebel war my most urgent priority. within a matter of days of assuming office, i signed a communiqu at yamoussoukro, in c te d ivoire, with the leader of the ruf, corporal foday sankoh, in which we effectively agreed upon a permanent ceasefire. that agreement opened the way for substantive negotiations between the government and the ruf, culminating in the abidjan peace accord of [number] november [number]. what my government did not know was that the ruf was negotiating in bad faith. we took the ruf at its word and assumed that its professed commitment to peace was genuine. the negotiations were protracted because the ruf was adamant on certain issues. we conceded on those particular issues with the hope that the ruf would honour the resulting accord. this is, of course, not to suggest that there were no doubters in our ranks who harboured misgivings about the sincerity of the ruf. we had our share of these doubting thomases, but on the basis of our peoples yearning for peace, we elected to be guided more by our hopes and less by our fears. after peace, national reconciliation was another central plank of my government s policy. the pursuit of that policy began with the very configuration of my administration. my party had a substantial majority in parliament, and i myself had won the presidential elections with a convincing majority. on the basis of the outcome of the elections, therefore, i was under no obligation to include in my government people from other parties. but i took a wider view of the matter and decided that if the cause of national reconciliation was to be advanced it would be desirable to have a broad-based government. accordingly, i appointed the leader of one of the minority parties to be my minister of finance, making him, effectively, the third most senior member of the government. other ministerial and senior positions were filled by people drawn from other political parties. what emerged as a result was a broad-based government of national unity in all but name. the policy of national reconciliation was taken further. the previous military regime, the national provisional ruling council nprc had confiscated the properties of many senior sierra leoneans not on the basis of law or due process, but on ad hoc commissions of inquiry whose findings were not published and were subject to no appeal. no one pretended that justice had been done by the work of those commissions of inquiry. yet, on the basis of their findings, not only had many people lost their properties, some of them had also been disqualified from holding public office. if sierra leone s new democracy was to mean anything, this was a state of affairs which could not be allowed to continue. i appointed a national commission for reconciliation and applied to the commonwealth secretariat for a senior commonwealth judge to review the findings of the commission of inquiry and to put right what had been put wrong. i wanted a judge of suitable seniority and distinction whose verdict would command respect. the commonwealth secretary-general secured for me the services of judge ulric cross of trinidad and tobago. he was due to return to sierra leone to resume his chairmanship of the national commission for reconciliation when the coup took place. following the earlier coup of april [number], which had installed the nprc military regime in power, many sierra leoneans went into exile. they, too, had to be enabled to come home in security and in dignity. former president joseph saidu momoh had been living in exile in guinea since the coup of april [number]. my government brought him home and resettled him in a manner befitting a man who had been our head of state. i have gone into this background in detail to show what my government did to end the war that had been raging for the best part of five years, to achieve national reconciliation and to usher in lasting peace. all this and much else will be erased if the regime is allowed to [number] remain in power. the burning question before the world community, therefore, is how best to bring a swift end to the ruinous regime of the military and to enable sierra leone to rejoin the mainstream of human society. some people with the best of intentions but with little knowledge of the situation have called for negotiations to end the tragedy unfolding in sierra leone. i have been involved in negotiations of one kind or another throughout my career. in fact, in a sense negotiating is second nature to me. accordingly, i have no problems with the principle of negotiation. but it would be utterly disingenuous of me not to state the serious reservations i hold about negotiating with the junta. in the first place, the junta is an unstable coalition. on the surface it presents itself as a government in which every member shares collective responsibility for decisions jointly taken. in reality it is nothing of the kind. there is nothing collective about the junta except the determination of its constituent parts to hang on to power. for now the ruf may be allied with some elements of the army, but there is no pretence that they are motivated by the same long-term objectives. the ruf is not the army, and it is certainly not under the command of the mutinous faction of the army. the ruf has a separate and independent command structure, and it takes its instructions from its own high command. therefore, based on our experience, in any putative negotiations with the ruf it can be expected to come to the table with its own set of demands. the decision of one part of the unstable coalition will not, by any stretch of the imagination, bind the other. indeed, precisely because they have separate and quite possibly conflicting objectives there is hardly any prospect of negotiating with anything like a unified position. in the second place, the ruf is undoubtedly the faction with the upper hand within the junta. the ruf s principal objective all along has been to take and keep power by all means, including terror and murder. in its present configuration, the ruf has no coherent programme to speak of. rather than yield power peacefully, the ruf has threatened to launch a scorched-earth campaign to reduce the country to ashes. its position is that if it cannot rule sierra leone, nobody else should. and if none of these points is convincing, we have only to look at the way in which the junta has handled the negotiations with the committee of four foreign ministers of the economic community of west african states ecowas . the three-point ecowas formula for the resolution of the sierra leone crisis entailed, in order, the early reinstatement of the legitimate government of president tejan kabbah, the return of peace and security and the resolution of the issues of refugees and displaced persons . this was the basis on which the regime entered into negotiations with the ecowas committee of four. the third meeting between the committee and representatives of the regime in abidjan took place on [number] july [number]. it was expected to be a breakthrough meeting. however, while it was in progress, the leader of the junta made a radio and television broadcast in which he stated clearly that his regime was determined to remain in power for a minimum of four years. his statement was intended to wreck the talks, and that was exactly what it did. he has not retracted his determination to stay in power for four years. if, in spite of the illegal junta s record of bad faith, the international community insists that we must take the path of negotiations, then i suggest that such negotiations should be held between the junta and the committee of ecowas foreign ministers, whose membership has now been increased to five. and for those negotiations to be meaningful, they must proceed on the basis of clear understandings. in the first place, if the negotiations are resumed, the three-point ecowas negotiating agenda must remain the agenda of such negotiations. then they must be time-bound. if they are open-ended, the regime can be expected to filibuster and to spin them out indefinitely in the hope that it will achieve a creeping de facto recognition by the international community. then, the junta s delegation must always be led by the junta leader himself. the committee of five should insist on no less, because if the regime s delegation is led by anyone else, the scope for subsequent repudiation and double-dealing will become infinite. finally, to ensure that the regime treats the negotiations with the seriousness they deserve, existing international pressures and measures must not only be maintained but further strengthened. in that way the genuineness of the regime s declared intention to negotiate will be tested. when all this is done and an agreement is reached, we will still have to face the task of achieving genuine and total national reconciliation. what sierra leone needs today more than anything else is peace and reconciliation. i have never lost sight of this need, and it is the one objective which has influenced every step that i have taken since assuming office in march [number]. the events of [number] may have only further deepened those divisions within [number] our society which my policies had begun to heal. as a result, the adoption of a more vigorous policy of national reconciliation has become an absolute necessity. it would not be exaggerating the case to say that the brand of political persuasion practised by the military-ruf coalition borders on systematic genocide. since [number] may [number], whole villages, entire communities and targeted families have been wholly or partially decimated in the eastern, northern and southern provinces of sierra leone, in moyamba, bonthe, sanda, bumpe, kumrabai, foredugu the list is endless. that is why many sierra leoneans strongly believe that a war crimes tribunal should be appointed to try all those who had a hand in the making of our tragedy. i understand the feelings behind this demand, but i reject it. l reject it because it will add to our already grave problems and postpone lasting national reconciliation. throughout this address i have tried to draw a distinction between elements of the army in complicity with the head of the junta and the bulk of the army, who are basically decent men and women and loyal to the best traditions of the sierra leone army. even so, i do not believe that any worthwhile national purpose will be served by a policy of reprisals against the misguided elements of the army and others in the junta s camp. we seek no more from the united nations than the assurance of [number] august [number] contained in the statement made by the president of the security council the security council will, in the absence of a satisfactory response from the military junta, be ready to take appropriate measures with the objective of restoring the democratically elected government of president kabbah. s prst [number] [number], p. [number] at the same time, we are asking the security council to assist ecowas and the ecowas monitoring group ecomog in giving practical effect to that objective. by doing so, the council will not only be saving the lives of the people of sierra leone, but will also be averting an escalation of the crisis which now threatens peace and security in our subregion. and here i should like to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of my government and the people of sierra leone, our sincere appreciation to the heads of state and the committee of foreign ministers of ecowas for their efforts over the past four months in pursuit of their objective, which the security council supports. once the objective of restoring the democratically elected government is achieved, my government will, in the same spirit of reconciliation which had guided its policies since the [number] elections, consider, in an appropriate forum, the serious question of security and full implementation of the abidjan peace agreement. security is paramount. without security, no meaningful humanitarian assistance can reach the people of sierra leone. notwithstanding the acts of bad faith initiated by the ruf to derail the peace process and despite the dangerous coalition which had emerged since the [number] may coup, my government, the legal government of sierra leone, is committed to the agreement. we are also committed to the secretary-general s plan and recommendations, submitted to the security council last january, for the establishment and maintenance of a peacekeeping operation in sierra leone in connection with the implementation of the abidjan peace agreement. we are ready to reactivate my government s agenda for reconciliation, resettlement of refugees and displaced persons, and rehabilitation and reconstruction which the military-ruf junta so ruthlessly disrupted almost five months ago. we owe it to our people to continue the transformation of our economy from emergency relief programmes to realistic projects for medium- and long- term self-sufficiency. of course, we know that this is not going to be easy. however, we are confident that the immediate and unconditional restoration of my government, the government elected by the people, constitutes the first step towards that transformation.

the year that is now drawing to its end has demonstrated the perfectible nature of international life. in a good number of situations which until very recently appeared to be insoluble there have been positive developments. the congo welcomes this wind of change that has been blowing throughout the world for some time now, fostering dialogue between the united states and the soviet union. it is a wind that has blown away traditional perceptions of world politics and has created new prospects for peace and co-operation. however, we are bound to acknowledge that these favourable developments at the political level have not yet had the desired effects in the area of development issues. i am thinking in particular of issues associated with the international economic situation, protection of the environment, and drug trafficking. despite the persistence of these problems, allow me to associate the people's republic of the congo with the hopes that have been expressed by other representatives who share with us the aspiration to a world dedicated to peace, freedom and justice. i take pleasure in offering to you, sir, my heartfelt congratulations on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-fourth session. your election is a token of the tribute that the international community wishes to pay to nigeria - a country with which the people's republic of the congo has excellent relations of friendship, brotherhood and co-operation, and whose traditions of openness and co-operation derive from its natural readiness to stand side by side with the united nations whenever the situation demands it. allow roe to congratulate also mr. dante caputo, your predecessor as president, whose effective and skilful guidance of the work of the general assembly at its forty-third session won him the respect of the whole assembly. our heartfelt thanks go to him. i want also to express my country's gratitude to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar -. a great man dedicated to the cause of peace, who, despite short-term difficulties, is carrying out his task courageously and resolutely. the united nations - crucible of the nations, the ideal forum for championing just causes, an organization whose legitimate aim is to serve individuals and states - feels intensely all the turmoil affecting the international community. this should urge the member states to support its efforts in seeking solutions to the vital problems facing mankind. the crises and conflicts that beset the world justify us in constantly seeking balance, security and peace, and justify our aspiration to a fairer and more equitable order - a vital prerequisite for the creation of an ideal climate of active solidarity, which de in aids tolerance, the right to be different, justice and mutual acceptance, as well as progress shared by all. that is why we believe that it is imperative that the united nations be given the operational means and the capacity that it needs to ensure the maintenance of peace among nations. consequently, we welcome the fact that the crisis in multilateralism, which was so dreaded a few years ago, has given way to the rebirth of multilateral diplomacy. we hope that this new awareness will continue to inspire us aid will enable the organization to win the battles that it must fight and to tackle the numerous challenges before it. disarmament is a matter of concern to all of us. in view of the danger inherent in nuclear weaponry, the signing, in december [number], of the treaty between the united states of america and the union of soviet socialist republics on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles, and its implementation, are of great historic significance for the strengthening of peace in the world. we hope that the [number] per cent reduction in strategic nuclear weapons will become a reality. all countries that possess nuclear weapons should participate in this disarmament process. similarly, my country wishes to express its support for the initiative taken by some members of this organization in calling for the convening of a conference of states parties to the partial test-ban treaty to consider amendments designed to convert that treaty into a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. my delegation welcomes with satisfaction the statements made here a few days ago by president bush and the minister of foreign affairs of the soviet onion, mr. shevardnadze, on the banning of chemical weapons, endorsing the conclusions of the paris conference held in january [number], at which [number] countries, among them congo, gave their solemn undertaking not to use chemical weapons. we have seen appalling pictures in the media showing the use of such weapons in recent conflicts. this is surely an opportunity to urge the participants in the conference in geneva to bring the negotiations to a conclusion as soon as possible, with a view to concluding a multilateral convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. the climate of detente aid the beginning of constructive dialogue which we can see at the present time offer grounds for optimism. my country is dedicated to peace, justice, national concord and democracy, as evidenced by the conclusions reached at the last congress of our party and the results of the legislative elections of [number] september [number]. thus, my country can only welcome the prospects for peace which are perceptible in various parts of the world where tensions were brewing. in central america and the caribbean, we welcome the results of the tireless efforts of the heads of state and government of the sub region since esquipulas ii, which recently yielded fruit in the form of the tela declaration of [number] august [number]. this development requires all other states to refrain from any action which might place an obstacle in the way of this process. we follow with particular interest the process of democratisation which is now under way there and which the international community should support. in south-east asia, a number of initiatives have been taken this year which indicate a decisive and significant turning-point in political terms. the policy of national reconciliation which has been la inched in kampuchea should be pursued. the opening of peace negotiations in the form of the jakarta and paris meetings represent an undertaking which must be welcomed aid encouraged. in afghanistan, thanks to the efforts of the secretary-general and the parties concerned, an important step forward has been taken with the signing of the geneva agreements on [number] april [number]. in the absence of any effective cease-fire and given the resurgence of fighting, my country wishes to reaffirm its adherence to the geneva agreements as the sole acceptable basis for a settlement to that conflict. in the korean peninsula, we note with satisfaction the efforts being made to bring about a rapprochement between the north and the south, which is a necessary prelude to the peaceful reunification of korea. with respect to iran and iraq, the peace negotiations on which those two countries have embarked are a sign of hope which we should all work to strengthen. the people's republic of the congo supports the continued peace talks aimed at the total implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] aid hopes that the related problems will not obstruct the peace efforts undertaken by the international community. with respect to the question of cyprus, my country welcomes the willingness of the leaders of the greek and turkish cypriot communities, thanks to the good offices of the secretary-general, to undertake to work tirelessly together with a view to concluding a comprehensive agreement to safeguard peace and national unity in that country. in north africa, the contacts which have begun between the moroccan government and the polisario front augur well for an era of peace and stability in that region. the referendum provided for in the various relevant resolutions of the organization of african unity aid the united nations will enable the basic question of self-determination for the saharoui people to be settled. the efforts of the secretary-general, who has been working tirelessly to that end, deserve the encouragement of my country and of the whole international community. we hope that the dialogue that has begun will continue in more favourable conditions. along these same lines, my country also lends its support to the efforts to achieve peace in the horn of africa, particularly in ethiopia aid the sudan. the framework agreement signed between libya and chad on [number] september last in algiers, designed to settle the dispute between those two countries, is, as far as my delegations is concerned, the ideal way to work towards a final settlement of that conflict. we continue to be convinced that, from this time on, a climate of tranquillity, understanding and good-neighbourliness will prevail in the relations between those two countries. while the situations to which i have referred attest to the climate of detente which is favourable to improvement in international relations, we are bound to recognize that these situations are still precarious, as evidenced by the persistence of hotbeds of tension around the world. in the middle east, the situation is extremely worrisome. that situation, with the thorny palestinian problem at its epicentre, is at present at an almost total deadlock. one might have thought that following the concessions made by the palestine liberation organization plo on the basis of security council resolutions [number] [number] [number] aid [number] [number] , a new process might have been begun aimed at reopening the peace process and beginning a dialogue between the israelis and palestinians. on the contrary, we are witnessing redoubled violence against the palestinian people. the intifadah, the symbol of the resistance of the palestinian people to the occupation of its homeland, reflects the determination of that people to build a free and independent nation. congo, which recognized the state of palestine proclaimed in algiers in november last year following the meeting of the palestine national council, considers that the restoration of lasting peace requires the liberation of the occupied territories. my country believes that the holding of an international peace conference on the middle east under the auspices of the united nations with the participation of all the parties, including the plo, is the only appropriate framework for negotiations which will enable the palestinian people to exercise its right to self-determination and which would guarantee the right of all the states of the region to live within secure and internationally recognized boundaries. it is with deep distress that i must now speak of lebanon, a name which, only about [number] years ago, was synonymous with joie de vivre aid which is now synonymous with warfare neither the arab league's cease-fire nor the united nations cease-fire has been able effectively to stop the fighting, this making the mission of the committee of good offices of the arab league even more difficult, lb the lebanese people, the victim of external interference, we reaffirm our solidarity and we support the efforts of the tripartite committee of heads of state, which is seeking to restore peace to that people. as members are aware, the situation in southern africa for my country is one of major concern. as far as it has been possible to do so, the people of congo, under the leadership of president denis sassou nguesso, is lending its support to the establishment of global end lasting peace in the region. indeed, having worked for the conclusion of the agreements reached at brazzaville and new york, president denis sassou nguesso has spared no effort to achieve, in conjunction with other heads of state, the total and final elimination of all the factors that generate tension and conflict in angola, in south africa and in all the other countries of southern africa. in that connection congolese observers, under the aegis of the united nations, are taking part in the implementation of some of those agreements in the field. congo is actively participating in the process of national reconciliation in angola and shares the hopes raised at the gbadolite summit meeting on [number] june [number]. we take this opportunity to appeal to the international community and to all the friends of the angolan people to support the efforts of the government, the people and all the sons of angola to bring about national reconciliation and rebuild that country. indeed, have five centuries of colonization, [number] years of liberation struggle and [number] years of internal conflict not been an unduly heavy price for a people to pay - a people that aspires only to live in peace so it can work for its country's development? with regard to the people's republic of mozambique, we are convinced that the policy of national reconciliation initiated by president joachim alberto chissano and frelimo will ensure the genuine peace that is so vital for that fraternal country's reconstruction. in namibia a historic event looms on the horizons the independence of that brother country after long years of heroic struggle by the namibian people, aided the leadership of the south west africa people's organization swapo , against south africa's occupation forces. we urge the international community to be vigilant in ensuring the full implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] [number] so that all the necessary conditions are met for the holding of free and democratic elections. it is clear that the advent of an independent namibia on the world scene will require assistance from the international community in keeping with the scale of the challenges the new country must face in consolidating peace and beginning national reconstruction. in basing its existence on the policy of separate racial development south africa is maintaining an anachronism unworthy of the modern world. recent changes that have occurred in the south african leadership aid the ensuing legislative elections that excluded the black majority, have not basically altered our perception of the nature of that regime. neither the purportedly reassuring statements of the new government nor the proposed reforms can alter unshakeable international public opinion which is determined to abolish apartheid a crime against humanity. apartheid cannot be reformed it must be eradicated. what the international community expects from the south african government is a demonstration of its good faith and its ability to put an end to apartheid in keeping with the desire of the non-aligned countries and the members of the organization of african unity omj as expressed in the declaration of the ad hoc committee of heads of state on southern africa of which my country is a member. peace and security in south africa call for the immediate and unconditional release of nelson mandela aid all political prisoners the lifting of the state of emergency, the restoration of all civil rights for all citizens and the establishment of a genuinely democratic regime, as well as the termination of any policy aimed at destabilizing the countries of the sub region. as is obvious the current situation in south africa, still far from meeting the requirements of the international community, can only compel us to maintain and intensify our political, economic end financial pressures on the apartheid regime. we venture to hope that national committees in the anti-apartheid struggle and the international community as a whole will increase their activities and lend stronger support to the initiatives of the african committee against apartheid, of which my country is chairman, as well as the efforts of the action for resisting invasion, colonialism and apartheid africa fund. as we are all aware, today terrorism concerns the entire world because of the large loss of human life it causes. my country, so recently the victim of a terrorist attack, which caused the death of [number] citizens who perished in the attack against a uta airline dc-[number], condemns terrorism aid urges the international community to wage a pitiless struggle against that evil and to eradicate it. the drug problem has now reached alarming proportions. it has devastating effects on many countries throughout the world. the link that has been established between drugs and crime threatens the very security of states. africa, long considered free from the problem of drug trafficking, is gradually becoming involved in that repugnant trade. it is therefore vital to strengthen international co-operation and to support the efforts that have recently been begun to eradicate that phenomenon, whose ultimate goal is the disintegration of our states. that was the spirit in which an international seminar on legislation to combat drugs was convened at brazzaville last april - a seminar that brought together [number] african countries and that agreed on the vital necessity to devise aid harmonize national legislations under the aegis of the united nations. for nearly two years the relaxation of east-west tensions and the resulting beneficial effects on regional conflicts have given us good reasons to hope that we are entering a new era of dialogue and peace. the new political climate of detente, we hoped, would quite naturally prompt the international community to work to find agreed solutions to the crucial problems of the world economy, which is riddled with uncertainties that cast a threatening shadow on the future of the developing countries. all reports are unanimous in painting a picture of a world economy marked by glaring contrasts. while the industrialized countries continue to enjoy sustained growth most of the developing countries are becoming bogged down in stagnation or even recession. furthermore the magnitude of the foreign indebtedness of developing countries which in only [number] years has risen from [number] billion in [number] to [number], [number] billion in [number] has further worsened their economic and social situations by putting a sudden brake on growth and causing an unprecedented deterioration in the living conditions of their populations. in many cases prolonged austerity programmes have led to violence and generated greater insecurity and unemployment which most severely affect the broadest and most vulnerable sectors of society. it is true that measures and initiatives have been taken to lighten the debt burden of developing countries. my country welcomes that. but we regret that such measures often exclude countries at the so-called middle-income level, like the congo which none the less have the highest ratios of debt. however, given the gravity of the problem those measures have proved insufficient vis- -vis long-term development objectives. they must be backed up by a comprehensive and integrated strategy in a spirit of shared responsibility in the true sense. debt reduction, which is on the agenda of this body and of other forums, can offer real hope only if it goes hand in hand with substantial support in the form of appropriate financial resources. that support is a vital part of any debt-relief policy, particularly at a time when we note with regret an alarming trend towards a diminution of financial flows, especially characterized by the stagnation of official development assistance and a drying-up of flows of commercial finance, while at the same time, paradoxically, the net transfer of financial resources from developing to developed countries rose to [number] billion in [number]. furthermore, the continued worsening of the economic and social situation in africa exacerbated by the debt crisis, bears out the value and relevance of the common position an african debt adopted in [number] at the third special summit of the organization of african unity oau . that debt, estimated in [number] at [number] billion, absorbs a considerable portion of the export earnings of african countries. the world economic crisis has diminished the capacity of our countries to participate actively in world trade. our products are suffering from the instability of the markets of the developed countries and increasing protectionism. the marked continued decline in the prices of commodities exported by developing countries together with the deterioration of terms of trade have created difficulties that have adversely affected balances of payment and led to a negative transfer of resources. without question, exports remain one of the main means by which developing countries may achieve economic growth hence the need to work together to establish a just and equitable international trading system. in this respect, my country attaches special importance to the uruguay negotiations, whose ultimate goal is to strengthen the multilateral trading system. human solidarity prompts us to give priority to the poorest countries. three years ago, in this very hall, the international community, in response to africa's appeal, adopted the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development, but that continent, which includes the largest number of least developed countries, is still feeling the negative effects of an economic crisis whose causes are beyond its control, that is thwarting all the efforts of the african governments to revitalize their economies. in [number] the mid-term review of the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development concluded that the response of the international community had been inappropriate end inadequate. despite the reforms undertaken at great political risk and significant social cost, the economic recovery which was the supposed objective of such policies is still beyond our reach. as far as we ate concerned, congo, in conditions of extreme constraint, has courageously implemented the strengthened structural adjustment programme drawn up with the co-operation of the international monetary rind, the world bank, and its creditors. unfortunately, the efforts we have made have not so far yielded any significant results and we need more understanding from our partners if we are to achieve economic recovery in my country. the african frame of reference for structural adjustment programmes aimed at bringing about economic changes and recovery, prepared by the economic commission for africa and endorsed by the oau summit in july of this year deserves the attention of the international community. without a doubt, the deterioration of the environment requires strengthened international co-operation. this organization offers an ideal framework for concerted action and co-ordination of efforts in this area. but it should be noted that the tendency to regard the degradation of the environment as an isolated phenomenon overlooks certain aspects of the problems. the question of environment protection, in our opinion, is part of the process of development itself. it is in this context that a whole governmental structure has been set up in the congo to deal with the problem of the environment. that department is devising and executing a national environmental protection policy. every year, on [number] match the congo celebrates the day as a symbol of the policy of reforestation, a policy that has been carried out on an extremely large scale by specialized departments. it behoves the developed countries, whose primary responsibility for environmental pollution has been acknowledged, to come to the assistance of developing countries in their efforts to protect the environment by contributing additional financial resources and through the transfer of appropriate and ecologically sound technologies. we are nearing the end of a decade, a decade of frustrations for the developing countries but which none the less offers extremely promising prospects. thus, as we turn our eyes to the future, let us hold fast to the hope that, as in political relations, confrontation will give way to dialogue between rich and poor, constructive dialogue aiming at a new, fairer and more equitable order. with this in mind, the united nations has some important milestones ahead of it, including the following , the special session of the general assembly devoted to international economic co-operation, and in particular, to the revitalization of economic growth and development in the developing countries, scheduled for april [number] - a tremendously important session, for it will be addressing challenges of great importance to the world economy, the international strategy for the fourth united nations development decade [number]-[number] , a crucial decade which should ensure that mankind arrives at the threshold of the next millennium is an active spirit of solidarity and co-operation for a better world. but the building of such a world demands that the fundamental needs of populations be met. the international community, through this world organization, must find decisive responses to that challenge, bolstered by a genuine solidarity pact between the rich and the poor, the north and the south.

it is a great honour for me to address, on behalf of switzerland, the general assembly, which this year is presided over by my compatriot, mr. joseph deiss. i would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the president on his election. his election is a great honour for switzerland and is not only a personal recognition of president deiss and his work but also of our country s commitment to the united nations as a member of the organization and a defender of multilateralism. we find ourselves today in a building that is undergoing renovations. the architectural makeover of the united nations prompts me to ask what kind of united nations are we building for the next [number], [number] or [number] years? we need a united nations that can face the challenges of the future for the good of all. we need a united nations that will contribute effectively to solving the world s problems. we need member states that are ready to take full responsibility for building a better world. the future of the united nations must reflect the world of tomorrow. today, nearly one billion people are still malnourished. there will be many more people sharing this planet in the future, and no doubt we will have to make do with fewer resources. thanks to new developments in technology and information, our citizens participate more directly in the challenges facing our societies. they are increasingly better informed and feel that at least some of the legitimacy of this universal organization depends on its ability to respond effectively to those challenges. they demand accountability. in a more globalized world, we must treasure and defend the principles of the united nations charter. we must take care to ensure the proper functioning of this common structure in a spirit of solidarity, respect and responsibility. a strong international community requires solidarity. that means more than providing assistance to countries when they are unable to help their own citizens. it also means reminding states of the responsibilities they have towards their own people in areas such as security, the rule of law, human rights and democracy, and all that in respect for the united nations charter. every woman, every man, every citizen must make his and her contribution to the structure we are building together. at the same time every member state must be able to place its national interests second to the common good. that is the only way we will be able to find solutions that are in everyone s interest. every day we are reminded of the growing and increasingly complex global challenges confronting us the economic and financial crisis, climate change, energy and food security, development and poverty, and peace and security. the search for sustainable solutions to those challenges calls for real governance, governance, moreover, that must reflect the new realities in the world. the new-found prosperity of some must go hand in hand with new responsibilities. states whose economic success enables them to play a more active role in the governance of the world must accept the new responsibilities that go with that active role. the united nations enjoys a unique legitimacy because of its universal membership. its legitimacy also derives from the issues it addresses, which concern us all. this week s agenda is the best possible [number] [number]-[number] proof. but the legitimacy of an organization also depends on its performance and its ability to respond to the expectations placed on it. by that standard the united nations sometimes delivers mixed results. at times it seems ill-equipped and hesitant to act. the power derived from universal membership becomes a burden when we member states are divided. our debates should not be limited to the lowest common denominator. they must lead to action and to results in the interest of the common good of humanity. if the united nations fails to act, other groups representing only a fraction of the countries of the world will step in, zealous for effective action, and play a central role in global governance. as far as switzerland is concerned, such groups lack legitimacy by virtue of their limited composition. it is therefore crucial for the united nations and its principal organs to remain at the centre of world governance. that is why we must take care to ensure that the legitimacy of this universal body does not suffer from a lack of efficiency. to make progress in building a better world, it is our collective responsibility to meet a global challenge with a global response. switzerland wants to contribute to this joint effort. concerted global action is required in the following areas. the millennium development goals must be implemented rapidly and fully. we know that dropping a sack of rice from a helicopter is not enough. we must instead teach people how to grow rice. still today, [number]. [number] billion people around the world are living in extreme poverty. every day too many mothers and children die of malnutrition and lack of care. we know that huge financial means are needed after a disaster. money flows in emergency situations, but who is still concerned three years later? who is involved in the reconstruction? binding objectives must be defined as quickly as possible for reducing carbon dioxide emissions. nowadays, we have knowledge and we have clean and green technology. we must take action, each nation with measures aimed at its own targets. waiting for the industrialized countries to invest in the south will not lead anywhere. here too, all must fulfil their own responsibilities. this year in mexico we still have an opportunity to make progress. the recent natural disasters are unmistakable signs. switzerland will reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by [number] per cent by the year [number]. thirty years after the cold war, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remains a grave threat to peace and security. but for civilian populations, the real devastation is caused by small arms and light weapons. terrorists benefit from that situation by easily supplying themselves in the arms market. switzerland, together with other countries, is supporting the full implementation of the united nations global counter-terrorism strategy. that initiative provides for the involvement of specialists in humanitarian aid and education. gender equality must at last become a reality. access to education and health for women and girls has been restricted for decades. more than others, they have been victims of poverty. they have also been the targets of systematic violence in armed conflicts. it is high time to make full use of their potential in mediation and reconstruction in countries affected by conflict. in that context, switzerland welcomes the creation of the united nations entity for gender equality and the empowerment of women un women which brings us closer to the fulfilment of this vision. we must avoid making the united nations an immutable historic monument, but rather turn it into a dynamic organization. the united nations is the only organization in the world with the legitimacy to represent all nations and all peoples. it is the only legitimate organization in the world capable of narrowing differences and restoring a balance between regions. for that to happen, however, every member state must accept its responsibilities and start with the task of putting its own house in order. discussion and preparing reports are not enough, however we need to act. each member state must commit itself clearly within the organization to respond to the urgent questions facing the world of today and of tomorrow. such commitments will strengthen confidence in the united nations and its credibility. switzerland remains firmly convinced of the aptness of a multilateral approach, with the united nations at its centre. with the contributions of everyone in this hall today we will be able to create a more just, peaceful and prosperous world. i thank all who are gathered here for their collective commitment.

i should like at the outset to congratulate you warmly, sir, on your election to the high post of president of the thirty- seventh session of the general assembly and to assure you of our full co-operation and support. having known you personally for a long period of time and being in a position to appreciate your outstanding qualities, i am confident that under your most able leadership the assembly will conduct fruitful deliberations and that it will successfully pursue the many important issues which are pending before it. in paying a well-deserved tribute to you on this occasion, i recall the excellent relations we maintain with your country, hungary. [number]. at the same time i should like to express our sincere feelings of appreciation to your predecessor, mr. kittani of iraq, for the exemplary way in which he presided over the deliberations of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly and the resumed and special sessions. [number]. almost four decades ago, following the deliberations at dumbarton oaks, representatives of [number] countries assembled in san francisco to draft the charter of the united nations, an organization which was established with the objective of saving future generations from the scourge of war. as a culmination of man's historic yearning for peace and justice and having just witnessed the ravages of the second world war, the founding fathers manifested a new spirit of unity and co-operation in their noble pursuit of upholding mankind's lofty ideals of peace, freedom and justice. [number]. as we approach the fortieth anniversary of the united nations, the peoples of the world would naturally expect us to renew our commitment to the letter and spirit of the charter, which should guide our thoughts, our deliberations and above all our actions. a total, unequivocal and unconditional commitment by all states to the principles enshrined in the charter would undoubtedly contribute to the strengthening of the effectiveness of the united nations which is so much needed, particularly as regards the paramount goal of promoting international peace and security. [number]. it is in this spirit that the republic of cyprus is participating in the deliberations of the thirty- seventh session of the general assembly. we strongly believe in the united nations and, in spite of its present weaknesses, we trust that the day will come when its principles will prevail all over the globe. we regard the principles of the charter as the cornerstone of our political credo and the main shield of our security, for we hold that the only assurance of peace and survival is freedom and justice. [number]. beyond the pledges of dedication, however, each new session also gives an opportunity to take stock of the world situation. the attention of the world community is focused on the major problems which are debated here, especially in these days when international peace and security are in serious jeopardy owing to the confrontations and hostilities which we have witnessed this year. the situation is grim and the prospects ominous. never before since the coming into existence of the united nations has the world slid into such a predicament. [number]. we are in the midst of such a depressing deterioration of the world political and economic situation that the possibility of general conflagration looms menacingly on the horizon. detente is not nowadays a feature in the international situation. it is the opposite that now prevails. we are living in a world characterized by continuous insecurity and crises, where the use of force is the order of the day. and what is even worse is that aggression, violation of human rights and terrorism remain unpunished and unremedied because of the failure of the members of the united nations, and in particular those that are members of the security council to give the council the necessary means for the enforcement of its resolutions. the failure of the united nations to deal effectively with world problems causes a serious crisis of confidence which erodes the very usefulness of the organization. [number]. the remarks of the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organization are very pertinent, he said "certainly we have strayed far from the charter in recent years. governments that believe they can win an international objective by force are often quite ready to do so, and domestic opinion not infrequently applauds such a course. the security council, the primary organ of the united nations for the maintenance of international peace and security, all too often finds itself unable to take decisive action to resolve international conflicts and its resolutions are increasingly defied or ignored by those that feel themselves strong enough to do so. too frequently the council seems powerless to generate the support and influence to ensure that its decisions are respected, even when these are taken unanimously. thus the process of peaceful settlement of disputes prescribed in the charter is often brushed aside. sterner measures for world peace were envisaged in chapter vii of the charter, which was conceived as a key element of the united nations system of collective security, but the prospect of realizing such measures is now deemed almost impossible in our divided international community. we are perilously near to a new international anarchy. " [number]. the dismal performance of the international community in the execution of its duty to respect and honour the charter is portrayed very aptly and clearly by that statement of the secretary-general. and although the findings of all of us, as set out in speeches before the assembly, are identical with the conclusions of the secretary-general, those who wield power do not appear to be willing to take the necessary remedial action. [number]. that crisis of confidence was recently further accentuated by the failure of the twelfth special session, the second special session devoted to disarmament, to call a halt to the ever-escalating arms race, and to conform to the directives of the pinal document of the tenth special session of the general assembly for the creation of an effective collective international security system, concurrently with disarmament. the final document is emphatic and clear in asserting that "genuine and lasting peace can only be created through the effective implementation of the security system provided for in the charter of the united nations and the speedy and substantial reduction of arms and armed forces". [number]. it has all along been our position that disarmament cannot be achieved in isolation, without simultaneously setting into motion the system of international security through the united nations. only after collective security establishes confidence and states are no more victims of aggression, can disarmament be effectively dealt with. such confidence is at present lacking and, as a result, the arms race continues unabated. the world lives constantly under the threat of a holocaust. mankind is confronted with new, more sophisticated and more destructive weapons, posing an unprecedented threat of annihilation and extinction. [number]. the colossal amounts laid out on armaments is an additional important element of strain and also a continuous drain on the economies of nations. a considerable part of mankind, living under conditions of deprivation and starvation, is compelled to watch helplessly while vast amounts and resources are diverted to the accumulation of deadly nuclear weapons. thus we have the paradox of man adopting and fostering the means of destruction in his effort to survive. [number]. the nuclear arms control talks between the two super-powers, which were resumed last week in geneva following their two-month summer recess, justifiably attract the attention of all peoples in all continents, for upon their outcome lies to a considerable extent the greatly desired return to detente and consequently to the securing of conditions for the peaceful solution of international problems. their success would be a major contribution to peace. that is why cyprus joins all peace-loving countries in urging that the utmost effort be exerted for their success. [number]. the present bleak picture dictates that the state of world affairs cannot and should not remain unchecked. it has consistently been the position of cyprus that the security council should be given the means for enforcement action for the maintenance of peace and security through the availability of a united nations force, as called for in article [number] of the charter. such a development would act as a catalyst to the arms race and would make the decisions of the united nations binding in a real sense. we have maintained all along that we should concentrate not merely on the adoption of resolutions and declarations, but also which is certainly more important on their implementation. this is an absolute necessity if the united nations is to perform the task entrusted to it by humanity. let us listen to the voice of our secretary- general and commence without further delay the process towards remedying the situation. if we fail to do so, we will not be doing our duty and the very future of the united nations will be at stake, with the net result that anarchy and chaos will continue increasingly to prevail in the world instead of the rule of law and the principles of the charter. [number]. recent debates on the question of palestine and lebanon brought to the foreground and demonstrated in a crude and tragic way the inability of the organization to fulfill its paramount responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. ten security council resolutions went unheeded whilst the tragic siege of beirut and the indiscriminate bombing and shelling were going on. the organization stood literally helpless while the palestinians were targeted for extinction. [number]. in expressing my deep concern in this respect, i made a proposal for the convening of a special session of the general assembly to deal with the question of the implementation of united nations resolutions. developments since then, as boldly and clearly elaborated upon in the report of the secretary-general, have strengthened my conviction that it is imperative that the general assembly should, as a matter of urgency, consider this question in depth with the aim of producing definite and positive results. while repeating my proposal for a special session, for which consultations may commence, i today propose formally the inclusion in the agenda of this current session of a separate item entitled "implementation of the resolutions of the united nations" and i have instructed the delegation of cyprus so enter immediately into appropriate consultations in this respect. i urge the general assembly to accept the inclusion of this item and to attach to it the importance it deserves. i am confident that a full and constructive debate on this item will result in setting in motion the proper process for finding the right answer to this extremely serious and outstandingly significant issue. [number]. the contradictions between the expectations of mankind and the performance of the united nations are also illustrated by the absence of any meaningful progress in the north-south dialogue for a more equitable distribution of wealth. it would not be an exaggeration to say that ours is a civilization of opulence and abundance and at the same time of famine and deprivation, a civilization of "haves" and "have nots". while about a tenth of the population of developing countries is exposed to starvation, a quarter suffers from malnutrition and the rest lives in deprivation and destitution, others can spend lavishly and live comfortably. the international meeting on co-operation and development, held at cancun in [number], unfortunately failed to remedy that disparity and socio-economic injustice. [number]. the perpetuation of the north-south dichotomy, of the highly unbalanced distribution of wealth, not only is a stigma on our civilization but also poses considerable obstacles to any efforts to deal with related political issues confronting the world. [number]. interdependence, which is one of the main traits of the political and economic international life of today, reinforces the need to define the content of the new international economic order and of reaching an acceptable agreement. our commitment to international peace and security and to the uniform progress of mankind makes us even more determined to work resolutely towards the establishment of the new international economic order. [number]. the failure to get the global round of negotiations off the ground so far is disappointing. despite the fact that certain areas of agreement have been identified, it has not proved possible to reach agreement on basic pre-conditions. but i repeat we all share a responsibility towards mankind, towards future generations. we cannot let them down. and the responsibility of those who can afford to make concessions to ensure the success of this objective is even heavier. we must redouble our efforts, brushing aside the disappointments and bitter experiences of the past, and strive even harder for success. it is neither simple nor easy to reach solutions based on principles. on the other hand, only such solutions will be lasting and effective. [number]. once again we reiterate our belief that the principles of non-alignment are becoming even more relevant today than when they were first formulated and disseminated. in the light of the realities of today's international situation, the principles of non-alignment provide small countries with the foundation upon which they can build a structure of positive relationships with all countries without being drawn into bloc rivalries. [number]. cyprus, one of the founding members of the movement, is today, [number] years later, proud to note that non-alignment has contributed positively to the promotion of peace and to the prevalence of the principles of justice and freedom. the role of the non- aligned movement in international affairs has been consolidated and there can be no question as to its significance. in fact, the purposes of non-alignment as regards detente and the peaceful solution of international problems and its goals of freedom, justice and lasting peace in the world are the purposes and goals of mankind. we shall consistently follow the policy of non-alignment and shall continue actively to participate in the efforts and the activities of the movement as we have been doing since its inception. [number]. equally, i wish to stress the significance of the continuation of the conference on security and co-operation in europe and the application of all the principles and provisions of the helsinki final act, to which cyprus reaffirms its commitment. together with the other neutral and non-aligned countries of europe, we are doing our utmost for the success of the follow-up conference to be reconvened in madrid in november, which will substantially contribute to genuine detente in europe and will enhance the prospects of peace throughout the world. [number]. the middle east crisis continues, confounded and bedeviled as never before, and it will not be solved without the withdrawal of israel from all the territories it has occupied since [number] and without the solution of the palestinian question with the participation on an equal footing of the palestine liberation organization plo , the sole, legitimate representative of the palestinian people. we hold the view that the middle east problem is one of the most serious problems facing the world today and threatening international peace, and at its core is the palestinian question. the inalienable rights of the palestinian people to dignity and freedom must be recognized. and the aspirations of the palestinians to the creation of an independent and sovereign palestinian state must be realized. [number]. that has been our consistent and principled position on the middle east and we shall keep striving within the context of the united nations, along with the other members of the non-aligned movement to contribute to a just and lasting solution to that problem. it was in line with this brotherly solidarity with the people of palestine, lebanon and the syrian arab republic and the non-aligned movement that we acted as host from [number] to [number] july in nicosia tothe extraordinary ministerial meeting of the coordinating bureau of non-aligned countries on the question of palestine. in the same spirit, cyprus participated in the ministerial committee formed at that meeting which had a number of constructive contacts aimed at the promotion of the rights of the people of palestine. [number]. we reaffirm our full support for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity of much- tormented lebanon. the abhorrent massacre of palestinian civilians, women and children, has appalled and brought unparalleled shock to our people and has underlined the need for effective measures for the protection of all the population in lebanon. [number]. the war between iraq and the islamic republic of iran continues unabated, causing much loss of life and property to two countries in the non-aligned movement. this is another tragic example of the inability of the organization to meet its primary objectives of maintaining peace and security and ensuring the peaceful settlement of disputes between states. [number]. there is hardly any other issue in international relations in regard to which the world community has been able to arrive at a higher level of understanding and agreement than the imperative need for the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and in particular of its worst manifestation, namely, the odious doctrine of yet this abhorrent doctrine is still alive, and so are other practices of racial discrimination, emanating either from internal oppression or from foreign aggressive designs. south africa, most notably, persists in its defiant attitude towards the united nations by flouting and ignoring the decisions of the organization, by denying every single tenet embodied in the charter and by failing to respect the basic principles of the equal rights of individuals and the self-determination of peoples without distinction as to race, religion or sex. [number]. i wish to reiterate once again our solidarity with the people of south africa, and indeed all oppressed peoples under colonialist regimes and foreign domination who continue to struggle for freedom, equality and justice. we also reiterate our whole-hearted support for the people of namibia and express our conviction that their just struggle will succeed. to this end it is necessary that security council resolution [number] [number] be strictly and urgently implemented as a whole, to enable the people of namibia to take its rightful place as an independent state. we also voice again our solidarity with the front-line states in southern africa and condemn south africa's acts of aggression against those countries, which are shouldering a major part of the struggle for the eradication of the evil of mf. [number]. despite the formidable achievements and the concerted efforts continuously exerted to bring about decolonization, there are still territories under colonial or neo-colonial rule. i take this opportunity to declare once again that cyprus fully supports all the efforts of the united nations for the eradication of the last vestiges of colonialism in various parts of the world, as well as for the adoption of measures aimed against the revival of colonialism. [number]. in that context i would mention the case of western sahara, where the principle of self-determination has not yet been applied. contrary to the numerous general assembly resolutions on this subject, the sahraoui people have not yet been allowed to exercise their inalienable rights. [number]. i do not propose to refer specifically to the many other cases of destabilization, conflict, dispute and confrontation which are scattered all over the globe. the increase in their number, extent and intensity simply points to the fact that man's future is in the balance. [number]. perhaps in no other united nations activity do we observe such a degree of discrepancy between the resolutions we adopt and the realities we witness as in the held of human rights. it is really frustrating and saddening to note the ever-increasing gap between rhetoric and real human attitudes and action. even more saddening is the helplessness or passivity with which the international community watches mass, flagrant and horrible violation of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, unable or unwilling to do anything decisive and effective about it. that is why we should concentrate on ways and means to ensure effective and strict respect for human rights. that is why we should welcome and strongly support the trend which has appeared in recent years towards conventions which have a built-in machinery for the implementation of their provisions. the international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination and the international covenant on civil and political rights are such cases, and they must be followed by others. [number]. cyprus has consistently supported the need for all to collaborate in the establishment of a new world information and communications order based, inter alia, on the free circulation and wider and better balanced dissemination of information, guaranteeing the diversity of sources and free access to information. we maintain that it is imperative to change the dependent status of the developing countries in the field of information and communication, which is an integral part of the development process. [number]. we salute the agreement reached on the united nations convention on the law of the sea, ' despite some negative votes, after eight years of intensive consultations and negotiations, to which cyprus made its modest contribution. the importance of this achievement can hardly be over-emphasized. it marks the advent of a new era in which the nations of the world, old and new, rich and poor, from the entire political spectrum, have agreed to set the rules that should govern the use and exploitation of the resources of our common heritage in the seas and oceans. the successful completion of the convention, which also regulates the many other aspects of the law of the sea, enhances the prospects for international co-operation and makes a very necessary contribution to the prestige of the united nations. [number]. the problem of cyprus continues to be one of the most serious international problems, threatening peace and security in the sensitive area of the eastern mediterranean. this situation is yet another example of the inability of the united nations to act by implementing its own resolutions. eight years have elapsed since turkish troops invaded cyprus and occupied more than [number] per cent of its territory eight years of agony, after the devastation and pillage, in which all human rights have been and continue to be violated by turkey eight years of the crude act of occupation. [number]. cyprus has come through many tribulations during its proud [number], [number]-year history but has never before experienced such a sinister operation an operation whereby the occupation is coupled with the systematic attempt to change the demographic character of the occupied part an operation whereby the indigenous population of the occupied territory was savagely ousted from its birthplace. a birthplace does not belong to any given generation of people. it is perennial in character it belongs to history. so the aggression of turkey against cyprus is not only a present-day violation of sovereignty and territorial integrity it is also a sacrilegious trespass on one of the oldest recorded histories of the world. the turkish aggression and occupation brought upon cyprus many scars which cannot be healed as long as the violation of our sovereignty and territorial integrity persists, as long as the turkish army of occupation is on our territory. [number]. eight years have elapsed and we are still trying to trace the fate of more than [number], [number] persons, missing since the invading forces set foot on cyprus. in spite of unflagging efforts, in spite of a number of resolutions adopted by the assembly, no progress has been made on this purely humanitarian issue. we call upon the international community to make its voice heard more clearly and loudly in ankara, so that a workable arrangement may be achieved to trace in a proper manner the fate of the missingpersons. [number]. i stand at this rostrum once again to convey to the assembly the protest of the people of cyprus at the continued turkish occupation and, in general, at the contemptuous way in which turkey has been treating the resolutions of the united nations on the question of cyprus, and to reiterate our demands for their strict and full implementation. the words of the secretary-general in his report, which still reverberate in this hall, were really scathing and severely censorious of those who failed to comply with united nations resolutions and of those who try "to win an international objective by force". [number]. the facts with regard to cyprus are well known to the assembly. although we are victims of aggression and occupation, we have mustered all good will in the quest for a lasting solution and permanent peace. the intercommunal talks, which have been going on in cyprus for a long time, have produced no results of any substance due to the intransigent and negative attitude of turkey. it is incumbent upon the international community, and particularly those who possess the necessary influence, to make turkey remove its forces of occupation from, and abandon its sinister designs against, cyprus and comply fully with the resolutions of the united nations. [number]. together with my assurances that we for our part shall continue to strive hard for a peaceful solution in conformity with the resolutions of the united nations, i must categorically state once again that under no circumstances shall we accept the results of the crime committed against cyprus or any solution which directly or indirectly might lead to the division and partition of cyprus or amount to the abandonment of the inherent rights of the people of cyprus, such as the right of the refugees to return to their homes and properties. we envisage a completely independent, sovereign, territorially integral, federal, united, demilitarized and non-aligned republic of cyprus, in which all citizens, whether greek cypriots or turkish cypriots or maronites or armenians or latins, will be able to enjoy fully their human rights and fundamental freedoms and co-operate for a happy and prosperous future in peace and freedom for generations to come. our aspiration is to turn cyprus rom a place of conflict into a place of peace, something which would be a significant contribution to the cause of international peace and security. we aspire to turn cyprus into a bridge of understanding and co-operation between three continents. [number]. i have no doubt whatsoever that, if foreign intervention and interference cease and the unity of the country and the people is restored, there would be no problem which could not be overcome. in a genuine desire to ensure lasting peace in our much tormented country, i put forward some time ago the proposal for the total demilitarization and disarmament of cyprus. i declared that we would be prepared to agree to the stationing in the republic of cyprus for as long as necessary, of an international united nations police force which would supervise a united mixed greek cypriot and turkish cypriot police force composed in accordance with the population ratio. i reiterate once again my proposal. the greek prime minister, mr. papandreou, offered to withdraw from cyprus the small greek contingent stationed under the [number] treaties, provided, of course, that all the turkish troops are withdrawn, in which case greece would be prepared to pay for the additional expenses for an increased international force of the united nations. we support this generous proposal of the greek prime minister, which was set out before the assembly again in the statement of the minister for foreign affairs of greece f [number]. the time has really come for the international community to act resolutely in order to give effect to its own verdict in regard to cyprus. this unacceptable situation cannot go on indefinitely. it is because of the lack of any progress towards a solution of the cyprus problem and because of turkey's continuous disregard of the relevant united nations resolutions that we have asked for a new debate on cyprus by the general assembly in an effort to employ ways and means and take any steps and measures necessary to promote the implementation of the relevant united nations resolutions. i call upon the assembly to act effectively so that a potential source of danger can be removed in the interests of peace and international security and for the sake of the most sacred principles for which the united nations stands. [number]. i fervently hope that mankind will come to its senses before it is too late, before the "international anarchy" to which the secretary-general referred in his report becomes a way of life on this planet with all the grave implications this would entail for the very survival of humanity. we trust that, under the guidance of the united nations leadership, a new mentality will prevail and that, with the full support and co-operation of each and every member state, a new era will dawn, not of anarchy and conflict, but of peace, justice and international legal order in accordance with the principles of the united nations. to this noble objective we for our part pledge our dedication and full support.

i join previous speakers in extending to mr. lusaka my delegation's congratulations on his election as president of the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly. i should also like to express our appreciation of the exemplary manner in which his distinguished predecessor, mr- illueca, presided over the thirty-eighth session. [number]. on behalf of the papua new guinea government, i extend a special welcome to brunei darussalam on its becoming a member of the united nations. as a neighbour in the region, papua new guinea has close ties with brunei. brunei and papua new guinea representatives sat together as special observers at the annual meetings of foreign ministers of the association of south-east asian nations before we decided to become a full member this year, and at the regional meetings of the commonwealth heads of government. [number]. many of the items on the agenda for this session of the general assembly have, in one form or another, been on its agenda since my country joined the united nations nine years ago. resolutions dealing with these items have been debated and adopted, but little progress has been made in giving effect to some of them. circumstances which first led to the inclusion of these items on the agenda still prevail, or have even worsened. [number]. in the interim, issues which once seemed somewhat abstract, and problems which once seemed rather remote, have gained concreteness and immediacy for my country. without wishing to detract in any way from the intrinsic importance of other items on the agenda, i propose to focus on those issues and problems. [number]. but let me begin by stating that, despite the slow and sometimes frustrating progress being made in dealing practically with certain items, the government and people of papua new guinea remain as strongly committed to the united nations, as the prime minister of my country, mr. michael t. somare, reaffirmed when he addressed the thirty- eighth session of the general assembly. in fact, recent developments have, if anything, increased the importance which we attach to the united nations, and strengthened our commitment to it. as the white paper which guides the government's conduct of papua new guinea's foreign relations makes clear, diplomacy plays a "vital role . . . in serving our national interests". we have a vital interest in participating as effectively and constructively as we can in the general assembly's deliberations and "in supporting a strengthened united nations system". [number]. we meet at a time of greatly increased and increasing rivalry between the super-powers. communication between their leaders has probably reached an all-time low. even talks about arms control and disarmament have broken down. the resulting tensions can be felt in all parts of the world. [number]. third-world countries have been affected by rivalry between the two super-powers in various but almost always destructive ways. some have fallen direct victims to the insecurity felt by the leaders of the super-powers as a result of the rivalry between them. afghanistan is an example. others have become the location of contests between foreign and or domestic forces, as in central america and the middle east. yet others have suffered at the hands of forces allied with, or acting for, one of the super-powers. kampuchea is an instance. [number]. as the government of a newly independent and developing country, we attach particular and great importance to the rights of such countries to be secure, free from attack or other forms of unwelcome interference by their neighbours. that is why we have been, and remain, so strongly opposed to the vietnamese invasion and occupation of kampuchea. that is why we have condemned the soviet presence in afghanistan. that is why we have called for the withdrawal of foreign troops from other countries, including lebanon, and welcome the recent agreement between the french and libyan governments to withdraw their forces from chad. [number]. every day more than [number] billion is spent on arms by the super-powers. the figure is many times the total world expenditure on foreign aid. [number]. regrettably, much of the money being spent on arms comes from the budgets of governments in the third world. meanwhile, the population of third- world countries is increasing and the prospects open to citizens of third-world countries for equitable participation in development processes and in their fruits recede. the gap between developed and developing countries widens. and international tensions continue, in consequence, to rise. [number]. the arms race between the super-powers is not, however, the only arms race in the world. nor is rivalry between the super-powers the only source of armed conflict. the terrible and costly war between iran and iraq is only a particularly deplorable example of armed conflict between the forces of neighbouring third-world countries. it is, moreover, a conflict which carries with it the calamitous possibility of drawing in other, outside powers, unless it can be promptly contained. [number]. regional bodies can make an effective contribution to limiting the effects of rivalry between the super-powers, in restraining other international conflicts, and in arms control. the achievements of asean, as well as proposals adopted by the south pacific forum, spring to mind. [number]. direct dealings between the governments of neighbouring countries can make a similar contribution. so can direct dealings of a non-official kind. and here the recent rapprochement between the japanese and south korean governments, as well as the offer of emergency relief for south korea by the north korean red cross, come to mind, perhaps as models for further developments directed towards reducing divisions and tensions in the north pacific region. [number]. my government is concerned about the long-standing animosity between the two nations in the korean peninsula. they were one people they can once again be one people. no one from outside can find a solution to their problems. reunification as their goal is for them, and them alone. [number]. if the united nations, a body founded in the aftermath of war and dedicated to preventing further war, fails to play its appointed part, where can the peoples of the world turn? members of the united nations have the required machinery at their disposal to work for the reduction of international tensions, control over the manufacture and distribution of arms and, ultimately, complete disarmament. the responsibility to act is squarely ours. dare we, especially the representatives of newly independent and developing countries, where other needs are so urgently pressing, fail our children and other members of our families, our fellow citizens and other human beings by not using that machinery with sufficient will and might? [number]. certain of the issues and problems raised by the situation which has been developing on my country's border with indonesia since february of this year once seemed abstract and remote from papua new guinea. but some at least are, without doubt, generally familiar to people from other countries. they are among the issues and problems which i have suggested have gained concreteness and immediacy for my country. [number]. as with many other newly independent countries in africa, asia and the pacific, the national boundaries of papua new guinea were drawn up, without regard for local geography or custom, by our former colonial rulers. but, as with most other newly independent countries, we have accepted them. apart from some minor and welcome adjustments on the border with australia, so have our neighbours. [number]. the governments of papua new guinea and indonesia recognize one another's sovereignty, integrity and independence. under a treaty concluded in [number], we agreed not to allow our respective border areas to be used "as sanctuary, staging areas, bases or for illegal activities against each other". despite the difficult terrain and strong ties between traditional border-dwellers on both sides, the government of papua new guinea has honestly tried to abide by that treaty. [number]. we have always respected the sovereignty of the republic of indonesia. regrettably, however, it has appeared clearly that the reverse has not always been the case. on several occasions in recent years, we have protested to the indonesian government at what we believed to be violations of our territorial sovereignty. those violations have included the intrusion into our territory of military aircraft, the destruction of a village near the border and the construction at four points of a major highway into papua new guinea. [number]. in each case, the papua new guinea government has sought an explanation of the violation before protesting. in line with our policy of independent and constructive neighbourly co-operation with the governments of nearby countries, we have then sought to look beyond our protest for ways of avoiding a repetition and of maintaining and strengthening good relations with the government and people of indonesia. [number]. let me emphasize that there is no disagreement between the governments of papua new guinea and indonesia as to where the international boundary is or should be. we have a joint border agreement which governs the administration of our common border. it is reviewed every five years it is being reviewed now. we co-operate in many other ways. [number]. none the less, my government has not been satisfied with official responses to most of our protests. in only one case, and only after joint verification by the surveyors from both countries of the road intrusions into papua new guinea territory, did they admit that the mistake was unintentional and apologized publicly for it. our two governments agreed to close off the sections of the road permanently and did so last august. four permanent concrete markers were installed at the points of closure and, because of the difficult terrain, we have both agreed to put in additional monuments to identify the border more clearly. [number]. the situation on the border between papua new guinea and indonesia has been disturbed for reasons other than the border violations i have mentioned. i refer in particular to the unprecedented influx of more than [number], [number] indonesian citizens who have crossed into papua new guinea since february and remain in my country contrary to law or established procedures. [number]. living conditions in the border area do not provide for much more than basic subsistence at the best of times. despite a special border development programme, government resources in the area are not great. the strain caused by the presence of some [number], [number] people in camps on the papua new guinea side of the border has, therefore, been considerable. suffering, including a number of tragic deaths, has resulted. [number]. the government of papua new guinea is doing what it can to cope with the unprecedented situation. we deeply appreciate the assistance which the united nations high commissioner for refugees, the indonesian government and voluntary agencies have given in caring for the people in these camps. but we would urge them not to lose sight either of conditions in the area around the camps or of the circumstances which have caused the people in the camps to leave their homes. those circumstances are not of the papua new guinea government's making. [number]. although we are under no legal obligation to do so, my government will treat people who meet the normal international requirements as refugees. we hope that the united nations high commissioner for refugees, as well as members of the general assembly, will be able to help us find them permanent homes. but let me make it clear that the responsibility for deciding who can remain in papua new guinea belongs to the appropriate authorities in my country. border-crossers who do not qualify for refugee status in the normal way will be expected to return to their homes in indonesia. the people and government of my country cannot afford to keep them. they have no real right to stay. but let me add that we are sensitive to the need for them to be given certain assurances about their safety, well-being and reintegration before they go back. [number]. the governments of papua new guinea and indonesia agreed to use diplomatic means to negotiate effective bilateral arrangements for the return and reintegration of the border-crossers into indonesia. those negotiations, though difficult, have been useful and productive. both governments appreciate the need for the safety of the returning border- crossers to be publicly assured. [number]. the papua new guinea government has been unable to persuade its indonesian counterpart to allow the united nations high commissioner for refugees to monitor the re-entry and subsequent situation of the border-crossers, but we appreciate the indonesian government's agreement to allow papua new guinea officials to be present at the points of entry and to visit them in their local environment. i hope that arrangements for the return, including the assurances that we have sought on behalf of the border-crossers, can be finalized soon. [number]. nuclear issues are neither abstract for nor remote from papua new guinea and other south pacific countries. they have concreteness and an immediacy which both governments and people hi the region regard as being generally most unfortunate. as with other issues i have discussed, regional organizations have been active on nuclear issues. [number]. successive papua new guinea governments have been persistent, vocal and consistent opponents of the testing, proliferation and use of nuclear weapons. we are, therefore, party to the treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water. we have acceded to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and are following preparations for the third review conference of the parties to that treaty with close interest. we not only subscribe to the london convention on the dumping of wastes at sea's but support its extension to prohibit the dumping of all nuclear wastes. [number]. in line with the policy and treaty commitments i have outlined, successive papua new guinea governments have regularly strongly protested against japanese proposals that nuclear wastes might be dumped in pacific ocean. we have done the same in respect of the flagrant disregard for local opinion and welfare displayed by the french government in continuing its nuclear-weapons-testing programme in french polynesia. [number]. we cannot help noting the close and deplorable connection that seems to exist between the colonial and nuclear policies of certain narrowly self- interested powers in the region. we feel deeply about the threat those policies pose not only to the health and environment of the region but also to the political rights of pacific islanders. [number]. the governments of many countries which we regard of primary concern to papua new guinea share our views on nuclear issues. thus, the [number] representatives of asian and pacific countries who attended the commonwealth heads of government regional meeting in my country's capital, port moresby, in august this year condemned the french government's nuclear-weapons-testing programme as well as proposals to dump nuclear wastes in the pacific. [number]. the [number]-member south pacific forum has agreed on the "desirability of establishing a nuclear- free zone in the region at the earliest possible opportunity". similarly, the foreign ministers of six member governments of asean recently agreed to undertake a study towards the realization of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in their region. [number]. the proposals which are before the south pacific forum extend to the prospective banning of the testing, acquisition or reception, stationing, development, manufacture or use of nuclear weapons in the region. a working group, in which the papua new guinea government hopes to play an active part, has been set up to consider relevant legal and other issues. a draft treaty should be prepared for consideration by the forum in [number]. [number]. the proposal of the asean foreign ministers is but a recent example of the practical ways in which asean serves wider interests. like other proposals for concrete and immediate action on an urgent issue, it is most welcome. [number]. colonialism has a concrete and immediate meaning for most papua new guineans indeed, for most pacific islanders. it is a meaning born of direct, recent and personal experience. while we were, mercifully, spared the worst excesses of colonialism experienced in africa and asia, we still attach great value to the right of self-determination and to its customary outcome, independence. we pay close attention to the conditions and rights of peoples in the remaining dependent territories. [number]. successive papua new guinea governments have taken a particular interest in developments in the french territories new caledonia, french polynesia and wallis and futuna and in the last of the united nations trust territories the united states trust territory of the pacific islands. so have the governments of other independent south pacific countries. new caledonia has been of special concern to us and to the governments of the south pacific forum. [number]. my government has noted the constitutional and electoral reforms approved by the french parliament in may, especially those which hold out the possibility of eventual independence, but, like other members of the south pacific forum, we cannot see why a referendum on the issues should not be held before [number]. therefore, we urge that the date should be brought forward. additional poetical and administrative powers should be transferred from paris to noumea as a preparatory step. the rights of the indigenous inhabitants, the kanaks, and the other ethnic groups which make up the genuine local population of new caledonia should be safeguarded by the exclusion of transitory or short-term residents from participation in the vote. [number]. as recommended by the south pacific forum last august at tuvalu, the french government should make a public statement that describes independence as "the desirable, logical and acknowledged outcome" of the scheduled referendum. it should act to ensure that the kanak people can play a full and active part in educational, vocational and administrative institutions in new caledonia. the forum also agreed that a delegation of ministers from forum countries should hold discussions with the french government as well as leaders of the independence movement. [number]. all significant political actors in new caledonia, outside the government, have expressed strong reservations about the reforms approved in may, but their reasons, motives and constitutional objectives have varied widely. we note especially that the kanak socialist national liberation front has announced that it proposes to hold its own elections before proclaiming a "provisional independent" government. [number]. the papua new guinea government, therefore, repeats its call to the french government to bring forward the date for self-determination, to make more urgent preparations for it and to safeguard the interests of the kanaks as well as those ethnic groups that have a legitimate stake in the future of new caledonia we do so not only because of our cultural bonds and political sympathies with the kanaks but because of the threat to stability in the south pacific posed by continuing delay. [number]. the papua new guinea government has been pleased to participate in visiting missions sent by the trusteeship council to observe the plebiscites on termination of the trusteeship agreement for the trust territory of the pacific islands. we are pleased to note that the constitution of palau and the rights of the papuans are fully respected by the administering authority. [number]. as i have already indicated, we are conscious of the connections which sometimes pertain between the colonial and nuclear policies of certain powers. papua new guinea, however, will not condone attempts to override or bypass the provision in the palauan constitution that outlaws the entry of nuclear weapons into palau. [number]. we will also not condone attempts to deny, delay or qualify the abstract right to self-determination by the people of dependent territories, however remote they might be from areas which we normally describe as being of primary concern to papua new guinea. [number]. my government urges palau and the united states government to take the necessary and appropriate measures to enable both the trusteeship council and the security council to consider and finally determine the status of free association which the micronesian people wish to have as the basis for their self-determination and independence. [number]. apartheid practised by the racist republic of south africa, is the most systematic form of institutionalized racial discrimination and segregation. the international community has repeatedly condemned as a "crime against humanity" and called on the south african government to revise its racist policies in conformity with the principles of the charter of the united nations and the universal declaration of human rights. the assembly has expressed deep concern over the grave situation in south africa as constituting a threat to international peace and security. in resolution [number] 172b, the assembly endorsed, as a "framework for effective international action for the elimination of apartheid, the paris declaration on sanctions against south africa, adopted by the international conference on sanctions against south africa, held in paris in may [number]. [number]. papua new guinea finds it difficult to understand why some members of this body continue to condone the actions of a regime which has persistently spurned united nations resolutions by supporting south africa indirectly through various actions. their action in this respect is indicative of the indifference of those members of this world body which at the same time profess to be the guardians of human rights and the dignity of mankind. [number]. time and time again, the general assembly has adopted resolutions seeking to redress the abhorrent situation that exists in namibia, but to no avail. despite the intensive efforts of the secretary-general and the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] , the pretoria regime continues to flout the relevant united nations resolutions with cynical impunity. papua new guinea will continue to support united nations efforts in pressing for an early and peaceful settlement of this long-standing question. the framework espoused in resolution [number] [number] remains the only acceptable solution to the namibian question. we strongly urge all concerned to facilitate speedily the implementation of united nations initiatives and plans so that namibia's independence will not be further delayed. in this respect, we deplore the injection of extraneous elements into the question of namibia's independence. therefore, papua new guinea rejects the so- called "linkage" rationale. [number]. on the question of the falkland islands malvinas , we urge all parties to the dispute over the future of the islands to accord the same right of self- determination to the people who call those islands "home" and to work together for a peaceful solution. [number]. interdependence seems increasingly to be a feature of international economic relations as perceived by leaders and observers from developed countries, but the perception from developing countries is often rather different. [number]. like the governments of the developed countries represented at the london economic summit held from [number] to [number] june [number], the papua new guinea government welcomes signs of recovery from the recession which has burdened all economies during the early 1980s but we cannot help noting that the benefits of recovery are becoming immediate and concrete in developed countries while remaining rather more remote and abstract in developing countries. [number]. fundamental adjustments must be made to the structure of international economic relations if the commitment to international equity and order, of which my prime minister spoke in this assembly in [number], is to be put into practice. we must not allow our current relief at the effects of recovery to divert attention from our previous concern with the causes of recession. we must also not forget why proposals for a new international economic order, north-south dialogue and south-south co-operation were first included in the assembly's agenda and why they still appear there, even if they seem to generate less excitement and perhaps less hope than they once did. [number]. as with other developing countries, the economy of papua new guinea relies on unprocessed agricultural and mineral products for most of its export income. manufactured goods are imported. foreign aid from the governments of developed countries, especially australia, assists in our development. [number]. the papua new guinea government welcomes the statement made by the representatives of developed countries who attended the ministerial council meeting of the organisation for economic co-operation and development oecd in paris in may that their governments intend to "strengthen and improve trade, financial and investment relations with developing countries". we appreciate their recognition that doing so is "a matter of mutual interest". however, more than words prompt and practical actions are needed. deeds speak louder than words. [number]. the papua new guinea government is a party to trade agreements with australia, new zealand and, through the lome convention, the european economic community. they provide non- reciprocal, preferential and mainly duty-free access to their respective markets for unprocessed exports from my country. however, much as we appreciate the benefits we receive under these agreements, we need to increase in-country processing in order to find employment for our youth. and we need markets for those products markets which in developed countries are often heavily protected by tariffs and other means. [number]. the papua new guinea government welcomes the commitment made by participants in the london economic summit to urge resistance to and reduction of protectionism. but, as i have already suggested, what we seek is prompt and practical action. participants in the london economic summit also agreed "to maintain and wherever possible increase flows of resources" to developing countries. but progress being made towards attaining the current, modest target for aid of [number]. [number] per cent of the gross national products of donor countries set by the development assistance committee of the oecd has been slow. we trust that the emphasis being placed by oecd members on "increasing aid effectiveness through strengthened aid co-ordination" will not be to the disadvantage of the people and governments of developing countries. [number]. the government of papua new guinea has acceded to the agreement establishing the common fund for commodities, set up under the auspices of unctad. let me therefore, restate our regret at the continuing delay in bringing the fund into operation. let me say, too, that we find little solace in the rather lukewarm reference to the fund made in the declaration issued at the london economic summit. [number]. my government repeats its previous calls to the government of the united states to accede to the united nations convention on the law of the sea, especially in view of difficulties that have arisen over the activities of united states tuna boats in the south pacific. let me add that we look forward to a successful outcome to negotiations between members of the south pacific forum fisheries agency and the united states government, and we hope for finalization of a mutually acceptable fisheries agreement. [number]. the papua new guinea government is, of course, a member of the south pacific bureau for economic co-operation. we are also a close and interested observer of another successful example of south-south co-operation, asean. [number]. we benefit from the technical co-operation agreements we have with two asean members, indonesia and malaysia, and two other countries china and south korea. although we do not, as yet, have technical co-operation agreements with the four other asean members -the philippines, singapore, thailand and brunei darussalam we do, however, appreciate their assistance provided in various forms on a bilateral basis and through another regional body, the colombo plan. [number]. in fulfilment of our commitment to collective self-help and self-reliance through south-south co-operation, we hope to be able to give practical assistance to our partners in return. [number]. at the beginning of this address, i said that i would focus on issues and problems which had once seemed abstract and remote from papua new guinea but which have become immediate and concrete. my decision to do so was not meant to imply that other items on the agenda for this session of the general assembly are necessarily less important. there will, in fact, be further opportunities for the papua new guinea delegation to make our positions known on other issues. [number]. the approach i have adopted here was intended to give expression to the papua new guinea government's basic approach towards the conduct of its country's foreign relations of active and selective engagement with issues and factors relevant to our national interests. my government's foreign policy is geared to preserving and increasing international co-operation and maintaining and extending the rule of law. we have a particular interest in supporting a strengthened united nations system. towards that end, my statement has been intended to show the sense of purpose and direction with which my delegation intends to deal with issues before the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly.

on behalf of the government and people of the dominican republic, i am pleased to extend our warmest congratulations to the president of the general assembly, father miguel d escoto brockmann of the sister republic of nicaragua, on his recent election. we also take this opportunity to greet our fellow member states in this general assembly. eight years ago, in this same place, representatives of [number] countries undertook a crucial commitment, possibly one of the most transcendental commitments that such a large number of nations ever made. they agreed on the millennium development goals mdgs . in the year [number], it was believed and this is still the case today that the objectives established at that time would go down in the common history of humankind as the bravest ethical decision ever taken in the face of extreme poverty, the shame of generalized injustice and the heartbreaking tragedy of social inequity. it was an agenda of work and dedication that required a large dose of political will, actions laid out in conformity with the goals to be reached, a reorganization of budgetary priorities and a [number] [number]-[number] greater flow of aid resources and support for development. we did not undertake the millennium development goals in vague terms. we did not couch the millennium declaration in abstract and grandiloquent concepts lacking in substance. quite the contrary, we analysed with the greatest possible rigour the situation that we wanted to correct. we measured with mathematical precision its overwhelming scope and the magnitude of the political and financial effort that its reversal would require. we committed to the mdgs with such supreme responsibility that we even set a date for their achievement the year [number]. now we are halfway to that date, and we face the disheartening situation of an international landscape full of obstacles to overcome if we are to conclude what we set out to do in the year [number]. we knew there would be difficulties. we recognized that we would have to overcome immense obstacles, and we had identified every type of major challenge that would await us in the quest to carry out our plans. in the dominican republic, we have been able to achieve some progress towards the achievement of the millennium development goals. since [number], we have reduced by more than half the percentage of five-year- old children who are underweight for their age. we have also made progress in achieving our goals related to health development and have the spread of hiv aids under control. however, we now know that over and above the limited progress achieved, not just by the dominican republic but by developing countries on all continents, more than half a million women still die every year from complications of pregnancy and childbirth that could be treated and prevented. we now know that, unless an extraordinary effort is made from now on, instead of reaching the goal of reducing by half the proportion of children of low birth weight, their number will grow to over [number] million. we also know that in [number], the number of deaths caused by aids rose to almost [number] million and that the preventive measures against that ominous pandemic remain grossly insufficient. also disheartening is the fact that more than [number] million people will not have better health services than the ones they currently have access to. now, at the same time that this is occurring, the richest nations, which committed to providing extraordinary official development assistance in order to achieve the millennium development goals, have in general fallen short in carrying out their pledges. only five of those nations norway, sweden, the netherlands, denmark and luxembourg have honoured their commitments, making contributions equal to and in some cases greater than the [number]. [number] per cent of their gross national income established as appropriate by this world organization. nonetheless, we can be sure that, in order to achieve the millennium development goals, we will now require a financial rescue plan from the international community in a sort of bailout, as it is referred to nowadays. according to studies by the world bank, a yearly average of approximately [number] billion in foreign aid would be needed to achieve the millennium development goals. that is to say that achieving the goals of improving the quality of life and dignity in the living conditions of the poorest nations of the world would require an international economic financing plan as bold and as urgent as that currently being undertaken to save freddie mac, fannie mae, bear stearns, merrill lynch, aig and other financial institutions. in other words, over the next seven years, until [number], the date established for the achievement of the millennium development goals, according to the criteria of the world bank, we would need [number] billion of foreign aid. that represents half of the amount that is being debated at this very moment in the united states congress to save from bankruptcy the financial businesses of wall street responsible for their own failures. the people of the world affected by hunger and misery are crying out to the international community to lend the same urgent attention to the resolution of their plight that has been given to efforts to rescue banking institutions on the brink of collapse. we cannot entertain the idea that rescuing the dignity of the world s poor is less important or urgent as rescuing the institutions operating in the world s most important financial centre. we would like it to be clear that we have not come here to condemn anyone. we have not come to point a finger at any friendly nation that is a member of the united nations family. rather, we wish to sound the alarm and be a voice that troubles the conscience and calls for a solution to a problem that affects all [number]-[number] [number] poor nations and is socially unjust and ethically unacceptable. we would like to use this forum, however, to highlight other factors that hinder the achievement of the millennium development goals and the progress of our nations. such is the case, for example, of the unregulated speculation in the buying and selling of futures contracts for oil and food. there is no way to hide the fact that, without regulation, the futures markets are mechanisms that lend themselves through excessive speculation, fraud and manipulation to a distortion of the fundamental principles of economic activity. we do not question the fact that, with respect to the determination of oil prices, supply has not increased significantly while demand has increased that there has been insufficient investment in new refineries in recent years that there are geopolitical tensions in various parts of the world, or that the united states dollar has decreased in value. all of that is true. what we do question, however, is the fact, that in just [number] months, the price of a barrel of oil rose from [number] to almost [number]. in july, we were stupefied to see the price of a barrel of oil rise [number] in a single day. just two days ago, while we were here in new york, we saw with great perplexity an increase of not just [number] but [number] per barrel in a single day. how can we explain that? is it that suddenly, in just one day, the whole world increased its demand so abruptly, or did the world s oil wells unexpectedly disappear? in reality, there is but one explanation excessive speculation in the futures markets. it is incomprehensible that some can sell something they do not have while others can buy what they do not expect to receive. however, that is what has been happening recently, in the clearest example of so-called casino capitalism. in just five years, hundreds of billions of dollars have entered the commodities futures markets, largely directed towards energy, while prices shot up by more than [number] per cent between july [number] and july [number]. that has occurred not just with a few commodities, but with every single one of the [number] products on the world market index for commodities. in the past five years, the price of wheat has gone up by [number] per cent, soy by [number] per cent and corn by [number] per cent. nevertheless, we must reiterate here that what has the greatest impact on the achievement of the millennium development goals is skyrocketing oil prices. in the dominican republic, our oil bill has risen from [number]. [number] billion in [number] to a projected [number]. [number] billion this year. that represents a difference of almost [number] per cent. with that difference of [number] billion, the dominican republic could have financed every public investment laid out in the cost analyses of the millennium development goals from [number] to [number]. the world does not aspire to be a gambling den. the world does not want continuous manipulation or permanent fraud in regard to factors that have a decisive effect on the quality of life. the world, in fact, has very simple aspirations to live in conditions of social justice and equity, with the creation of opportunities so that every human being can develop his or her creative potential, both material and spiritual. for the achievement of such noble objectives, the states that have committed themselves to realizing the mdgs as an agenda of true and genuine social transformation turn to the united nations system with optimism and hope that it can correct and make up for existing distortions. we trust that with so many intelligent persons meeting here, working towards a better life for all of humankind, important solutions will be brought to the table with the same speed, urgency and interest that are being shown in drawing up rescue plans for bankrupt banks during these turbulent times in the world of finance.

[number]. taking part in the general debate as it comes to an end may be a disadvantage, in that one may say things that have already been said and therefore be boring. however, what is important is not to try to be novel but, rather, to reaffirm our belief in principles that we hold dear and to state precisely our position with regard to the state of the world. [number]. the annual session of the general assembly is a high point in the lives of people throughout the world. it concerns everyone, through their delegations, not simply the illusion but the reality of taking part in the management of the world, through dialog, conciliation and the sharing of the ideals of peace, justice, freedom and progress. [number]. it is in that spirit that the people's republic of the cong peaks today, thus contributing to the ennobling and lofty work whose purposes and principles are clearly set out in the charter. [number]. before going any further, i should like to say how glad my country is that mr. hollai is presiding over the current session. his unanimous choice by the general assembly was not only a well-deserved tribute to his country, the hungarian people's republic, a friend of the people's republic of the congo, but also proper appreciation of his qualities and merits, which are in keeping with his responsibilities in his own country and our happy memories of him when he so worthily represented hungary at the united nations. it is a pleasure for me to extend to him the sincere congratulations of the congolese delegation. we also express our appreciation to mr. kittani, our friend and the president's predecessor, for the brilliant way in which he discharged his duties as president of the thirty-sixth session and the second special session devoted to disarmament. i also have particular pleasure in repeating my country's warmest congratulations to mr. perez de cuellar, who has been secretary-general for almost a year now, and who has devoted himself to his work with the conviction and dedication that we know him to possess. [number]. the human race is living through one of the most turbulent eras of its existence. we have all said this, and we are constantly concerned about it. we must see that matters do not get out of hand. we must stop the dangerous trend of the world's progressing in accordance with a logic that would crush the human race by plunging it into chaos, blindness, confrontation and war. [number]. our international conscience must eliminate the use of force and must condemn those who wish to take advantage of their strength to trample on the law. arbitrary action cannot be the basis of the law in this world unless the human race abandons its desire for progress and admits that it is retrogressing. [number]. when the zionist state of israel sweeps through a whole country to invade, attack and destroy a sovereign state and massacre its population when racist south africa elevates apartheid into a government doctrine, pillages neighboring independent states, oppresses and slaughters black people blithely and with impunity, then we feel we have been thrown back into the dark night of barbarism and savagery, totally divorced from our own age and from a conscience that only yesterday, with astonishing strength, fought the war against nazism and other attacks on mankind. [number]. at a time when many attempts are being made to challenge the liberation and self-determination movements of the peoples, it is clear that the deprived world, the poor world, the world that is struggling for survival and freedom, needs more than ever before a more effective, more dynamic and stronger organization. in africa, the middle east, asia and latin america there is a trend now to challenge independence won at such cost and to deny freedom. the retrograde imperialist forces are competing with one another, with utter contempt for international law and morality, to see who can best strengthen the last bastions of colonialism and racism, employing every method available to them to ensure their control of those regions and their natural resources. [number]. in africa, the exploitation and enslavement imposed from outside the continent is a matter of increasing concern to us. [number]. our first thought is of the gallant people of southern africa who have been thus ravished their sufferings are our sufferings the congolese people feel deeply all the frustrations and horrors imposed on them so unjustly. [number]. the odious regime of apartheid continues to push horror and barbarism beyond imaginable limits. no morality or law can stop it in the name of a doctrine that dares not say what it really is, in the name of we know not what law, the racists of pretoria are committing acts of aggression and invading the front-line states because they believe they can do so with impunity. [number]. the united nations has condemned the complicity of the industrialized countries, without which mr. botha and his assistants would be powerless. [number]. will mankind continue much longer to let itself be duped? can we allow such a situation to continue? the international community surely has a duty to consider urgent measures to impose and apply the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination. the congo believes that the peoples of southern africa will inevitably triumph over oppression and enslavement, for the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination is an achievement of the human race, and this achievement remains irreversible. it is the sacred duty of the peoples of southern africa to sacrifice everything, even their lives, to ensure the exercise of their right to freedom and independence. the international community must demonstrate full and effective solidarity with these peoples in their struggle. [number]. the fact that we are hoping for independence for namibia in [number] should not permit us to forget to place the namibian problem in its proper context. the future of that country is a matter for the namibian people and swapo, its sole and authentic representative. that has been sufficiently demonstrated by the heroic struggle waged so valiantly for so many years and by the great sacrifices made. the procrastinations of the countries in the contact group, the various deals delaying this long awaited outcome, are pure and simple violations of the right of peoples to self-determination. the terms of resolution [number] [number] must be respected there can be no bargaining away or amendment of its terms. the united nations, as the international organization which has set itself among other objectives that of ensuring the inalienable rights of the peoples, must not tolerate such violations. [number]. the situation in northwest africa, specifically in western sahara, must be viewed in the light of that same principle of self-determination. the question of western sahara is one of decolonization, and it must be seen as such any distortion, any policy of annexation or of military occupation amounts to the crushing, the mutilation, the destruction of a people. i am glad hat the united nations has avoided any such injustice by its recognition many years ago of the right of the sahraoui people to self-determination. my country is pleased that it is one of the [number] or so states that have recognized the sahraoui arab democratic republic, thus recognizing its sovereignty in accordance with international law and the charter of the united nations. therefore any discussion of this problem, any reference to some past happening is merely an attempt to camouflage other designs that the organization could not countenance. the question of western sahara is clear, and there is no room for ambiguity. the occupying forces that are waging this destructive war against a peaceful people should listen to the voice of the heart and the mind instead of continuing with this dangerous and reprehensible adventurism. [number]. my country endorses the call for the reconstruction of chad, a friendly sister country, tom by civil war. but that reconstruction requires the reconciliation of the people of the country, without distinction of race, religion or political view. it also means that there must be no foreign intervention. [number]. i cannot refer to the tragedy in lebanon, and the massacre in beirut, without feelings of deep emotion. each one of us can visualize those savagely mutilated bodies piled up under the rubble of recently bombed buildings. it is horror institutionalized the extreme of barbarism terrible scenes, anathema to the modem age, but revealing in more ways than one the true nature of that regime that has been condemned and, because of its repeated evil deeds, has now been outlawed by the civilized nations of the world. not content to pillage by annexation and occupation, the israeli zionists are diabolically pursuing the peaceful palestinian people even into exile. for israel it was a question of weakening at whatever cost the plo and its leadership in order to master the situation and impose its will in the middle east. [number]. the congo pays a tribute to all the members of the security council for having spoken in frank and unmistakable terms, in the language of truth, without exception condemning israel for its crimes in lebanon. it is highly desirable that that condemnation lead to positive action, that is, the recognition of the palestinian people and their national rights, in particular the right to return to their homeland. [number]. my country's position on the palestinian issue is well known. the recent events in lebanon are one stage in a vast plot against the palestinian people, and they prove once again that our analysis of the situation is the correct one. peace in the middle east requires a just settlement of the palestinian problem. no solution that does not involve the palestinian people and its sole authentic representative, the plo, can be effective or lasting. we reaffirm the right of the palestinian people to national existence and the restoration of its inalienable and inviolable rights. neither weapons nor mass destruction can ever force the palestinian people to abandon their sacred right, their dignity as a people. [number]. i should like to say once again to those gallant people of latin america, who are struggling for the free exercise of their right to self-determination, that the people of the congo support them. [number]. i should also like to reaffirm the brotherly solidarity of my country with the peoples of kampuchea and viet nam in their tireless efforts, under their respective governments, to achieve national reconstruction after so many years of war and destruction. [number]. the democratic people's republic of korea, in its legitimate struggle for the peaceful reunification of its great homeland of korea, also merits our respect and esteem. [number]. i have so far been dealing with matters of decolonization, the free exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination, because my country believes that full and final decolonization is a prerequisite for the promotion of peace and relationships favorable to development and co-operation. [number]. the profound crisis in the world economy and the inability of the world to apply the necessary remedies give rise in our various states to reactions of self-preservation and protectionism as a result of which the gap between north and south is widening. [number]. we are going through a difficult time everywhere our economies are finding it impossible to keep pace with events. all the reports submitted, whatever economic body they come from, including the world bank and the organization for economic co-operation and development, emphasize the danger into which the world is rushing. [number]. such a danger should make us stand by and support each other, but how many hopes have been dimmed by the ambitions of some and the egoism of others? the united nations conference on the least developed countries, held in paris in [number], aroused more hope, as did the meeting at cancun, which offered some possibility of a resumption of the indispensable north-south dialog. but unfortunately this is the hour of disenchantment. global negotiations within the united nations on the definition of the new rules that should govern international economic relations have reached a serious impasse. [number]. the industrialized countries seem to be dealing with the crisis by means of a few palliatives, but the third world countries are weaker and they are increasingly exposed. they are bearing the burden of the economic in-adaptability and anachronisms in a way that is not really justified. the constant reduction in aid, the increase in the food deficit, the limits on access to technology, the deterioration in the terms of trade, and an accumulation of similar handicaps, constitute but one aspect of the ills that afflict us. [number]. all these factors urge us to move toward a worldwide dialog, because we believe in the interdependence of the countries of the world. but we seem to be bogged down in the negotiations for the establishment of a new framework for international economic relations. this should make us think about our current practice and devise more flexible and effective formulas. the establishment of regional subgroups such as those recommended for africa in the lagos plan of action and the search for ways of redefining all our regional economic policies could, we feel, constitute a first approach. however, such a program can be carried out only in an international context of peace and security. [number]. the congolese people are peaceful people. we jealously defend our freedom and concentrate on the tasks of development. our people believe that everything possible must be done to ensure better understanding between peoples and individuals. the unbridled use of force can never be accepted, nor can threats or intimidation become the rules of international life, or selfishness, hatred or prejudice dominate relations between nations, for that would spell our doom. [number]. against the background of the tension and international confrontation prevailing in the world today, the morality and the ethic of nations must be something other than simple complacency or acceptance, indifference to the violations of international law, attacks on the freedom of individuals and peoples, the destruction of innocent lives civilizations and the heritage of man. rather, more than ever before, we must show extreme vigilance, constant mobilization, solidarity that knows no frontier and clear-sightedness. [number]. international peace and security, of course, depend on many factors. these include, in particular, specific measures which will lead to real disarmament. i made this point in my statement last june at the twelfth special session 9th meeting , the second special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament. it is unfortunate that that session did not live up to our hopes and enable us to take important steps forward. [number]. but the debates did convince us of the need to continue our discussions with the vision of establishing among all members of the international community relations based on trust, mutual respect and the recognition by all member states of the right of each people to choose its national institutions in freedom, to independence, to security and to peace. [number]. we have faith in the future, faith in man and his creative ability, his intelligence and his wisdom. but our faith cannot be a blind faith it must be supported by constant efforts made by everybody to prevent a catastrophe. [number]. we believe that it is possible to avoid a third world war by signing strategic arms limitation agreements and establishing conventions and agreements that would link the nations of the world together through non-aggression pacts. [number]. we also believe that it is possible to find some area of agreement among nations to overcome the economic crisis, working for a new international economic order by replacing the present rules of competition by co-operation and co-development. [number]. lastly, we believe it is possible to reduce distrust among nations and political systems and to prevent confrontations becoming inevitable by working towards peaceful coexistence. [number]. the work of peace, detente and co-operation among nations is a great humanitarian effort, and individuals, nations and peoples that contribute to this deserve our admiration. international bodies such as the united nations which devote all their energies to this deserve our full support. we should like to pay a tribute once again to mr. hollai for his contribution to the work of this session. organization of work.

[number]. on behalf of mexico i bring you the best wishes of its constitutional president, jose lopez portillo, for the success of this session of the general assembly. [number]. the fact that mr. mojsov is president of this assembly guarantees impartiality and efficiency, given his high personal qualities and his country of origin, yugoslavia, with which we have great affinity in the struggle for a better, more just and equitable world. [number]. in the name of mexico, [number] also address my greetings to the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. waldheim, whose efforts to bring about world peace deserve our appreciation. [number]. we also pay tribute to mr. hamilton shirley amerasinghe, the president of the thirty-first session and our efficient leader in the negotiations on the law of the sea. [number]. we wish to express our most sincere congratulations to the delegations of viet nam and djibouti on the occasion of the admission of their countries to membership of this world organization. permit me also to pay a special tribute to the brave vietnamese people, whose struggle for freedom recalls the heroic feats of the mexican people throughout their history. [number]. mexico has supported the united nations since its foundation in june [number] the "sovereign powers' supranational summit for ordering our affairs" and has supported its principles and purposes, inter alia the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations among peoples, equal rights and the self-determination of peoples and international cooperation in solving international economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems, as well as the other noble goals defined in its original charter. [number]. mexico has always been true to those purposes and principles. as president jos6 lopez portillo stated in his first report to the congress on [number] september [number] "the world problems in which we are involved are not just evidence of a transitory and generalized disturbance, but a profound shaking of the present-day structure to its very roots, one that presages great changes in the economy, in culture, in relations among nations, and even among society, man and nature. " [number]. in the [number] years since its foundation, the united nations has had its successes and setbacks, it has suffered crises and known fear. it would have been difficult, in the short span of its existence, to alter vested interests and change the psychology of human beings. in the perspective of history, [number] years is but an instant, during which great progress has been achieved by our international community, though much still remains to be done. [number]. nevertheless, the real problems of man are very often misconstrued and their place is taken by artificial problems. sometimes some controversies are overemphasized to distract attention from more serious conflicts or else a "smoke-screen" of procedural and unimportant aspects of a question is created to dilute the essential objective of the developing countries, whose only aim should be, on the one hand, their economic, social, political and technological liberation, and, on the other, their physical, geopolitical and even mental decolonization. therefore it is necessary to evaluate the progress made within the united nations, suggest possible future options and draw up new formulas to update our world organization. [number]. consequently we need first, to review the united nations machinery and its functions secondly, to update the united nations, that is, deepen its democratic character, a goal sought by the proposal sponsored by mexico and other countries thirdly, to use the limited time at our disposal to discuss fundamental questions and fourthly, to eliminate questions that evade the true problems of the peoples of the world. to achieve these ends, we need positive and concrete evidence of political will on the part of states, a will to take the utmost advantage of the resources at our disposal, not wasting energy or duplicating forums. [number]. from the days of its first revolution in [number] to its social revolution of [number], which culminated in the political constitution of [number], mexico has maintained important ideals, among which are independence, the sovereignty of peoples, respect for the rights of others, decolonization and the optimum and sovereign use of natural resources, as well as a more equitable distribution of wealth. [number]. in short, mexico has stood for peace with liberty, an equitable world economy and universal social justice. we are aware of the fact that such ideals are difficult to attain but we have patience. [number]. in its international relations, mexico's position is firm we have indeed unwaveringly supported the same tried and true principles throughout our history, and we have always endeavoured to make them consistent with our domestic policy. [number]. i now turn to mexico's current domestic policy. the present public administration, which took office on [number] december [number], has instituted a series of substantial reforms of the mexican governmental system. [number]. in essence, these reforms are based on the following factors first, an important administrative reform, involving a reorganization of the government, which will in turn organize the country secondly, a political reform, aimed at streamlining our tried and stable democratic system, the result of the first social revolution of this century thirdly, a fiscal, financial and monetary reform, which has quickly restored general confidence by reducing the public debt, stimulating national savings, fighting the sickness of our times inflation-recession-and improving the tax system and promoting exports fourthly, the organization, to spur production and productivity, of an "alliance for production", wherein employees and management, with the collaboration of the state, enter into agreements the former to exercise self-restraint in the matter of wage increases, and the latter to endeavour to reduce prices and costs, thus forestalling the inflationary spiral and fifthly, the stimulation of the oil and petrochemical industries, which will ensure mexico's healthy short-term and long- term development. [number]. in this respect, it is well known that mexico's proven oil reserves are such that it ranks thirteenth among the [number] oil-producing countries of the world, and if probable reserves are taken into account, it will eventually rank tenth. in may [number], we produced [number] million barrels a day and we exported one sixth of our production. the reserves-to-production ratio is [number] years, higher than the international rate, aside from any of the expected new discoveries in other words, mexico will become a relatively important oil producer in the world. at the end of this year, mexico will be exporting [number], [number] barrels per day, after internal consumption has been adequately covered. by [number], it will be producing large quantities of gas from newly discovered oil fields. in short, petroleos mexicanos contributes to the "alliance for production" and materially assists the economic liberation of mexico. [number]. the sixth factor is that mexico has also other important sources of energy, and their rational exploitation is currently being studied. [number]. the seventh factor is the launching of a reform of the agricultural sector through a co-ordination of effort, a reduction of costs to restore the small owner's confidence and . the introduction of guaranteed prices for basic agricultural products. [number]. the eighth factor is that, through such measures, the production of staple foods for the people of mexico has been stimulated, and international support has been sought for the establishment of a common fund within the framework of the integrated programme for commodities. with the support of certain latin american and african countries, an agreement has been reached for the establishment of a fund for the stabilization of coffee. [number]. one of the problems that mexico shares with other countries in the world is the population explosion, with all its inherent complications. with this in mind, the new administration has established a ministry for human settlements, an urban development commission, the national system for the full development of the family, and the national co-ordinating agency for family planning. [number]. we seek, in particular, to reduce the population explosion through persuasion, heavily backed by a national education plan designed for the modern world. old taboos are fought by the use of new methods and our problems, which are the same as in other parts of the world, can be solved since we have the material and human resources to draw on. [number]. science and technology hold pride of place in my country's aspirations, and during the analysis of the problems of raw materials, development and financing, at the conference on international economic co-operation, known as the north-south dialogue, we insisted on asking for the support of the rich countries in the form of adequate, not obsolete, technology. in my country, this matter is entrusted to an important government agency which keeps in close touch with the universities and technical institutes of mexico and the world, as well as with the united nations programmes. [number]. mexico attaches great importance to the physical and mental health of the mexican people, in conjunction with social security. in this respect, large-scale programmes are in force, which are closely linked to those of the united nations. [number]. thus, i have outlined the way in which the mexican government and the new generations in my country are preparing for the advent of the twenty-first century, which is just over the horizon. [number]. a brief description of the essential aims of the domestic policy of the government of president jos6 lopez portillo, is as follows first, more and better economic confidence, inside and outside the country secondly, more and better education thirdly, more and better production and productivity fourthly, more and better health fifthly, more and better family planning sixthly, more and better fiscal, monetary and financial management seventhly, a larger and better democratic and social system eighthly, more and better public administration ninthly, more and better individual and social justice and tenthly, more and better international relations. [number]. on the international scene, mexico has always endorsed certain basic principles which are the result of its history non-intervention of one state in the domestic affairs of another the self-determination of peoples the pacific settlement of disputes, with its complement, the abstention from the threat or use of force and the sovereign equality of states. [number]. we support the fundamental principles of the charter of the united nations, and important documents which define the scope of those principles, such as the universal declaration of human rights the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples the declaration of principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among states in accordance with the charter of the united nations and the approved guidelines for the establishment of the new international economic order, whose implementation cannot be postponed. [number]. we also observe the treaties and conventions of an international character, which are an integral part of the magna carta of mexico, as provided for in its article [number]. [number]. furthermore, president jose lopez portillo has stated that his government will abide by the golden rule of international relations "treat others as you would wish to be treated", which is, in other words, the great phrase of juarez "among individuals as among nations alike, the respect for the rights of others means peace". [number]. to summarize, the general framework of mexico's international policy is as follows respect for the rights of others and observance of its own historical principles, which in essence coincide with those of the united nations charter and other important related documents and friendship and reciprocity on an equal basis with all peoples of earth. [number]. during the resumed thirty-first session of the general assembly, which concluded its work a few days ago, we noted how the points addressed at the conference on international economic co-operation reverted to their natural forum the united nations. we hope that, as a result of this experience, we shall no longer in future have meetings convened for particular reasons or special points of interest, which only serve to district attention and consume the energy required for more urgent purposes. [number]. at the last ministerial meeting of the conference on international economic co-operation in paris, i had the honour of stating on mexico's behalf "if the conference had succeeded in helping to provide a more just system of remuneration for the basic products exported by the developing countries, it would have contributed to solving one of the major defects of the present international structure if it had established solid bases for undertaking a true reform of the international monetary system and of development financing, it would have helped to eliminate a serious cause of tension if it had effectively facilitated the transfer of technology and access to markets for the industrial products of the developing countries, it would have brought about urgently needed changes in the productive structures of those countries and, lastly, if it had considered national sovereignty as the basic condition for any viable system of international co-operation i would have speeded up one of the tasks that has consumed more time and effort during this century than any other. " [number]. i went on to say-that under those circumstances we should now undertake to make new efforts, using all the means at our disposal, through international organizations and bilaterally, to implement the socio-economic order that the world requires today. this is a task in which the united nations has an important role to play, through the activities of its relevant bodies. [number]. once again i repeat that our fundamental duty is to keep alive the spirit of co-operation, despite the not-very- encouraging results of the paris conference. [number]. the highest priority of the international community must be given to the task of finding ways and means of implementing the new international economic order, the basic concepts of which were defined by the united nations. putting this new economic order into operation will settle many social and political problems through a better and wiser distribution of the world's wealth. moreover, it will lead to the establishment of universal social justice. [number]. the declaration adopted yesterday at the meeting of the foreign ministers of the group of [number] see aj32j244j represents the objective view of the group as a whole that the most significant part of the new world order needs still to be established. [number]. since the adoption by the general assembly on [number] december [number] of the universal declaration on human rights, the protection of these rights has become the responsibility of the international community. that declaration defined the dignity and worth of the human person as the loftiest aspiration for the advent of a world delivered from fear and poverty, from tyranny and oppression, where the fundamental freedoms are guaranteed. [number]. since the time of hidalgo and morelos, the heroes of our independence, mexico has fought for those noble principles, which cannot be understood except within the context of social rights. those rights have achieved a new and permanent effect. [number]. mexico firmly supports without reservation the adoption of adequate measures to strengthen the protection of human rights and will insist that they be, first, implemented in strict compliance with the conventions in force on the subject or with the appropriate decisions adopted by the united nations, and secondly, applied, without discrimination of any kind, to all human beings, even to those who for socio-economic reasons are temporarily compelled to abandon their countries of origin. [number]. i now wish to speak about science and technology, the transfer of technology and the effective transfer of resources to the developing countries. [number]. within the framework of scientific and technological co-operation, i should like to stress the importance of the preparation for the united nations conference on science and technology for development for whose headquarters mexico has offered its capital. this conference will provide an excellent opportunity for examining the activities aimed at directing and promoting science and technology so that they become an instrument for the collective development of all countries and for the solution of the problems of employment, food, and income distribution, and for the increase of the productive capacity and of the exports of the developing countries. [number]. science and technology must, in our view, be an instrument in the service of mankind and not the tool of selected elements, which would, paradoxically, reduce the capacity for development of the majority of the population of the world, while enhancing the growth and potential of a privileged minority. science and technology must be dedicated to eros, not to thanatos, which would mean the destruction of unimaginably vast areas which would affect both man and the environment as in the case of the so-called neutron bomb, the last in the chain of diabolical destructive weapons. [number]. the united nations system must bring to bear its full support so that developing countries may take advantage as far as possible of every opportunity for reinforcing and increasing their own real economic capacity. [number]. mexico, as the depositary government of the treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons in latin america, known as the treaty of tlatelolco, appreciates the full value of the gesture made by james e. carter, president of the united states of america, when on [number] may of this year he personally signed additional protocol i of that instrument, whereby the countries of our region brought about the establishment of the first nuclear-free zone encompassing heavily populated areas. we feel that as a matter of priority latin america should bring this instrument into full force as soon as possible. [number]. in accordance with the decision adopted last year, the general assembly will meet in the spring of [number] for a special session on disarmament. for the first time in the history of the united nations, the international community will have the opportunity of making a thorough and exhaustive- review of the question as its importance requires and indeed demands-including the reasons for the unfruitfulness of the work of the conference of the committee on disarmament, which meets in geneva. [number]. world military expenditure, estimated at more than [number] billion annually, has reached levels never before attained in peacetime. the waste of resources that this represents, added to the ever greater diversion to military purposes of the work of so many technicians and experts whose efforts are essential to development, is the best justification for taking immediate and concerted action. furthermore, the cumulative destructive power of the nuclear arsenals is such that their mere existence constitutes a danger of universal suicide, [number]. while acknowledging the special responsibility of the military powers for taking disarmament measures, we nevertheless wish to express once again our concern at the fact that such important negotiations as the strategic arms limitation talks salt should take place outside the united nations. this does not prevent us from taking note with interest of the declaration made by the united states of america and the soviet union in washington on [number] september [number], whereby both countries reaffirmed their determination to extend the obligations of the [number] salt agreements. even though we have always considered those agreements of a very limited nature, we hope that such evidence of accord will augur well for the forthcoming adoption of effective disarmament measures. [number]. one of the permanent elements of mexico's foreign policy has been to endeavour by all means at its disposal to halt the arms race, to eliminate nuclear weapons and other means of mass destruction and to strive to see to it that real measures are taken to bring us closer to the final objective of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. [number]. moreover, in conjunction with sweden and yugoslavia, we have initiated action aimed at the early adoption of conventions limiting or prohibiting certain conventional weapons having cruel and indiscriminate effects. [number]. mexico, as president lopez portillo has reiterated, has a history of struggle against colonialism and its vestiges. it will endeavour to see to it that the decisions adopted this year on the subject of physical colonialism, geopolitical colonialism and mental colonialism fully, safeguard the responsibility of the united nations and comprise prompt action for the elimination of colonialism, including the application of enforcement action, as mentioned in chapter vii of the charter of the united nations. apart from the struggle against physical or geopolitical colonialism, mexico is also aware of the need to fight against mental colonialism. [number]. i turn now to the question of the law of the sea. mexico has actively participated in the sixth session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, determined to help to make its work as great a success as possible. we note with appreciation that, in contrast to what happened at the fifth session, it was possible at this session to advance the work of finding solutions of the problems that still stand in the way of our reaching the objective that we have set for ourselves, namely, the adoption of a maritime code. we particularly welcome the fact that the text of article [number] of the informal single negotiating text now defines the legal status of the exclusive economic zone as a zone subject to specific international law and not included in the definition of the high seas or of territorial waters. likewise, the rights of coastal states within that zone have been more clearly defined. substantial progress was also achieved in the area of scientific research, and partial progress in that area pertaining to the pacific settlement of disputes. finally, we consider that some advance was made in the search for solutions of one of the main problems confronting the conference concerning the resources that are the common heritage of mankind, namely, how to exploit the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. [number]. we trust that at the seventh session, which is due to take place next spring, all states will continue to strive to reach an agreement on matters that are still outstanding. we must bear in mind that, unless we adopt a code of the sea, the oceans will fall prey to anarchy. [number]. the early conclusion of agreements on the law of the sea, the transnational companies, the transfer of technology, a new strategy for development that will contribute to the full implementation of the new international economic order, machinery that will ensure the faithful protection of human rights are all matters to which we must devote our efforts. [number]. following a proposal of costa rica and mexico, several countries met recently at san jose in costa rica to rationalize and to regulate the fishing of the yellow-fin tuna. good results are expected to come from the mexican and costa rican proposals. [number]. mexico is located in the northern portion of the american continent and, in equal sovereignty and dignity, it has increased its relations with the united states, with which it has established a modus operandi for handling common problems, in view of the fact that we share a border of [number], [number] kilometres. we are also entering a new era of diplomacy with canada. after all, canada lies north of the colossus and we to the south of it. [number]. in essence, our problems relating to the united states are, though different, of a common nature. in the first place, the united states has not had a consistent policy of mutual understanding and agreement with latin america. on the other hand, neither has latin america had a permanent and mature policy with respect to the united states. [number]. but worst of all, latin america has not had a continuous and understanding policy with respect to latin america itself. these are theses advanced by the president of mexico, jose lopez portillo. in all cases, but particularly in the case of latin america's policy regarding latin america, we must unify our positions. while ideologies or political systems may still divide us, we must seek, whenever possible, our own similarities and not our differences. our weakness has been our disunity. [number]. efforts, however, are being made in connexion with united states policies with regard to latin america which seem to be improving. this is evidenced vis- -vis mexico by the signing of additional protocols i and ii to the treaty of tlatelolco and by mexico's recovery of the ojinaga salient and vis- -vis the rest of latin america by the signing of the two treaties of panama and the additional protocol. [number]. in the last-mentioned case, that of panama, mexico has maintained that the republic of panama had to recover unconditionally full sovereignty over its own territory. [number]. with regard to latin america itself, the first attempt at holding a high-level meeting was made in bogota on [number] august [number], with the participation of the presidents or heads of government of various latin american countries mexico in north america costa rica and panama in central america jamaica in the caribbean and colombia and venezuela in south america. it was an experience worth repeating, particularly in order to reinforce the bonds of brotherhood with latin america, with which we have cultural and historical links. [number]. among the subjects discussed at the bogota meeting, which i have just mentioned, i should like to stress the consensus that emerged on the need to find a just and prompt solution of the problem of belize, on the basis of the principles that were reaffirmed at the conference, in particular, that of the right to self-determination. i take this opportunity of expressing once again our firm hope that, until such time as a solution is found, neither of the parties directly involved in the conflict will attempt to resolve it unilaterally, thus endangering peace in the region. [number]. after a suspension of [number] years, diplomatic relations have now been resumed with territorial spain. relation with the spanish republic in exile, from which we inherited many democratic and cultural teachings, had previously been terminated. thus, two peoples bound by ties of affection have been reunited, diplomatically and fraternally. [number]. peace is one and indivisible. this organization has received the historical trust of defending it and preserving it, which means that it must seek, through negotiation and conciliation, acceptable formulas based on mutual respect. [number]. there is no doubt that the middle east situation is one of the main threats to international peace, and this fact places the assembly under the obligation of giving the matter the required priority and of taking effective steps to find a way that will lead to a just settlement of the problem. mexico endorses an early convening of the peace conference on the middle east with the participation not only of all the parties directly concerned and of the super-powers but also of a limited and representative number of other states whose participation could help in the achievement of a viable solution of the problem. we confirm our support of security council resolution [number] [number] as the soundest base on which to seek a just solution of the problem. [number]. one of the areas where the united nations has achieved its greatest success is the decolonization of the modern world. yet we are now confronted with an impasse with regard to possible action by the organization to solve the three fundamental problems in that area, namely, the refusal by the minority government of zimbabwe- rhodesia to transfer power to the majority the continuing illegal occupation of namibia by south africa and the need to find ways and means for the united nations council for namibia to fulfil its mandate and the policy of apartheid of the south african government. mexico demands that a prompt settlement of these urgent problems be encouraged. [number]. despite the efforts that have been made within the framework of the organization, there still remains much to be done before women are fully integrated into the development process as equal partners with men. [number]. in each of our countries, efforts are being made to attain that end. in mexico, we have eliminated all traces of discrimination from our laws-that is to say that there is no legal difference between the opportunities afforded to men and those afforded to women in mexican society. [number]. we must now eradicate discrimination from our daily attitudes, from our way of thinking, and allow women the same rights as men, giving them equal treatment not only in our laws but also in social and economic reality. [number]. the united nations decade for women equality, development and peace is the culmination of a process, the basis of which was laid during the world conference of the international women's year, which took place in mexico city in [number] [number]. mexico is bound by friendship to all the peoples of the earth. we strive to increase that friendship. our relations with countries of diverse ideologies and different levels of development could not be better. we are part of the developing world, whose ideals we share. [number]. the united nations represents a positive effort at a rational solution of world problems. the means offered cover the economic, political and social fields. [number]. nations and individuals alike often repeat the same patterns of conduct even though such patterns may be self-destructive or tend to destroy others. this may be due to a lack of knowledge or understanding of the deep causes that motivate such conduct and the struggles between the impulses that govern behaviour. this accounts for the marked contrast between the rational, conscious, and apparent objectives and the incontrovertible reality of events. [number]. we express the hope that in this forum mankind will be able to blend the sum of knowledge derived from a multidisciplinary effort and, under the aegis of humanitarianism, use the wisdom thus gained to ensure full survival of the human species on this earth.

[number]. i hasten to express the shock and deep concern of my delegation over the tragic incident which occurred in rangoon last sunday, resulting in the deaths and injury of so many people. we convey our sincere condolences to the governments of the republic of korea and burma and to the members of the bereaved families. [number]. mr. president, i join my colleagues who spoke before me in offering our sincere felicitations on your election as president of the thirty-eighth session of the general assembly. my delegation is confident that your wide experience and knowledge will assist you in guiding our deliberations efficiently. [number]. i should also like to express our appreciation to your predecessor, mr. imre hollai, for his tireless devotion to his duties and the undaunted manner in which he rendered his services to the united nations during his tenure as president of the general assembly. [number]. my delegation wishes to note for the record the exemplary manner in which the secretary-general has continued to perform his unenviable task of harnessing the resources of the international community to the noble task of upholding and preserving the principles enshrined in the charter of the united nations. [number]. my delegation also has great pleasure in voicing its very warm and sincere welcome to the delegation of saint christopher and nevis as it takes its seat among us, thus helping to further the organization's universality. 15k, the thirty-eighth session is being held at a time when the international arena is overshadowed by ever- increasing tensions. a broader and wiser political view of the world community and sustained patient efforts, with greater determination, are most vital to arrest the fast-growing threats to world peace and security. every possible step must be taken to stem the swift growth of forces which undermine both the united nations and peaceful international relations. since the continuing developments amount to a dire threat to the very basic tenets of the charter, it is up to the membership to assume its responsibilities, more than ever before, in a sincere effort to defuse the dangerously escalating international tension. [number]. my delegation strongly feels that this session should not be allowed to pass without renewed commitments by every member of the organization to do its utmost to prevent, if not reverse, the continuing deterioration in international relations caused by increasing, over-ambitious political adventurism, so that nations big or small, rich or poor, weak or powerful, can enjoy their inalienable rights in an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence. as we see it, none of us, as a member of this august body and therefore fully committed to the charter, can spare any effort to make a maximum contribution for the achievement of peace, justice and the preservation of orderly international behaviour. [number]. developments in the middle east, afghanistan, kampuchea, south america and southern africa have, in the view of my delegation, created such levels of tension throughout the world that we must wonder fearfully how long the international situation will remain without a major conflagration. what distresses us most is the fact that more and more often the fundamental ethics of the charter are being abandoned or ignored under the pretext of so-called national security or strategic interests, and as a result there is already chaos and anarchy in many parts of the world. [number]. we view these developments as extremely grave and serious. indeed, certain developments seem to justify a growing feeling that peoples and nations will be worthy of consideration only if they serve the interests of a greater power. our task is to strive, and strive hard, for a better world. in this spirit, we respectfully appeal to the organization's members not to delay any longer decisive and specific action to stem the deterioration in international relations. [number]. it is the considered opinion of my delegation that disarmament should be the priority area for consideration. it is no secret that the threat of a nuclear confrontation, which in the past appeared on the far horizon, has steadily drawn closer and now seems to be hovering just over us. right now we are seeing an alarming increase in the production not only of nuclear weapons but also of all other types of weapons of mass destruction, including so-called conventional weapons. deployment of satellites and other spacecraft for military purposes, including nuclear warfare, has added horrifying dimensions to the already dangerous situation. my delegation has always strongly supported every effort of the world community to stop the arms race and work towards complete disarmament. [number]. it is a well-known fact that today, while more than half of the population of the world are struggling hard to attain minimum basic essential needs for existence, a few countries which enjoy the benefits of abundant natural resources, wealth and technology seem to be quite happy to invest billions of dollars in production and improvement of nuclear and other weapons of war. my delegation will continue to render every possible support to the work of the organization to make this world a safer place for mankind. [number]. the middle east remains in a most dangerous state. developments during the past year have increased the gravity of the situation. the israeli invasion of lebanon and the refusal of the israeli government to withdraw its troops from lebanese territory have added new dimensions to an already explosive situation created by their refusal to withdraw from the palestinian and other arab territories occupied since [number]. [number]. the international community has witnessed with alarm and indignation israel's continued policy of illegal annexation of more territories of the occupied land and also, as if that were not enough, its masterminding of greater chaos in lebanon, commissioning of acts of blatant aggression and violation of all the norms of international law and decent human behaviour. [number]. the assembly cannot overlook in any way the outright rejection by israel of the numerous united nations resolutions. its actions have not only condemned thousands of innocent men, women and children to suffer death, destruction and loss of property, but also have initiated a gathering momentum which could well spark off a conflagration that could not be restricted to a single country or region. it is therefore imperative that the world community give every possible support to strengthen the present cease-fire in lebanon and take positive steps without any delay to stop the extension of this continuous aggression to any further level. even the states which sympathize with israel cannot deny the fact that its arrogance and expansionist policy are responsible for building up tension to the present dangerously high level. [number]. we are all committed to the charter. its provisions are binding on all nations who are members of this world body, and no member state can haw any right to be an exception. permanent membership in the security council in no way grants any power to a country to create, directly or by proxy, a situation favourable only to that country in any part of the world. if every member of the organization is sincere about its commitment to the provisions of the charter, action should not be delayed any longer regarding the situation in the middle east. we must ask the security council to invoke the relevant provisions of the charter with regard to the arrogance and defiance with which israel is trying to trample on the inalienable rights of the palestinian people. these rights must include their right to return to their homeland and the unimpaired freedom to establish their own nation and decide on their own destiny. the plo, which is the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people, must have the full right to participate in any steps that may be taken to achieve this end. in the opinion of my delegation, the geneva declaration on palestine issued last month presents a sound framework for the international community and the parties concerned to work for a solution of this issue. [number]. among other matters of major international concern are the questions of afghanistan and kampuchea. these are two countries which, we believe, have been victims of foreign military interventions and invasions. we express our deepest concern regarding these two countries because we fully endorse the united nations resolutions which condemn such interventions and call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from those two territories. that would enable the peoples of afghanistan and kampuchea to decide freely on their own destiny. one of the prerequisites in the case of each is for the refugees to return to their homes with security and honour. my delegation notes with deep appreciation and commendation the unceasing efforts of the secretary-general to find solutions to these two major issues. [number]. it is with alarm, dismay and frustration that we witness the increasing instances of foreign intervention in areas of africa and latin america. as we see it, there is not much of a difference in direct or indirect intervention or interference. the end result in either case is tragically the same tension, unrest, internal strife, conflicts and even bloodshed. we view such developments with the utmost concern because they are destroying not only the very fabric of international peace and security, but also the concept of peaceful co-existence. never for a moment should we forget that we are all family of interrelated and interdependent nations with diverse political ideologies, economies and social systems, whose members must live together in an atmosphere which is devoid of suspicion, envy and animosity. [number]. the question of south-west africa and the sad and tragic plight of the people of south africa has continued to be a matter of grave concern to the world community for a long time. in spite of persistent and repeated expressions of serious concern and indignation by the international community, the people of namibia have been forced to remain under a regime illegally imposed upon them by the racist government of pretoria. like israel in the middle east, the minority regime of south africa has acted with scorn towards the numerous resolutions approved by this body in full accord with the provisions of the charter. the pretoria regime has flagrantly violated the charter and all norms of international law and codes of human conduct with regard both to namibia and the majority people of south africa. [number]. my delegation, as in the past, gives its full support to the oppressed people of south africa itself, which remains under the inhuman policy of apartheid, and to the people of namibia under the leadership of swapo. we assert that the general assembly should request the security council to act without any further delay to invoke the relevant provisions of the charter while the world community exerts greater political and economic pressures on the pretoria regime in order to force it to accept the realities of the present era and act with sanity before it is too late. [number]. it is a matter of regret for us that there has been very little advance, if any, with regard to the situation in cyprus. the extremely slow progress made thus far in the dialogue between the parties concerned is being constantly outpaced by the tension prevailing there. we still believe that meaningful negotiations must be pursued sincerely with a view to achieving a just and lasting solution whereby the rights of the communities of that long-suffering country can be restored in a manner which will preserve peace in the country and ensure stability and economic development for the people. [number]. the peaceful reunification of the divided people of korea has been and continues to be a matter of great interest to us. the lack of positive contact between the people of the north and south for the realization of the national aspirations of the people of korea tends to create further unrest, tension and instability. we believe that the international community should extend every possible support, opportunity and encouragement to the korean people in order to assist them in achieving their objective. at the same time, we state that they must remain free from outside interference, influence and pressure in order that they may find a peaceful solution of their own choice. [number]. i should like to take this opportunity to express our deepest sorrow at seeing two of our brother countries, iran and iraq, still waging their bitter armed conflict, which has already brought destruction and loss to hundreds of thousands. we maintain very friendly brotherly relations with both countries, and this makes our grief all the deeper. we can only express our support for the numerous appeals of the international bodies to bring about a cease-fire. we can only lend our support to the culls of the world community to these two brother countries to stop the war and find a solution to their disputes by peaceful means. we also pledge our support to the sectary-general's mediation efforts as well as to those of the organization of the islamic conference and the movement of non-aligned countries, all of which are designed to bring about an honourable settlement to the dispute. [number]. let me now turn to our region of the globe. as on previous occasions, i wish to express the immediate and deep concern of our country at the steadily escalating tension created by the great-power rivalry for military superiority in the indian ocean. my delegation wishes to reaffirm our full support for the declaration of the indian ocean as a zone of peace. we believe that tension will continue to mount as long as foreign military bases and other such facilities remain in our area. if that trend continues, disputes can easily lead to conflicts in which those foreign military forces will have a stake. that is a very familiar chain of action and reaction in many parts of the world. on our part, we shall do everything possible, along with the other countries of the region, to prevent our area from being subjected to such potential dangers. [number]. i need hardly mention that another inevitable development consequent to big-power military rivalry and their presence in our region is the time, money and other resources which have to be utilized to step up security and defence levels in various countries. during this era of world economic chaos, we can ill-afford that course of action. [number]. we fully support the efforts of the united nations to implement the declaration of the indian ocean as a zone of peace. we appeal to the world community to renew its efforts to that end. we strongly feel that the proposed conference on the indian ocean, to be held at colombo, is a step that must be taken with the least delay. we remain firmly convinced that this conference will form a milestone in the march towards the achievement of our cherished objective. [number]. the attention and concern of the world community necessarily has to be focused on the international economic scene. although certain glimmers of hope are observed on the horizon, the lack of will on the part of the developed countries to initiate fast, effective steps, based on interdependence, to remedy the deteriorating world economy has been most disappointing. my delegation feels that the severe strain on the international trade, finance and monetary systems is an ominous sign of a possible trade war. the failure of the sixth session of the united nations conference on trade and development, held at belgrade earlier this year, to produce any encouraging results has brought frustration to the developing countries. [number]. it is true that the current economic crisis affects all groups of countries. however, the developing countries are feeling the impact in a way which cracks the foundation of their economic growth and impairs their prospects for years to come. we wish to emphasize the urgent need for the developed or industrialized countries to appreciate the futility of pursuing the old economic order, which can only result in further setbacks from which there can be no insulation even for themselves. [number]. with regard to the current economic confusion the world over, we consider that on the whole the developing world has considerable resources, manpower and scope for technological advancement and new investments. [number]. my delegation further records the tragic plight of the least developed countries which suffer most in their earnest bid to lay out the best possible infrastructure for economic growth. particularly distressing is the fact that the least developed countries suffer from the added disadvantage of having to struggle against a lack of manpower and natural resources. the country we represent here belongs to that group of countries, and sty comments are not based on speculation but on the factual situation we face. in spite of our gloomy economic environment, we have trial our utmost to maintain a path of progress consistent with the theme of self-reliance. it is indeed a tedious uphill task. nevertheless, we have attempted to make optimum use of whatever resources we have been able to muster. [number]. one of the most disturbing problems for the developing countries, and more particularly for the least developed countries, during the past decade has been their balance-of-payments position. the abrupt swings in the prices of primary commodities, food and energy, the continued escalation in the prices of manufactured goods, the decrease in the import demands of the developed countries, the steady rise in the interest rates during the last three or four years, the fall in primary commodity prices during the same period and, above all, the alarming increase in the practice of protectionism have brought with them a series of continuous shock-waves resulting in near economic disaster for many of the third world and least developed countries. [number]. the only silver lining around the dark cloud i have just mentioned is the fact that the most industrialized and developed countries of the world had apparently given some serious consideration to the submissions of the developing countries during the sixth session of the united nations conference on trade and development. we also feel that repeated submissions of the least developed countries at all international forums on our developmental efforts have made some impact upon the developed countries, and it is our earnest hope that the recommendations of the [number] united nations conference on the least developed countries s would be given greater consideration. i must mention here that the round- table meeting held at geneva in may this year has given my country some encouragement that will help us to invest greater energy into our economic development. [number]. to conclude my statement, i should like to reaffirm our commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the charter of the united nations and to reaffirm our faith and trust in the organization, the most useful instrument for the preservation and maintenance of world peace enabling the realization of the cherished ambitions of mankind for peaceful coexistence, justice, progress and prosperity. [number]. finally, may i use this opportunity to appeal to the world community not to support the tendency to overlook or bypass the united nations in certain instances of disputes or conflicts, because we trust, as i am sure all members do, that the united nations is, and must always be, the most effective weapon at our disposal in the interest of international peace and security. on our part, my delegation unreservedly supports the valiant efforts of the secretary-general to further the cause of international peace, and pledges our fullest cooperation in all sincerity.

at the outset, i would like to express my great and profound satisfaction for the recent release of four hostages kidnapped in iraq, among them a young woman whose mother is a san marino national engaged in humanitarian activities for the iraqi civilian population. on behalf of the government of san marino i wish wholeheartedly to thank the government of italy, which played an active role in the release, as well as all of those who made that release possible. on behalf of the government of the republic of san marino i wish to congratulate mr. jean ping, minister for foreign affairs of gabon, on his election as president of the general assembly at its fifty-ninth session. i also wish to thank the outgoing president, mr. julian hunte, for the total commitment and determination he showed in his work. united nations activities have thus far been crucial in reducing conflicts between states. however, although the number of international conflicts has decreased, mankind is still facing new threats, which can only be tackled multilaterally. so that it can continue to serve the international community, the united nations should be given more effective tools to enhance mediation and peaceful settlement of disputes, preventive control, verification, planning and use of sanctions, in order to prevent the outbreak of warfare and to promote disarmament and arms control. moreover, the united nations must receive adequate support so that it can better meet the growing number of requests for peacekeeping operations in various regions of the world. in that context, we appreciate the results obtained so far, but the process requires a stronger will on behalf of our governments to comply with international rules and implement a concrete and effective cooperation regime. in line with relevant international standards, san marino has recently passed a special law to combat terrorism and associated crimes. it is also actively cooperating with the two united nations anti-terrorism committees established pursuant to security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . since the tragic [number] september attacks on the united states of america, the international community has become aware of the seriousness of the threat of terrorism. recurrent dramatic events worldwide, the violent attacks perpetrated in iraq not only against soldiers but also civilians, the media and, most recently, even volunteers of non-governmental organization humanitarian missions force our countries to realize the full scope of this phenomenon and its proliferation, and the need to search for a [number] common and effective response based on a stronger joint commitment. the horrifying terrorist act carried out in ossetia against hundreds of innocents and so many children demonstrates that the widespread strategy of fear, hatred and devastation is humanly and ethically unacceptable. san marino once again condemns any form of terrorism, the most serious and impending threat to peace, for which there can be neither explanation nor justification. we support the search for constructive solutions that promote dialogue and mutual understanding among peoples of different cultures and religions with a view to the dissemination of an increasingly shared culture of peace and cooperation that will help to reject violence and oppression. the government of san marino avails itself of this opportunity to express its special thanks to the special adviser to the secretary-general, mr. lakhdar brahimi, who contributed to the establishment of an iraqi interim government, and renews its support to prime minister allawi for the forthcoming democratic elections scheduled for january [number]. the elections will surely be a milestone for the iraqi people in the exercise of their sovereignty. we trust that the international community will help to achieve national reconciliation in iraq, on the basis of security council resolution [number] [number] of [number] june, with regard to independence, security and legality. despite the tragic attack on its headquarters in baghdad last year, the united nations can continue to play a key role in iraq, especially at a time when the situation has become extremely complex and delicate, particularly from a human and political point of view. another major source of concern and disappointment for san marino is the persistence of the middle east crisis, which remains unsolved despite the efforts made by the united nations to encourage dialogue and indispensable mediation. to achieve the ultimate goal of legitimate, peaceful and safe coexistence of two states, israel and palestine, the political process outlined in the road map and supported by the international community still appears to be the only viable solution. therefore, on behalf of the san marino government, i reiterate, as i recently expressed to both the foreign ministers of israel and palestine, our sincere hope that such a process will soon resume. with regard to the reform of the security council, the position of the republic of san marino is well known. we favour an increase in the number of non-permanent members, in the most appropriate way, and of the gradual restriction of the right of veto, with a view to its eventual elimination. indeed, the increase of the number of permanent seats and the extension of the right of veto would entail, in our view, a greater injustice through the perpetuation of privileges, the consolidation of discrimination within united nations member states, and it would limit the power of the general assembly to elect the most suitable candidates in accordance with differing historical periods. the government of san marino fully endorses general assembly resolution [number] [number], adopted on [number] july [number], relating to the revitalization of the work of the assembly itself. similarly, we are satisfied with resolution [number] [number], adopted on the same day, granting the holy see wider and more incisive prerogatives as an observer. the safeguarding of human rights and fundamental freedoms, together with full respect for freedom, equality and democracy, have always been essential elements in the history of san marino, and represent the very basis of its [number], [number]-year existence. these issues continue to regulate relations with other states and with international organizations. it is in this spirit that i express my best wishes once again to ms. louise arbour, the recently appointed united nations high commissioner for human rights. san marino firmly believes in the role of the international criminal court icc and has recently supported the draft icc united nations relationship agreement and the setting up of an icc liaison office in new york. my country remains strongly committed to the campaign for the universal abolition of the death penalty, and it has recently ratified the second optional protocol to the international covenant on civil and political rights on the abolition of the death penalty. the recent signature and ratification by san marino of the united nations convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women has been followed by a law granting full gender equality in the transmission of san marino citizenship to children. moreover, the government has subsequently established for the first time in history a ministry for equal opportunity. [number] as [number] is the international year of the family, we hope that as many countries as possible will follow san marino in signing the two optional protocols to the convention on the rights of the child, which are on the involvement of children in armed conflict and on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. in addition, san marino recently ratified the [number] hague convention on intercountry adoption, thus starting a wide debate domestically on joint parental custody in case of parental separation. equal attention is being paid by my country to the most disadvantaged members of our families and societies and to the issue of the increasing ageing of the population, observed especially in developed countries. against this background, our government has been working to strengthen existing support infrastructures and assistance to families. we sincerely hope soon to reach an agreement on the final text of an international convention on the promotion and protection of the rights and dignity of disabled people. the president took the chair. san marino also wishes to underline the relevance of the objectives set forth in the monterrey consensus, especially considering that [number] million people, including [number] million children, are still dying of starvation. one billion people have no access to potable water, and [number] billion human beings do not receive adequate medical care. yet, poverty eradication cannot be implemented without respect for the ecosystem. in this regard, a valuable instrument to develop and protect our environment is, in our opinion, the convention to combat desertification, recently ratified by san marino, along with a view to actively participate in the international decade for action, water for life , [number]-[number]. in accordance with the objectives of health for all, san marino recently ratified the world health organization framework convention on tobacco control and reiterates its support to the implementation of the declaration of commitment on hiv aids, with the awareness that the spreading of new epidemics requires stronger international cooperation. on this important occasion, year after year meeting and exchanging views as representatives of our respective governments, we express deeper and deeper concern and frustration vis- -vis the many threats severely affecting humankind and possibly jeopardizing our common future. yet, the ideals and principles we reaffirmed in the millennium declaration are still the highest benchmark to guide our efforts, both within our own states and within the work of the united nations. we need to instil hope and actualize our universal aspirations to peace, cooperation and development. to this end, let me express my best and warmest wishes to you, mr. president, to the secretary-general, to all united nations officials and to all our countries.

i convey my delegation s felicitations on your election, mr. president, on leading this historic session. i also wish to express our deep appreciation to ambassador jean ping, whose leadership and wisdom proved to be the key to the successful negotiation and adoption of our outcome document. sixty years ago, enduring peace was foremost in the minds of the founders of our organization. scarred from war and stunned by mankind s capacity for death and destruction, they did not consider failure an option. our common humanity demanded that we build a better and peaceful world. to do that, representatives from [number] nations gathered in san francisco, in a building dedicated to those who defended and fought for freedom, to draft a charter that would unite the nations of the world for peace. general carlos p. romulo, the head of the philippine delegation, articulating the hopes of mankind, said then at the united nations let us make this floor the last battlefield. mr. zarif islamic republic of iran , vice- president, took the chair. the leading lights attending the founding of the united nations are still familiar to us joseph paul boncour of france, wellington koo of china, andrei gromyko of russia, lord halifax of the united kingdom, edward stettinius of the united states, his royal highness faisal ibn abdul aziz of saudi arabia, sir ramaswami mudaliar of india, jan smuts of the union of south africa, jan masaryk of czechoslovakia, herbert evatt of australia, exequiel padilla of mexico, and many others. those visionaries led the historic and daunting task of writing the united nations charter. a third of mankind was still under colonial domination. only three asian nations were in attendance. most of africa were not yet independent nations. in a forum dominated by colonial powers, the philippines fought to ensure the notion that the goal of the trusteeship council should not only be self- government but independence. when the united nations emblem was being drawn, general romulo asked that the philippines, although still a commonwealth, be included. he was told that the philippines would only be a small dot on that now familiar map. he demanded nevertheless that the dot be placed on the map. the philippines insistence on its place on the world map, albeit just a dot, symbolized for many soon-to-be independent and developing nations the challenge facing the united nations. the clear challenge facing the united nations at its inception, and particularly developing nations, was to ensure that freedom from want, freedom from fear and freedom to pursue human dignity would be at the heart of the political independence of the states. sixty years after san francisco, we continue to face the challenge of freeing all our peoples from want and from fear and allowing them the true dignity that they deserve as independent nations. the fight for the political and legal independence of states is over, but the fight to win for all peoples their freedom from fear and want and to pursue human dignity continues. for the philippines, as a developing country, freedom from want is of utmost concern. poverty, the energy crisis and insufficient financial resources, compounded by debt, are the pressing challenges [number] facing my country and its people. we also face serious security threats, particularly from terrorism with many of our citizens victimized by terrorist attacks. we recognize the economic and social underpinnings of such acts. in the not too distant past, my country also had to confront the threat of the severe acute respiratory syndrome sars . our national experience prompts us to agree with the secretary-general that these global threats are all interrelated, and our different perceptions of the imminence of the threats facing us should not deter us from cooperating to address them. this brings me to my central theme that we should let the bond of our broad vision of our common humanity inspire us all to work towards a stronger united nations for a better world. we agree with the secretary-general that no nation can defend itself against threats entirely on its own. we agree that development, freedom from fear and human rights concerns are interrelated and should be equally considered in designing the solutions to the threats we face. we believe that because of this interrelation, these concerns should be addressed in a comprehensive and integrated manner. the world is facing the problem of unbridled spiralling of oil prices. international cooperation on energy is increasingly becoming an imperative as the capacity and capability of countries, particularly non- oil producing developing countries, to meet their development objectives, including the millennium development goals mdgs , are affected. this unavoidably impacts on security. the philippines welcomes the [number] per cent debt cancellation for the [number] heavily indebted poor countries. however, the debt situation is expected to worsen, as middle-income countries go deeper in debt with the threat of rising world oil prices. once more, the need for other innovative and creative means of international cooperation for debt relief also becomes imperative. the philippines has proposed the consideration of the adoption of a debt conversion scheme including debt-for-equity or debt-for-millennium development goal projects . the scheme calls for the conversion of [number] per cent of the debt service into equity for mdg projects of at least equal value with an income earning potential. debt for development projects can focus on areas that would achieve mdg benchmarks such as hospitals and health care, schools, classrooms, information technology, clean water, electricity, reforestation, eco- tourism and many others that should help us achieve our mdgs by [number]. the nexus between development and international migration cannot be overlooked. migration brings challenges and opportunities to countries of origin, destination and transit. this is another multifaceted issue that requires international cooperation to be addressed in a coordinated and coherent manner. a comprehensive and effective international mechanism for cooperation should be drawn up to address its politico-security, social, cultural and economic development dimensions. as one of the major sending states, the philippines stands ready to cooperate with all countries in contributing towards the formulation of effective mechanisms that would help ensure a smooth management of the migration phenomenon. the philippines knows only too well the fear that terrorism instils in the civilian population and the anguish it brings to victims and close relatives. we take cognizance of terrorism s political, social and economic underpinnings. our national experience has shown us the value of dialogue in our approach to consider all those factors. the philippines wants to share this positive value of dialogue and therefore has taken the lead in drawing attention to the need for interfaith dialogue as an integral part for the promotion of the culture of peace. my president recently convened a successful informal summit on interfaith dialogue and cooperation here in the united nations. the summit adopted a declaration calling for greater interreligious, intercultural and intercivilizational dialogue and cooperation to ensure a lasting and durable peace and understanding at the global, regional and national levels. we invite all who agree with its principles to consider endorsing the declaration. we all acknowledge that the world has reached an unprecedented stage when there are virtually no more barriers, whether of space or time. communication technology has made possible the dissemination of information instantaneously to practically all parts and corners of the globe. [number] as the nineteenth century brought us the industrial revolution, the twentieth century brought us to the technology revolution ushered in by computerization. the twenty-first century now offers infinite possibilities to further advance the information age. at no other time has the saying no man is an island rang truer. as the secretary-general has said, what affects one affects all in this globalized world. however, the information age is a two-edged sword, as experience has shown us. while it opened opportunities, it also brought challenges that we all have to cope with. our concern however is that just as the limitless opportunities it offered could be used to benefit humanity, it could also be used destructively. information technology enables companies to search for lowest cost factors of production globally, operate more efficiently and pass on the benefits to consumers. however, this same technology also enables disillusioned and desperate members of society to become agents of terror and recruit adherents to their way of thinking as well as to fund their destructive activities. it is therefore in our common interest to bring together our collective strengths to take advantage of the opportunities before us as well as to confront common threats. for [number] years, the united nations has provided us the forum to draw up norms of conduct that take on board all our concerns. from its inception with [number] member states in [number], the membership has almost quadrupled to its present [number] states. while the united nations has, time and again, adopted some reforms, at no other time has the pressure for far-reaching change been starker than it is now. the evolving global and regional security environment, ongoing conflicts in many countries that have multidimensional root causes and other flashpoints have to be addressed. it is clear that in pursuing our shared interest to preserve our common humanity, the united nations continues to serve as our indispensable tool. it is therefore also our shared interest to strengthen it. even before san francisco, some key decisions had already been reached among the major powers, primarily on the power of the veto, or what was referred to then as the unanimity rule . our delegation, in concert with others, pressed for an increased role of the general assembly. we felt that this was the balance necessary to safeguard the effectiveness of the united nations in maintaining international peace and security. we also urged wider and more equitable representation in the security council an aspiration that has yet to achieve realization, and thus an advocacy that my country carries to this day. the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting provides the substance upon which to strengthen the united nations system. it should guide us well in our discussions on institutional reform. six decades after san francisco, our common humanity remains at stake. we have today another opportunity to make our united nations succeed. whether the issue is united nations reform or freedom from want or fear, we must act now to ensure that the principles committed to by our leaders at this year s summit be implemented effectively and efficiently. allow me therefore to present at this point some practical strategies that may assist us in ensuring that we achieve our goals. firstly, the agreed commitments should be broken down into tangible steps. concrete benchmarks and pragmatic indicators of progress must be set. secondly, with concrete international benchmarks, national strategies can be geared to achieving them. all concerned national actors in domestic procedures and actions should be involved. this is necessary to put into effect and implement multilateral commitments. ideally, national actors should be privy to developments in the negotiating process and have the opportunity to provide their own inputs with respect to the national position to be taken. this is expected to ensure implementation and follow- up to the commitments made by our leaders. thirdly, we must not lose sight of the need to increase congruence among national, regional and international plans of action. keeping these in sight contributes to a faster rate of achieving these goals. national plans of action can be elevated to the regional level, whenever feasible. fourthly, we must rethink our existing modes of international cooperation. there will be value in assessing how we have been collaborating bilaterally, regionally and multilaterally. let us assess the effectiveness of our current modes of cooperation. [number] in adopting practical measures and in discovering new opportunities and addressing new threats, we must be mindful of the old hopes and enduring dreams that led to the birth of our united nations. as a child, i listened with all innocence as my family closely followed the work of the philippine delegation in san francisco. i felt proud that my nation, the philippines the benjamin among the founders was part of this historic event. we were rebuilding our shattered lives and mourning our dead. yet we held on to hope. we had hope that no country would ever again crush us with their bombs, trample us with their tanks or defile our mothers, sisters and daughters. as a nation devastated by war, we placed great hope in the united nations. i still remember the words that made us dare dream of a better, more peaceful world words heard by a child through the crackle and static of an old radio, words spoken by general carlos p. romulo in addressing the delegates in san francisco in [number]. he said words are more powerful than guns in the defence of human dignity. treaties are stronger than armamented boundaries. the only impregnable line is that of human understanding.

[number]. the thirtieth session of the general assembly opens at a time when important events are occurring on the international scene. at the economic level, the ills from which the international system suffers have been the subject of a more careful diagnosis is being made to remedy them. at the political level level, war is ending in indo-china, while considerable progress is taking place in the field of decolonization. these transformations undoubtedly constitute an important stage on the road to establishing peace. however, a long road lies ahead before true justice prevails in international relations and before peoples who are still oppressed can enjoy fully their rights to dignity, freedom and independence. it is, therefore, within a new context where the peoples of the world are torn between despair and hope that this thirtieth session, whose work you are called upon to guide, is opening. [number] mr. president, your responsibilities are difficult and complex, but we who know your qualities as a statesman and an eminent diplomat, your foresight and clear perception, we who know the well deserved respect that your country enjoys, rejoice at the unanimous choice of the general assembly which has brought you to the presidency of this session. i therefore ask you to accept the warmest congratulations of the delegation of mauritania on that mark of confidence and tribute of esteem addressed to you and, through you, to your country, luxembourg. [number]. i should like also to pay a most earnest tribute to your predecessor, my friend and brother mr. abdelaziz bouteflika, the minister for foreign affairs of the people's democratic republic of algeria. the delegation of mauritania is all the more happy to express its gratitude to him because he is not only a worthy representative of africa, but also the minister for foreign affairs of a brother country with which mauritania maintains the most fraternal and fruitful relations. the history of the united nations will for ever bear the imprint of the courage, the personality and the qualities of the man who, despite resistance and criticism, was able to define the problems and was among the first to lead us to a fuller awareness of them. it is therefore appropriate for us to express our gratitude to him for his important work during the twenty-ninth regular session and the seventh special session of the general assembly. [number]. the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, also deserves our appreciation for the remarkable way in which he discharges his lofty and difficult mission. i wish once again to assure him of the support of mauritania in his courageous and persevering efforts to win respect for the principles of the charter and the ideals of equality and justice. [number]. i said earlier that the peoples were torn between despair and hope. if we examine the international situation we note that it has been marked by events which are bringing us closer to peace. among the super-powers a network of new relations, based on economic co-operation, is being established over and above any differences of political regime or ideological system. that new spirit of co-operation and understanding has grown out of the realization that within the context of the balance of nuclear power certain geographical or political boundaries cannot be altered by force. it is also fostered by the fact that it has been realized that two powerful industrial and trade blocs can both benefit from economic co-operation. [number] in europe, where for a long time peace initiatives, attempts to settle by peaceful means problems inherited from the second world 'war, died in the face of misunderstanding and suspicion, anew era of confidence mutual respect is gradually beginning. [number]' the, viet nams and in cambodia, whose peoples nave for a long time been dying from war and foreign intervention, peace is being restored. this is not a peace resulting from a compromise or from a partially observed commitment it is a peace which has been dearly bought by those peoples. the cambodian people imposed upon itself the sufferings and the painful sacrifices which we know of to recover its independence. its victory is a victory for all the peoples who are still struggling for their freedom and dignity. because of the victory of the cambodian people, i can today greet their representatives in this assembly, where they have been restored to their rightful and natural place. the victory of the vietnamese peoples is no less significant. it was because of a lofty struggle that those peoples obtained their ultimate objective their independence and freedom. [number]. having implacably devastated the two vietnamese states, the united states ought to have undertaken to assist in their reconstruction. not only has the united states not shown such generosity it has even gone so far as to oppose the admission of the two vietnamese states to the united nations by the abusive exercise of its veto. my country cannot but deplore such an attitude, which nothing can justify. [number]. in the field of decolonization considerable progress has been achieved through the concerted action of liberation movements and the united nations. the concrete result of that action is the accession of many countries to international sovereignty. i should like to express the warmest congratulations of mauritania to the representatives of the brother countries which have acceded to independence and are with us today. i refer to mozambique, cape verde and sao tome and principe. [number]. on the economic level, the seventh special session, devoted to development and international economic co-operation, was one of the rare gatherings where dialog prevailed over confrontation. that was all the more fortunate since international economic problems, and in the first place the fundamental problem of development, are today more acute than ever. the specific measures proposed by the special session constitute an important step towards the establishment of a new international economic order, because they are measures which were unanimously accepted by all the members of our organization. we know that the resolution adopted at the seventh special session resolution [number] s-v1i suffers from definite gaps and shortcomings but it none the less reveals a sincere desire to embark upon a useful and constructive dialog. [number]. my country has already had an opportunity, at the beginning of last month, to state its basic position regarding the development problems faced by the countries of the third world. we emphasized particularly the need to stabilize prices of raw materials, the need for the adequate transfer of resources to finance development and a more equitable distribution of industry throughout the world. while our demands have not been fully met, we must nevertheless recognize that our legitimate claims in those various fields have been welcomed with sustained interest. [number]. these outstanding events constitute beyond any doubt a substantial success for the forces of peace throughout the world. they are therefore a legitimate source of hope. it must nevertheless be recognized that peace is far from assured everywhere and that more justice in international economic relations remains a distant target. those negative factors constitute serious dangers for the world community. [number]. the first of those factors is the question of palestine, which directly affects international peace and security. the people of palestine, whose existence throughout the centuries was closely intertwined with geography, with the very land of palestine, have been chased from their homes, dispossessed of their goods and reduced to wandering and living on inter-national charity. this injustice committed against the people of palestine is at the root of the whole problem of the middle east. it is therefore obvious that any solution to that problem must necessarily include the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the people of palestine, including their right to return to their homes and their right to independence and to national and international sovereignty. [number]. in the other occupied arab territories, israel pursues its policy of intimidation and colonization by force. the establishment of a systematic policy of settlement, the implantation of settlers from everywhere except the region concerned, is in itself very revealing of the tel aviv authorities' view of a contribution to the establishment of peace in the middle east. quite obviously, what the israeli authorities have in mind is the creation of an irreversible situation of violent change and faits accomplis. [number]. we have of course followed with great attention the praiseworthy efforts of the united states secretary of state to unfreeze this explosive situation of "no war, no peace", a situation whose maintenance cannot but threaten the peace of the region and, therefore, international security. while the results he has obtained can be regarded as a first step towards a solution, it is none the less true that the price paid to israel in armaments can definitely jeopardize any chance for peace in the middle east. moreover, those results will remain limited and without any real effect on the situation if similar and urgent efforts are not undertaken in the other sectors on the syrian and, partic-ularly, the jordanian fronts. in any case, it must be understood that any kind of peace in the middle east will be an illusion so long as the arab territories remain occupied and the inalienable national rights of the palestinian people have not been restored to them. [number]. another negative factor is the tragic situation in southern africa. indeed, the peoples of south africa and zimbabwe remain under the yoke of a colonialism based on racial segregation and the domination of the majority by a handful of foreign settlers. the racist policy of the pretoria regime, which denies to [number] million africans the most elementary human rights, is an insult to the international community and to this organization itself. the organization cannot accept in its midst those who reject its principles and systematically trample under foot its relevant decisions. the south african regime has no place in this forum so long as it does not subscribe sincerely to the principles of equality and respect for the human person, principles that are the framework and the very essence of our organization, with regard to the rebel ian smith regime, the members of the united nations have the imperative duty scrupulously to apply and strengthen the sanctions imposed on that regime by the security council. [number]. i should like here to assure the peoples of south africa and zimbabwe of the active solidarity and unwavering support of the islamic republic of mauritania in their struggle for dignity, freedom and national independence. [number]. there is another problem that causes us concern that of angola. we hope that that country will once again find peace and stability so as to accede to independence in unity and brotherhood, without being torn apart. the people of angola are living through a difficult period of their existence, but we are convinced that if they are left to themselves they will be able to meet the challenge and recover their national cohesion. [number]. while i am speaking of colonial problems, i cannot fail to mention the problem of western sahara, which is of the utmost importance to us since it involves our territorial integrity and the unity of our people. we shall, of course, have an opportunity in the fourth committee to take up the substance of this problem, when the report of the visiting mission to the territory a i [number], chap. xuj, annex and the advisory opinion requested of the international court of justice have been communicated to the general assembly. but i should like now to reiterate the mutual determination of the islamic republic of mauritania and the kingdom of morocco to find for this problem, within the framework of the united nations, the most appropriate political solution, a solution that will take the utmost account of the respective rights of the two countries. i willingly refrain from dwelling on this problem, since the general assembly last year took the twofold action which i have just mentioned and the results of which are not yet known. hence, i shall consider it my duty at a later stage of this session to set forth in detail my country's views on this problem, which affects our national unity and our very existence. [number]. while the problems of africa are of particular concern to us, we cannot fail to mention other problems which, while they are far removed from us in distance, are nevertheless of great concern to us. one of them in particular is the problem of korea. the korean nation was divided by the accident of occupation. at the beginning, there was a temporary demarcation line, which later was changed into a definite boundary not because that was the desire of the people of korea but because the prolonged presence of occupation forces tends to create an irreversible situation. that situation, which some are trying to make ever more final, is a permanent threat to peace in that region because it is contrary to the sacred principles of the territorial integrity of the country and to the interests of its people. the use made of the united nations flag to give an appearance of legality to such an undertaking, to camouflage the occupation of the southern part of korea, must be stopped by our organization. the people of korea must in fact have the possibility of achieving their independent and peaceful reunification without any foreign interference. [number]. these hotbeds of tension or selective confrontation are not the only problems with which the international community is faced. there is another crucial problem of our times the growing gap between the developed and the developing countries. so long as the measures decided upon by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the general assembly for the establishment of a new international economic order have not been put into effect, this gap, which is already scandalous, will continue to grow. we hope that the developed countries will give us proof of their true political determination to implement these measures which, if they are respected, can contribute to the establishment of genuine international co-operation. [number]. the united nations is an appropriate framework for such international co-operation. reform of the economic system of the united nations and the establishment of structures tailored to the new economic facts cannot but make our organization more able to play its role of catalyst. it is by doing this that our organization, an instrument of peace and understanding among peoples, can see its role as a factor for political, economic and social advancement restored to it. [number]. the islamic republic of mauritania, for its part, is prepared to make its contribution to this task of renewal, which is of necessity a joint task.

it is a great honour for me to address the assembly at the commencement of its forty-seventh session and in so doing to mark my country's first full year of membership of the united nations. for a people that has been ruled by others, the privilege of at last having an equal voice in the community of nations is uniquely fulfilling. with that voice i now express our gratitude for the openness and generosity that we encountered among the members and within the secretariat as we undertook our initial participation in the work of this great body. we join other members in extending heartiest congratulations to mr. stoyan ganev of bulgaria on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. we wish also to thank his predecessor, mr. shihabi, for his truly outstanding service as president of the general assembly at its forty-sixth session. it is indeed fortunate for us and for future generations that in the most challenging of times this body has available the leadership of individuals possessing the highest skills, energy, dedication and integrity. in speaking of leadership, i must also, of course, mention with respect and appreciation our secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali. he has already shown himself to be more than equal to the tremendous tasks associated with his high office. he is assured of our prayers and our continuing support. last year, the federated states of micronesia was privileged to be one of the seven nations admitted to membership in the early days of the forty-sixth general assembly. subsequently, within the forty-sixth general assembly, history of a special kind was written when [number] other nations were admitted to membership, and so i gladly extend the warm congratulations of my government and people to armenia, azerbaijan, bosnia and herzegovina, croatia, georgia, kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, the republic of moldova, san marino, slovenia, tajikistan, turkmenistan and uzbekistan on their admission to the united nations. we are confident that in sharing with them this unique moment in history we will maintain a common bond that transcends geographic differences and gives added meaning to the concept of the brotherhood of man and nations. the extensive and comprehensive agenda to be addressed by this session of the assembly is testimony to the ever-increasing interconnectedness of the world's nations and their peoples. while we were a non-self-governing people, we of the federated states of micronesia strived long and hard to achieve independence, only to find that once we had it, full self-sufficiency is neither possible nor desirable in today's world. i had the honour, recently, to accompany my president, his excellency mr. bailey olter, to the earth summit in rio. that historic meeting served, among other things, to deepen our understanding of the possibilities for global international cooperation on a basis of common, but differentiated responsibilities. among the many statements made at rio by heads of state, i was struck by a most appropriate quotation from sir francis bacon offered by the president of iceland her excellency madame finnbogadottir. he said, "no one makes a greater mistake than he who decides to do nothing because he can do so little. " the president's suggestion of that thought in the context of the earth summit was truly inspired, but if i may be permitted, it also gives guidance to my country over the entire spectrum of international cooperation. we now realize that the charter was meant to challenge every member, large and small, developed and developing, to play its part in the implementation of collective decisions to approach the question, "what can i do? " not as a basis for inaction, but rather as a springboard for action within our means, however modest. only by doing our rightful part do we earn the right to hope that the world community will deal effectively with such universal problems as the environment, poverty and war. only by doing our rightful part do we earn the right to expect the direct assistance of the world community in dealing with those problems of social and economic development at home that are beyond our means to solve. thus, my government wishes once again to thank all those in this body and throughout the united nations community for our kind reception here, and to renew, now with broader understanding, our commitment to the charter and our obligations thereunder. to the modest extent that the federated states of micronesia has made its presence known within the past year, it has been mostly in the context of the environment, and particularly in the intergovernmental negotiating committee for the united nations framework convention on climate change. since we are a country whose land is comprised of low-lying, small islands, our entire nation finds itself in the front line, along with others similarly situated, who will be the first to suffer the devastating consequences of unchecked global warming. rising sea levels would ultimately cover our islands, but long before that our protective coral reefs would bleach and fall victim to increasing storm surges, our agricultural crops would be ruined and our freshwater sources rendered unfit for human consumption. we are facing nothing less than the end of island civilizations that have endured for thousands of years. we participated actively throughout all the sessions of the intergovernmental negotiating committee, and we had no hesitation in signing the framework convention in rio because the final text of the convention goes far to recognize the particular vulnerability of the low-lying island states to the consequences of human-induced climate change. the real effectiveness of the convention, however, will be measured by its protocols yet to be negotiated and in the operation of its conference of the parties and other mechanisms. that statement is particularly applicable in the case of the framework convention because, as we stressed to the intergovernmental negotiating committee, the scientific evidence from the intergovernmental panel on climate change shows a need for significant reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. even the modest emissions cuts to which the industrialized countries found themselves unwilling to commit themselves at rio must immediately be replaced by more stringent goals set by the dictates of science rather than of politics. it is ironic that the peoples of small island countries, in seemingly idyllic settings, distanced from the stresses of industrial societies, should be the peoples with the greatest sense of urgency to get on with the business of protecting the planet. it is, nevertheless, island people who are beginning to suffer the effects of global warming island people who are witnessing the swift and disastrous alteration of ancient weather patterns it is island people whose homelands will be the first victims of rising sea levels. but this sad reality does not mean that the rest of the world can afford to wait, for by the time the world witnesses the effects of global warming on the islands it will be too late for the rest of the world then to take the necessary steps to save itself. thus, we are encouraged by the adoption of the framework convention on climate change, but we look anxiously towards its prompt implementation and pray that its operation will quickly lead to actions and restraints by the industrial countries on the scale necessary in order to reach the convention's objective. that objective is to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at levels which do not adversely affect the climate. stabilization at such levels cannot be achieved by half-hearted efforts. as united states senator gore recently wrote in his book "earth in the balance", "the tide of this battle will turn only when the majority of people in the world become sufficiently aroused by a shared sense of urgent danger to join an all-out effort. " let us earnestly hope that the signing of the framework convention by [number] countries at the earth summit was evidence of such a shared sense, and signalled the beginning of an all-out effort. the president of the federated states of micronesia also joined most of the other heads of state at rio in signing the convention on biological diversity. we accept our state responsibility for conserving the biodiversity of our islands and waters, and for using those resources in a sustainable manner. we welcome the reference in the convention to the precautionary principle with regard to applying measures to avoid or minimize threats to biodiversity. we are reassured by the specific recognition in the convention that small island states will need new and additional financial resources and appropriate access to relevant technologies in meeting their obligations. we look forward to an early convening of the conference of the parties. agenda [number], in both letter and spirit, at last brings into focus the concerns of the developed and the developing world for securing an environmentally sustainable future. i believe that in a world no longer preoccupied with the super-power conflict. agenda [number] will come to be seen as the single most important social instrument ever negotiated. of course, in legal effect it is only a guide, and despite its length it is only a framework. but its future impact on the domestic and foreign policies of every nation is certain to be pervasive. the establishment of the commission on sustainable development is a landmark achievement of the united nations conference on environment and development, and with it we see realistic hopes for turning agenda [number] into actions. we strongly urge that the commission be situated in new york. developing countries must participate significantly in the work of the commission, and in our case, being a small government with limited financial resources, we are far better able to attend activities at united nations headquarters than anywhere else. as a pacific island country, we ascribe particular importance to chapter [number] of agenda [number], which addresses the protection of the oceans. this is a subject many would have put aside, feeling that the oceans are so vast and our knowledge of them so limited that we are better off concentrating on perfecting land sciences. but it appears mankind is slowly realizing that human activities on the planet can significantly affect our oceans and bring about disastrous consequences for our food supplies and even our weather. thus, we strongly support the call in agenda [number] for conferences to exchange experience on coastal-zone management and on the sustainable development of small island states, and we hope that they will take place on schedule. chapter [number] also addresses constructively the need for intergovernmental cooperation to control indiscriminate and harmful practices in harvesting sea resources. while we welcome the approaching total ban on drift nets, which have been accurately called "curtains of death", much needs to be done with reference to the high seas, and straddling fish stocks and highly migratory species of fish, in order to reverse already notable trends towards the disappearance of species that were once thought inexhaustible. we support the call for a conference on those topics. chapter [number] of agenda [number] recognizes the pressing need for improved climate forecasting, in the context of freshwater resources for human survival. the federated states of micronesia, along with many other island states in the middle of great oceans, has suffered repeatedly in recent years from droughts brought on by little-understood climate mechanisms. in addition. pacific island states are already suffering widespread damage caused by tropical storms of increasing frequency, range and intensity, which we have little or no capacity to predict. this fact was stressed by the south pacific forum countries at the forty-sixth session of the general assembly, which responded by adopting resolution [number] [number], calling for relief measures that include improved forecasting capabilities. we should like to reiterate our deep gratitude to the many sponsors of the resolution and to the assembly as a whole for adopting it. our deep concern for the oceans and their resources also causes us to focus very closely on the provisions of chapters [number] through [number] of agenda [number], which deal with the management of toxic chemicals, hazardous wastes, solid wastes and sewage and radioactive wastes. in his address to the rio conference, president olter of the federated states of micronesia expressed the hope of overcoming the attitude of developed countries "that the pacific island region is a great, unpopulated void" offering opportunities "for convenient disposal of toxic, radioactive or otherwise harmful wastes, and for the conduct of any dangerous or obnoxious activity that cannot for reasons of public safety be carried out on home territory". we maintain high expectations that what president olter called the "world's emerging sense of environmental ethics" will prevail over past attitudes. there are already some good signs, notable among which is the decision by france to suspend nuclear-weapon testing in the south pacific. we applaud france for taking that initiative and pray that the ugly history of nuclear experimentation in the pacific region has reached a permanent end. but realistically, that cannot be assured so long as nations continue to manufacture, stockpile and threaten to use weapons of mass destruction. thus, even our small islands have a large stake in the continued progress of nuclear, chemical and biological disarmament, and we look forward to supporting the implementation and extension of comprehensive treaties on these subjects. the federated states of micronesia especially welcomes the recent conclusion of negotiations on a chemical-weapon convention and is pleased to be one of the original sponsors of the draft resolution to be considered at the forty-seventh session of the general assembly endorsing the convention. my government wants to express its gratitude and congratulations to those esteemed nations that have successfully negotiated that long-awaited convention and calls on the assembly to adopt the draft resolution. i wish to recognize with appreciation the active role that australia, from our region, took in negotiating the chemical-weapon convention and for its outstanding contribution to the global movement towards arms control and disarmament. unfortunately, the forsaking of nuclear, chemical and biological weaponry serves to intensify the already serious problems associated with the movement and disposal of wastes. large stocks of chemical weapons must be eliminated, but uncertainties surrounding the technology for their disposal result in pressures on less powerful and more remote peoples, such as pacific islanders, to bear the associated risks. frightening quantities of weapon-grade plutonium must either be safely stored or utilized in questionable enterprises that involve hazardous and secretive shipments through the waters of maritime nations. up to this point the efforts of the world's nations to deal with these problems have produced a patchwork of conventions some implemented, some not most of which are of limited effectiveness because of technicalities and political self-interest. worthwhile instruments such as the london dumping convention need to be strengthened on an accelerated basis. vital arrangements such as the basel convention on the control of transboundary movements of hazardous wastes and their disposal need to be implemented. the role of the international atomic energy agency with regard to safeguards must be brought up to the pace of current events. but even if all these things are done, dangers and risks will continue to be imposed upon the poorer, less powerful and more remote peoples of the world unless the following principle is universally respected the nation from which the material originates bears the complete responsibility for the cost and safety of its storage, shipment and disposal that nation should adequately inform other nations potentially affected and should not utilize the global commons in any action related thereto over their objection. i am aware of the implications of that statement, both politically and in terms of international law, but unless the spirit it expresses can enter our international conscience and influence the behavior of nations, i fear that the passing threat of wartime holocaust will be replaced by an even less restrained and in some ways equally horrifying danger. the roads towards so many of the worthy goals to be sought by the assembly, whether related to economics, the environment, development, human rights or international security, are haunted by the spectre of poverty. poverty causes much environmental degradation. poverty makes human rights irrelevant to many people of our planet, and tempts others to exploitation. poverty contributes to destabilization of political institutions and endangers the world. no matter how dedicated are the efforts made by governments towards sustainable development and lasting international peace, and no matter how massively those efforts might be funded, i fear that a single factor fuelling the engine of poverty could render all the expenditures of resources ineffective. i am referring to exploding and uncontrolled population growth. members are familiar with the statistics, past, present and projected. they are particularly disturbing in that the greatest rate of growth occurs in the most poverty-stricken segments of the population. clearly, this is one of the most sensitive and difficult problems to deal with in a multilateral setting, and i respect the diversity of views on the subject. for that reason, i respect its treatment in agenda [number], knowing that many preferred stronger and direct statements. nevertheless, we hope that the mechanisms of agenda [number] will help to influence the developed countries to increase funding for population-related activities. we also look forward to the international conference on population and development to be held in cairo in [number]. with regard to the protection of human rights, the federated states of micronesia is pleased to associate itself with the exemplary efforts made by the united states of america and other like-minded nations for the implementation of the standards for the protection of human rights as set forth in the universal declaration of human rights. in so doing, the federated states of micronesia joins in the condemnation of abuses of human rights by members of the international community. they insult our sense of common decency and the values we attach to human life - the very values governments are established to protect. hardly a speaker in this debate has failed to voice support for the historic efforts being made by the united nations to reorganize and reorient itself so as to cope with its emerging roles in advancing the cause of mankind. we are no exception, and in our judgement the secretary-general has so far provided wise leadership along a most difficult path. one of the most challenging current problems is to determine the fairest and most effective means of meeting the costs associated with the organization's expanded role in the maintenance of international peace and security. we are all aware that these costs have virtually skyrocketed over the past years, and the question of their proper allocation, we would suggest, is more complex than the simple formulas that served the purpose in former times. it is a question, naturally, involving the limits of the resources of small islands, but in our case it also involves predictability. we are determined to meet all our obligations under the charter, financial and otherwise, but the need for us to budget strictly for developmental and other immediate requirements leaves us little flexibility to meet unforeseen demands of substantial proportions. we look forward, during this session, to participating in the exploration of ways and means to devise the fairest and most effective system for financing the role of this body in the new world order. we also look forward with confidence to the enhancement of this role as the age of multilateral cooperation truly dawns and the interdependence of all peoples of the world is seen to be the overshadowing practical reality of the future.

once again, we meet at the united nations to share concerns, problems and experiences and to discuss the various ways in which we can serve our peoples worldwide. since this morning i have listened closely to statements, starting with that of the secretary- general to whom i offer a special, revolutionary greeting until this moment, when we just heard the president of iran. in all of these statements, there has been great convergence on problems such as the financial crisis, problems arising from the environmental crisis and problems concerning stability and institutionalization of democracies in a number of countries. there have also been ideas and proposals such as those offered by the secretary-general, who called for unity among presidents and unity within the united nations. i fully agree that it is important that we presidents and governments unite to meet the demands of our peoples, in order to resolve these crises. i would say that in my country the crises have been imposed from above and from outside. we need unity within the united nations for the sake of the equality of our peoples we need unity for dignity we need unity above all to tackle the deep economic divergences, the deep asymmetries between continents, between families and between countries. but it must be unity in a context of complementarity, in order to meet our peoples demands. there is an ongoing debate on the financial crisis and on climate change, as well as on the problems of democracy and the energy and food crises. i welcome a number of the statements that addressed and focused on the origins of this crisis. but the majority of presidents and the majority of the statements referred only to the effects, not to the causes. i would like to speak frankly to the assembly my listeners here, and to all others who are following the debates taking place in this global forum. i would like to say that the origin of these crises was the unbridled accumulation of capital in a few hands, the irretrievable looting of natural resources and the commercialization of mother earth. and above all, i believe their origin lies in an economic model, an economic system, namely, capitalism. if we do not tell our peoples the truth about the origin of this crisis, then we will be misleading ourselves and the international community too. we will be misleading our peoples, who have great expectations of their presidents and governments and of forums such as this one. although we are promoting and seeking peace, in the light of our experience, we know that we will not find social peace while there is economic inequality, and all the less when there are military bases in some countries. these may be located on many continents, including latin america and south america. how can we hold discussions when united states military bases provoke distrust among peoples? i would like to briefly tell the assembly that i was a victim of the military bases operating in my country before assuming the presidency, before the social movements were not merely opposed to policies but also actors in a new country of equality and social justice. all of us were victims of the united states military presence in bolivia, and as victims we know what uniformed armed united states personnel can do in south american countries. for that reason, i would like to say that when there is a united states military base, particularly in latin america i do not know about their conduct in europe or on other continents, but in latin america, the presence of military bases is no guarantee of social peace or of democracy. certainly, it cannot guarantee the integration of our countries, much less of the peoples who are seeking to bring about deep-wrought changes in our social, economic and cultural structures. [number]-[number] [number] now we have honduras. if there is a united states military base in honduras, why can this military base not guarantee democracy? it cannot because there are presidents who change these countries, which are constantly threatened by military bases. i hail the courage of our colleague, president zelaya of honduras, who is democratically and pacifically resisting with the aim of restoring democracy. my respect and admiration go to him as he strives together with his defiant people to uphold democracy. how good it would be if the united nations, this great international organization, were to adopt a resolution issuing an ultimatum to the military dictatorship in honduras to withdraw and restore the only internationally recognized president. i am convinced that the united states southern command does not accept latin american countries or their presidents that are seeking liberation. i have even heard from some friends, comrades and brothers that they supported the dictatorships in bolivia and elsewhere in latin america. they say that the only reason there has been no coup d tat in the united states is that there is no united states embassy in the united states. there are coups d tat occurring everywhere, but let me say that in september last year there was an attempted coup d tat in bolivia, and thanks to the union forces and the involvement of the international community, particularly from the southern cone, we were able to halt that civilian not military coup d tat. for these reasons, we are convinced that military bases cannot guarantee democracy, integration or social peace. we have also been discussing the subject of climate change, and i would like to take this opportunity to propose a number of issues to the assembly which are of the utmost importance for all of us who inhabit mother earth. for the indigenous movement, this is mother earth or, for many others, planet earth or the environment. for those of us who live in harmony with mother earth, not just in harmony with human beings, mother earth is something sacred. it is mother earth which gives life, which provides water, natural resources, oxygen. we all promote the well-being of our peoples. we are struggling and fighting and working for the well-being of our peoples, but first of all, we must ensure the well-being of mother earth. if we cannot guarantee the well-being of mother earth, then it will be impossible to guarantee the well- being of our countrymen or of all the peoples on planet earth. i have reached the conclusion that mother earth or planet earth can and will exist forever with or without human life. but human life cannot exist without planet earth mother earth. after having listened to many statements and after having listened to my brothers, i have reached the conclusion that at this point in time, in this new twenty-first century, it will be more important than ever before to defend the rights of mother earth than to defend human rights. if we do not protect the rights of mother earth, there will be no point in defending human rights. i am prepared to discuss this concept, and sooner or later everyone will understand why it is so important to defend the rights of mother earth. as we are currently discussing climate change, i propose to presidents, representatives and all our other brothers and sisters who are listening throughout the world our very simple, three-point proposal. first, the developed countries must acknowledge and pay the climate debt that they and all humankind owe planet earth. secondly, a court for climate justice must be established to try and to punish those who fail to meet their commitments and those who continue to damage planet earth. we need a structure that can quantify the damage caused by some countries and transnational companies, and therefore it is important that such a court for climate justice be established. the third proposal is one of those that have been developed above all by rural and indigenous movements the united nations must draw up a declaration of the rights of mother earth, in order to defend the right to life, the right to the regeneration of bio-capacity, the right to a clean life and the right to harmony and the coexistence of us all. i hope that these proposals will be taken into account during the discussions in copenhagen. we also hope that copenhagen will provide a grand solution to resolve the serious problems that affect us all, in all the countries of the world. i also take this opportunity to take up some of the proposals made by a number of presidents. if we want [number] [number]-[number] to change the world, we must first change the united nations. if we want to effect change in our countries, seeking equality and dignity for our compatriots, why not first change the structures of the united nations? listening to what many other presidents said about the security council, i felt that there were many points of agreement. we need a real democratization of the united nations, for which i make the following suggestions. the status of permanent membership of the security council and the right to veto must be abolished. it is not possible in the twenty-first century to maintain outdated totalitarian practices going back to the time of monarchies. all countries must have the same rights within the united nations. those who proclaim themselves to be the leaders of democracy should give up their privileges and accept true democratization of the security council. we must be responsible with democracy and begin to democratize the united nations. i shall soon end my short intervention, as i do not wish to exceed my time limit, in keeping with the discipline that our peoples teach us. but first i am sorry to have state a truth that may upset the government of the united states. i had great hopes of president obama. i welcome his closure of guantanamo, which represents progress. but in addition the economic blockade of cuba should be ended. that is my respectful request to the government and people of the united states. bolivia, like latin america as a whole, used to enjoy certain tariff preferences, but under ex-president bush they were removed, because we were accused of not combating drug-trafficking and poverty. we know that that was a political decision, but ex-president bush never took into account bolivian norms or our constitution. now, under president obama s government, we see documents which include references to our new constitution, which, for the first time in the [number] years existence of the republic, was approved by a vote of the bolivian people. there is a reference to article [number] and respect for private property. that strikes me as direct interference by the united states government in the constitution and other norms and standards, and i roundly reject it. what we want is diplomatic relations not of interference, but of cooperation and investment. while the new constitution for the first time guarantees private property and state property, fundamentally it guarantees collective property property held by associations and cooperatives, and communal lands belonging to the indigenous, native movement. in addition, an accusation is made against me in a united states report stating that current challenges include the explicit acceptance and encouragement of coca production at the highest levels of the bolivian government. that is to say that i encourage the cultivation of coca. it should be understood that growing the coca leaf is one thing and that cocaine is quite another. we do not defend cocaine we shall fight it. indeed, our proposal is zero cocaine. what i have just said does not mean having free cultivation of the coca leaf, though in its natural state it is beneficial and healthy for human life. we have launched a campaign on decriminalizing the traditional consumption of the coca leaf. i guarantee that there will never be free cultivation of coca, but neither will there a zero coca leaf policy. but there is a zero cocaine policy. it cannot be said that i encourage coca cultivation in bolivia. that is not true. the assembly will know that i come from the trade union and social movements, and that i was a union leader. now president, fortuitously and for the time being, i am extremely concerned that it is said that the government will dismantle the union movement by decree. how could i eliminate the unions, when they and the social movements are the backbone of the evo morales government? i have built union headquarters and encouraged unions, workers and indigenous peoples, and yet i am accused of dismantling the unions. president obama may not be aware of the documents to which i have referred, which perhaps come from the state department. i perfectly understand that sometimes when change is desired it is difficult to change state structures. but after reading the documents very carefully i wonder how it is possible for someone who has suffered discrimination to discriminate against another. at least in latin america, the so-called afro-americans and afro-bolivians are the sectors most discriminated against in society, together with the so-called indians or indigenous people. we are called negroes and indians . i do not understand how a black person who has been discriminated against and excluded can [number]-[number] [number] discriminate against and exclude an indian. it is a matter of grave concern. it is to be hoped that those historic errors can be rectified, not for the good of the president, and not just for the good of bolivians, but for the image of peoples, such as the people of the united states. i well understand that sometimes it is not easy to change structures which may work against our peoples. finally, i refer to some historical demands, such as the return of our access to the sea. our two peoples, our brother republics, chile and bolivia, feel sufficient trust in each other to seek to resolve the issue of maritime access. i hope that it can be settled bilaterally. if not, intervention by the international community will be needed. progress has been made. i feel that there is trust, which is needed in order to resolve any problem. otherwise, important steps must be taken. i thank my brothers and sisters for listening to me. i would like to continue to share their experience, proposals and concerns for the good of mankind as a whole.

yesterday was exactly the fiftieth anniversary of the first speech of commander in chief fidel castro ruz in this hall, with that memorable sentence that if the philosophy of plunder disappears, then the philosophy of war will have disappeared see a pv. [number] . [number]-[number] [number] sixty million people had to die in the second world war so that the leaders of the time could create the united nations with the aim of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war. today, the children and grandchildren of that generation realize that the human race is faced with the threat of extinction. within a few decades, the degradation of living conditions on the planet will be irreversible. the same could happen in a few hours if only a small part of the nuclear arsenal were to be used. those who met in san francisco to draft the charter of the united nations could not have imagined the threat now posed by global warming or the nuclear winter. while we deliberate here, as comrade fidel has warned, powerful and influential forces in the united states and israel are paving the way to launch a military attack against the islamic republic of iran. for its part, the security council, possibly under the illusion of preventing that, is going ahead with applying sanctions against that country, which, together with the unilateral sanctions illegally imposed by a group of states, seek to strangle the iranian economy. the recent and politically biased report issued by the director general of the international atomic energy agency has contributed to increasing the tensions and has provided a pretext for military escalation. should that aggression in fact materialize, it would be a crime against the iranian people and an assault against peace and international law that could ignite a conflict that will certainly turn nuclear. the toll would be millions of lives and the impact on the environment, the economy and world stability incalculable. who could assert otherwise, and on the basis of what guarantees? how could it be argued that the present course of events is distancing the planet from war in the middle east? the threat is too serious to trust in the capacity of the security council, where the main actor responsible for the crisis has relied on its ability to impose its designs. the wars against iraq and afghanistan demonstrate that we cannot entrust one or a few governments with the authority to decide when all diplomatic steps to prevent a war have been exhausted, when the use of force becomes unavoidable, and when the death of hundreds of thousands or millions of people and the destabilization of a large area of the planet or all these things together are inevitable. sanctions, sieges and conflict are not the way to preserve international peace and security. on the contrary, dialogue, negotiation and adherence to the principle of the sovereign equality of states are the only way to avoid war. cuba commends and encourages the efforts of all those countries, such as china, russia, brazil and turkey, that strive to find peaceful solutions, and calls on the international community to support such initiatives. it is the duty of this general assembly to officially support those efforts. the united nations must be radically reformed and the powers of this general assembly restored. the security council must be recreated. it must be reiterated that the secretary-general and all senior officials of the international agencies, including the international atomic energy agency, answer to all member states, as set out in clear mandates adopted in accordance with the charter and the rules of procedure. the serious threat posed by nuclear weapons will be solved only with their total elimination and prohibition. the manipulation surrounding non-proliferation based on double standards and political interest, the existence of a club of the privileged and the denial to the countries of the south of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy must stop. we urge the united states, the main nuclear power, to stop opposing the negotiation of binding agreements that could rid us once and for all of this threat within a set time frame. given the great lethal power and the ongoing development of conventional weapons, we will also have to fight for complete and general disarmament. in order to move ahead on those tasks, the non-aligned movement submitted a proposal that has gone unheeded. the proposal envisages a plan of action that includes the establishment of nuclear- weapon-free zones. it is urgent to establish such a zone in the middle east, where israel is the only country that opposes it. success in this effort would contribute significantly to dispelling the threats of conflict and nuclear proliferation and to achieving lasting peace in that region. the floods that have affected pakistan, central america and many other countries in the most diverse latitudes, as well as the droughts and extreme temperatures that have devastated russia, are a tragic reminder of the threats of a climate out of balance. in [number] [number]-[number] the face of such a serious threat, no selfish interests or narrow political agendas that prevent the adoption of concrete and binding agreements at the next conference of the parties to the united nations framework convention on climate change should prevail. the developed countries, which bear the greatest responsibility for global warming, should accept more ambitious goals for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and refrain from destroying the framework established by the convention and its kyoto protocol. it would be very irresponsible of the governments of the industrialized countries to ignore the legitimate claims of the non-governmental organizations and social movements that were brutally suppressed in copenhagen and later met in cochabamba barely five months ago to defend mother earth, or to again seek to deceive public opinion by blaming the emerging economies. we call for the full support of the international community for venezuela in its struggle. the victory in yesterday s parliamentary elections demonstrates the broad majority support of the people for president ch vez and the bolivarian revolution, which have suffered north american interference and the scorn and disinformation campaigns of the oligarchic groups and media empires. now that the television cameras have left haiti, we call for the pledges of international assistance to be honoured. the noble haitian people need resources for reconstruction and, above all, for development. the united states government is aware of cuba s readiness to coexist in a climate of peace, respect and sovereign equality, which we have expressly conveyed through official channels and which i reiterate here on behalf of president ra l castro. i am convinced that the development of relations based on international law and the purposes and principles of the united nations would enable cuba and the united states to address many of their differences and to resolve others. it would help to create an atmosphere conducive to trying to solve the problems of our region and, at the same time, provide significant support to the interests of our respective peoples. the agenda for dialogue and bilateral cooperation initiatives submitted to president obama s administration on [number] july [number], which i publicly announced in this hall exactly a year ago see a [number] pv. [number] , have yet to receive a response. the north american government has shown no willingness to address essential matters on the bilateral agenda, so the official talks that have been held without great progress have been limited to specific issues. contrary to expectations, even within the united states itself, its government does not seem willing to amend even the most irrational and universally rejected aspects of its policy against cuba. the main element in our bilateral relations is the economic, commercial and financial blockade that the united states government imposes against my country directly and through the extraterritorial application of its laws. the blockade has been the subject of [number] resolutions that, with the almost unanimous support of member states, have consistently called for its end. however, in the past two years, there has been no change in the policy of blockade and subversion against cuba, even though all know that the president of that country is vested with sufficient authority to make real change and enjoys the broad majority support of the north american people in that respect. for united states citizens or foreigners residing in that country, travelling to cuba remains illegal. it is impossible to sell cuban products or products containing cuban components or technology to the united states. with very limited exceptions, cuba is forbidden to acquire, here or in any other country, any product containing a fraction of american input or technology. financial transactions in united states dollars, whether linked to cuba or not, can be either confiscated or frozen and the banks involved may be fined. fines worth several millions are imposed on united states and foreign companies for violating the venal blockade laws. in addition, and in open contradiction of international norms, cuba s broadcasting space continues to be violated and radio and television broadcasts continue to be used for subversive purposes, while millions in federal funds are used to foment political instability in my country. part of cuba s territory has been seized by the united states, which has imposed a military base in guant namo that has become a centre of torture beyond the jurisdiction of international humanitarian law. united states immigration policy towards cuba, based on the cuban adjustment act, is a politically motivated exception that encourages illegal migration and costs human lives. cuba s inclusion on the united [number]-[number] [number] states spurious list of countries that sponsor international terrorism is deeply immoral. our demand, and the universal appeal concerning it, is well known. the five cuban anti-terrorists who have been incarcerated in the united states for [number] years as political prisoners must be immediately released. setting them free would be an act of justice that would enable president obama to show his true commitment to combating terrorism in our own hemisphere. the president of the united states still has the opportunity to make a historical rectification of an utterly futile [number]-year genocidal policy left over from the cold war. it would be an act of resolve that could only encourage the support of those who elected him for change and of the community of nations that votes for it every year. whatever the circumstances, the cuban revolution will unyieldingly and tenaciously pursue the sovereign path chosen by our people and shall not cease in its endeavours, based on the precepts of mart and fidel, to overcome all injustice.

[number]. mr. president, previous speakers have spoken in glowing terms of your ability and wealth of experience and of the satisfaction they have derived from your election as president of this session of the general assembly. my delegation, even at this ate hour, wishes to be associated with those who have spoken previously in congratulating you. we also congratulate your country and latin america for having given to the service of the united nations a person of your eminence and distinction [number]. at the same time, we are not unmindful of the contributions made by your distinguished predecessor, - mr lazar mojsov, of yugoslavia, who presided over the thirty-second session and the subsequent special sessions. [number] like africa and asia, the pacific was, and continues to be, a victim of colonialism. it, too, has not been spared the agonies, frustrations and vicissitudes of domination by foreign powers. it is a matter of great satisfaction, therefore, to my delegation to welcome solomon islands into our midst and to extend to it our co-operation and support. [number]. although we come from a region far removed from the main centres of trade, the growing interdependence of the developed and the developing countries makes it necessary for us to follow closely the various discussions on economic issues affecting the international community. [number]. we therefore note with regret and some concern the growing trends towards protectionism. we do not merely view this trend as unhealthy it also makes us wonder as to the sincerity of those in the developed countries who have been loud in their assurances and commitment to a more equitable distribution of the world's wealth. the statement by the president of the world bank during the annual meeting of the bank and the imf in washington recently, raises a serious doubt in our mind as to the prudence of protectionism as a policy. mr. mcnamara said "the truth is that throughout the industrialized nations this trend towards protectionism is gathering momentum. there is an increasing readiness for oecd governments to extend assistance to domestic industries at the expense of developing country exports. and producers of a wide variety of products in the industrialized world-ranging from petrochemicals and ships to bicycle tin s-are now demanding relief from import competition. "the popular rationale for this protectionist posture in the developed nations is, of course, that the growth in developing country exports eliminates jobs. "but while the impact on jobs in specific firms, or in particular product lines, can sometimes be serious, it is important to recognize that the negative effect of developing country exports on overall employment in the developed world has been negligible. "the fact is that developing countries today supply only a tiny portion of the manufactured goods consumed in developing countries. less than [number] per cent. "even in the case of clothing, which contributed the most to developing-country export growth, the ratio of imports to total consumption in [number] was less than [number] per cent in the united states. in [number], developing country textiles and clothing together constituted only [number] per cent of the market in germany, [number] per cent in the united kingdom, [number] per cent in canada, [number] per cent in japan and in the united states, and [number] per cent in france. "these low levels of market penetration have clearly made only a minuscule impact on the overall industrial structure of the importing countries, and the impact on the occupational pattern is even smaller since a number of industries share a common need for specific occupational skills. "further, the number of workers displaced by imports from developing countries is only a fraction of those displaced by shifts in technology and demand in the industrialized countries themselves. " [number]. we welcome the steps taken by those industrialized countries to give preferential treatment under the generalized system of preferences scheme to products from developing countries. we hope that other developed countries will have the courage and the foresight to join the scheme. [number]. we share the concern expressed by other speakers concerning the suspension of the committee of the whole. while there are still areas of difference, we feel that the extensive informal discussions which the committee has been holding since may have been useful. we urge that the general assembly maintain the momentum with a view to reaching some agreement. [number]. the population of the island countries of the pacific is a mere [number] million. we are spread over a huge expanse of ocean. though isolated and bereft of resources, we are nevertheless buffeted by the changing fortunes of the world's economy. there have been sharp fluctuations in both demand and prices of our commodity exports. increased prices of manufactured goods and petroleum merely make a bad situation worse. as far as our largest export commodity sugar is concerned, we were fortunate to avoid any serious fluctuations, because, as a member of the lome convention, we benefited from the assurance of a guaranteed minimum price. [number]. it is not usual in a statement of this nature to dwell on matters which appear to be of regional interest. however, we believe that the emerging pacific island community merits special mention for several reasons. we are isolated from the main centres of population we suffer from limited domestic markets, scarce raw materials, heavy dependence on imports and high transportation costs. at the same time, we do not wish to be unduly dependent on the generosity of others. we have made an earnest attempt to develop co-operation on a regional basis and have been moderately successful in this regard. although our developed neighbours participate fully and actively in regional activities, it is our hope that they will progressively turn and identify themselves more closely with the south pacific, of which they are a part. [number]. in any comment on the world's economy, it goes without saying that there is some relationship between economic and political situations. it therefore behoves all of us, and more especially the developed countries, to muster the requisite courage and political will for the resolution of outstanding economic and political issues. [number]. in terms of political issues, the middle east problem continues to appear on our agenda. we believe that, because of the danger it poses to international peace and security, advantage should be taken of any initiative aimed at resolving the middle east dispute, no matter how tenuous the chances of success may be. my government applauds the bold and courageous initiative taken by president anwar el-sadat of egypt. it applauds the statesmanship of president jimmy carter of the united states in bringing egypt and israel together. we have been encouraged by the response of the prime minister of israel, mr. begin, and the readiness of the israeli knesset to approve the camp david proposals. whatever the short-comings of the camp david agreements may be, we cannot but emphasize its importance in the quest for a comprehensive settlement of the middle east problem-a settlement that year by year appears more and more elusive. [number]. while we believe that the united nations has an important role to play in the settlement of the middle east dispute, we sense that only at times our own organization itself appears to discourage a settlement, only too frequently by the use of extreme and bellicose language. we express the hope that the united nations will play a more positive role in the settlement of this dispute. [number]. we continue to view with concern the situation in lebanon. though separated by an immense distance, my country shares certain characteristics with lebanon. we are a multiracial, multicultural and multireligious country. we understand the many stresses and strains that such a society is subjected to, and we sympathize with it. we have tried, with some measure of success, to build a community in which we identify and build on what we have in common. at the same time we encourage the development of those features that help to enrich and give added colour and diversity to our society. [number]. we ourselves must work, and work hard if such a society, rich in its diversity, is to be developed. external influences or pressure will not help. we hope, therefore, that lebanon will be left unhindered to rebuild itself, and thereby to re-establish peace and harmony in what was once a vibrant and dynamic community. our participation in unifil has been a useful experience both to our troops and to our country. we hope that our modest contribution will go some way towards restoring to the lebanese people the peace that they have been denied for so long. [number]. our involvement in peace-keeping in lebanon prompts us to make one or two further observations. first, we view with some concern the continued presence of independent groups in southern lebanon. the external support given to those groups has blunted to a considerable degree the effectiveness of unifil. moreover, this has also meant that the restoration of control and sovereignty to the lebanese government has been rendered more difficult. secondly, we believe that the united nations has a vital role to play in peace-keeping. there are those who have declined to support this particular and useful role of the united nations. we regret the reluctance of those who are unwilling to support the peace-keeping efforts of the united nations. we express the hope that there will be a change in their attitude. [number]. there has been steady progress in decolonization, as evidenced by the continued growth in the membership of the united nations from [number] in [number] to an impressive [number] today. the latest addition to the international community is solomon islands, whose accession to membership in the world community is a particular source of satisfaction to us, not least because both our countries belong to the same region. [number]. moreover, my delegation has noted with interest and satisfaction that some other territories in the south pacific will also be able to realize their freedom soon. in this regard, we welcome tuvalu's accession to independence on [number] october and we have noted with interest the arrangements for the independence of the new hebrides, as indicated by the foreign secretary of the united kingdom 10th meeting . we also note the forthcoming independence of the gilbert islands. beyond the south pacific, we have noted with interest the imminent independence of the caribbean island of dominica. these positive trends serve to reinforce our conviction that the united nations is indeed progressing towards the total elimination of colonialism. [number]. while we welcome these developments, it is discouraging to note that there remain a number of territories that are still ruled by foreign powers. some of these are progressing towards independence, while others including some in our part of the world, appear to have been forgotten, either by design or otherwise. we believe that the united nations should ensure that all those that are under any form of foreign domination be given every opportunity to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. for our part, through our membership of relevant international organs, including the special committee on the situation with regard to the implementation of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, we shall continue to see to it that this indeed is the case. [number]. however, political independence alone is not sufficient. the onus is on the administering powers concerned to ensure that, concomitant with political development, socio-economic development is also encouraged. only too often, socio-economic progress lags behind political developments. the unfortunate result of such a situation is that a politically free people is invariably condemned to a situation where it has to depend on massive hand-outs-a situation that, if allowed to continue indefinitely, cannot but destroy initiative, self-reliance and self-respect. [number]. in turning to southern africa, where it is evident that aspirations to majority rule remain unfulfilled, [number] shall cite the case of the international territory of namibia, the- prospects for the independence of which appear to have considerably improved, despite the unhelpful announcement made recently by south africa that it will pursue its own plans for elections for the territory in isolation from the united nations. we hope that south africa will abandon this unilateral approach and will be guided by the recent security council decision-resolution [number] [number] - concerning the territory's independence. it is important that the people of the territory, including swapo, should be fully involved in the electoral processes leading to the independence of namibia. my delegation reiterates its support for the territory's freely determining its own future through elections to be held under the supervision and control of the united nations. [number]. the people of zimbabwe, too, have yet to decide their destiny freely. we have noted with deep interest the diplomatic efforts that are being pursued to bring genuine majority rule to a people that for too long has suffered in the pursuit of its freedom. my delegation is of the view that the search for an internationally acceptable solution could be facilitated through continued dialogue and discussions between the parties concerned measures such as an all-parties conference embracing the representatives of the people could facilitate the early attainment of majority government through peaceful means. [number]. because of our commitment to international peace and security, we welcome the successful conclusion of the tenth special session, on disarmament. the adoption of the final document resolution s-[number] [number] by consensus merits special mention. though encouraged by this development we are concerned by the continued existence of important differences, particularly on nuclear issues. thus, for example, there continue to be differences regarding the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various geographical regions. [number]. in that regard we support the call for wide adherence to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the speedy conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. the trilateral initiative taken by certain nuclear powers in this regard is to be commended, and we call upon other nuclear and militarily important states to join this initiative. until a comprehensive test-ban treaty is concluded, we call for a moratorium on all nuclear testing in all environments. [number]. regrettably, we must as we have done on previous occasions register our opposition to the continuing use of the south pacific region as a testing-ground for nuclear devices. the repeated protests by the governments and peoples of the south pacific to those responsible for these tests have been of no avail. [number]. though we have been given assurances that the tests being conducted in the south pacific are harmless, we continue to wonder if that is so why these tests are not conducted nearer to home. recent reports that the inhabitants of an island in the northern pacific which was used as a nuclear testing-ground by yet another metropolitan power are facing difficulties, years after the tests were conducted, makes us doubt the veracity of the assurances which presumably are meant to assuage our feeling of concern and outrage. [number]. our preoccupation with urgent nuclear issues does not mean that we should relegate non-nuclear issues to secondary importance. on the contrary, we believe that appropriate agreements on such questions as the prohibition of the use of chemical and radiological weapons must be concluded as soon as possible. similarly, we feel that urgent measures are required to curb the ever-increasing transfer of conventional arms. [number]. a conference of great importance to the international community has still not concluded its work. i refer to the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, which has dragged on for some years. what is disturbing to us is that the bulk of the work has been completed but as to the remaining- portion there are divergences of views and positions which appear almost insurmountable. we believe we must guard against the possibility that this small but important part of the negotiation might ruin the monumental and far-reaching work on which agreement has already been reached by the conference. the protracted negotiation associated with this conference has led some states to lose patience and, to a degree, confidence that there will ever be a successful conclusion. we appeal to those who have decided to enact unilateral legislation which is not consonant with the present negotiation to think again. such a step could only impede the successful conclusion of the conference. moreover, it would merely add to the widening gap in our dialogue towards the establishment of a new international economic order. [number]. fiji, like many other countries in the south pacific, is highly dependent on the resources of the sea because of its limited land area and its limited resources. keeping strictly within the present development in the conference on the law of the sea, our government took the first step to bring into effect the marine spaces act passed by our parliament in december [number], by declaring the establishment of an archipelagic regime for fiji. the archipelagic regime has restored to us the geographic unity of our country. in declaring such a regime, the marine spaces act guarantees the right of navigation in and flight over the archipelagic waters. [number]. the final step in the completion of the implementation of the marine spaces act will be the declaration by my government of a [number]-mile exclusive economic zone. the present declaration is limited to the establishment of an archipelagic regime. however, it is the intention of my government to declare a [number]-mile exclusive economic zone as soon as it is in a position where full effect can be given to our right to explore, exploit, conserve and manage the natural resources, both living and non-living, of fiji's exclusive economic zone, including its sea-bed and subsoil. among preparatory actions my government is now taking is the initiation of consultations with neighbouring pacific countries with which fiji will have overlapping exclusive economic zones. [number]. moreover, the countries members of the south pacific forum are at present involved in difficult negotiations to establish a south pacific fisheries agency to manage and give advice on the living resources within the jurisdiction of the forum countries. it is our sincere hope that, with the co-operation and understanding of major fishing and other metropolitan interests in the sojth pacific, the governments of forum members will be able to conclude a-treaty which will serve the best interests of the region. [number]. fish are one of the most important resources in the economy of the island countries of the south pacific. the negotiations for a regional fisheries agency started with high hopes. however, we have now reached a situation where the formation of such an agency is threatened. the main reason for this sorry state of affairs has been the wish of a dominant power foreign to the region to join the agency on its own terms. [number]. in our statement last year we referred to the fact that colonialism is not dead but has merely taken on new forms and new manifestations. we view this attempt of a foreign power to join the south pacific fisheries agency as yet another attempt to dominate our region and to dictate to us the terms and conditions in which we should run our affairs. [number]. it remains for me to express my government's appreciation to secretary-general waldheim for his untiring efforts in the cause of peace and to assure him and his colleagues of our support. [number]. as we observe the thirtieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, my government pays a tribute to the united nations for its efforts in this important field during the past three decades. this expression of felicitations is tinged with some measure of regret and concern and some disappointment at the continued and unabated violations of human rights in so many parts of the world. it expresses the hope that the next [number] years will see a vast improvement in this regard. i believe that it is appropriate that i should conclude this statement by quoting from the late pope john xxiii, who in his encyclical letter pacem in terris, had this to say "an act of the highest importance performed by the united nations organization was the universal declaration of human rights, approved in the general assembly of december [number], [number] . . . ". . . the document represents an important step on the path towards the juridical-political organisation of the world community. for in it, in most solemn form, the dignity of a person is acknowledged to all human beings and as a consequence there is proclaimed, as a fundamental right, the right of free movement in the search for truth and in the attainment of moral good and of justice, and also the right to a dignified life.

at the outset, i would like to congratulate mr. vuk jeremi on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-seventh session and to wish him every success in that highly honourable and important role. i am convinced that his rich experience will contribute to the achievement of significant results in our work together. i convey my appreciation as well to his predecessor, mr. nassir abdulaziz al-nasser, for the exemplary manner in which he led the sixty-sixth session. i also wish to pay tribute to secretary-general ban ki- moon for his ongoing efforts to revitalize the global role of the united nations and to bring reforms to the organization. it is a great honour for me to speak from this rostrum for the first time on behalf of the people of the republic of moldova. twenty-one years ago, my country broke away from the soviet empire, and today it is undergoing a process of democratic transformation, with membership in the european union as its ultimate goal. after a period of several years marked by political turmoil, my country now enjoys political stability, which allows it to develop and modernize. we have firmly defined european integration as our objective and have revived the economic and social reforms. our priorities are the establishment of the rule of law and comprehensive judicial reform, with an emphasis on fighting corruption, modernization of the economy and reintegration of the country. the support and assistance provided by our european partners from brussels and united nations member states are extremely important for us and assure us that we are on the right path. two decades ago, on the very day the republic of moldova joined the united nations, the peace in my country was shaken. the armed conflict in the transnistrian region of the republic of moldova lasted for five months and caused the loss of many lives. it was a tragic period that, while now past, continues to pose a serious challenge in the present. since the end of the hostilities, moldova has firmly embarked on the road towards a peaceful settlement of that conflict. twenty years of negotiations have strengthened our belief that that is the only viable path to follow in order to reach a political settlement. it is obvious that the perpetuation of the conflict does not offer any real benefit to the majority of the people on either bank of the nistru river. it undermines our national security and territorial integrity, hampers economic development and divides our society. moreover, the conflict keeps the population of the transnistrian region in isolation, incites human rights violations and generates economic stagnation on the left bank of the nistru. the current political and economic trends show that preserving the status quo is not a viable scenario anymore. all of our international partners share the view that there is no alternative to a reunified moldova. our message in that regard is firm [number] years are enough to overcome the mistrust of the past and it is time to start building a shared future. the key elements in the approach of the moldovan authorities to resolving the conflict are also clear. our ultimate goal is to reintegrate the republic of moldova within its internationally recognized borders as a functional state with a clear european perspective. the transnistrian region should be granted a special status within moldova, which will provide the region with a comfortable level of self-governance. defining the special status is the core task of the political negotiations in the [number] [number] format. that negotiation process should lead to a reasonable compromise based on the principles of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the republic of moldova. in parallel, we will continue to implement confidence-building measures aimed at bringing communities from both banks of the nistru river closer to each other. by promoting business links, ensuring freedom of movement, protecting human rights, improving security and combating criminality, we will prepare a better ground for a political solution. transformation of the existing military peacekeeping mechanism into an international civilian mission aimed at building confidence rather than separating the sides has also become an imperative. our international partners provide an essential contribution to bringing that conflict to an end. growing assistance from the european union is an encouraging example in that regard. the negotiation process now needs a strong stimulus, and we believe that our international partners can demonstrate the necessary political will to that end. we call on the [number] [number] format negotiators, namely, the organization for security and cooperation in europe, the russian federation, ukraine, the european union and the united states of america, to pool their efforts and work together towards the final resolution of the transnistrian conflict and reintegration of the republic of moldova. it is also important to reiterate that russian forces are still present on the territory of the republic of moldova, without the consent of the host country and in breach of the moldovan constitution and international commitments, and they should be finally withdrawn. the universal character of the united nations and its unique role in managing international relations are widely recognized. there is no alternative to this organization. yet, globalization and the global financial crisis have demonstrated the need to reform the organization in order to ensure the progressive and sustainable strengthening of the united nations. i am referring in particular to security council reform, to which a compromise solution should be found. we believe that any proposal for its reform should take into account the legitimate aspirations of all regional groups, including granting an additional non-permanent seat to the eastern european states. in its capacity as a member of the human rights council, the committee on conferences, the policy and programme coordination committee, the committee on information, the commission for population and development and other united nations elective bodies, the republic of moldova will continue to support efforts towards the comprehensive reform of the united nations system and its main bodies and organs, including the revitalization of the general assembly and the reform of the security council aimed at enhancing the efficiency, transparency, accountability and representativeness of the system. the relationship between the united nations and regional organizations is of paramount importance for the maintenance of international peace and security. in many instances, all those organizations have unique and complementary capacities that, when properly coordinated, can contribute decisively to the prevention and management of conflicts, including protracted ones. from that point of view, during this session we will strongly support the consideration by the general assembly of the issue of cooperation between the united nations and regional organizations, particularly the organization for security and cooperation in europe, the council of europe, the black sea economic cooperation organization and other organizations. in the same context, considering the distinct objective devoted to democracy and economic development, the increased potential and role in economic development and regional integration, as well as the strong determination of the countries of the georgia, ukraine, azerbaijan, moldova guam organization for democracy and economic development to actively contribute to international security, stability and peace, the delegations of its member states have decided to advance for consideration of the general assembly during its current session a draft resolution on cooperation between the united nations and guam. at this stage, the process of development and integration of our states is still burdened by some outstanding problems, including unresolved conflicts in the territories of the republic of azerbaijan, georgia and the republic of moldova. we reaffirm our unswerving commitment to finding peaceful solutions to those conflicts on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our countries. promoting the rule of law at the national and international levels is at the heart of the united nations mission and is fundamental to achieving durable peace, supporting openness in government, the effective protection of human rights and sustained economic growth and development. we emphasize the importance of the high-level meeting of the general assembly on the rule of law at the national and international levels a [number] pv. [number] , held on [number] september, and will continue to support efforts in that direction during the sixtyseventh session. in our view, strengthening the rule of law will help to maintain peace, promote development and enhance cooperation, and is therefore conducive to the achievement of the goal of building a harmonious world. the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, disarmament and the efficient control of armaments remain vital topics on the international cooperation agenda, which need the common understanding, political will and engaged efforts of all states and international organizations. the republic of moldova fully supports the international community in exerting continuous control of and applying the necessary preventive measures against unlawful attempts to develop weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery, which pose a real threat to international security and are often used to challenge the existing world order. the republic of moldova established significant objectives and is undertaking tangible steps in accomplishing its priorities in the field of arms control. in cooperation with our partners, the government of the republic of moldova is in the process of adjusting to the best international standards, adopting dual-use goods export control legislation, improving small arms and light weapons management for civilians and the military, ensuring proper border management, and actively cooperating at the regional and international levels. military conflicts in different regions of the planet and the global economic crises have brought human rights issues once again to our attention. the principles of international law and human rights standards can be promoted only by joint efforts and decisions. acts of aggression, including attacks against the personnel and integrity of diplomatic facilities, represent a violation of international norms and deserve our firm condemnation. the relevant bodies of the united nations, including the human rights council, have sufficient instruments to take action on behalf of states in order to prevent human rights violations, conduct country evaluations and provide tailored solutions. as a member of the human rights council for the term of [number] to [number] and, as vice-chair of the third committee at its previous session, the republic of moldova continuously pledges to keep an open mind in furthering the cause of promoting and protecting human rights worldwide. the world economic crisis is an incentive for putting into practice the idea of sustainable development, which could simultaneously provide solutions for maintaining the pace of economic growth and prevent climate change. we support the renewal of the global commitment made at the united nations conference on sustainable development, held in rio de janeiro, brazil, and the agreement on establishing the sustainable development goals see resolution [number] [number], annex . we believe that promoting a green economy model will help enterprises to reconfigure in order to streamline natural, human and economic investments. finally, i would like to reiterate that the republic of moldova is a strong supporter of the united nations role in global governance and the management of international crises. we believe in the potential and capacities of the united nations to find adequate responses and take concrete actions aimed at resolving the ever-increasing global challenges. the republic of moldova is definitely contributing to that activity.

permit me at the outset to extend to you, sir, on behalf of the delegation of thailand and on my own behalf, the warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-second session of the united nations general assembly. we are confident that your recognized qualities and experience will ensure that the assembly's proceedings will be conducted with smooth efficiency, wisdom and fairness, and that we will achieve a successful conclusion. i should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the outgoing president of the forty-first session of the general assembly, who is a distinguished son of bangladesh and asia, for his invaluable contribution to the work of the organization during the past year. in a world beset by a host of political and economic problems a nation's cohesiveness and resilience are of the utmost importance. the success of thailand since the second world war is a good example. in one way, the thai experience is unique. we the thai people have been blessed with the thai monarchy. this institution is at present personified by his majesty king bhuraibol adulyadej, the ninth king of the house of chakri. he has been and continues to be the central, unifying element of the thai nationhood. he is the moral inspiration for our government and people. he is the soul of our nation. in the next nine months two events of the greatest significance to the thai nation will be celebrated. the first, in december, will be the sixtieth anniversary of his majesty's birth, which, to the thai people, marks one of the most important milestones in a person's lifetime. then, next july, he will become the longest-reigning monarch in thai history. the celebrations of those two events will provide the thai people with opportunities to display their boundless respect, profound gratitude and immeasurable affection for their beloved monarch. as a working monarch in the national mainstream, our king has always been in close touch with the people. he has tirelessly and selflessly devoted himself to the progress and welfare of the people, especially those in rural areas. in these efforts he has always been assisted by her majesty the queen and other members of the royal family. the thai king believes that all his subjects have a right to share in the benefits of the nation's progress and prosperity. he has pioneered rural development projects designed to help the people fulfil their basic needs and achieve self-sufficiency. these projects have brought an increased measure of prosperity to the rural poor. many of the projects have been funded from his own personal resources. he has also led in the search for a humane way to help the hill tribes abandon opium cultivation. he has initiated crop substitution and integrated development schemes. these have been carried out by my government. as a consequence, the output of opium has been reduced significantly over the years. the international drug problem is of great concern to my country. for this reason we participated actively in the international conference on drug abuse and illicit trafficking at vienna in june this year. the meeting, under the inspired presidency of the prime minister of malaysia, was able to create a programme of action by governments to cope with this global problem. the royal oath taken by thai monarchs includes the vow to render aid and comfort to all in need. during the past [number] years thailand, under the reign of king bhumibol, has been recognized for its compassion to fellow human beings uprooted by war and oppression. thailand has offered temporary shelter to nearly one million refugees. these are the kampucheans, laotians and vietnamese who have fled into thailand since [number], and especially since the invasion of kampuchea in [number]. over [number], [number] still remain. a major cause of this plight of such magnitude has been the aggression and occupation of kampuchea by vietnamese armed forces. this problem poses the major obstacle to peace and stability in the region. it is not only a threat to the security of thailand and south-east asia, but also an economic drain on viet nam1 s own resources and a waste of the assistance given to viet nam by its friends and allies. in addition it imposes a humanitarian burden on its neighbours and on the international community. vietnamese deeds in kampuchea violate the united nations charter and international law. for this reason, year after year the general assembly has condemned viet nam's actions and demanded the total withdrawal of its forces from kampuchea. the general assembly has endorsed the kampuchean people's right to self-determination and to choose its own government without foreign interference. over two thirds of the united nations membership have also remained firm in their call for a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict in kampuchea. the future kampuchea should be neutral and non-aligned and should pose no threat to any country. the countries members of the association of south-east asian nations asean will continue to work for such a settlement. their latest effort was on [number] august [number], when they endorsed the proposal that the kampuchean factions engage in a dialogue with the vietnamese at a gathering. this gathering is envisaged as an initial step towards the political settlement of the kampuchean problem. recent developments have indicated an increasing convergence towards a desire to bring about an end to the conflict in kampuchea. we call on the leaders of viet nam to turn this desire into reality. let them withdraw their forces from kampuchea, as they have said they would, but let them do it now and not in [number], as proclaimed. we agree that national reconciliation at an appropriate time is a prerequisite for a political solution. one personage who is vital to the kampuchean drama is his royal highness prince norodom sihanouk. we believe that under his tutelage and leadership the kampuchean people can heal their wounds and band together to bring about a rebirth of the kampuchean nation. thailand wishes to record its deep appreciation of the united nations secretary-general's devoted and tireless efforts to restore peace in kampuchea. ws urge him and the international community to intensify their efforts towards this end. in particular, thailand calls on the major powers, which wield great influence, to become even more conscious of this problem, which affects not only the kampucheans but others as well. it is encouraging to observe that some of them have begun to discuss among themselves the way to resolve this question, as evidenced in the continuing series of dialogues between such major powers as the united states, the soviet union and china. on several occasions thailand has raised this matter with many international leaders and requested them to assist. it is iniquitous that this tragedy of untold suffering has been allowed to be prolonged. actions leading to a just and lasting solution should and must be taken without undue delay. everybody must lend a hand. only after kampuchea has regained its sovereignty and independence will that part of south-east asia be able to turn swords into ploughshares. only then will the countries of the area be able to reconstruct their shattered economies. then, and only then, will their peoples be able to enjoy the benefits of peace that are taken for granted elsewhere. then, too, will the rest of us in south-east asia be able to realize our full potential as a part of the rapidly developing pacific basin. together we can give meaning to pacific dynamism, which can impart great benefit not only to this region but also to the world at large. the aspiration to achieve peace and prosperity through common efforts and co-operation finds good expression in the endeavours of asean. this year has already witnessed the twentieth anniversary of the founding of asean. the birth of asean was indeed a major turning point in the history of south-east asia, based as it is on shared interests and values, as well as pragmatism and tolerance. the concept o free association has thus made its mark in a region where colonialism ran rampant not so long ago. asean co-operation has indeed stimulated regional growth and prosperity over much of the past two decades. asean is scheduled to hold a few months from now its third summit meeting to chart the course of its peaceful and constructive co-operation for the next decade. in this regard, thailand is pleased to learn of the agreement in principle between the soviet union and the united states on the elimination of intermediate and short-range missiles and of the forthcoming summit meeting between president reagan and general secretary gorbachev. we hope that after this important beginning further efforts will be made to reduce the strategic missile arsenals by [number] per cent. effective measures are also necessary in the fields of chemical and conventional weapons. in africa, the namibian people and the black majority in south africa have been victims of unilateral oppression for generations. thailand once again joins in the call for the eradication of the apartheid system and for the immediate implementation of the united nations plan for namibia. the problems of the middle east continue to be on the agenda of the world organization. thailand supports united nations efforts to restore peace in the region on the basis of security for all states, withdrawal of israel from the occupied territories, self-determination for the palestinian people, the territorial integrity of lebanon, cessation of hostilities between iran and iraq and withdrawal of forces to the international boundary. in the latter context, thailand takes note of security council resolution [number] [number] , which was adopted unanimously, and hopes that it will be fully implemented. the situation in afghanistan was caused by the single-minded pursuit of unilateral goals on the part of one of the world's most powerful nations. the problem can be resolved only on the basis of the relevant general assembly resolutions, which demand the total withdrawal of foreign forces, and exercise by the afghan people of their right to self-determination. the position of thailand on these issues has been firm and consistent. our position is based on the united nations charter and international law, and is in harmony with a majority of the member states. the secretary-general, too, enjoyed thailand's confidence and support in his patient efforts to find peaceful solutions to these problems. my country is always willing to assist in these efforts, anytime, anywhere. not all the urgent problems are of a political nature. many of them are economic. the international economic system has created a web of interdependence. no nation stands alone. for this reason, thailand is fully committed to an open and liberal world trade system. however some countries, particularly the more affluent, have adopted trade policies and measures which obstruct open and free international trade. besides hindering the north-south dialogue, they also work against the interest of all nations. developing countries with open economies, like thailand, have already had to cope with the problems of low agricultural and commodity prices. these problems are compounded by protectionism against the export of products in which we enjoy inherent comparative advantages. without the expansion of exports, we cannot sustain our economic growth. this would have major repercussions on our national development and on the well-being of our people. we therefore call on all countries concerned to show a sincere desire to co-operate. for only through such co-operation can we succeed in remedying the present international economic disorder. the most pressing problem of all time confronting any government is the well-being of its people. here, in the case of thailand, the inspiration from our king has always been very important to my government. as stated earlier. his majesty has pioneered a great number of projects for the rural poor. following his initiatives, my government has allotted a major part of the national budget to development programmes for rural areas throughout the kingdom. despite the economic difficulties facing developing countries in the world ' today, thailand continues to obtain substantial economic growth. our rate of growth is estimated to be close to [number] per cent in real terms this year. this is due partly to the government's success in providing incentives and in stimulating the economy. it is also due to the close co-ordination between the public sector and our private sector. we expect our economy to continue growing, which will in turn bring better health care, better food, better shelter and a better standard of living for our people. it is clear that, for thailand, the role of the monarchy has proved to be indispensable. the monarchy is a moral force that binds all elements in the thai nation. it is a force that works for the greatest good of the thai people. as we in thailand celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the birth of our king, we also see it as an opportunity to rededicate ourselves to the cause of international peace, security and harmony. he are resolved to reaffirm our steadfast support for the united nations. this is what the ring himself stated in his royal address at the opening ceremony of the secretariat building of the economic and social commission for asia and the pacific, in bangkok, on [number] october [number] "the united nations has set for itself the high ideals of maintaining international peace and security based on the principles of equality and friendly relations among all nations, and it has, in actual practice, always tried its utmost to co-ordinate and promote the efforts of large and small countries all over the world to create mutual understanding and co-operation in order to solve the various problems in economic, social, human rights and other fields. " the united nations has indeed played a tremendously active role in bringing member states together to solve international problems and crises. it must continue to champion the cause of international peace and security as well as the well-being of all the peoples of the world. the gathering of so many heads of state and heads of government at the general assembly each year testifies to the importance the world attaches to this organization. but we hope that the fruits of the deliberations and discussions on these occasions will not leave only empty echoes of good intentions. let us turn these good intentions into positive action, action which brings just solutions to our problems, action which brings real and beneficial changes to our world. if we do these things, then we will know that we have done our very best to create a better world for mankind.

i would like to begin by congratulating the president on his outstanding election to the presidency of the general assembly at this session. his election reflects the recognition by the international community of the place and the role that the republic of korea, a great friend of gabon, plays in the world and particularly in asia. i would like to assure him of our full cooperation during his period of office. to his predecessor, mr. harri holkeri of finland, i express the satisfaction of my delegation for the excellent work done in the course of the last session. and to the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, i would like to reaffirm the highest appreciation of the government and the head of state of gabon, his excellency el hadj omar bongo, for the dedication and determination with which he has endeavoured to make a reality of the ideals of peace, justice and welfare contained in the united nations charter. the nobel peace prize, which has just been awarded to him as well as to the united nations, is eloquent testimony to the work being done by the united nations system to promote peace and build a more prosperous world. he can rest assured of gabon s support for his efforts in the service of the united nations. it is little more than a year ago that the heads of state and government of the member states of the united nations met here in new york at the historic millennium summit. on that occasion, they laid down the guidelines for the future work of the international community and reaffirmed their commitment to the purposes and principles set forth in the charter of our organization. the millennium summit thus enabled our nations to renew their commitment to act in unity and solidarity in order to take up the numerous challenges facing the world. the tragedy which took place on [number] september [number] in the united states of america has, more than ever, strengthened our determination to combat international terrorism. we must put an end to it by all possible means military, diplomatic and political. it is for this reason that gabon unreservedly supports security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] as well as the adoption of a comprehensive convention on terrorism. there is no possible doubt that the coalition which has been created will be victorious in the fight against terrorism. in this surge of solidarity, the international community must, in parallel, find appropriate responses to the world problems that can serve as a pretext for certain radical groups. there is an urgent need to act to find solutions to the conflicts and economic and social problems of our time. [number] as far as armed conflicts are concerned, we are convinced that if illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons could be ended, it would be easier to arrive at a prompt and lasting settlement. the implementation by everyone of the recommendations of the united nations conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects, held here in new york last july, would enable us to reach that goal. faithful to the commitment of president omar bongo, gabon remains committed to and involved in efforts to restore peace in the world, particularly in africa. here, i would like to express our satisfaction at the return of peace to congo brazzaville following a national dialogue involving all parties, under the auspices of the international mediator. the stability which has been restored to this brother country has made possible the voluntary return of the numerous congolese refugees from my country to their homes since august, thanks to excellent cooperation between the high commissioner for refugees, the gabonese authorities and the congolese authorities. similarly, we welcome the significant progress that has been made in the burundi peace process, which on [number] november [number] culminated in the establishment of a transitional government. i would like to pay deserved tribute to former president nelson mandela for the dedication and determination with which he conducted the process to that important stage. for his part, the president of the gabonese republic will, at the request of the members of the burundi peace initiative, pursue his efforts with a view to consolidating the peace process in that country. concerning the situation in the democratic republic of the congo, we welcome the important efforts already undertaken in establishing the united nations peacekeeping mission. we earnestly hope that the johannesburg phase will make possible the start of an effective inter-congolese dialogue. the situation in the middle east, because of the threat it presents to international peace and security, is also a source of deep concern. i therefore urge the parties to resume negotiations, the only way to arrive at a lasting peace. at the very moment when the process of globalization of financial markets and trade is affecting every aspect of the life of our societies, one must recognize that an ever-growing number of the world s peoples risk being marginalized if concrete measures are not taken on their behalf. the international community therefore needs to mobilize new and additional resources to enable them to narrow considerably the gap separating them from others. the forthcoming international conference on financing for development, scheduled for march [number] at monterrey, mexico, accordingly arouses great hopes. if this important conference is well prepared, it will help us to satisfy these legitimate expectations. leaders have understood that africa holds the key to its own development. the creation of the african union and the new partnership for africa s development are part of this logic. much remains to be done for development to blossom, but the foundations have already been laid. to achieve full success, however, africa needs the assistance of the united nations and the international community. another question vital to our planet s future at the beginning of the third millennium is that of the protection and preservation of the environment. the world summit on sustainable development, which is to be held in johannesburg from [number] to [number] september [number], will provide us a further opportunity to evaluate the progress made in implementing policies reflecting the commitments we undertook in rio de janeiro [number] years ago. what conclusions will we be able to draw as to the implementation of agenda [number]? what chance of success will we be prepared to give the united nations framework convention on climate change and the kyoto protocol, the united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and or desertification, and the convention on biodiversity? in other words, what we must do is to respond more simply and directly to the issue of the choices and concessions we are prepared to make to be able to pass on to future generations a preserved environment that is similar to the heritage we ourselves received from our fathers. any efforts made by the countries of africa to ensure better economic growth will be in vain if no large-scale effort is mounted against such diseases as hiv aids, tuberculosis, malaria and, not to be forgotten, arterial hypertension, which is another of the main causes of death in africa. there is therefore an urgent need to implement the united nations recommendations on aids, particularly with regard to care, support and treatment. there is also an urgent [number] need to make operational the special trust fund created for that purpose. at a time when the united nations, and in particular the security council the body primarily responsible for the maintenance of peace in the world is increasingly called upon to take on the numerous challenges posed by the third millennium, the matter of reforming that body continues to be highly relevant. indeed, it is difficult to conceive how a continent like africa can be without permanent representation on the council. the reality of today s world, divided between universalism and particular interests and identities, clearly illustrates that humanity is still searching for harmony and unity. that is why we are firmly convinced that a solution to the concerns i have just mentioned is to be found in the international community s promotion of the virtues of dialogue and solidarity, which are the pillars of the new humanism. without respect for those values, the dream cherished by the founders of our organization to build a peaceful and united world will remain a chimera. working towards establishing a new humanity free from selfishness, hatred, passions and injustice must constitute our common concern.

the topic of this general debate, delivering on and implementing a transformative post- [number] development agenda , most fittingly depicts our common priority before the organization s seventieth anniversary next autumn. we are about to set the stage for strategic decisions and concrete actions that should deliver comprehensive and transformational changes at the global and national levels. wars and armed conflicts, natural diseases, pandemic diseases, lingering poverty and many other existing or potential threats to human lives and human rights keep on emerging. if we do not react adamantly and swiftly to tackle those perils early enough in their emerging phases, we run the risk that they will increase exponentially and beyond our control. more than ever before, we must face the fact that security, development and human rights are interdependent and mutually reinforcing. they demand to be at the very heart of the post-[number] agenda. at this time, we are also witnessing a type of dangerous discord that spreads a fear of the worst possible outcome the same kind of fear that preceded the birth of the organization. the charter of the united nations provides us with so much wisdom its words came with the experience of the scourge of war and misery. what we need at this point is to reinvigorate the same level of determination we had almost seven decades ago and to do everything we can to avoid regression. croatia is deeply concerned about the situation in ukraine. there is none but a peaceful solution to the conflict. the suffering of so many people is unfortunately all too familiar. croatia echoes the call to stop the violence and to reach a political solution. croatia strongly supports the principles of international law concerning the sovereignty and territorial integrity of ukraine. similarly, we share the grave concern over the terrorism and violence spreading around the world, most notably in the middle east and africa. the sheer magnitude of destruction, the loss of lives and unspeakable atrocities, most notably those committed by the islamic state in iraq and the sham, can be overshadowed only by the growing threat that they will not stop soon or at any border, and that they will continue to grow and devour everything our civilization stands for. a zero-tolerance policy towards terrorism and a joint global effort are needed to prevent that from happening. croatia supports all ongoing efforts to form a coalition against the so-called islamic state. we stand ready to make a contribution to iraqi and iraqi kurdish forces. also, although it is a difficult task, achieving a stable and sustainable peace agreement between israelis and palestinians is an imperative. we hope that honest and serious efforts will be resumed to negotiate a comprehensive and sustainable peace agreement that will establish the grounds for a two-state solution, living in peace and security, mutually recognizing and respecting each other, and gradually transforming the entire middle east into a region of peace and cooperation. the situation in the world brings the need for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to the centre of our attention. in that regard, the [number] review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons will be of particular importance, and croatia hopes that the treaty will be reinforced and strengthened as an outcome of the conference. croatia also commends the unprecedented international effort aimed at the destruction of the chemical weapons of the syrian arab republic. the organization for the prohibition of chemical weapons-united nations joint mission s successful work demonstrates the indispensable role of the united nations. it is truly unnerving to be confronted with the problems and crises that i have mentioned, while our very best effort is needed to overcome obstacles such as climate change, natural disasters and the scarcity and degradation of resources, especially food and drinking water. the crises are interlinked. therefore, we need an interlinked and integrated response to them. again, no serious thought can be given to sustainable development without ensuring peace and security. some conflicts could have been foreseen, prevented and even averted if the international community had acted in a timely and decisive way. while, indeed, the primary responsibility lies with the sovereign state itself, regional and global organizations have the tools, and therefore also the obligation, to assist those states. one effective method in that regard is peacebuilding, where we help post-conflict societies to stand on their own. there is a vast pool of global experience in peacebuilding that could be applied, including that of my own country. we therefore hope that the upcoming review of the united nations peacebuilding architecture will consolidate the existing knowledge and experience and bring fresh ideas as to how to improve the overall peacebuilding process. a special role in maintaining peace and advancing development lies with women. in particular, we see the role of women in achieving successful conflict resolution and the sustainable development of post- conflict societies. we strongly advocate women s economic empowerment for peacebuilding and development. that is why we are organizing a high- level meeting at united nations headquarters on the gender dimension of sustainable development within the context of post-conflict recovery on [number] september. this week, we started discussing climate change the pressing issue of today. croatia is as vulnerable as any other country. the devastating and unprecedented floods that we are witnessing now are proof of that. yesterday, we all renewed our vow to boldly and ambitiously tackle that global issue, which is clearly of great importance. croatia hopes that the upcoming lima and paris conferences will lead us to a global agreement in key areas, including climate financing and the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. that remains one of the main pillars of the transformative post-[number] development agenda. bearing in mind the need for progress, we have committed ourselves to implementing the millennium development goals. that is our unfinished business. the implementation and evaluation of the millennium development goals have made us all conscious of the fact that such a vital process needs to be continued. croatia is pleased that, in that regard, we have been building the truly transformative and people-centred framework of the sustainable development goals sdgs . those goals represent the central investment in our common future. we must put the maximum effort into making the sdgs a reality and into supporting their continuous implementation at all levels. those goals represent an opportunity for long-term development that humankind cannot afford to miss. in that vein, we have supported the importance of good governance and the rule of law as the enablers and an inseparable part of sustainable development. everyone has a role to play national governments, international organizations, the private sector, civil society, academia, the media and the various other stakeholders. a key principle that matters to my country is equality among all human beings, regardless of their beliefs, race, gender, national origin, ethnicity, religion, disability, sexual orientation or other status. croatia fully supports the pivotal role of the united nations and its human rights mechanisms, in particular the human rights council, on the two tracks, namely, to further develop and strengthen the protection of human rights and to effectively respond in a timely way to the challenges of the gross violation and systematic abuse of human rights worldwide. we firmly believe that sustainable development goes hand in hand with democracy, which should be approached in a holistic manner. that said, a number of international mechanisms ensure stable democracies and sustainable development by eliminating double standards, insecurity and impunity. we therefore add our voice to the calls for universal adherence to the rome statute and the universal jurisdiction of the international criminal court. as i have already mentioned, we have recently witnessed all kinds of natural disasters. such situations demand swift and prompt national and international actions, first and foremost, to mitigate the immediate threat, as the same time as taking care of victims and delivering humanitarian aid. the outbreak of epidemic diseases also has a similar effect. a recent example is the ebola epidemic in some west african nations. it denotes a matter for solidarity and understanding and demands the world s immediate and comprehensive response to the multifaceted medical, social, economic and security crisis. croatia will continue to provide assistance to the most vulnerable people, especially considering that we have rich expertise in the area of capacity- building programmes in a humanitarian crisis, in raising awareness of the dangers of landmines and other unexploded ordnance of war and in providing psychosocial support to victims of violence. in addition, let me point out that croatia was dedicated and active in delivering humanitarian aid to the flooded regions of its neighbouring countries of serbia and bosnia and herzegovina this spring, while we ourselves also faced grave floods and their consequences in croatia. we all need more solidarity at the regional and the global levels. one of the most important goals of my presidency has been and continues to be the promotion of dialogue and cooperation instead of conflict as a means of achieving security and stability for croatia, as well as every other country in the world. i am proud to say that croatia has come a long way in that respect. with the world summit in [number], we started reforming the united nations system. despite all the progress made, we have not managed to achieve concrete results with regard to the reform of the security council. moreover, we would like to see the council more engaged in preventing crises and its ongoing dedication to its charter duties rather than to any particular interest. in order to maintain the council s authority, relevance and indispensability in maintaining global peace and security, its reform needs to be comprehensive and without further delay. on numerous occasions, croatia has stated its position on security council reform. in our view, the enlargement should happen in both the permanent and the non-permanent categories of membership, including one additional non-permanent seat for the eastern european states. the enlargement is closely linked to the reform of the working methods of the security council, including the question of the use of the veto power. croatia welcomes and supports the initiative to establish a code of conduct with regard to the suspension of the use of the veto in cases relating to a mass crime. on another note, we strongly believe that the consolidation of the european space will be possible only through the further stabilization and security of south-eastern europe. we look forward to the day when all countries of the region will finally be admitted to the european union. croatia has been and will continue to be an advocate for a continuous and strong focus on south-eastern europe. the countries of the region are finding an increasing number of ways to cooperate together and to lay the foundation for the joint development of sustainable peace and stability, be it with regard to the recent devastating floods or to dealing with a difficult past, while achieving truth and justice on the issues of missing persons or of setting the stage for major infrastructure and transport projects. in conclusion, allow me to address an issue that i personally believe can be one of the best remedies for achieving social improvement, economic advance and, consequently, political stability education. that is why i strongly support the secretary-general s global education first initiative. knowledge and education are major driving forces of societies and one of the most important preconditions for success and sustainable development. disparities in knowledge and its distribution, access and application have become major factors in determining the overall success of a nation and the level of its development. it is the best guarantee that the world s development and stability will go hand in hand and that global peace and security with thus become stronger than ever.

i should like to begin by congratulating you, sir, on your election to the presidency and wishing you every success in the months ahead. i pledge my country s fullest cooperation and support in the discharge of your duties and responsibilities. i must also extend my sincere appreciation to secretary-general ban ki-moon for his effective leadership in promoting global peace, security and development. last year, this assembly declared and honoured the opening of ethiopia s third millennium. we appreciate that honour. it provided a tangible foundation for the renaissance of ethiopia, most recently symbolized by the re-erection of the obelisk of axum, brought back from italy to the land of its origin, where it was carved [number] centuries ago. we are grateful to the italian government for that right and bold decision. a central element of our millennium celebrations has been the initiation of numerous development activities for the war on poverty and our commitment to attain the millennium development goals mdgs . as the secretary-general has noted, progress towards the mdgs in africa has been uneven. it is indeed alarming that no country is likely to reach all the mdgs by [number]. we are at the moment at the midway mark and we all recognize that we are behind schedule. we hope that the high-level event on the mdgs has [number] [number]-[number] achieved its objective of creating global awareness and renewed commitment, with particular focus on africa. i concur with the secretary-general that we are facing a development emergency. in that regard, decisive and timely action must be taken by developed and developing countries alike to live up to their commitments to the millennium development goals. food insecurity could undermine core democratic values and ruin national development efforts. governments should therefore take the lead and work together in the economic sector to resolve the current global food crisis. the monterrey consensus on financing for development, integrating aid, debt relief, market access, good governance and foreign direct investment is a litmus test for the success of global partnerships. we call on the developed countries to honour their commitment to devote [number]. [number] per cent of their gross national income to overseas development assistance. the millennium development goals provide the critical minimum for our survival as a nation and the basis for the profound transformation in which we are currently engaged. ethiopia s priorities remain the eradication of poverty, sustainable development and ensuring good governance, democracy and respect for human rights. those are not a choice, but a necessity for our survival as a nation. we have laid the foundations for continued growth and democratization, building democratic institutions from the grass roots and providing the necessary political space for responsible democratization. our average of [number] per cent growth over the last five years is continuing despite the setbacks of recent months. we continue protecting poverty-targeted outlays and increasing capital expenditure on infrastructure, education, health and pro-poor sectors. for the first time in its history, ethiopia is making real and meaningful economic progress. it is the fastest growing non-oil economy in africa. ethiopia is both landlocked and one of the least developed countries. accordingly, we attach great importance to the full implementation of both the brussels and the almaty programmes of action. while we appreciate all external assistance, we are equally conscious of the need for predictable, strong and enduring partnerships for mutual benefit. we need economic relations that no longer penalize poor countries and ones that provide greater flexibility in development aid, the transfer of capital and the removal of excessive indebtedness. the objectives of the millennium development goals make it clear that global affluence and welfare are inseparable and that prosperity cannot coexist with abject poverty. in the context of the present world trading system, we urge realistic preferential terms of trade, especially to least developed countries, including quota- and duty-free market access for all their goods and services. ethiopia has consistently helped to promote peace and stability in our region. we have no doubt that sustainable development will be possible only with durable peace and security. those form the very foundation of our subregional organization, the intergovernmental authority on development igad . as the current chair of igad, ethiopia is determined to ensure that its revitalization will become a reality, enhance regional integration and promote peace, security and development. we know the dangers of continued conflict in our region. that is indeed why we have committed ourselves to peace in somalia ever since we helped organize the first broad-based peace conference in [number]. we have consistently supported all efforts to bring about an effective government in that country. in that regard, we are encouraged by the latest positive political developments in somalia. the djibouti agreement and the addis ababa road map open the way for further progress in the peace process. we now look forward to the planned igad summit in nairobi early next month to help somalia s leaders do more for national reconciliation. at the same time, we urge the security council to discharge its responsibility by deploying a peacekeeping mission to somalia as soon as possible or at least by allocating the necessary resources to strengthen the african union mission to somalia amisom . we commend the deployment of troops from uganda and burundi to amisom. it is never too late for others to follow their example. ethiopia appreciates the progress made in the implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement in the sudan. we urge the parties to do more in overcoming the challenges facing them. however, we must emphasize that the international community should also bear its shared responsibility in that regard. ethiopia fully supports the african union [number]-[number] [number] position on darfur and the handling of the international criminal court-sudan issue. ethiopia stands firmly committed to resolving all outstanding issues with eritrea through peaceful, political, legal and diplomatic means. terrorism is a scourge that impedes peace and development in any part of the world. as its occurrence in any form threatens global security as a whole, ethiopia believes that it should be addressed collectively. in that regard, we attach great significance to the ability of dialogue among civilizations to build a culture of tolerance that will enable us to create closer understanding among nations all nations. ethiopia remains committed to the united nations reform process and its revitalization. they are critical to the credibility of the united nations and the future of multilateralism. as a founding member of the united nations, ethiopia will always remain loyal to its purpose and principles. the united nations is the custodian of multilateral diplomacy. at no time since the second world war have multilateralism and genuine cooperation been as critical as they are today. that is why we need the united nations as never before. it is a body that remains vital to the future of us all, developing and developed countries alike.

at this time, when i have the honour to take the floor before this august assembly, above all i would like to express to you, on behalf of the congolese people as well as on my own behalf, my warm congratulations to mr. jean ping on his election to the presidency of the general assembly as well as the election of the members of his bureau. i also take this occasion to congratulate and give my continued support to mr. julian hunte, the president of the previous general assembly, for the significant quality of the work he accomplished during a difficult international situation. this debate provides me the opportunity to bring the message of my country to the world a message of peace and national reconciliation and to express our vision concerning the violent events taking place in the world and the most appropriate way to find lasting solutions to those events. in that respect, looking back at world developments, we can only note and deplore the rise in international terrorism in all its forms with its long line of victims, distress and desolation. this appears to me to be the appropriate time to announce that my country s commitment to the ratification of all international legal instruments on terrorism is moving into its final phase of adoption. our aim is to combat that scourge which i repeat spares no one. apart from terrorism, the international community is confronted with the resurgence of other disasters which are just as murderous and devastating and which require us to strengthen our collective efforts. in particular i am thinking of hiv aids, malaria, tuberculosis and other endemic diseases. that list of forgotten diseases should not obscure the immense poverty and the natural disasters that we see throughout the world. moreover, we must not forget the areas of tension, civil wars and other armed conflicts which increase the misery and hopelessness of humanity and which thus sorely test international peace and security. during the intersessional period, the situation in the democratic republic of the congo has been characterized by a process of political transition. in the long term, we plan to organize elections which will enable the congolese people to freely choose their leaders. in that respect, i would like to point out that that process reached its midway point on [number] june [number]. it has thus entered a decisive phase which requires from all institutions of the transition a redoubling of effort in order to meet the electoral deadlines as laid out in the global agreement. today we can congratulate ourselves on the following significant progress the reunification of national territory through the setting up of a land commission under central authority national reconciliation, symbolized by the presence in the government of former enemies and the beginning of the process of integration of the army and the establishment of the national police force. nevertheless, much remains to be done, including the complete restoration of the authority of the state throughout the country and the establishment of the necessary internal and external conditions for the holding of the aforementioned elections. thus, taking into account the desire for peace of all of the congolese people, and the determination expressed many times by the transitional government to respect the deadlines, it is important that we reinforce, in terms of quality and quantity, the united nations organization mission in the democratic republic of the congo monuc , whose support of the forces of order will help us put an end to the [number] activism of the militias which continue to sow death and desolation in the eastern part of the country. in addition, given the results obtained by the political players in the democratic republic of the congo in the fulfilment of their obligations under the global agreement, we launch an urgent appeal to the international community and ask it to respect its promises and commitments in bringing about the objectives of the transition. the democratic republic of the congo is a peace-loving country, resolutely committed to developing, maintaining and promoting excellent relations with all countries dedicated to peace and justice and particularly, with its neighbours. also the principle of good neighbourliness, far from being a simple slogan, is for us a living and daily reality. that is why i am happy to see the signature of the terms of reference, establishing a joint verification mechanism on the eastern border of our national territory. this will enable us to rebuild trust in relations in the region, a process which will culminate in the international conference on peace, security and development, scheduled to take place shortly. the other major task in the great lakes region remains preventing a recurrence of unfortunate events, such as the massacres of the people in bukuvu, ituri and those recently committed in gatumba, burundi, during which [number] of our fellow citizens tragically lost their lives. this assassination of congolese refugees on burundian soil is the work of the enemies of peace and of peaceful cohabitation in our subregion. the people of congo are waiting impatiently for the report of the inquiry being prepared under united nations auspices on this very subject. i solemnly express the congolese people s faith in the united nations, which has stood at our side at the cost of many sacrifices. we firmly believe in its ability to take even more responsibility on its shoulders, with a view to the ideas and principles contained in the charter, particularly with regard to its process of revitalization and the adaptation of its structures so that it is able to rethink its working methods in order that we will see peace, security and peaceful cohabitation come about among peoples throughout the world. i would like to conclude my statement by assuring the assembly of our will to bring to a successful conclusion, with the help of the whole of the international community, the process of transition within the set deadlines so that the sons and daughters of the democratic republic of the congo are able to live again in peace and dignity so long denied them and to which they legitimately have the right.

[number]. mr. president, on behalf of democratic kampuchea, i have the honour to extend to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the general assembly and the conduct of the business of this important session. [number]. your brilliant election is a well-deserved tribute by the international community to you personally, to your country, the republic of panama, and its valiant people, and to the whole of latin america, whose historic contribution to the elaboration and formulation of the noble principles of the charter and to their defence has constantly had a positive effect on the destiny of the organization. [number]. allow me to greet the secretary-general and to convey to him, on behalf of my country and its national coalition government, our sincere admiration and profound gratitude for his courageous, resolute and clear sighted action in the service of justice and peace in an uneasy world. [number]. finally, i warmly welcome, on behalf of democratic kampuchea, the entry of the sovereign state of saint christopher and nevis into the organization, and pay a tribute to the states members of the united nations which, faithful to the noble ideals of the charter of the united nations, and going against the wind and the tide, support an independent, neutral and non-aligned kampuchea and maintain the rights and legitimacy of our government within this assembly. i feel it my duty to state here that the united nations is the last hope of attacked, oppressed and colonized peoples such as mine, who are the victims of hegemonistic and expansionist powers. [number]. it is to the credit of the united nations that the general assembly, by an overwhelming majority, continues to see that democratic kampuchea receives justice. some governments friendly to the socialist republic of viet nam now wish to oust democratic kampuchea and replace it by a regime which, as everybody well knows, has been installed in our capital by the vietnamese army. as all people of good faith have noted, this regime represents only its foreign masters. it consists of mere puppets whose strings are pulled by hanoi. is it conceivable that these puppets could become members of the united nations? [number]. by contrast, the coalition government of democratic kampuchea, its administration and its armed forces have gathered around them, in resistance to the occupiers, all khmer patriots, men and women, from all sectors and of all ideological or political tendencies. [number]. our government is not in exile. its ministers are working and carrying on the struggle on the national soil of kampuchea, which at the present time comprises several liberated zones, not only near thailand's border, but also in the south-west, the north-east and other parts of the country. our liberated zones are controlled by the armed forces of our tripartite coalition, whose fighters increase in number year by year. at present they consist of about [number], [number] armed men capable of operating far from their bases. hundreds of thousands of men, women, old people and children live in these zones. at least [number], [number] people live near the thai-kampuchean border. [number]. those in foreign circles hostile to my government have asserted that it "controls no territory". i would point out to them that in april and may [number], at the height of the vietnamese offensive against our main bases, i received on the national territory of kampuchea six ambassadors from friendly countries, who presented their credentials to me in the presence of radio and television teams and correspondents from the international press. [number]. foreign personalities who doubt the vitality of our national resistance may, if they wish, accompany me in january [number] to free kampuchea to meet our people, our soldiers, our buddhist monks and our muslim and christian compatriots. they will also have the opportunity to witness the arrival in the liberated area of kampuchea of at least four ambassadors coming from friendly countries to present their credentials to the president of democratic kampuchea. [number]. it is therefore obvious that the socialist republic of viet nam, an important military power, has not succeeded in taking control of the whole of kampuchea, despite massive aid from the soviet union. [number]. i would add that during the last dry season the massive, murderous offensives launched by the vietnamese army against our bases and our liberated zones met with a military setback. to take revenge for that setback, the enemy attacked our civilian population and massacred a large number of elderly people, women including pregnant women and children who could not be evacuated in time from the villages close to the front. [number]. the vietnamese armed forces are, and will remain, incapable of wiping out kampuchean patriots on kampuchean soil. if the united nations were to expel from its midst the government of a country which is the victim of aggression and which defends with courage its inalienable right to freedom and self-determination that would be tantamount to repudiating its charter and everything that justifies its existence. [number]. i well understand that the united nations attaches the greatest importance to the problems of underdevelopment, to the painful plight of refugees throughout the world, to north-south co-operation and to other similar vital problems. [number]. in my humble opinion, however, we must not permit a situation in which we cannot see the wood for the trees. the problem of refugees, for instance, cannot be resolved while its root causes, which are primarily political, remain. [number]. the secretary-general, in his report on the work of the organization said "the problem of refugees can be resolved only with a settlement of the root political causes". the question of the kampuchean refugees cannot be resolved without the settlement of its root problem the political problem of kampuchea. if hundreds of thousands of khmers have sought refuge outside their country, it is clearly because they did not, and do not, support domination by the vietnamese. [number]. since [number] the general assembly has adopted each year, at each of its sessions, just resolutions on kampuchea. the socialist republic of viet nam and its allies have rejected those resolutions, despite the fact that they are members of the organization and should be the first to respect them conscientiously. [number]. at present, the kingdom of thailand has to bear the heavy burden of sheltering hundreds of thousands of kampuchean refugees who obstinately refuse to return to their villages where they would live under vietnamese domination. [number]. even now, every day dozens of my compatriots fleeing from the vietnamese occupiers come at great risk to take refuge in the thai-kampuchean border areas, thus creating increasingly serious social and economic problems. those problems are tackled, with boundless devotion and great difficulty, by a number of compassionate countries, in particular thailand, and various international organizations such as unhcr, the international committee of the red cross, unicef, undro, and other humanitarian organizations. [number]. the countries which have taken in the kampuchean refugees have done their duty nobly, but most of them have let us know that from now on it will be difficult for them to accept any more refugees. [number]. the united states of america and france alone have already given shelter to more than [number], [number] of our compatriots. tens of thousands of others have taken refuge in canada, the federal republic of germany, the united kingdom, switzerland, austria, belgium, the netherlands, australia, new zealand, the philippines, malaysia, singapore, china, hong kong, macao, japan and senegal and other countries of africa. overall, about one million kampuchean refugees have been scattered to the four comers of the world or live in the liberated zones of kampuchea among the local population, which shows that my compatriots absolutely refuse to live under the yoke of vietnamese colonialism. [number]. the propaganda of hanoi claims that my people reject sihanouk and his coalition government. if that is so, why do viet nam, its allies and its friends persist so steadfastly and vehemently in refusing to allow the kampuchean people to choose freely its own form of government through general elections held under international supervision as advocated by the united nations? that categorical refusal is irrefutable evidence of the fact that the people and the nation of kampuchea demand the departure of the vietnamese and the removal of their puppets and lackeys in phnom penh. [number]. it is my hope and that of all kampuchean patriots that at the present session of the general assembly the delegations of all countries committed to justice, independence and peace will support my country by voting overwhelmingly in favour of its rebirth as a sovereign, neutral and independent state, free from all foreign occupation. [number]. the present situation in kampuchea is worsening as a result of the fact that in addition to the [number], [number] vietnamese soldiers and the thousands of "technicians" and "advisers" from hanoi who control a part of our country, there are about [number], [number] vietnamese settlers who have been sent to our country to exploit our lands and rice fields, our villages, forests, lakes, rivers, coasts and other natural resources. [number]. that figure of [number], [number] vietnamese settlers dispatched to kampuchea has been confirmed by our thai neighbour. at a meeting with the international press at bangkok, on i6 september [number], mr. jetn sucharitkul, a spokesman of the ministry of foreign affairs of thailand, said that viet nam "has sent nearly [number], [number] vietnamese immigrants to settle in kampuchea. " [number]. the sending of vietnamese settlers by the hanoi government physically to vietnamize my country has been carried out at a dramatically accelerated rate. [number]. the nation review of bangkok, on friday, [number] march [number], wrote the following "according to intelligence reports, the migration rate was on the rise last year without any sign that the massive flow would slow down in the near future. with the resettlement of the vietnamese immigrants in re- source-rich areas some of which, if not all, are their exclusive zone along the viet nam-kampuchea border, around tonle sap and in the capital of phnom penh, growing conflicts between them and the local people have been reported, prompting the heng samrin regime to issue at least two sets of directives late last year to minimize the conflicts. still, the announcements, particularly the one released on [number] october, made it clear that the regime would continue to be committed to the policy on the vietnamese immigrants and 'widening the scope of exchange of views between the two peoples and promoting their connections, which will lead to co-operation and unity of the two countries'. "vietnamese troops who defected to the moulinaka resistance movement on [number] april last year were also quoted as saying that hanoi was pursuing every available means to get the vietnamese people resettled in kampuchea as many of them as possible. " [number]. in addition to that physical vietnamization of kampuchea, there is an odious cultural vietnamization of the life of our colonized people. [number]. mr. colin campbell, who was in phnom penh seven months ago, wrote an article on that subject that was published in new york times on [number] april [number]. he said, among other things, the following "more than four years after its invasion of cambodia, viet nam has extended its influence deep into the daily lives of the cambodian people. "in the marketplace and the rice field, on the stage, in the classroom, in government offices and elsewhere, viet nam's influence over the cambodians is far- reaching . . . "politically, the vietnamese-installed government of president heng samrin . . . is still deeply dependent for its basic policies and ideology on vietnamese advisers and vietnamese patterns. " cambodian students, when greeted in french by the reporters, appeared not to know the language. "and since the new cambodian school system does not offer french, the country's acquaintance with medical and other technical world literatures would seem to be at an awkward stage. "the minister of education, pen navuth, said later in an interview that learning vietnamese was part of the 'mutual co-operation' between the two nations. " the study of vietnamese takes place not only in the medical faculty but in all ministries', he said. "to date, the books have all been printed in ho chi minh city, formerly saigon. "they teach literature and history by . . . praising the long ties between the 'progressive forces' of viet nam and cambodia, the unity of lndo-china and its deep friendship with the soviet union, and by explaining the 'two revolutionary tasks' of viet nam and now of cambodia the defence and construction of communism. "the portraits on the library wall are of marx, lenin, heng samrin and ho chi minh. "gratitude towards viet nam is repeated on the government radio and amplified morning and night, wherever there are loudspeakers across cambodia. "at the royal palace . . . young dancers in cambodia's national ballet can be seen varying traditional sequences with new ones of a political sort. three young women flow onto the stage in the traditional clothes of viet nam, laos and cambodia. "the flag of international communism serves as the unifying symbol in a performance at the royal palace in phnom penh. at a park, a plane in a children's ride bears the vietnamese flag and the date of the friendship pact between cambodia and viet nam. in the capital, a sober educated cambodian pulled a western reporter aside and told him, simply and desperately, that the vietnamese were 'very bad'. "derogatory khmer terms for the vietnamese are heard regularly in private conversations. and a few cambodian officials are said not to have enjoyed the company of their vietnamese advisers. the chief of staff in [number] of the ministry of foreign affairs, chea tra, was said by two defectors to have grown so angry at his vietnamese adviser that he shot him dead. " [number]. among the prominent foreign personalities who particularly sympathize with the unspeakable sufferings of the kampuchean people, i should like to quote mr. anerood jugnauth, prime minister of mauritius, who said the following from this rostrum last week "in south-east asia we are witnesses to ruthless cultural destruction in which the proud khmers continue to suffer the occupation of their country. a rich and ancient civilization, nurtured patiently over several centuries, is being mercilessly destroyed and the genius of the khmer people is being regimented out of existence. we are appalled by the lack of concern shown by the world for what has become an endangered people and a civilization facing extinction. the fact that this sore has festered for eight years does not in any way attenuate the urgency of finding a solution to it. we call for the immediate termination of the foreign occupation of cambodia, the restoration of its non- aligned status and the re-establishment of the cambodian people's right to self-determination in a truly independent country. " before touching the last part of my statement, which will be devoted to our foreign policy, i shall quote to you from one of the numerous foreign reports on the vitality and development of our national resistance to the vietnamese occupation. [number]. the following are excerpts from the article entitled "the new indochina war" by mr. al santoli, published by random house in [number] "in the four and a half years since the vietnamese invaded cambodia in december [number] , . . they and the puppet government they installed have not won what the americans used to call the hearts and the minds of the people. resistance throughout the countryside has been growing considerably . . . "despite the presence of [number], [number] soviet-armed and soviet-advised vietnamese troops and with little aid from the outside world, each year resistance activities increase, even near the capital and the vietnamese border. in an eerie echo of earlier wars, the vietnamese control the day but fear the night. in phnom penh and in provincial capitals, early evening curfews are enforced. the current phnom penh government, which call itself the people's republic of kampuchea . . . depends almost entirely on vietnamese troops for its survival. "except for the terror attacks on civilian camps, this war has not gone well for the vietnamese. they have suffered tens of thousands of casualties, and officials in hanoi admit that troop morale has faded. phanat nikhom camp in thailand holds hundreds of vietnamese military deserters. nguyen xuan han, a defector who fought against the americans in viet nam and marched victoriously into saigon in [number], told ronald yates of the chicago tribune last may 'the war will never end in cambodia. instead, the blood of viet nam turns the rice paddies red and cambodia has become viet nam's grave. ' another vietnamese, mr. pham, said 'the cambodian nationalist soldiers are tough. they believe they are fighting to keep their culture from ending. and they are right. what hanoi is doing is not according to the socialism i was taught. instead, it is just killing off our young people. ' "the army of heng samrin's puppet government has tried conscripting men from [number] to [number] years of age and women from [number] to [number]. but many defect because they do not want to fight their own people. those caught trying to flee to resistance-controlled areas have been severely punished by the vietnamese. some have been executed . . . " [number]. we sincerely hope that a political solution can be found for the problem of kampuchea, one in keeping with the just resolutions adopted by the general assembly on kampuchea. [number]. we call upon the socialist republic of viet nam and the soviet u in to respect those resolutions and to participate in the international conference on kampuchea in order to solve this problem for which those two powers bear the major part of the responsibility in kampuchea. [number]. viet nam has never stopped saying that it will withdraw all its troops from kampuchea when the so- called chinese threat has disappeared. all honest observers can testify that there is no "chinese threat" either in my country or near it. the only threat in our region, south-east asia, comes from the socialist republic of viet nam and the soviet union. [number]. the best guarantee that the coalition government of democratic kampuchea can give to those two powers is the following. first, our kampuchea, once completely liberated, will be strictly neutral and non-aligned. our country will be as neutral in asia as switzerland and austria are in europe. secondly, the general elections in kampuchea will be held under united nations supervision. [number]. in this respect, we approve and will implement point [number] of the joint statement by the ministers for foreign affairs of the countries of the association of southeast asian nations, circulated recently as a united nations document which reads as follows " . following the total withdrawal of foreign troops from kampuchea, the kampuchean people must be able to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination through internationally-supervised elections in which all kampucheans shall participate and all political groups in kampuchea should be encouraged to work towards the goal of national reconciliation. " [number]. thirdly, there will also be reconciliation and friendship with viet nam and its allies if they once and for all stop interfering in kampuchea's internal affairs and respect the independence, sovereignty, neutrality and territorial integrity of our country. [number]. the struggle for national liberation that is being carried on by those people is inseparable from the struggle of other people that are the victims of injustice. [number]. however difficult our own situation may be, it is our duty to show our complete solidarity with our valiant brothers. [number]. our most sincere good wishes go to our brothers and sisters of laos, whose legitimate aspiration is to recover their national independence and freedom. [number]. we reiterate our firm support for the afghan people who have been struggling heroically against soviet invasion and occupation for at out four years. we call for the total withdrawal of soviet troops from afghanistan, to enable the afghan people to exercise freely their right to self-determination, and the afghan people to regain its sovereignty and status as a genuinely non-aligned country. [number]. we express once again our unwavering support for the korean people who, with confidence, courage and tenacity, have been striving for years to establish the conditions necessary for the reunification of their homeland. we reaffirm our strong support for the just, realistic and wise proposals put forward by marshal kim [number] sung, president of the democratic people's republic of korea, for the independent and peaceful reunification of korea. [number]. our solidarity with the palestinian people and the other arab peoples struggling to recover all their territories occupied since [number] has never wavered. [number]. we remain convinced that peace and security in the middle east cannot be re-established without a comprehensive, just and lasting solution of the palestinian problem, worked out with the full participation of the palestine liberation organization plc , the legitimate representative of the palestinian people and nation. such a solution can be found only by implementing the relevant united nations resolutions and the declaration of the international conference on the question of palestine held recently at geneva. ' [number]. further delay in solving the palestinian problem can only increase tension in the region. this has been proved by the worsening of the situation in lebanon. it is urgently necessary that all foreign forces whose deployment in the country is not authorized by the government of lebanon withdraw and that the independence, sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity of lebanon be respected by all states. [number]. we earnestly hope that the lebanese people will be able to resolve their problems without foreign interference and in national harmony. [number]. we also hope no less earnestly that genuine reconciliation will soon make it possible to put an end to the bloody war between the two neighbouring, brother countries of iraq and iran. [number]. we reaffirm our strong solidarity with the namibian people, under the leadership of the south west africa people's organization and other african peoples in their just struggle against the racist regime of pretoria, and we hope that namibia will soon achieve independence, with territorial integrity. [number]. in this respect, allow me to congratulate the secretary-general on his commendable efforts and initiatives aimed at ensuring the implementation of the relevant security council resolutions on namibia. [number]. the international community is also worried about the situation in the horn of africa. in this regard, we support the just stand adopted by the organization of african unity and the states concerned, aimed at the restoration of peace in that region. we reaffirm our strong solidarity with the people of somalia, who are waging a valiant and legitimate struggle to safeguard the independence and ensure the territorial integrity of their country. [number]. we reaffirm our fraternal support for the people and government of chad in the just struggle they are waging to safeguard the territorial integrity and defend the independence, sovereignty and national unity of their land. we hope that the people of chad soon gain peace by means of national reconciliation, and live in security within the frontiers internationally recognized since the decolonization of their country. [number]. finally, the situation in central america and the caribbean remains of concern to the international community owing to the increasing tension that prevails there. we support the sincere efforts and initiatives of the contadora group aimed at finding a peaceful solution. [number]. in conclusion, i wish the delegations participating in the present session of the general assembly full success in their noble and important tasks.

allow me first to associate myself with the statement by my colleague, the french minister for foreign affairs, on behalf of the european union. may i also congratulate you, mr. vice-president, and through you, president holkeri, on your election to preside over this millennium assembly. a few days ago, leaders from all over the world gathered at the millennium summit. they gathered to reaffirm their faith in the charter and to give direction to the united nations in the twenty-first century. the charter remains as relevant as ever with its mandate to promote peace and security, create an international community based on the rule of law, uphold respect for human rights and promote social development. the new millennium brings new challenges to the united nations in an ever more globalized world. increased communication between countries and peoples reinforces the need for common norms of social and economic behaviour. the global united nations conferences within the last decade bear witness to the value of the united nations as a unique norm setting forum. the follow up conferences to the social summit in copenhagen and the beijing conference on women are cases in point. these united nations summits have advanced our understanding of the interaction between peace, development and human rights. the united nations process on financing for development offers an opportunity for renewed commitment and action. the relationship between social development and promotion of human rights is today recognized. the best preventive action against conflict and strife is to ensure sound economic and social development based on good governance, respect for human rights and protection of minorities. an encouraging and innovative feature is the decision adopted by the economic and social council in july to establish a permanent forum on indigenous issues thereby advancing the aspirations of indigenous peoples. the danish government and the home rule government of greenland welcome this recent development. we will actively support the work of the permanent forum. i welcome the fact that the security council has shown increasing attention to humanitarian issues. the open meeting in the council on africa in january gave new prominence to the humanitarian challenges for this continent. in the past year, the council has taken up issues as diverse as aids in africa, protection of civilians in armed conflicts and children in armed conflict. these initiatives increase our awareness of the root causes of conflict. the international community must shoulder its responsibility in relation to the aids epidemic in sub- saharan africa. the rapid spread of hiv aids could seal the fate of more than [number] million africans over the next five years and epidemic undermines decades of development efforts and dissolves the social texture of nations. it could destabilize entire regions. the aids epidemic is not a local problem. it is a matter of security of global importance. africa has enormous potential but millions continue to survive on less than one dollar a day. the growing transfer of private capital rarely flows to the countries in africa. we must do more to integrate africa into the world economy. trade opportunities must be improved. we must give free access to the markets of industrialized countries, as well as to products where african countries have a genuine competitive advantage. the legal framework of the world trade organization wto must take into account the special difficulties of developing countries. trade-related technical assistance must be improved. peace and security, we know, are fundamental conditions for economic and social development. war, internal strife and political unrest have devastated large parts of africa, causing untold human suffering and destruction. no one should expect easy solutions, but we must work together to prevent and resolve armed conflicts in africa. we witness an increased african effort in the field of peace and security. the international community must support this trend through our active involvement. we must assist in capacity-building by relevant african organizations, and by backing united nations peacekeeping efforts. africa itself must create the conditions for international involvement. we welcome the initiatives by the security council to create common ground for united nations peacekeeping operations by inviting the parties involved to discussions and special sessions of the council in new york. although the camp david talks did not bring about an agreement in the middle east, they represented a major step forward. they helped to narrow down differences on key issues. a breakthrough has never before seemed so close at hand. time, however, is quickly running out. i urge the parties to seize this historic opportunity. i salute the political courage displayed by the israeli and the palestinian leadership in their efforts to achieve a durable solution. i welcome the recent decision by the palestinian central council to defer the decision on the question of statehood in the interest of further negotiations. democracy is a peacemaker. democracies are much less prone to violent conflicts. the secretary- general recently called attention to what he called fig leaf democracies. the fig leaf of elections does not by itself turn a dictatorship into a democracy. elections can even lead to a backlash as frustrations rise and tensions turn into violence. denmark increasingly turns her efforts towards the prevention and management of violent conflicts in line with our comprehensive engagement in developing countries and active involvement in united nations peacekeeping activities. we will strengthen this ability to react quickly and effectively. we will also continue to support regional cooperation also when it comes to countering the uncontrolled spread of small arms. landmines are substantial obstacles to development. increased efforts by the united nations, governments and non- governmental organizations are necessary. right now, new momentum is needed. the second meeting of states parties to the ottawa convention provides an important opportunity. peace operations are no longer a question of merely keeping the warring parties apart or monitoring ceasefires. they are a comprehensive and complex undertaking involving disarmament, demobilization of combatants, supervision of elections, monitoring of human rights and training of local police among others. we must enable the united nations to adapt to the new realities, do things better and avoid such failures as happened in rwanda. i fully support the recommendations in the brahimi report on united nations peace operations. we must provide stronger political and financial support to the organization. i welcome the proposed shift towards the use of civilian police and the rule of law, as i welcome the focus on rapid deployment of military and civilian personnel. police and judicial experts are indispensable to rebuilding the economy in civil society, and their work must be based on a solid peace-building strategy. close cooperation between the united nations and other international organizations is called for. we must establish a partnership between the united nations and regional actors. last year the secretary-general called upon member states to pursue more effective policies to stop [number] organized mass murder and violations of human rights. i fully support this view. we cannot leave large groups of people unaided where national authorities do not live up to their responsibilities. conflicts in kosovo and east timor raise serious questions with regard to some of the classic principles of international law, the principle of state sovereignty, the principle of respect for human rights and the principle of the non-use of force in international relations. on the one hand, we had a basic rule of international law incorporated into the united nations charter that the use of force in international relations is prohibited unless authorized by the security council or in self-defence. on the other hand, many countries find that there is a political and moral obligation to act in the face of atrocities causing large-scale human suffering within another state. there is no clear-cut solution to this dilemma. but surely no legal principle, including sovereignty, can be used as a shield to commit crimes against humanity and other serious violations of human rights. the security council has a moral obligation to act on behalf of the international community. we must remember that the united nations was founded, in the words of the charter, in order to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights. any intervention reflects a failure of prevention. as a last resort, the international community must have the ability to act in the face of organized mass murder or ethnic-cleansing, even if the security council is blocked. the challenge is to keep open the option of humanitarian intervention without security council authorization in extreme cases, but to do so without jeopardizing the international legal order. we must ensure that the security council functions as effectively as possible. if not, the influence of the council will be diminished. the permanent members of the security council should apply the right of veto only in matters of vital importance. therefore, i reiterate my proposal to establish a procedural rule a rule according to which a permanent member of the security council would have to state the reasons why it has decided to exercise its right of veto in a given situation. furthermore, the member state should state on which grounds it considers that matters of vital importance are at stake. i hope that this idea can be further developed and that it can gain broad support. i have addressed new challenges and possibilities at the start of the new millennium. let me end by reminding this assembly that old challenges still need to be addressed. weapons of mass destruction are a lethal legacy of the cold war. they need our continued attention. certain states are still pursuing the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction and building a missile capacity. there is a need for further improvement of the international non-proliferation regimes. peace, development and human rights have been the essentials in the work of the united nations from the very beginning. they remain essential. the primary responsibility for a more peaceful, prosperous and just world rests with governments, but the united nations is here to help us. the millennium summit confirmed our common will to work together as truly united nations. i cannot leave this assembly without expressing my deep concern at the situation in burma. the treatment of mrs. aung san suu kyi is a disgrace, and i call on the regime in burma to immediately restore mrs. aung san suu kyi's freedom of speech, movement and communication.

[number]. may i through you, mr. president, congratulate the president of this assembly on his election. our pleasure at seeing him in the chair is also explained by the fact that he represents yugoslavia, a neighbouring country with whom we share a host of common interests and manifold traditional ties. [number]. in the election of mr. mojsov this assembly has chosen a president who combines extensive knowledge acquired through his own observation with a deep devotion to the ideals of our organization. the fact that lie will be conducting the work of this assembly augurs well for the success of our common endeavour. [number]. at this stage i should also like to express to his predecessor in the chair, ambassador amerasinghe, my country's thanks and recognition for the tact and exceptional insight with which he led the previous general assembly. his conduct of our deliberations was in keeping with the best traditions of his country, sri lanka. [number]. it is a special joy for me to greet the new members of this organization, the socialist republic of viet nam and the republic of djibouti. their admission is consistent with the principle of the universality of the united nations laid down in the charter and will contribute much to the success of our work. [number]. the vietnamese people have painfully experienced the horrors of war. we can therefore expect that that people will be among the most resolute champions of a policy of peace. [number]. this organization was created after the catastrophe of a great war in order to give mankind peace and security. the immediate past, in which millions were denied their dignity and were deprived of their rights, was the origin of a deepening concern to protect human rights for the future. [number]. by setting up the united nations commission on human rights and proclaiming the universal declaration of human rights, this organization made itself an advocate of the rights of man. next year will be the thirtieth anniversary of the declaration. that occasion makes it appropriate to assess the work of our organization and this assembly in the light of the goals of the universal declaration of human rights. [number]. since the admission of my country to this organization, austria has consciously sought to promote the protection of human rights and has made such protection a major effort and objective of its foreign policy. [number]. at the time of the founding of the united nations the concept of human rights was limited essentially to the so-called civil and political freedoms as they emerged at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. today, however, human rights embrace, in addition to these freedoms, economic, social and cultural rights. at least since the [number] teheran conference, their equal status was no longer disputed. man's dignity, the guaranteeing of his social and economic security, and the free development of his whole personality are today's goal in the protection of human rights. [number]. however, it is not only the significance of human rights that has changed. certainly, human rights are violated today just as they were in the past. thus, the secretary- general has stated very pertinently in his report on the work of this organization that "perhaps more than in any other field of international activity we face in the human rights field the gulf between idealistic declarations and hard realities. [number]. nevertheless, it cannot be denied that today more than ever before in history human rights are more deeply rooted in the consciousness of men and even of governments-even those which violate them. this may well be the reason why we frequently have the impression that today human rights are violated on a larger scale than in the past. [number]. in the past, with less awareness of the subject, violations of human rights were often not recognized as such. the first and decisive step in the realization of an idea is always the creation of awareness. therefore, information and education play an all-important role in the realization of this idea. for this reason austria follows with great interest the relevant work of unesco and the united nations university. we shall vigorously support these efforts. [number]. recent years and decades have enabled us to recognize the interdependence between a policy of respect for the dignity and worth of the individual and the maintenance of peace and security. today we see more clearly than ever that peace and security require progress in man's free social, political, economic and cultural development. [number]. it is, therefore, a source of deep concern for us that, despite repeated and sincere efforts in the past year, hardly one of the world s crises is closer to a settlement, the people of the areas concerned arc still denied a life in security and peace. it seems worth making the point that the causes of all these problems he ultimately in the violation or denial of human rights. this is true for the crises in the middle east, in cyprus and in southern africa, as well as for the lack of progress of the disarmament efforts. it applies equally to the crisis in the relations between north and south. that crisis has its origin in the imperfect provision on a global scale of economic and social rights to all the peoples of our planet. in view of its joint commitment to guarantee human rights, the international community as a whole bears joint responsibility for improving this situation. [number]. we are still far from securing a just and lasting peace in the middle east. prominent among the indispensable elements of a peace settlement are the principles laid down in security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . another element is the reciprocal recognition of justified demands. in this connexion it must be expected of israel that it recognize the legitimate rights of the palestinian people, in particular their right to self-determination and a homeland. from the palestinian people we must expect the recognition of israel's right to exist in peace with its neighbours in the area. [number]. finally, the parties to the conflict must refrain from any action that might prejudice a negotiated solution. thus, we note with concern that the israeli government is authorizing the establishment of settlements of its citizens in the occupied territories. [number]. the geneva peace conference on the middle east offers an appropriate forum for negotiations. its reactivation and support for it seem to us more urgent than ever. we do not underestimate the difficulties standing in the way of reconvening that conference. we welcome, therefore, the resoluteness with which the co-chairmen of the conference have just recently called for the resumption of the negotiations. [number]. the continued suppression of the peoples of zimbabwe and namibia has already led to violence and bloodshed. we are particularly distressed that the victims of violence include innocent men, women and children, and people who had dedicated their lives to the service of their fellow-men. [number]. every opportunity must be seized to secure by peaceful means the long overdue exercise of their right to self-determination and to introduce forms of government that are based on democratic principles and on respect for the rights of the majority, as well as those of the minority. [number]. "the important role the united nations plays in the implementation of the right of the people of zimbabwe to self-determination has been demonstrated by the recent decision of tie security council concerning the appointment of a representative of the secretary-general for southern rhodesia in its resolution [number] [number] . [number]. we appreciate highly the endeavour of western members of the security council, in close co-operation with the south west africa people's organization and the secretary- general of the united nations, to secure the speedy independence of namibia. we are also following with great interest the further efforts of the united kingdom, supported by the united states, to create the necessary conditions for majority rule in zimbabwe. [number]. the most serious problem in southern africa, for which a solution is still not in sight, is the policy of apartheid of south africa. the government of that country must be brought to realize that the system of apartheid offends our sense of moral decency. the south african government must finally recognize that peaceful coexistence among the peoples of southern africa is not feasible as long as the vast majority of the population of south africa is denied full and equal enjoyment of civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights. there can be no doubt that it is also in the self-interest of south africa's white population to renounce the inhuman policy of apartheid. [number]. the world conference held at lagos last august furnished yet another impressive proof of the world-wide rejection and condemnation of the policy of apartheid. [number]. human rights also play an important role in another crisis the crisis of cyprus. we hope that this crisis will be resolved by maintaining the century-old bonds of the two communities in a republic of cyprus, whose independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity this organization has so often acknowledged. [number]. the secretary-general of our organization deserves thanks and recognition for his tireless endeavours in "the search for a peaceful settlement of the cyprus conflict. this is perhaps the place to give general acknowledgement to his large personal contribution to the cause of peace in the world and for the success of the organization. [number]. credit for the significant role which the united nations plays to the maintenance of peace in the middle east and cyprus belongs not least to the peace-keeping forces operating under the united nations flag. [number]. may i once again express to all the united nations troops our deeply felt thanks for their splendid contribution. at the same time i wish to pay a tribute to the memory of those who gave their lives serving the united nations. [number]. in this connexion, may i express our deep concern about the current state of the financing of the peacekeeping operations, compared to the modest amounts spent by the international community on peace-keeping operations, the scale of the annual expenditures on armaments remains enormous. [number]. the arms race of recent years has not led just to an extremely dangerous blurring of the line between nuclear and conventional weapons and to the increased danger of a further proliferation of nuclear weapons. it also entails irresponsible squandering of financial resources, of human research capacity and of raw materials. [number]. i am very well aware of the very complex nature of disarmament and arms control measures, as well as of their link with the security of states. for this reason we realize the difficulty for the forthcoming special session of the general assembly on disarmament. yet we must use that opportunity, which may not come again, to devise, with the active co-operation of all, a new and a comprehensive approach to the problem of disarmament and to adopt genuine disarmament measures. if, in so doing we again point to the special responsibility of the great powers, that does not mean that all other states are released from their responsibility. it means rather that by objective criteria the existing arsenals of those powers imply not only special prerogatives but also the obligation to clearer the way for genuine disarmament, which is inconceivable without their co-operation. in this respect we are encouraged by the forthright stand taken by president carter in his important address to this assembly yesterday [number]. finally, in addressing the problem of disarmament and particularly the problem of non-proliferation of nuclear arms it is impossible not to mention the important role of iaea. [number]. the world economy is another area which requires intensified international co-operation. the uncertainty that now marks the economic situation of many countries demands resolute concerted action by the international community. [number]. a broad consensus is now emerging that a new international economic order is one of the most important pre-conditions for the establishment of better economic relations reflecting a higher degree of world-wide solidarity and justice. the ideas related to the new international economic order have been spelled out more clearly in recent years and point, in particular, to the urgency of satisfying man's basic needs, especially in the poorest countries and population groups. [number]. a new international order will contribute, therefore, to the realization of human rights, without which many hundreds of millions have no hope of worthy human existence. but such an order will also require new forms of international co-operation, especially with regard to the creation of the infrastructure necessary for economic and social progress in the developing countries. [number]. at an earlier stage of the debate the austrian chancellor, sir. bruno kreisky, urged a faster rate of infrastructural development, primarily in the field of transportation, within the framework of a major multilateral plan for the developing countries, especially those of africa. as many industrialized states as possible, together with other states in a position to do so, should co-operate in an endeavour of this kind. in view of the tasks to be accomplished and of the scale of the resources required, such an initiative could well be compared with the marshall plan, which was so essential for the rebuilding of europe after the second world war. [number]. we have noted with particular satisfaction that the conference on international economic co-operation, responding to an initiative of african states, agreed on measures for the improvement of africa's economic and social infrastructures, with emphasis on transport and communications. a further step was taken at this year's summer session of the economic and social council by the adoption of resolution [number] lxiii providing for the proclamation by the general assembly of a transport and communications decade in africa for [number]-[number]. austria warmly welcomes this resolution and hopes that it will be endorsed by this assembly. the austrian federal government is ready to co-operate actively in the preparation and implementation of programmes for the attainment of the objectives of such a decade. [number]. one of the central tasks of the united nations in the coming years will be to work out a new international development strategy consistent with the new international economic order. we expect that the current general assembly will begin, in a practical way, to lay the groundwork for the formulation of this strategy and thus create the conditions for real progress in the relevant negotiations. particular care should be taken, in our view, that work on the new strategy does not prejudge commitments entered into for the current second united nations development decade. [number]. the fundamental objectives of international development co-operation undoubtedly include a better exchange of scientific and technological knowledge and closer international co-operation in the application of this knowledge to the development process. hence the special significance of the [number] united nations conference on science and technology for development. [number]. austria stands ready to contribute its best to the successful conduct of this most important united nations conference. as an expression of my country's great interest in international co-operation in the field of science and technology, the austrian federal government extended an invitation for that conference to be held in vienna. it gives me great pleasure to reiterate that invitation at this stage. [number]. in the process of breaking new grounds and creating new ideas we expect a significant contribution from the commission whose establishment was announced from united nations headquarters by mr. willy brandt the former chancellor of the federal republic of germany. [number]. my remarks so far have focused on the need for comprehensive and universal implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms and their connexion with economic and social development. concern for the well- being of the individual is one of the cardinal principles of austrian foreign policy. we are not afraid to stand up for the victims of human rights violations, no matter where they may occur, and we are always ready to give help to the greatest extent possible. [number]. austria has always tried to make an active contribution to the work of the united nations bodies concerned with human rights questions. i should like to express austria's appreciation of the work done to these bodies. they have constantly sought to advance the cause of human rights despite the wide variety of views and the differing social and political systems represented in these bodies. [number]. in speaking of human rights i should like to pay a tribute to the valuable contribution which regional organizations make in this field. as the representative of a european country i should like at this point to stress the significance of the european convention on human rights and the european social charter. by adopting these instruments the member states of the council of europe have agreed on effective machinery for the protection of human rights. [number]. respect for the dignity of man, of all men, is, as i have already said, one of our essential concerns. the denial of equality and of the equal dignity which is the birth right of all people by means of racism, especially in its most extreme form-apartheid- is revolting to the conscience of man. therefore we support the objectives of the decade for action to combat racism and racial discrimination, as proclaimed in resolution [number] xxviii , and we hope that the world conference to combat racism and racial discrimination, scheduled for [number], will bring us closer to the goal of eliminating all forms of racial discrimination. [number]. we agree with many other members of the assembly that the combating of international terrorism, which represents a serious threat to fundamental human rights, is an important task of our organization. in addition to dealing with the comprehensive aspects of this issue, we must also tackle as a matter of particular urgency its most abominable manifestations. therefore we welcome the fact that the ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages established by the general assembly at its thirty-first session has begun its work. [number]. despite earnest efforts the united nations has still not succeeded in making a decisive break-through in the fight against the use of torture. we appeal once again to all the members of this organization to work together to eliminate this barbaric form of violation of human rights and to create an effective tool for combating it. [number]. the primary task of our organization is the establishment and maintenance of peace in the world. this task cannot be viewed solely in terms of the organization's mediating role in conflicts or the sending of united nations troops on peace-keeping missions. the united nations has rightly recognized that peace requires a broad basis. day by day we in this assembly are working at building and extending this basis. [number]. we consider the promotion and development of the policy of detente to be an essential prerequisite for that endeavour. we should like the policy of detente to be understood not merely in its original east-west context rather it should be understood in a broader sense. in an interdependent world where space and time have been mastered on an unprecedented scale, detente must be seen as a global process. it should be understood to be that desirable minimum of mutual trust in inter-state relations which provides the fertile soil for the flowering of human potentialities. detente is the foundation on which human rights and freedoms can be shaped and developed, the framework for the peaceful competition of ideas and systems. for us, detente is a goal to which world politics must constantly aspire it is a dynamic concept. [number]. in this connexion i wish to express our appreciation of the special role of the conference on security and co-operation in europe, which marked a qualitatively new dimension in the process of detente. the review conference that has just opened in belgrade is another important step in the direction in which the helsinki conference has pointed. [number]. if detente is to be effective and lasting it must operate also at the human level and must take account of humanitarian concerns and the desire for a better flow of information and exchange of contacts across frontiers. if people and nations can perceive the direct results of detente in this way, they will better understand the need for detente. [number]. let me now briefly refer to the agreement reached between austria and italy eight years ago which is concerned with increasing the autonomy of the south tyrol and lays down a time-table for that process. in the spirit of neighbourly co-operation between our two states we have been able to make further progress this past year within the framework of that agreement. however, a number of measures provided for in that time-framework have still to be put into effect. we are confident that the efforts devoted to this question, on which the general assembly adopted resolutions [number] xv and [number] xvi , will soon produce further progress and bring us closer to a final solution. [number]. i should also like to refer to austria's traditional role as host country for international organizations and conferences. as in the past, austria had the honour this year again to host a number of important conferences and sessions of united nations bodies. [number]. work on the donaupark centre, which is being built in vienna for the united nations and will be made available to the organization free of charge, is going ahead according to schedule. office accommodation will be ready for occupancy at the end of [number]. from those facilities the united- nations will derive considerable financial and organizational benefits. therefore we expect that the general assembly at its thirty-third session will take, in accordance with the phase plan contained in resolution [number] [number], adopted unanimously by the general assembly on [number] december [number], necessary decisions in this matter. [number]. the past year has again witnessed serious and tragic conflicts. yet it cannot be denied that no other era has been so convinced of the possibility and necessity of resolving these conflicts by adhering to universally accepted standards conceived by the ingenuity of man. international co-operation, especially within our organization, is of the greatest significance for the attainment of that goal. the success of the united nations depends on the contribution that each individual member state is prepared to make. [number]. as in the past, austria will make its contribution to the attainment of the high purposes of the charter of our organization.

allow me to congratulate mr. bouteflika on the occasion of his election as president of the twenty-ninth session of the general assembly. his election to this high office is a tribute that is paid both to africa and to the arab world. [number]. i also wish to congratulate the secretary-general on his excellent report on the work of the organization a [number] and add. i , in which he very rightly emphasizes the concern, which we share, at seeing the present economic troubles and tensions jeopardizing the progress made in the sphere of international political relations. [number]. as the minister for foreign affairs of france 2238th meeting has done in his capacity as current president of the european economic community and on behalf of the nine states of which it is composed, i should like to welcome the admission to the united nations, with the unanimous sponsorship of those nine states, of three gallant and peace- loving new countries. the republic of guinea-bissau has just acceded to independence in complete accord and friendship with portugal. i shall have the opportunity in the course of this address to refer once more to that event. as the result of a friendly negotiation with a member state of the european community, grenada has joined us to add its voice , to those, each year more numerous and always heard with respect, of the caribbean region. it was with deep emotion that i heard yesterday 2243rd meeting the noble voice of sheikh mujibur rahman, the prime minister of bangladesh, raised in this forum. his presence here bears witness to the successful working out of a difficult problem. the spirit of moderation and conciliation shown in this matter by all the countries of the subcontinent a spirit that should set an example for all of us has been at the basis of this solution. [number]. i cannot fail to mention here the grave catastrophes that have repeatedly befallen bangladesh and many other developing countries, the most recent being that of honduras, so severely stricken last friday. my government has done its utmost to be of assistance on every occasion, both by using its own means and by joining with our partners in the european community. i can give my assurance here to the governments of bangladesh and honduras that now too we will, to the extent of our means, help them to overcome the present crisis. [number]. owing to tragic circumstances, our general debate last year was dominated by the new outbreak of violence and human tragedy caused by the middle east war. as in so many of our previous discussions, the political confrontation of the nations was once more by the force of circumstances at the very center of our anxieties. as a result, the disruptions of the world's economic organization did not appear to us as clearly as they do today. [number]. today each state wonders what its future and its development will be and what degree of security its nationals will be entitled to expect. we must work out the answers to these questions jointly. indeed, only international co-operation will make it possible to overcome the tensions that, otherwise, would be aroused by the confrontation of national egoisms and the excesses of a competition based solely on the concept of profit. [number]. we must realize that the energy crisis has altered the basic factors of the economic situation. the cost of the increased price of oil products is in the order of [number], [number] million a year we are far from having seen all its after-effects. the states of the european community should react to this state of affairs by increasing their solidarity, strengthening their union and lessening their dependence on imported oil. working together with other countries faced with the same problems, they should create the conditions for co-operation with the oil-producing countries. it is in everyone's interest to find an equitable solution the consequences of inflation and monetary instability threaten all states in varying degrees. [number]. we cannot bring ourselves to believe that the oil-producing countries still hesitate to join in the dialog that is proposed to them. how can a confrontation be prevented if all the parties are not willing to make co-operation the focus of their concern? the countries of the european community are already facing serious difficulties and must agree to make sacrifices in order to solve their own problems. this severely handicaps their ability to come to the assistance of those who are even more severely tried. in spite of that, we once more confirm our basic options, even without waiting for the states that have suddenly acceded to an extraordinary level of wealth to take their legitimate share in the task of bringing about international solidarity. [number]. in this respect, my country attaches the greatest importance to the conference of ministers which met in kingston, jamaica, on [number] and [number] july last, attended by the representatives of [number] countries of africa, the caribbean, the pacific acp and the european community. the subject of the conference was the search for a new type of relationship between industrialized and developing countries. that conference made it possible to adopt a series of texts that will serve as guidelines for later work between the community and the acp countries. [number]. we note in particular the positive results obtained by the establishment of a system of stabilization of the export revenues. from basic commodities exported by the acp countries to the community. what is being contemplated here is a system designed to mitigate the harmful effects of a decrease in prices or in the amounts of the major products exported. the practical implementation of the system will be negotiated between the acp countries and the community. [number]. the kingston conference also recognized the crucial importance of industrial co-operation. the community was in . agreement with the general guide-lines given in a memorandum submitted on the subject by the acp states. as for the terms of trade, these will include, as an essential element, free access by the acp countries to the community market, the former not being bound to reciprocate. also acknowledged, on the one hand, was the need to ensure the stability of these terms and, on the other hand, the lack of balance in the relationships between the developing countries and those of the community. finally, the conference made remarkable progress as regards financial co-operation. [number]. my government is deeply gratified at the fact that there is a common determination that the work of the conference should succeed. a vigorous political impetus has been given to the negotiations, which augurs well for their final outcome. but while we are particularly pleased to see more stable and better-balanced relations taking shape among the nine countries of the european economic community and their present or future associated partners of africa, the pacific and the caribbean, we are deeply concerned about the fate of the countries most seriously affected by the crisis in international prices and, more particularly, by the increase in the price of oil. the general assembly at its sixth special session entrusted the secretary-general with the task of launching an emergency operation, for a limited period of [number] months, to provide relief to the countries most seriously affected by the economic crisis resulting in particular, from the increase in the prices of energy products, designed to maintain unimpaired during that [number]-month period the essential imports of the most seriously affected countries resolution [number] s-vi , para. x [number] . [number]. on [number] may [number] the spokesman for the european community stated that the community was ready to contribute substantially to that special effort, on condition that the other members of the international community did so also. that proposal was confirmed on [number] june by the then president of the community council, minister genscher of the federal republic of germany. [number]. on the basis of global resources of [number], [number] million, the community is ready to make a special contribution of [number] million, provided that the other industrialized countries contribute two sixths of the total amount and the oil-exporting countries half. it is also obvious that an agreement has to be reached on the methods of allocating 'the emergency assistance and the criteria to be used in choosing the beneficiary countries. [number]. on the basis of the results of the ministerial meeting of potential contributors to the united nations emergency operation, to be convened on [number] september, in new york, the community will very shortly make known its views on how it will participate in the emergency operation. as far as we are concerned, we sincerely hope in particular that that meeting will clearly show the breakdown of the contributors' commitments and how much multilateral assistance they intend to provide. we should also like to have a clear definition and comparison of the conditions in which the contributions will be made and, more specifically, how generous they will be. [number]. our main concern is that the oil-producing and industrialized countries should take action to come to the assistance of entire populations whose survival is at stake. but we are still faced by political problems. [number]. it is only fair that europe, which in the course of this century has so many times been the cause of senseless conflicts, should today set an example of stability. on the regional level, the progress of detente gives good grounds for hope that there will be true co-operation among the states of europe. we have cast aside war and the threat of war we hope that the conference on security and co-operation in europe will result in concrete achievements likely to draw states and peoples closer together and we hope that negotiations on the balanced and mutual reduction of armaments will enable all our peoples to enjoy the same kind of security, while lessening the oppressive burden of expenditures on armaments. [number]. the europe of the nine has a major contribution to make belgium is quite aware of that and for that very reason is looking forward to progress being made towards community integration for, failing this, europe will not be able to assume the responsibilities incumbent on it. more progress will have to be made before the end of this year. in many folds the nine european states already speak with r r? m- mon voice they are getting ready, for instance, to initiate a dialogue with [number] members of the league of arab states, and they have taken a stand on many of the problems that are on the agenda of this assembly. i am therefore very pleased that the european community, as a distinct entity, will soon receive the status of observer. [number]. belgium takes a stand on the problems with which we are faced after consulting with its european partners, for we can no longer dissociate our national identity from the european identity. in this context [number] would recall the cyprus crisis, the middle east conflict and the problems of decolonization. [number]. the european position on cyprus is well known. it is based on the territorial independence and integrity of the republic. two urgent problems, however, require our vigilant attention the serious situation of the refugees, and the financing of the united nations peace-keeping force in cyprus. [number]. my government will continue, and is considering a substantial increase in, its payments for the maintenance of the. force, to which i am pleased to pay a tribute for the services it has rendered in difficult circumstances. i also wish to pay a tribute to the memory of those who have given their lives so that peace may reign in that part of the world. [number]. on the humanitarian level, we respond to the calls of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, and we will very shortly make larger contributions to assist the cypriot people. [number]. as to the middle east, the negotiations have fortunately started again. the successive initiatives of united states secretary of state kissinger have already resulted in military disengagements which are the first step towards an easing of tension. i have no doubt that other steps in the same direction will follow shortly, and i hope they will bring about the conditions necessary to achieve a peace agreement based on the cessation of the occupation of territory, respect for the territorial sovereignty and integrity of each state and recognition of the legitimate rights of, the palestinian people. the belgian contribution to this peace undertaking is made on the european level and, as has been said by my german colleague, mr. genscher, the opening of a european-arab dialog could lay the foundations for the vast task of reconstruction and development of the south-east mediterranean 2239th meeting, para. [number] . [number]. like all preceding speakers who have welcomed the admission to membership in this organization of three new states among them guinea-bissau i share the hope that an irreversible step has been taken towards the disappearance of colonialism in africa. in this respect i listened with attention to the statement made on [number] september by my colleague, mr. soares, on behalf of the "new portugal", the birth of which, its present concerns and its ambitions for the future he movingly described for us. [number]. indeed, the attainment of independence by guinea-bissau demonstrated, above all, the fact that its people had a legitimate desire to find dignity in national independence. but, as mr. soares recalled, "none of this . . . . would be possible if the changes caused by the military and popular movement of [number] april had not occurred in portugal. " ibid. , para. [number]. since its installation in lisbon, the new regime has received the full support of the belgian government. it was the return to the free interplay of democratic rules that enabled portugal and guinea- bissau as well to free themselves. [number]. at the present stage, belgium hopes that the speedy, orderly and peaceful decolonization process exemplified in the recent developments in portugal and guinea-bissau will be carried out in the other portuguese territories of africa, as envisaged in security council resolution [number] [number] . that hope is now a firm conviction because we heard mr. soares say on [number] september that . . the rapid and reliable decolonization of the territories under portuguese administration, to be carried out in accord with the legitimate representatives of the will of the respective peoples and leading necessarily to independence. [number]' ibid. , para. [number]. [number]. in another connexion, it can be foreseen and hoped that the success of this methodical process of decolonization will come as a revelation to the rest of southern africa and, in keeping with united nations resolutions, will prompt pretoria to put an end to the occupation of namibia and encourage salisbury to return to legality. [number]. the success of african nationalism in the territories under portuguese rule should be a serious warning to the regimes i have just mentioned. especially in view of the results of the negotiations, both pretoria and salisbury could be led to reconsider their regimes from a more realistic point of view. [number]. in this context, belgium continues to be acutely concerned by the situation which prevails, particularly in rhodesia and namibia, where- there are no indications as yet of any improvement. in this connexion the policy of belgium is perfectly clear. it consists in applying sanctions to rhodesia, and as far as namibia is concerned i would remind you that belgium subscribed to the advisory opinion given by the international court of justice on [number] june [number] p and has taken a series of measures to implement the security council and general assembly resolutions on the namibia question. [number]. we have just made significant progress in the field of decolonization the belgian government sincerely hopes that the field of human rights will also be made part of this dynamic action. [number]. we adhere firmly to the universal declaration of human rights. belgium has always considered the united nations, since its inception, as the surest if not the only guarantor of human rights. we have always expected the united nations to set out and secure the observance of these rights, and we have always tried to make an active contribution in this respect. [number]. thus it is that belgium is the only country which, in the matter of human rights, entrusts to a supranational organization powers that are within its sovereignty. it has indeed accepted since [number] that on its territory the eligibility of refugees shall be decided not by belgian officials but by the representative in belgium of the united nations high commissioner for refugees. further, my country allows such refugees to obtain belgian nationality after a stay of only three years. [number]. furthermore, belgium is proud of having always been, since its independence, a haven for political refugees. thus at the present time we grant refuge to nearly [number], [number] political refugees while an average of [number] new refugees settle in our territory every year. [number]. i cannot fail to mention here the numerous stateless persons who come to us year after year seeking refuge and support. often they are persons who have been deprived for too long of elementary rights, and the international community has an obligation to them if it truly believes in the defense of human rights. [number]. finally, i should like to say that recently public opinion, like the belgian government, has been deeply disturbed by various reports showing the increase throughout the world of cases of torture and ill-treatment inflicted on persons who are held in detention. such disregard of the human person is not only an outrage to all mankind but a degradation. that is why the belgian delegation will firmly support all initiatives this assembly may take in denouncing and proscribing such practices, which belong to another age. in this matter, too, no voice could carry further than the voice of the united nations. that voice must be heard.

i should like to offer congratulations and special greetings to ambassador essy on his unanimous election to the presidency of the general assembly. i am confident that under his able leadership this session of the general assembly is well placed to address successfully the important issues on its agenda. allow me to express appreciation to his excellency mr. samuel insanally for his wise and effective guidance during the session just concluded. he has indeed made an outstanding contribution, of which our region is very proud. we express our thanks to the secretary-general for his stewardship of the organization during these trying times, and we renew our pledge to give him our fullest support. trinidad and tobago, like the rest of the world, is in the process of making fundamental changes in the way we manage our affairs. we have already advanced significantly along the path of deregulation and liberalization brought upon us by the inexorable move towards globalization and borderlessness, and most importantly by the absolute necessity to achieve greater efficiency and higher sustainable levels of productivity. greater emphasis is being placed on the market paradigm as the means to unleash the inner energies of our society and to create the wealth needed for the improvement of the lives of all our citizens. but let me hasten to add that we are acutely aware of the imbalances that could arise as a result of the purest play of market forces, and we as a society consider it our responsibility to ensure that distributive justice exists in our system, sufficiently to guarantee the well-being of all of our citizens, including those who are unable to compete and who for one reason or another may have been pushed out of the mainstream of national activity. in other words, whilst many things may be changing, there is one constant in trinidad and tobago, and that is our preservation of a humane and just society where all have the opportunity for fulfilment. side by side with the globalization process, or maybe as a byproduct of it, is a resurgence of regionalism throughout the world. in our own hemisphere this is very pronounced, and the dream of a free trade area from alaska to tierra del fuego seems more realizable than ever before. we are pleased to see various subregional groupings emerge and then develop relationships with one another. never before in the history of our hemisphere has the integration process been so advanced. we have the north american free trade agreement nafta , the southern cone common market mercosur , the andean pact, the central american integration movement, the latin american economic system sela , the caribbean community caricom and the rio group, in addition of course to the organization of american states. it is significant that the cooperation which is flowering is not only economic but also political this augurs very well for the development as well as for the security of the hemisphere. in addition to this multilateral coalescence, there is a general strengthening of bilateral relationships. we in caricom have been making strides towards overcoming historical barriers and have been deepening our ties with latin america. my own country, having this year established diplomatic relations with six countries of latin america, now has diplomatic relations with all the countries of the western hemisphere. also, we joined [number] others, including both independent countries and non-independent territories, in establishing the association of caribbean states, comprising countries of the caribbean littoral and bringing into being a market of over [number] million people with a combined gross domestic product of [number] billion. we do all this for the benefit of our people, realizing that when we join forces we are stronger, we lay the bedrock for a stable environment within the hemisphere, and we create, among other things, megamarkets for our products and generate the wealth through which we improve the standard of living in our countries. i have spoken about the possibilities for political co-operation as a result of the integration processes taking place in our region. may i mention an outstanding current example. i refer of course to haiti. at present in haiti, sanctioned by security council resolution [number] [number] , is a multinational force comprised mainly of troops from the region, with military contributions from elsewhere. my government welcomes the cooperation extended by countries outside the region whose farsightedness persuaded them to contribute to the restoration process now taking place in haiti. in the changed circumstances of today s world, there is more than ever a need to cooperate for security purposes and for the preservation of democracy, and this [number] of course requires the political will which has been demonstrated by our region in the haitian situation. soldiers from trinidad and tobago are part of the multinational force at present in haiti. we are pleased to participate in the collective efforts to ensure stability and the return of democracy and the democratically elected president to that country. we believe that the caribbean has a special responsibility in relation to haiti. we have therefore been in the forefront of attempts to solve the crisis, and we vow to remain with the problem until it is no more with us. trinidad and tobago joins the jubilation of the millions of proud haitians at home and in the diaspora at the welcome news of the resignation of general raoul cedras and his chief of staff. like others, we hope this sends an unequivocal message to those elements in haiti that seek to continue to wage war and terror against a people still yearning for a society of freedom, democracy and justice - a society in which the collective talents and resourcefulness of haitians can be appropriately channelled towards rebuilding their nation and fighting the enemies of poverty and degradation. another area of caribbean concern has to do with cuba. we welcome the commencement of dialogue between cuba and the united states of america on specific issues. these talks should assist in laying a foundation for the resolution of remaining difficulties and in achieving the long-term objective of fully reintegrating cuba into the western hemisphere. we in the caribbean are doing our part towards the goal of cuba s reintegration. we have established the cuba-caribbean community caricom mixed commission, and recently cuba joined us as a founding member of the association of caribbean states. trinidad and tobago also welcomes the consolidation of democracy in the latin american and caribbean region. peaceful elections continue to be conducted in these countries, deepening the democratic process in the region. we are pleased with the many positive developments in our part of the world. there have also been positive developments in former areas of conflict which seized the attention of this body for many years, further illustrating what can be achieved through partnership and political will. the peaceful transition to democracy in south africa a few months ago stands out as a beacon of hope and signals that no problem is insurmountable if there is concerted national and international action. trinidad and tobago joins with the international community in assuring south africa of its continued support in this crucial post-apartheid period. the government of south africa has announced its decision to include among its priorities the continuation of traditional friendships and the promotion of new partnerships. we look forward to the development of strong bilateral relations between south africa and ourselves, a process that is already under way. trinidad and tobago is also heartened by the progress achieved so far in the middle east peace process. we welcome the initiation of self-governing arrangements in the gaza strip and jericho - important developments in this transition period - and look forward to the extension of palestinian self-governing arrangements to encompass other occupied territories in the implementation of the declaration of principles. the international community s support for development efforts in the economic and social fields and the rebuilding of infrastructure destroyed during the long years of occupation is critical to the palestinian people at this time. we are encouraged by the washington declaration of [number] july [number], issued by the governments of jordan and israel, which ended the state of war and paves the way for normalization of relations and a formal peace treaty. we also appreciate the efforts made by the syrian and lebanese governments in their commitment to advancing the peace process in the middle east. whilst there is cause for satisfaction globally, we continue to be traumatized by other events which have already shattered the lives of millions of people, evoking images more horrendous than those we have witnessed before. in bosnia and herzegovina, a genocidal war rages on, having already brought the evil of ethnic cleansing into our modern vocabulary and consciousness. we were first appalled and are now numbed by the horror in rwanda, where hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost, creating hellish human suffering in that country. destruction, oppression and suffering continue in various parts of the world, affecting hundreds of thousands of lives in somalia and elsewhere. nuclear proliferation makes us all very uneasy, creating pictures of an abyss of unspeakable chaos into which we can very easily slip. the ideological divide may be behind us, but the threat of armageddon still hangs over humanity. it has become a clich of international helplessness to say that the world community must act decisively and expeditiously to do this or that to deal with many of the problems that i have mentioned. the fact is that there is [number] a very long road ahead. to effect lasting solutions to the crises that are upon us we must go back always to the fundamentals and remember, for example, that development and peace are inextricably linked. if we are to get anywhere near to solving some of our problems we must deal with key issues such as good governance, the promotion of peace, the promotion of justice as a pillar of society, sustainable environmental management and social development. there is no doubt in my mind that the world community is already beginning to grapple with fundamentals. we are in the process of elaborating the agenda for development as a necessary complement to the agenda for peace . international conferences of world leaders, some held and others to come, all point the way to a new partnership for development based on global consensus and action. in this regard, the world summit for social development will be convened in march [number] in denmark to address some of the serious ills afflicting many societies by focusing on the key problems of poverty, unemployment and social marginalization. the programme of action to be adopted at the social summit must therefore include specific provisions, including adequate financial resources for implementation and follow-up by the international community and, more specifically, by the united nations and its agencies and institutions. there can be no doubt that the quality of life in many countries today as it relates to the individual is undergoing a grave transformation. the growing intolerance and increasing senseless violence within the home and in communities at large have led many to question the very mores of the society in which we live. the situation is further aggravated by the growth of organized transnational crime, which in many countries exacerbates problems of rampant vicious criminal activity, terrorism, drug abuse, illegal drug trafficking and money laundering. in this era of increasing globalization, no government, particularly governments in the developing world, can hope, on its own, to address effectively these varied problems. we therefore welcome the approval by the international law commission earlier this year of a draft statute for an international criminal court and we support the convening of a diplomatic conference to conclude a convention on the establishment of a permanent court. another important area being tackled by the international community is the full participation of women in the process of development. the fact is, effective international cooperation for development will remain elusive, in the absence of specific measures for an adequate means of empowering all members of society to participate fully in the political, economic and social life of their respective societies. it is widely acknowledged that investment in women can have an enormous impact on the advancement of society as a whole. however, women from all parts of the globe continue to face systematic discrimination in all fields of endeavour, while also bearing a disproportionate burden of the consequences of economic recession, poverty, structural adjustment policies and political strife. in acknowledging this, trinidad and tobago has put in place constitutional guarantees to ensure equal treatment for all under the law, irrespective of gender, creed or race. my government holds steadfastly to the position that women must be allowed equal opportunity to participate fully in all spheres of life and at all levels of society, particularly in decision-making positions. trinidad and tobago is encouraged by efforts made during the ongoing preparatory process for the fourth world conference on women to address these and other crucial issues. much work remains to be done in the ensuing months. my government will continue to work closely with others in an effort to elaborate concrete recommendations, including specific attainable goals, aimed at overcoming the numerous impediments to the advancement of women. the population question also continues to be on the international agenda. it is recognized that population- related goals and policies must be integral parts of cultural, economic and social development aimed at improving the quality of life. consequently, the international conference on population and development, which was convened in cairo last september, quite appropriately reviewed the impact of demographic factors on development and emphasized the importance of the entire spectrum of population policies to the development process. we must now take concrete steps to uphold the principles and implement the programme of action adopted by the conference. the crucial area of the environment is also being discussed. member states have taken initial steps at the national and international levels, towards the elaboration of a new development paradigm based on the integration of environmental concerns in development activities. the continuation of this process would lead to the [number] implementation of the policies and decisions adopted at rio de janeiro, thereby making possible the attainment of the targets identified for our common good. as a follow-up to the rio de janeiro conference, the global conference on the sustainable development of small island developing states, which was held in barbados earlier this year, allowed island states and the rest of the international community to explore a comprehensive approach to sustainable development within the framework of agenda [number]. for many island developing states which have remained on the periphery of international programmes for development, the implementation of the agreements adopted in barbados will create the opportunity to participate as contributors and beneficiaries in a truly global effort. as chairman of the alliance of small island states, trinidad and tobago reiterates its commitment to playing a lead role in the active pursuit of the implementation of the barbados programme of action. the preservation and sustainable management of the resources in all global commons must be an important goal of the agenda for development. but this goal must be facilitated by the development of legal regimes to ensure that we successfully carry out our duties as trustees of those resources. in this context, trinidad and tobago welcomes the imminent entry into force of the [number] united nations convention on the law of the sea, having participated very actively with other member states in forging a new, more universally accepted public order for the oceans. the spirit of accommodation and consensus manifested in the work achieved by the preparatory commission for the international seabed authority and for the international tribunal for the law of the sea constitutes a solid and valuable foundation for the launching of the international seabed authority in kingston, jamaica, on [number] november [number]. trinidad and tobago will continue to participate constructively and in close cooperation with other member states in the decision-making process of the authority as well as in other institutions related to the [number] convention. the coming into force of the convention on the law of the sea should provide an impetus to the united nations conference on straddling fish stocks and highly migratory fish stocks, which is developing principles for the effective management of one of the most important renewable food resources. this objective can be attained only if there is a confluence of political will to act decisively. political will is also absolutely necessary if we are to address adequately the various international economic impediments to effective national efforts to promote social progress and better standards of life. the major obstacles include trade barriers, insufficient flows of international financing, onerous external debt and the inadequate transfer of technology to developing countries. they serve to frustrate the ardent efforts made by governments to revitalize their economies. trinidad and tobago welcomes the important step taken earlier this year towards free and open trade, with the successful conclusion of the uruguay round of trade negotiations. we emphasize, however, that as we seek to implement the trade liberalization measures under the agreements arrived at, urgent attention must be given to the persistent trend of economic growth accompanied by increased poverty, unemployment and marginalization of large sections of populations the world over. it is clear from what i have said that it is only through a multilateral approach that we will solve the problems of the world. clearly, the most appropriate vehicle to accommodate this approach is the united nations. people are turning increasingly to the united nations not only for the realization of their aspirations for peace and security, but also in their quest for development with equity and social justice. following the dissipation of the distrust and hostility of the cold-war era, the united nations ought to be in a better position to respond to these needs. on becoming a member of the united nations [number] years ago, trinidad and tobago undertook along with other member states to maintain international peace and security and to promote the economic and social advancement of all peoples. to this end we intend to participate actively in current efforts to restructure the united nations to enable it to become more responsive to the needs of member states in this dynamic international environment. as the united nations is on the threshold of celebrating its fiftieth anniversary, trinidad and tobago is pleased to recommit itself to the purposes and principles enshrined in the charter. as members, we need to redouble our efforts towards forging universal peace and a new era of development, in which both nations and individuals find security and fulfilment. i am confident that inherent in the human condition is the desire and the will to achieve these goals.

at the outset of my presentation to the general assembly at its forty-second session, i should like to convey our most respectful greetings to the president, mr. peter florin, representative of the german democratic republic, and to express our best wishes for the successful conclusion of our work under his presidency, and the hope that from this session there will emerge important resolutions that would effectively ensure international peace and security. we also extend out greetings to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, whom we ask to accept our appreciation for his tireless dedication to the united nations goals of peace and development. this organization is fortunate to have him, not only as its most eminent official, but also as a citizen of the world committed to achieving peace and development for all. the republic of paraguay comes once again to this forum with the sincere intention of supporting every initiative that could assure mankind of a day of peace and full development. it does so in the firm belief that each state member of this organization, as a servant of international law, is convinced of the importance of the existence of the united nations and of its role of protagonist in bringing about a time of peace and security for all. in these circumstances, arid considering the role the united nations should play in the world, we fail to understand the attitudes of many countries - whether they be super-powers, permanent members of the security council or members of this organization - attitudes that undermine, that sap their support and reduce the level of their active participation, thus weakening the organization's ability to intervene in critical situations. this problem, already one of long standing - the problem of the lack of a leading role for the united nations in world conflicts - is totally, the unwarranted. on the contrary, it demands of every country an effective attitude that could redound to the greater, the universal prestige of our organization and the effective application of our entire legal and moral power for bringing about just solutions to conflicts that, at this very moment, beset humanity. when we review those critical events that have taken place since [number], we are obliged to say that, because of the aforementioned weakening of the role of the united nations as a leader, every country should see to it that the decisions taken by the general assembly, which are adopted to prevent or solve conflicts, are brought into line with true justice and contain positive formulas - pragmatic and fair formulas - capable of resolving crises by peaceful means and achieving effective peace through negotiation. unilateral, partial decisions, or those that do not embody the immutable principles of international justice, do the united nations system no good. by contrast, the adoption of decisions on the basis of different criteria - criteria based on world harmony and strict respect for the charter - could promote a more effective way for our organization to become involved. the government of paraguay wishes to pay a special tribute to all bodies within the united nations system, but in particular to the united nations development programme, whose activities are related to the progressive accomplishment of all the vital projects that are being implemented in our country. this type of united nations assistance is not only effective for developing countries like paraguay, but also serves the ceaseless quest for a better standard of life and progress for all nations. the republic of paraguay is continuing to make strides in peace and democracy. it has been doing so steadily since [number], assuring justice and freedom for all our people. the nation is effectively governed by the rule of law, and thus enables its citizens to develop further and perfect our democratic institutions, guaranteeing a political life based on the widest possible participation and a multi-party system. the government of the constitutional president of the republic of paraguay, general of the army alfredo stroessner, is based on popular consent, freely expressed in fair elections. it has the popular and democratic support of the colorado party, a political organization which, on [number] september [number], commemorated a hundred years of constitutional life in paraguay. throughout its rich history, paraguay has struggled and made sacrifices to defend the immutable principles of international law. we seek to ensure constant respect for the individual identity and the independence of all states and, in strict reciprocity in our international conduct, we have called on other states faithfully to observe the same principles, never, in any circumstances or in any way whatsoever, accepting interference by other states in the domestic affairs of paraguay - affairs which are of concern to, and have to be dealt with, only by paraguayans. we wish to bring to the attention of the general assembly the spirit of integration that has guided the regional policy of the republic of paraguay, a policy based on peace and co-operation with our neighbours. this has made possible the construction of the hydro-electric projects at itaipu, under conditions of equality of rights and duties, with the federative republic of brazil - projects that are already generating the electricity needed for the development of a vast region. the same applies to the yacyreta project involving ourselves and argentina. this project is in an advanced stage of construction. both demonstrate the serious determination of the government of paraguay to make progress. these, added to the facilities provided by our atlantic neighbours, such as the ports of paranagua in brazil, nueva palmira in uruguay, antofagasta in chile and matarani in peru constitute favourable indicators of our relations with neighbouring sister nations. our trade with bolivia is expanding through the transdhaco route, in harmony with the spirit of that same policy. the report of the secretary-general on the work of the organization deserves our fullest support. we know of the secretary-general's unalterable determination to find a solution to international problems. this report schematically summarize! all the achievements in that difficult field, as well as the frustrations faced as the result of a wide range of intervening factors that are beyond the control of the highest-ranking official of the united nations. we highlight the work done by the secretary-general and subscribe to his central, vital concepts, which lead the organization towards fulfilment of the purposes laid down by the founders of the united nations, in a changing world beset - by adverse factors, so that peace may be made a tangible reality and fellowship among nations may foster progress and efforts to achieve international justice. we cannot fail to mention the sources of possible world conflicts that are of concern to the republic of paraguay and to all mankind - for example, the conflict in the persian gulf, which has reached such dangerous proportions that it could a any moment lead to a more widespread war, with incalculable consequences. we believe we speak for men and women throughout the world when we ask the united nations to make every possible effort to put an end to that hotbed, which has its origin in the war between iran and iraq, compounded by a number of factors that imperil world peace. we call upon the states involved in that conflict to accept the decisions of the united nations. the regrettable escalation of events in latin america confronts us with evidence of another source of conflicts whose outcome is unpredictable. in this area of the world, there is intervention by two super-powers with broad interests in the region. the countries of the region that make up the contadora group and the support group have been working, with our encouragement, to bring about peace. it is essential that peace be achieved and that all the countries of the region refrain from adopting partisan positions. this applies particularly to those that are acting in the service of a super-power, whether directly or indirectly. we condemn such action on the basis of the principle of non-intervention. the conflict in the near east does not seem to be of concern to the world at the moment, possibly because the region has for so long suffered the absence of the peace that is essential for nations, peoples and states. the republic of paraguay has proclaimed in all forums, the need to ensure implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] in the search for effective solutions to the problems in this high-risk area of conflict. we believe that the palestinian people have the right to a homeland, just as the state of israel has the right to live in peace within its boundaries. the government of the republic of paraguay has condemned, in this forum, the intervention of a super-power in afghanistan, in a clear-cut demonstration of that power's lack of regard for international justice and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. we take this opportunity to reiterate, on a universal basis, that the application of this principle, which is central to our charter and to human rights, is the sole guarantee of peace and harmony among nations at differing economic and social levels. we are also concerned by viet nam's intervention in cambodia. that intervention, which is dangerous from all points of view, generates the intervention in that country by a super-power on the one hand and by another country, also a permanent member of the security council, on the other. the republic of korea has always worked for the peaceful reunification of the two koreas. unfortunately, its efforts have not been crowned with success, for reasons that cannot be attributed to that country, a defender of freedom. the republic of korea, a law-abiding country that respects the international desire for coexistence, has a legitimate desire to become a member state of our organization. we support that legitimate desire of the republic of korea, which is in keeping with the principle of universality of the united nations and with an effective international order, and believe that the possibility of the democratic people's republic of korea also being admitted should be kept open. the problem of the malvinas islands has had a number of consequences, which once again, demonstrate that disputes should be resolved by effective, pragmatic negotiations. the republic of paraguay calls upon the two countries involved - argentina and the united kingdom - with both of which we have ties of friendship, to adopt this procedure so as to find an amicable, felicitous solution to the dispute over sovereignty, in this spirit, we advocate negotiations between the parties. we cannot help but voice our concern when we turn to the subject of disarmament, a vital issue in the times in which we live. the arms race and the business of purchasing and selling conventional and nuclear arms themselves engender pressure and hostility and pave the way for armed conflict. disarmament is a necessity for all states, and that necessity becomes even greater when we realize that many less developed countries that are in desperate straits because f the deterioration of the international economy are spending millions of dollars cm arms of various kinds. we live in peace and we believe in peace. in that spirit we call upon all states to end the arms race, which is a shameful affront considering the sad fact that thousands upon thousands of children are dying because of starvation and malnutrition. the republic of paraguay, which won independence on [number] may [number], values the work on decolonisation being done by the united nations. we applaud this work since we support the principle of the self-determination of peoples as long as application of that principle is not linked with interests alien to the legitimate interests of the peoples meant to win independence. on the basis of that position, we believe that the people of namibia are entitled to independence. further the republic of paraguay supports in all forums the principle of territorial integrity and the full sovereignty of peoples. we should like, on the basis of non-intervention in internal affairs, to see the withdrawal of foreign troops from the countries of africa. there is one scourge that horrifies all people the world over but none the less continues to undermine the moral and legal order of our world. we refer to terrorism, which afflicts various individual countries as well as the international community. the time has come to ask ourselves what has been done to cope with this irrational, inhuman monstrosity to ensure that it ceases to take innocent lives. terrorism cannot be legitimised in any circumstances. countries that encourage terrorism based on the fact that there may exist underlying causes that trigger so irrational a reaction must, even if some of those causes exist, change their views in keeping with the dignity that must govern the system of relationships within the international community. we cannot tolerate terrorism because it is unjustifiable that certain territories should serve as training-camps for terrorists and still less that such territories should be used as sanctuaries for terrorists. the time has come to state categorically that the united nations has two options it can persuade all countries to condemn this irrational and inhuman conduct and to work together to eliminate the hotbeds of terrorism. otherwise, our organization will lack credibility in these matters and will be irrevocably forced to admit its inability to wipe out a practice that is a crime against mankind. but this is not to say that the united nations should not continue to consider, with zeal and diligence, the elimination of the probable causes of this universal scourge. those causes, however, can never explain the criminal violation of the right to life of its innocent victims. the republic of paraguay supports the policy of the united nations to end all forms of discrimination against women. it has been many years since the law enshrining the civil and political rights of paraguayan women was promulgated in recognition of an established fact and of the active part women had played in our national life. in a spirit of fairness we must also recognize that the north-south dialogue has so far produced no results whatsoever. the rich industrialized countries continue to set incredibly low prices for the raw materials produced and exported by the developing world. this ignoble policy is the root cause of many of the problems of the developing world. the deterioration in the terms of trade leads b the regrettable fact that many countries are unable to pay their debts and are not in a position to reach the stage of full development they require in order for their people to attain a life of dignity. although the republic of paraguay is not in the same position as other fraternal countries with regard to external debt, we express our solidarity with all those countries that are facing such a situation. this issue requires not only financial and economic solutions, which are of prime importance but also political solutions, because no country can resign itself to zero progress when there are collective needs to be met in order to forestall situations that may endanger not only the peace but the freedom of peoples in the developing countries. our organization must identify itself fully with the legitimate requests formulated by countries in the unfortunate position of being unable to repay their debts. the rich industrialized countries must take a stand, not out of selfish and restrictive motives but in a common desire to consolidate peace and democracy through justice in the international economic arena. all attempts and programmes formulated to resolve this disturbing problem of the burden of external debt in the world must inevitably be based on the recognition of the exporting countries' inalienable right to receive really fair prices for their raw materials exported to international markets. in the face of the painful developments in economic relations between the industrialized north and the developing south, the real needs of developing countries have given rise to certain aspirations. we refer to economic and technical co-operation between developing countries. the united nations, in all its forums, including the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , must use its prestige to back up this effort which is being promoted throughout the world, for the most part through specialized organizations on the regional level. we must, finally, come to the conclusion that raising the standard of living of the developing peoples is a moral duty on the part of our organization and of those countries that already enjoy high standards of life and enjoy fully the many benefits that are unattainable in the developing countries. in this context what is required is a carefully implemented effort to achieve a better economic position for the raw-material-producing countries or for those countries that are just beginning industrial development. the government of paraguay is fully aware that there is an acute financial crisis at the united nations. the developed countries, for reasons the developing countries cannot fully comprehend, have curtailed their contributions to our organization, thus decreasing the total amount of moneys available. this financial crisis has an effective political dimension, since, in the short term, our organization will have to make cuts throughout its system, cuts that will adversely affect programmes currently being implemented throughout the developing world. this will obviously have an adverse effect on the scope of the activities of our organization and work to its detriment. we are fully aware, moreover, of economic stagnation and recession. we understand the scope of those problems, which are causing serious difficulties to the super-powers in the commercial sphere and affecting the balance of payments. nevertheless, the times in which we live compel the united nations to depend on the contributions it needs for it to do its work throughout the world, contributions that must come from those industrialized countries fortunate enough to enjoy wealth and development. the problem of lebanon merits a special place in my statement. it can be considered to be included in the aforementioned serious conflict in the middle east, however, in view of the conditions now prevailing, conditions which, if they were to persist, could spawn new and tragic developments, we feel that we must give it special consideration. the principles of the self-determination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states have been set aside in lebanon by the reign of irrational violence and have been replaced by political intransigence and the polarization of the conflicting parties. paraguay holds unswervingly to the need for a peaceful settlement of disputes. it joins the concert of countries demanding this in order to ensure the existence and integrity of lebanon on the basis of legal equality and peaceful coexistence among its citizens, to whatever ethnic group they belong. as for the question of cyprus, the republic of paraguay is hopeful that that problem, which is long standing in the united nations, can find a just and balanced solution through negotiations, avoiding violent confrontation and any violation of international law. we hope that united nations intervention may lead to just solutions that take into consideration the rights of the countries concerned in the conflict. if all practical instruments to reach a happy conclusion in the current situation are not brought into play, the problem of cyprus could well become yet another of the unending crises in today's world, which is truly and wholly interdependent. armed conflict in one part of the world is not limited to that region but can have unpredictable repercussions and ramifications throughout the rest of the world. the developing world has immense prospects in the new law of the sea. the republic of paraguay, as a developing landlocked country, firmly believes that that instrument, which has been given the world to redress irritating and dangerous injustices, represents a new step forward by mankind in its painstaking quest for a better distribution of the world's wealth amongst nations. on the basis of that belief, paraguay has ratified the united nations convention on the law of the sea and will support that process, which redounds to the prestige of the organization and which may, in the future, be a source of truly lasting satisfaction. the republic of paraguay has co-operated and will continue to co-operate with our organization's commission on human rights. in the course of that co-operation it welcomed the visit of an independent advisor in [number], who travelled throughout our country and became fully aware of the actual situation in paraguay. that same person, in pursuance of his work, which paraguay continues to welcome, will visit our country again before the end of [number]. this is a demonstration of paraguay's co-operation with the united nations, which is dedicated to the promotion of human rights. our government responds immediately to all inquiries received from united nations organs dealing with human rights, on the understanding that with the co-operation of member countries these organs will intensify their work to the benefit of our organization. we warmly support the loyal co-operation of the united nations with the organization of american states and the latin american economic system. we value such co-operation and we see it as having a positive and realistic significance in the interdependent world we live in - a world whose problems always requite global solutions. these assertions are valid in the political sphere, but their validity is even more apparent in the economic field. my government enthusiastically supports the proposal put forward in this universal forum by the republic of brazil for the declaration and establishment of a zone of peace and co-operation in the south atlantic. this valuable initiative for world peace and for free and progressive interplay in the south american continent deserves the attention of all international organizations which must work out specific programmes for this vital area of the world, in the arduous tasks of achieving peace with justice, equal opportunity and economic growth for everyone without exception. we can state with absolute certainty that men and women the world over look to the united nations and its task with faith and confidence. they are at the very core of the efforts we make here on behalf of peace and progress for mankind and they place their trust in our organization and in the spirit of those who convene here to represent their governments in order to foster the ideals and commitments of the founders and ensure for all the inhabitants of the globe the blessings of peace and the establishment of justice in international relations. we bear witness to our sharing this noble spirit and to our commitment that e shall work united in order to achieve these objectives and ideals, without which life would have no meaning, and to ensure a future free of storm clouds obscuring mankind's vision. we must freely shoulder our responsibility to bequeath to our children and our children's children the happy world future generations will expect - a world without discrimination without error, without injustice that engenders exasperation and dejection and a creative atmosphere with joy, peace and moral fulfilment.

at the outset allow me, on behalf of my country s delegation, to congratulate mr. diogo freitas do amaral on his election to the presidency of this important session of the general assembly. his unanimous election to this high office attests to the role that his friendly country, portugal, with which my country has enjoyed centuries of ties, plays in the international arena. his election is also testimony to his ability and wide diplomatic experience which, we are sure, will enable the general assembly to achieve the results we hope for. i should also like to take this opportunity to pay special tribute to his predecessor, mr. amara essy, the foreign minister of c te d ivoire, for the skill and constructive manner in which he steered the work of the forty-ninth session. the convening of this session coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the international community s agreement to establish the united nations in order to safeguard international peace and security after the experience of two world wars. we are aware of the significant role that the united nations has played ever since the end of the second world war in maintaining the balance between the world powers during what was known as the cold war era. that outstanding role of the united nations was at the heart of the international cooperation that was given concrete form in enabling the peoples of the third world, with the help of the united nations, to free themselves from the shackles of colonialism in africa, asia and south america. the united nations bodies and specialized agencies helped the newly independent states to organize their socio-economic resources thanks to the persistent efforts of the secretaries-general who headed the secretariat and the respective executive secretaries of the specialized agencies. here it is only fitting to remember mr. dag hammarskj ld, the organization s second secretary-general, who gave his life while working on behalf of the united nations in the congo in [number]. we should also remember those who were at the helm of the secretariat beside mr. hammarskj ld mr. trygve lie, the first secretary-general, u thant, mr. kurt waldheim, mr. j vier perez de cu llar and the current secretary- general, mr. boutros boutros- ghali who have all played a significant role in strengthening mutual understanding amongst nations and helped the world to find peaceful solutions to its conflicts. the history of the united nations is full of many other figures who played an important role in promoting its march and in serving international peace and security. by way of example i mention count bernadotte, the international peace mediator in palestine general burns, the commander of the international emergency force in the middle east mr. gunnar jarring, the international peace mediator between the arabs and israelis after the war of [number] mr. james grant, the late executive director of the united nations children s fund sadruddin aga khan, the united nations high commissioner for refugees for many years the late olaf palme, former prime minister of sweden the late willy brandt, former chancellor of the federal republic of germany mr. brian urquhart, the former under-secretary-general for political affairs and many other brilliant figures who worked tirelessly and faithfully in these corridors. we should also like to mention in particular the great achievements of the united nations in the framework of its specialized agencies. nobody can deny the achievements of these agencies in their respective fields of competence such as food and agriculture, science and education, civil aviation, architecture, reconstruction, health, postal services and telecommunications, meteorology, intellectual property, development, the liberalization of trade, not to mention the brilliant achievements of the humanitarian and development organizations such as the united nations environment programme unep , united nations children s fund unicef , the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees unhcr , the united nations development programme undp and the united nations relief and works agency for palestine refugees in the near east unrwa as well as the remarkable role played by the other relevant regional organizations and committees within the framework of the united nations. these achievements constitute part of the rich assets accumulated by the united nations over the [number] years that have elapsed since it was established with the aim of maintaining international peace and security. we believe [number] that although the organization has come a long way in laying the foundations of international peace and security, global peace in its broadest sense has yet to be achieved. therefore, it is incumbent upon us all to support the united nations in its forward movement in that direction so that the edifice of peace and international security may be completed and maintained. the establishment of the world trade organization wto with the aim of organizing and coordinating world trade, eliminating the obstacles that obstruct access to foreign markets and encouraging the movement of capital and investment is another milestone on the way towards consolidating the edifice of international peace and security. the wto should receive every support from the international community. the agreement on its establishment under the auspices of the united nations should be an incentive and a challenge to the developing countries to promote the level of their economic and social development, increase their productive capacity and upgrade the level of their services in order for them to qualify to integrate their interests with those of the developed countries. by the same token, the establishment of the wto with the aim of achieving international economic balance on a basis of justice, equality and sustainable development, in no way remits the developed countries obligations towards supporting and assisting the developing countries in working for that integration of their economies with the economies of the developed countries. as a matter of fact, those obligations are stipulated in the wto agreement. in the context of the united nations action to consolidate the foundations of international peace and security, the organization has managed, after [number] years of strenuous efforts, to conclude the united nations convention on the law of the sea in [number]. the entry into force of that convention on [number] november [number] is but another example of international cooperation in order to establish an equitable, just international order to govern the ocean space. also, the recent efforts in this context with regard to part xi of this important international convention will no doubt enhance its universality. in the area of disarmament, the united nations has performed an outstanding role, even at the height of the cold war, as evinced by the signing of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . the signing by more than [number] states of the convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction is yet another historic united nations achievement. the convention was the first to deal with the elimination of this category of overkill weapons on a global scale. it paved the way for agreement on the elimination of all other weapons of mass destruction. as regards the protection of the environment, the international community has witnessed the dedication of world leaders at the [number] rio conference to the task of halting the degradation of the environment. the united nations framework convention on climate change, the convention on biological diversity and agenda [number] that resulted from this unique conference have laid the foundations of a world partnership that addresses the problems of desertification, poverty and the degradation of the ecosystem which arise from the unrestrained use of natural resources. all these conventions and programmes have gone on the record book as uncontested achievements accomplished by the united nations. such achievements apart, however, the united nations has proved to be unable to cope with regional political issues that have international dimensions and are closely related to risks that could jeopardize international peace and security. when the cold war ended, regional problems erupted on the heels of each other and faced the united nations and regional organizations alike with a real challenge. with regard to the middle east question, which we believe to be one of the most significant issues that concern the world at large, an important breakthrough has taken place on [number] september [number], when the israeli and palestinian sides signed an historic accord in washington d. c. that provides for the expansion of palestinian self- rule. while we commend the accord, we voice the hope that it will enable the palestinian people to achieve the objective of extending its authority over its own land and of building its national entity. my country also hopes that the progress achieved on the palestinian-israeli track will lead to the activation of the syrian-israeli and the lebanese-israeli tracks. lack of progress on those two tracks is a negative signal that does not serve the interests of a just and comprehensive peace. if such peace is to be achieved, we believe that the negotiators on all sides have to put behind them all the residual suspicions and political negativism of the past, free their political will and look at the present with a futuristic vision of a world that no longer knows geographical boundaries thanks to the technological progress we now witness in every aspect of life. [number] in iraq, the iraqi government has yet to respond to all the requirements of the relevant security council resolutions so as to allow the lifting of the embargo imposed by the united nations on iraq. we, in common with others, were greatly surprised at the serious, important information disclosed recently by the iraqi government regarding its programme of weapons of mass destruction. regardless of the reasons that led iraq not to disclose these programmes in the past, the confidence of the international community in iraq has been dealt a severe blow because iraq had concealed this information in spite of the requests from the special commission. in the light of these new developments which necessitate the continuation of the work of the special commission for a long time to come, my country appeals to the international community to double its efforts towards mitigating the suffering of the brotherly people of iraq. by the same token, iraq is required, now more than ever before, to reconsider its rejection of security council resolution [number] [number] which, in our view, provides iraq with a good opportunity to reduce some of the suffering of the brotherly people of iraq. we call on iraq once again seriously to provide all the information and means still in its possession to the special commission. we hope that iraq s compliance and cooperation in this matter will give the united nations access to the crucial information regarding the iraqi programmes on weapons of mass destruction and pave the way towards the eventual lifting of the embargo from which the iraqi people have endured record suffering over the past five years. in the context of iraq s commitment to security council resolutions, in particular resolution [number] [number] , we call on the iraqi government to cooperate further with the tripartite committee that deals with the question of kuwaiti detainees and the expatriates of other countries detained in iraq, and to provide the said committee with detailed information on those detainees. any progress made in this direction will be viewed as a demonstration of the good intentions of iraq and its desire to cooperate with other states. in somalia, despite the persistent efforts of the united nations and other regional organizations, the situation in that country gives no cause for optimism due to the total disregard some somali leaderships show towards the interests of the brotherly people of somalia. in afghanistan, although the united nations has deployed and continues to deploy special efforts to restore peace to this war-ravaged country, there is no abatement of the hostilities and bloodshed caused by the strife of the different factions in that country. on the other hand, we view with optimism the progress achieved in the peace processes undertaken by the united nations in angola, mozambique, and liberia, and call upon the international community to deploy all possible efforts towards the mitigation of the suffering of the people of rwanda who continue to be in the grip of ethnic and political conflicts between the warring factions in their country. in the republic of bosnia and herzegovina, despite the united nations and the commendable efforts of its peace-keeping forces to halt the bloodshed in this fledgling republic in the heart of europe, the insurrection of the bosnian serbs and their continued defiance of the international community have resulted in frustrating all those concerted efforts. the recent events in krajina and the north atlantic treaty organization nato air raids on serbian positions have restored a certain degree of balance between bosnia and the serbs who seem to understand nothing but the logic of force. this has shown the validity of the logical call to enable the government of the republic of bosnia and herzegovina to exercise its legitimate right to self-defence. in this connection, obviously, the agreement of principle signed under the supervision of the contract group at geneva on [number] september [number] by the foreign ministers of the republics of bosnia and herzegovina, croatia, and the former republic of yugoslavia serbia and montenegro constitutes a significant step towards peace. however, it is the duty of the international community to exert great efforts to overcome the difficulties facing the united nations and to ensure that the principles agreed on are translated into lasting peace in the republic of bosnia and herzegovina. there is no doubt that such regional issues face the united nations with a real challenge and pose serious threats to international peace and security. in addition, they have created human tragedies as a result of such atrocities as ethnic cleansing and the horrors of famine and mass killings, not to mention the heavy financial burden they have put on the resources of the world economy and on the people who have fallen victim to the atrocities. in the light of all this, how can the united nations face up to all these responsibilities at a time when its ability to deploy efforts is receding because of the over-bureaucratization of its various organs and failure by many member states to honour their financial obligations? the situation is complex, but it is one that [number] can be dealt with by restructuring united nations organs in a more cost-effective manner so that the goals set may be achieved over the short-, medium- and long-term in consonance with basic objectives so that the organization may enter the coming century equipped with firm instructions to make international peace and security the basic underpinnings of social and economic development. with regard to the security council, my country feels that while preserving the tasks entrusted to it, we must also find an effective mechanism to enable the general assembly to make an effective contribution in dealing with crucial international issues so that all member states may participate in implementing united nations resolutions and programmes in line with the provisions of the charter, in the interests of international peace and security as well as economic and social development. proceeding from this, my delegation calls upon the international community to support the efforts of the united nations as the principal body entrusted with addressing various crucial questions throughout the world. those are our policies at all levels. at the regional level, my country seeks to build bridges of dialogue and cooperation between all countries in the belief that this serves the interests of international peace and security. we also seek to encourage and support all regional and international groupings in the same spirit and with the same goals in view. at the national level, my country deeply believes that the maintenance of regional and international peace provides the most important means of implementing our national economic and social plans. with god s will, we have managed to settle with our neighbours the problems regarding our borders, which has afforded us a golden opportunity to channel our national capabilities towards the implementation of our ambitious national economic and social programmes. benefiting from the past wealth of economic experience and in pursuit of the economic objective oman charted [number] years ago, my government, with the assistance of such international bodies as the world bank and other economic experts, organized a conference on the future perspectives of the omani economy by the year [number], which was held at muscat, the capital, on [number] and [number] june [number]. with the participation of a broad segment of the public and private sectors of omani society and a select number of international organizations and world economic figures, that conference laid out the basic lines of the omani strategy for future omani development, among which are the development of human resources, the promotion of women s participation therein, the development of the private sector so that it may become the driving force of the national economy, the encouragement of economic diversity, the encouragement of a suitable economic balance between the economy of oman and the rest of the world and the conservation of the environment and its exploitation for peaceful purposes. my government s peaceful endeavour to implement those strategies represents the best means by which my country will enter the next century on a solid basis, that would enable the omani people to expand their economic resources and benefit from the technological progress we feel will govern the world economy and all its means of production and marketing. this option, with regard to the means of national development, will surely serve the cause of peace and security. god willing, we look forward to a future filled with promise for our future generations.

mr. president, allow me to congratulate you on your election. your professional skills and your kindness, which i had the opportunity to know during my recent visit to your country, will be much needed in guiding the present session of the general assembly. the past year was to a substantial extent a year of europe. the eastern half of europe is regaining its freedom and sovereignty. your presidency appears to me to be a symbol. you are taking office as a representative of a european country which is, however, also fairly close to africa and whose port of valletta was for centuries a place of clashes as well as a refuge that was always available on the routes between europe and asia, the west and the east, as was said in rudyard kipling's time, or the north and the south, as we are beginning to say nowadays. the most recent sessions of the general assembly have already indicated that the united nations is only now returning to the opportunities of the time of its founding. the success of last year's session was due to your predecessor general joseph n. garba of nigeria, who deserves our gratitude. it has become customary to address here all the particular areas of united nations activities. i shall certainly comment on some of them today, and we will express our views on others later. yet i feel a need to be a little bit personal, which will take a little time. it is a special honour for me to be welcomed into the community of nations as the first foreign minister of newly liberated czechoslovakia. twenty-two years ago i was sitting in this hall in the press gallery and listening to a statement by the then soviet foreign minister, andrei gromyko. he was putting forward arguments to back up a definition of aggression. it was a fine definition. however, i felt a shiver running down my spine. gromyko was speaking as if he did not know that he was defining, describing and condemning precisely what his own country had perpetrated against czechoslovakia no more than six weeks earlier. then, for many years, i followed from the places where i had to live and work because of that aggression - among others from a prison - the difficulties and sometimes even political paralysis of this organisation, the cascades of rhetoric and mutual accusations. it was not until the past few years that, among other things because of the more favourable developments in the eastern part of europe, certain results emerged. to a considerable extent we owe it to the tireless activities of the secretary-general, mr. javier peres de cuellar, that the united nations has, after all, played a meaningful role - for example in namibia's accession to independence and in the assertion of minimum human-rights standards. i have said that the past year was a year of europe - a year of historical failure of its totalitarian regimes. my country, too, is now, after [number] years, rededicating itself to its democratic traditions. we are all still somewhat surprised. no more than a year ago i was living in a country mired in immorality, economic decline and police persecution now i am living in a country full of hope that has already had free elections and is taking the first steps towards introducing a market economy, a year ago i was working as a boiler-room attendant, publishing an independent underground newspaper and being chased by the secret police, while today i am addressing you as the foreign minister of my country. in the heart of europe, at the crossroads of european history, we have often been compelled to think about our place within the community of nations. armies used to roll over our territory, and a number of european wars started and ended there. more than once, forces stronger than ourselves forced us to give way to their interests. when we were not willing to do so - as at the time of munich or the prague spring - they sent troops to make us obey. nevertheless, we have always succeeded in recovering. the first czechoslovak president, tomas garrigue masaryk, believed that greatness was not a matter of size or numbers of population but rather a matter of inner strength, truth, culture and education, of the contribution a person or a nation can make to enrich the common treasury of humanity, of the values he or she will create and offer to others. standing on the threshold of our new democracy, we want to meet this challenge. the rapid disintegration of the totalitarian structures in central and eastern europe wan the fruit of the activities of people yearning to live in freedom in a just, democratic and prosperous society. however, it was also a proof of the fact that systems incapable of reflection and self-renewal at ever higher levels are doomed to passivity, rigidity and ultimately to extinction. many dictators have terrorised peoples in this century there were stalin, hitler, mussolini, there were numbers of others in asia, africa and latin america. in the end, they always led their countries to failure and defeat. undoubtedly, those continuing along similar lines today will end up in the same way. that, however, always costs a lot of suffering, misery and human lives. we also know from our experience that those who cause suffering always seek to justify their actions by invoking lofty ideals the only true faith the interest of the nation the struggle for the best of worlds. then, m aggression is not an aggression but a holy war or a liberation struggle killing is not murder but the defeat of enemies of freedom or of criminal elements. in the united nations, too, we were encountering that approach for over four decades. i am happy to note that, by taking an unambiguous stand on the iraqi aggression against kuwait, our organisation is coming back - definitively, i hope - to its real mission. only with the end of confrontation and with the east and the nest engaging in genuine co-operation will the united nations be able to exert more effective efforts in promoting global security and human rights, eradicating famine and underdevelopment, protecting and improving the environment, combating drug abuse and terrorism and building up mechanisms of economic development and co-operation for the whole world community. if we are to succeed, we need a peaceful, favourable international environment where nobody suffers too much and where everybody has a chance. naturally, there are differing priorities as to courses of development. the wealthier part of the world is in a process of economic integration. europe at present is seeking ways towards integration not only in the economic sphere but also in the political and social spheres, and perhaps in defence as well. most countries of the south have other priorities, the need to cope with hunger, population explosion, debt, falling prices of their traditional products and raw materials, lack of investments, an inadequate infrastructure, insufficient levels of know-how and a lack of access to modern technologies. we know well from our own experience what it means to have a malfunctioning economy which creates a system of ever-present shortages and what consequences that entails for the life of the society in economic and moral terms. this is also the reason why we do not want to see confirmed the anxieties that a part of development assistance, already insufficient, might be drawn off because of the needs of central and eastern europe. in the past, development assistance was shrouded in numerous illusions, many of them voiced also in our organisation. but even in the form it took and the extent to which it was provided, such assistance has resulted in a lot of good. yet, fundamental issues have remained unresolved. at times development aid was turned into an instrument of ideological rivalry in third world countries, with the east-west conflict looming in the background. at present, nothing could be worse than the replacement of the disappearing cold war bipolarity by a new north-south bipolarity. one hundred years ago, radyard kipling said "east is east and west is west and never the twain shall meet". for the author of the jungle book, admirer of asia, africa and the golden schools of fish at mandalay, the difference in civilisations between his england end his india seemed impossible to overcome. from the mechanical viewpoint of that century, he could not foresee the age of computers. from the period of colonial empires and clearly geographically defined interests, he could not envision our global civilisation, where we can already determine common principles leading to the success or failure of our activities. now, even a minor issue can become a global one - a conflict of religions or nationalities in the middle east also makes itself felt through murders at an airport in some or the olympics in munich. we czechs and slovaks highly value our own national identity. throughout our history, we had to struggle to preserve it. that is perhaps one of the reasons why we know that the identity of peoples cannot be confused with the political intentions of those who seek to stay in power or to gain power by fomenting fanaticism, be it of a nationalist, religious or ideological nature. thus, we do not consider saddam hussein's attack on kuwait to be just a regional matter confined, let us say, to the middle east. we perceive it to be an attack on the fundamental rules of coexistence among nations and states. these rules are also enshrined in the charter of the united nations. once we have succeeded in reaching the point where we are beginning to speak the same language, we should not let this opportunity of the world community slip out of our bands. those who do not understand this or who do not want to understand this, those who would attempt to make use of the current situation to settle some problem of their own, jeopardise not only that opportunity and the international community, but also, ultimately, themselves. this is certainly an emotional moment for me, personally, but i deem it much more important that my country has ended the long nightmare that befell a large part of the world and that was also impeding the activities of the united nations. although we had to exert efforts of our own to make the revolutionary change happen, we would not have been successful without the support and assistance of all democratic and freedom-loving countries and forces of the world community. these included the seven courageous russians who demonstrated at red square against the occupation of czechoslovakia in august [number], the polish solidarity movement, members of the congress of the united states and members of both western european and american human rights movements, writers and politicians, people like francois mitterrand, olof palme and andrei sakharov, all of whom have supported us through personal contacts. i am naming but a few of those who have always known that the struggle for human rights, freedom and democracy is universal, that if we allow injustice to exist elsewhere, it can appear on our doorstep as wall. they have also included those soviet politicians who, like mikhail gorbachev or eduard shevardnadze were not afraid to open a window to the world and set in motion the democratisation of their own society. czechoslovak foreign policy is now independent and ready to bear its share of responsibility for the future of the international community. first of all, we had to normalize our relations with our neighbours. we wish to participate in the economic integration of europe and to contribute in an active manner towards creating common human rights standards and a common european economic, legal, environmental, cultural and security structure. we wish to become a full member of the council of europe. we want to make a contribution to the institutionalisation of the process established by the conference on security and co-operation in europe csce . we have put forward specific proposals. we are offering prague as the host city of a permanent csce secretariat. our interest in building a united europe also determines our stand on the unification of germany. czechoslovakia considers the forming of a single germany as an act in implementation of the german people's right to self-determination, the outcome of a democratic process and a prerequisite for definitively overcoming the division of europe and for settling the outstanding issues of the second world war. this year the united nations ranks have grown even more with new members joining the organisation. we have welcomed in our midst the long-awaited independent and free namibia. we admitted liechtenstein a few days ago. it gives me great pleasure to express my congratulations to both new members from this rostrum. the principle of universality of our organisation requires that it grant membership to all independent countries that show an interest in joining it, as is the case with the republic of korea at present. freed from the shackles of confrontation, the united nations my offers a wide range of opportunities for the advancement of international co-operation in all fields. for our part we shall do our utmost to that end. we reaffirmed this during the visit of the organisation's secretary-general to the czech and slovak federal republics this year. we are now offering a spacious palace in bratislava, with numerous halls and conference rooms, no more than [number] kilometres from vienna, for activities of the vienna international centre. we shall continue to support the peace efforts of the united nations. beginning next year we shall be ready to send, upon the request of the security council, a battalion-strength military unit to join in united nations peace-keeping operations. we are prepared to act as mediators in the settlement of conflicts if we are requested to do so. it is our conviction that crises have to be settled solely on the basis of the united nations charter. negotiation and the striving for compromise is, in our opinion, the only possible way out for the middle east, afghanistan, cambodia, cyprus and elsewhere. peaceful rather than violent means should be sought to eliminate the shameful system of apartheid. agreements on arms limitation and disarmament require verification and confidence-building measures. therefore, we shall continue to publish data on our military expenditures according to united nations guidelines. at the conference on disarmament in geneva we shall contribute towards elaborating binding international instruments. we intend to become a party to the convention on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons as soon as it is finalised. we have published detailed information on our peacetime chemical potential. we have tested the feasibility of challenge inspections at chemical plants, as well as in military facilities. we have withdrawn our earlier reservation to the [number] geneva protocol on the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons in war. we are encouraging endeavours aimed at achieving a general and complete nuclear-weapon-test ban and we shall take an active part in the conference on the moscow partial test-ban treaty in january [number]. we attach particular importance to the activities of the united nations in the sphere of human rights. we are committed to this stand in view of the genesis of our revolution, and in view of our membership of the commission on human sights from the beginning of next year - for the first time since the commission was founded. we shall accede to the optional protocol to the international covenant on civil and political bights and sign the second optional protocol to the same covenant concerning ute abolition of capital punishment. we are preparing to accede to the convention relating to the status of refugees and to the relevant protocol. we are also making preparations for the signing of the european convention on human rights. my country and austria have co-sponsored at the current session of the general assembly a proposal for the conclusion of an additional protocol on consular functions to the vienna convention on consular relations. our endeavour to build up a country fully governed by the rule of law is inseparably linked with support for the rule of international law in inter-state relations. we are therefore withdrawing our reservations to the provisions in international conventions on obligatory jurisdiction of the international court of justice. i could name here a number of other steps through which we are seeking, often with a delay of several decades, to redress the consequences of the narrow-minded ideological approach of the undemocratic governments of my country to the development of the international community. but we want more than that we want to learn from the experience of the past [number] years and use the resulting lessons not only for our own benefit but offer it to be used for the benefit of all. the aim of our peaceful democratic revolution was first and foremost to free men and women from fear, to restore to them their human dignity and freedom of expression, freedom to elect their own representatives and to build a state under the rule of law, to give our citizens the possibility of taking personal responsibility for their lives, for their work and its outcome. thus in yet another part of the world there is now a growing belief that first we are human beings and citizens and only after that whites or blacks. catholics, muslins, or people without religion, czechs, slovaks, americans, chinese, arabs or jews, rich or poor, educated or illiterate, westerners or easterners, northerners or southerners. the colour of our skin, our nationality, religion or political convictions constitute personal characteristics that neither give us a right to put ourselves above others nor make us inferior. this applies to personal relations, to domestic and foreign policies of countries, and also to united nations activities. never again should the united nations adopt one-sided positions that impair its credibility, such as it did once in the resolution identifying zionism with racism. it is my opinion that the time has come for the united nations to carry its original underlying idea further by formulating principles that would represent the common heritage of the development of the whole human civilisation, principles that have proved to be an essential pre-condition for the successful development of any society, regardless of the part of the globe in which it lives. we have a worthy foundation in the united nations charter, the universal declaration of human rights and the international human rights covenants. we hope that all united nations members will adopt these documents as their own and that efforts will be made to ensure their uniform interpretation and consistent implementation. but let us go still furthers let us try to formulate principles of conduct for the world community to follow, so as to create a world economic space where each and every society, regardless of the level of its development and specific cultural traditions, would find its place, a world where opportunities and a chance of resolving social issues through prosperity, of raising the level of education and of having the voice of its national culture heard in the concert of world culture would be assured. this relates also to the environment surrounding us. the united nations is certainly the forum best suited for the formulation and assertion of common principles for the conservation and improvement of the environment. we know from our own experience that interference with nature in one part of the globe influences the destiny of us all. we shall discuss this subject at the united nations conference on environment and development to be held in brazil. i hope that it will produce binding principles and set in motion broadly conceived programmes. in his message to the president of the commission of the european community, jacques delors, czechoslovak president vaclav havel, proposed that the european community, together with the countries of central and eastern europe, set up a programme aimed at a continent-wide solution of environmental problems. i have already stated that after overcoming east-west bipolarity we can and must work harder than before to bridge the north-south gap. the conclusions drawn at the eighteenth special session of the general assembly on the revitalisation of economic growth can be inspiring but financial resources remain the essential factor. i am afraid that the present conflict in the persian gulf will again substantially limit the possibilities for development assistance. already today, as a result of rising oil prices, the situation of many countries is becoming critical. however, financial grants or loans to the developing world cannot be seen as the only rescue. we have to look for other solutions as well. for instance, we must activate co-operation within regions or development areas. one of the available options might consist in the application of the plan i outlined at harvard university last may for stabilisation of central europe and the ussr. we have suggested that the wealthiest states of the world set up a fund in the form of a dollar loan to the soviet union. that fund, to be administered by an international bank, such as the european bank for reconstruction and development, would be used to pay for supplies from czechoslovak, polish and hungarian enterprises to the ussb. these enterprises would be required to invest a part of their dollar earnings in their own modernisation. the soviet union would undertake to invest the rouble equivalent of the sum paid from the fund in the development of their own economy. nobody would get any money in advance payments would be committed to specific effective programmes under the supervision of the respective bank. the stimulating effect of such operations on the development of local industries is evident. such a proposal offers, of course, just a model that could be elaborated so as to suit the specific conditions in individual cases. most of the attempts made so far involving an active donor and a passive recipient have failed. why not try some other ways? over the [number] years of its existence, the united nations has gone through many a twist of fate. yet, despite all drawbacks, it survived even the worst times of the cold war. every third tuesday in september those who would not have met otherwise met in this hall a thin thread connecting the international community was still there. the end of bipolar confrontation, linked with the sweeping changes in central and eastern europe, is making possible a renaissance of the ideas enshrined in the charter of our organisation. i am confident that it is the united nations through which the new era of co-operation, in an area extending from san francisco to vladivostok, will be projected into co-operation with the south, and that this will create the essential pre-conditions and make available the resources that are necessary to eradicate poverty and to solve the problems of the environment one of the founding fathers of the united nations - czechoslovak foreign minister jan masaryk, son of our first president - pointed out, as long ago as [number], that there are four cardinal points, not just east and west. in vain did he call for the forging of a democratic chain to encircle the whole globe. after the fall of democracy in czechoslovakia in [number] he tragically ended his life with a fall from a window of cernin palace, the seat of our foreign ministry. sometimes i take my visitors to that window, thinking about how he would rejoice to see that we are again taking up this dream of his with renewed hope. let me therefore conclude my statement with the same words with which he concluded his at the first general assembly session "so onward united nations, marching as to peace".

mr. president, the delegation of trinidad and tobago extends to you warmest congratulation on your election to the presidency of this twenty-sixth regular session of the general assembly. we are especially happy that on this occasion that important office is occupied by a distinguished son of asia who has proved himself internationally and who commands the respect and affection of all our countries. we take the opportunity also to express our deep appreciation to mr. edvard hambro, who so skilfully presided over our deliberations last year. [number]. the government and people of trinidad and tobago wish to pay special tribute to the secretary-general, u thant, who, for [number] particularly trying and difficult years of office, has discharged his onerous duties as secretary- general at great personal sacrifice, with devotion and dedication. in his unique style he has succeeded in enhancing the role of the office of secretary-general. the most fitting tribute which we, the international community, can pay him is to ensure that the united nations achieves the goals and objectives for which he has so diligently labored. he takes with him our very best wishes for a long and happy retirement. we in trinidad and tobago recall with pleasure his visit to our country in [number]. nothing would give us greater pleasure than to be able to welcome him as our official guest once again. this invitation is sincerely extended on behalf of the prime minister, the government and people of trinidad and tobago. [number]. my government was very pleased to support the admission of the new states of bahrain, bhutan and qatar to membership in the family of nations and in welcoming them to our organization we wish them every success in the attainment of the goals and ideals to which their governments and peoples aspire. [number]. the trinidad and tobago delegation wishes to re-emphasize its support for the principle of universality upon which the charter was founded, and welcomes the progress made towards its full application. our delegation recognizes the great contribution that the united nations has made in hastening the process of political decolonization. we insist, however, that this process must be accelerated in those regions of the world still under the colonial yoke in any form whatsoever. furthermore, we insist that the achievements of the united nations in terms of political decolonization mu. ! be matched by its contributions in the field of economic decolonization. we look to the united nations for the promotion of economic decolonization through the intensification of its programs directed at assisting the less developed countries in their goal of economic and social development. we commend the adoption, last year, of the international development strategy for the second united nations development decade resolution [number] xxv . it is our view that this strategy would be futile unless it effectively ensured the sovereignty of the people over their natural wealth and resources. [number]. within the international development strategy for the second development decade we wish to emphasize three points a the primary responsibility for development rests upon the countries themselves b however great the efforts for development, based on this principle, the desired goals will not be achieved unless they are supported by increased multilateral financial resources and more favorable economic and commercial policies on the part of developed countries c economic and social progress is the common responsibility of the entire international community. those three points of the new global development strategy constitute the bed-rock of the strategy of development for trinidad and tobago. [number]. allow me therefore to indicate the areas in which our own efforts towards development based on self-reliance may be complemented by appropriate policies on the part of the developed countries. [number]. in our experience, development planning aimed merely at increasing per capita national income does not necessarily generate self-sustained growth. the united nations must be prepared to promote global development policies to ensure that countries like trinidad and tobago generate growth from within their own economies. the government of trinidad and tobago considers that such growth must also involve economic diversification, an equitable distribution of income, and a reduction in the levels of unemployment, underemployment and unemployability. of particular relevance to this is the fact that trinidad and tobago, like most developing countries, is plagued by the pressing problem of population explosion. to meet this, we have, with the valuable assistance of the united nations and the world bank, instituted a family planning program. another important feature of our national planning concerns the revision of the education system to ensure that the training and education of our population more adequately satisfy our manpower needs. [number]. international development policies must promote greater national control of the economy and of our national wealth and resources. this is necessary to guarantee that such resources are exploited in the interest of all the people of trinidad and tobago. we consider it desirable that foreign investment and external assistance be accommodated within the policy of greater national participation and control. one objective of greater national control is to maximize the positive effects of foreign investment and external assistance. our policies, which have been clearly enunciated, have been designed to achieve this objective. [number]. the global development strategy must ensure that the transfer and adaptation of technology satisfy the needs of developing countries. the widening technological gap between the poor nations and the rich nations contributes greatly to international instability, and this gap must be narrowed. in implementing the transfer of modern technology, however, developing countries must guard against the dehumanizing and other destructive effects of technological development. [number]. the new international development strategy mi. involve the accelerated implementation of the policies of the first two sessions of the united nations conference on trade and development. in the first place, we wish to draw attention to the question of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. as a small developing country with a limited national and regional market, the success of our development efforts depends heavily upon access to markets of developed countries as outlets for the expanding range of our manufactures. in this regard we cannot overemphasize the need for the developed countries to lower their tariffs and to eliminate other restrictive barriers. [number]. in so far as the generalized scheme of preferences is concerned, we wish to emphasize that a without exception, all developing countries should benefit from the scheme from the outset b special account should be taken of small developing countries in their initial stages of industrialization c sympathetic consideration should be given to those developing countries which now rely upon special preference for their economic survival. [number]. mention must also be made of the problem of freight rates, the spiraling increases of which adversely affect our development efforts. [number]. the third session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctadj is to be held in santiago, chile, in [number]. that session must accord to unctad a greater role in promoting the objectives of the new international development strategy and must face the problems of access of exports of developing countries to the markets of the developed countries. my delegation feels that the developing countries are now thrust into new situations where their interests, internationally recognized, are in danger once more of being overridden and dismissed. [number]. i pause here to place on record the appreciation of trinidad and tobago for the assistance so far received from all the specialized agencies and institutions of the united nations. we are particularly appreciative of the assistance we have received from the united nations development program through the food and agriculture organization of the united nations in the promotion and development of a fishing industry in the caribbean region, as we are island countries that are particularly dependent on the exploitation of our marine resources. [number]. we expect further action within the united nations to cope with the serious social problems affecting youth all over the world. perhaps foremost among these is the increase in the use of addictive drugs. we require planned programs of preventive and corrective measures. in addition, we appeal for stricter international control and surveillance to combat the illicit international traffic in narcotics. [number]. trinidad and tobago is in favor of an international development strategy which would give our people greater control over the ownership and exploitation of its marine resources. this must, of necessity, involve the establishment of an indigenous technological capability in this sector. trinidad and tobago has repeatedly called on the united nations and specialized agencies to expedite and intensify training programs for developing countries in marine science and technology. so far our expectations in this regard have not met with the desired response. we hope that within the next year regional oceanographic institutions will be established in some of the developing countries as part of the united nations development programs. trinidad and tobago is prepared to provide a site for one of these oceanographic institutions in the internationally known chaguaramas peninsula. [number]. in addition, we take this opportunity to reiterate the principle that the sea-bed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof, beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, are the common heritage of mankind. this is the cardinal principle upon which the proposed international regime for the area must be founded. in precise terms, we envisage the establishment of a system in which all countries in this common heritage would participate directly, through appropriate international machinery, in the management of the sea-bed and the exploitation of its resources. [number]. trinidad and tobago has always considered that regional economic integration is a first essential step towards greater international economic co-operation. the formation of the caribbean free trade association carifta has been that first step in implementing such a regional approach to development in the caribbean area. the member governments of carifta are studying the feasibility of adopting a common external tariff and the harmonization of fiscal incentives to industry and ownership and control of regional resources with a view to ensuring special attention to the needs of the less developed countries within the region. the caribbean development bank is playing a major role in these integration efforts. the member governments are, however, concerned about integrationist movements in other parts of the world which might adopt policies inimical to the legitimate trading interests of the developing nations. [number]. we have given our firm support to the initiatives in the united nations on the problems relating to the natural environment. we consider that the united nations conference on the human environment, to be held at stockholm in [number], would be a useful forum for making a concerted attack on these problems. trinidad and tobago has already taken initiatives to institute new measures for the protection of the natural environment and the control of marine and air pollution. we are certain that the united nations, in this new field of international endeavor, will take due account of the special needs and interests of developing countries. [number]. the world today is agonized by dissension and conflict and divided by inequality. today the world faces turmoil on every continent. today the world faces the challenge of a revolution of ideas by our youth, who demand new values and new institutions. today the world faces a return to economic power politics which could precipitate a new trade war that would benefit none and damage all. today the world faces a change in international monetary bases that could adversely affect world trade and world stability. today the world faces a new wave of protectionism that threatens to wipe out overnight all the progress that has been made in international trade negotiations by hard and unstinting labor over many long years. today the world faces a resurgence of addiction to hallucinative drugs. today the world faces a continued defiance of world opinion in matters of racial equality and treatment, clearly exemplified by those countries that will not grant to a man his basic right to be treated like a man. today the world faces hunger and disease while billions of dollars are wasted on the creation of weapons that deal only death and destruction. today the world faces the pollution of the natural environment, which threatens the very survival of the human race. [number]. how can these problems be solved? i venture to suggest, by international co-operation and consultation. where can such co-operation and consultation take place? in the united nations, where all the countries can sit and consult together. the bases are there. let us devote ourselves seriously in the name of the generations to come to building a better world.

it gives me great pleasure, sir, to congratulate you on your election to the high office of president of the general assembly. we are happy to have a distinguished leader from a neighbouring country at the helm of the assembly for the next [number] months. our relations with bulgaria are excellent, and we are very glad to have supported your candidacy. the forty-sixth session of the general assembly was remarkable and eventful in a number of ways. ambassador samir shihabi, the president at the last session, deserves a special tribute for his distinctive contribution to the efforts to enhance the stature of this universal forum. the competence and wisdom he displayed in guiding our work have justified the confidence we placed in him. we are fortunate that, in the person of mr. boutros-ghali, the united nations has found the experience and wisdom to which it can entrust itself for guidance to success. my government is confident that this distinguished statesman from africa, who is the product of the ancient and glorious civilization of egypt, will provide the right mix of continuity and change in the renewal and restructuring of this world body. we wish our new secretary-general success, and pledge him our support. my delegation welcomes and salutes the [number] new members of our organization. we take special pride in the fact that turkey enjoys ties of kinship, language and culture with some of them. they will surely enrich and strengthen our global family. in the past few years we have witnessed one of the great turning-points of history. the cold war has come to an end. the international landscape, characterized for so long by ideological confrontation and nuclear stalemate, has undergone a fundamental change. the bitter east-west rivalries that dominated every aspect of international affairs are finally behind us. these momentous developments have made it possible to settle a number of conflicts which were a direct result of the cold war. from africa to asia to latin america, people have been able to lay aside ideological disputes and get on with the business of reconciliation and peacemaking. the united nations may rightly take pride for having played an important part in bringing together former ideological adversaries and brokering agreements. it has demonstrated how effective it can be by playing a leading role in the liberation of kuwait, showing that it can function as its founders intended nearly half a century ago. we were at last able to look forward to a world liberated from the awful threat of nuclear destruction, with nations enjoying the fruits of commerce and industry in peace, security, freedom and democracy. however, it now appears that we were all perhaps carried too far by the new wave of optimism. from the balkans and the black sea basin to the transcaucasus, and from afghanistan to somalia, there have emerged new conflicts pitting nations and ethnic communities against one another. now peace and security are threatened by destruction and economic ruin, compounded by the horrors of "ethnic cleansing" and mass starvation. the most severe challenge to the new order has been posed by the series of crises engulfing the former yugoslavia. the international reaction to the sinister designs of the former yugoslav army in croatia last year was not forceful enough to deter the aggressors at that time. today the bitter consequences of our inadequate response are being harvested throughout the territory of bosnia and herzegovina, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity have been violated in defiance of international law and the charter of the united nations. while the international community has condemned serbian aggression and the abhorrent practice of "ethnic cleansing" and demanded an immediate end to all violations of international humanitarian law, the suffering in bosnia and herzegovina goes on. people are still getting killed. mandatory resolutions of the security council are yet to be fully implemented. hundreds of thousands of bosnian refugees face an uncertain future away from their homes. those surviving in the ruins of once-flourishing cities and towns are threatened by starvation and disease. as winter approaches, the need to provide security and shelter to the population becomes ever more pressing. i have myself had a chance to glimpse the suffering in sarajevo. in addition to our international responsibility and obligations as a member of the world community, the historical and cultural bonds which my country shares with the people of bosnia and herzegovina and the presence in turkey of a large number of citizens of bosnian descent place us in a special relationship to the fate of this country. at a time when bosnia and herzegovina are being carved up by the aggressors, priority has been given to the provision of humanitarian assistance. therefore, while supporting other efforts to reach a peaceful settlement, we have also put forward an action plan that consists of a set of concrete and effective measures designed to stop the fighting in that country. we fear that further continuation of the bosnian conflict could lead to greater dangers. we remain prepared to assist any concerted international action to bring about an end to the bosnian tragedy. on iraq, we remain concerned two years after the gulf crisis. baghdad has yet to demonstrate that it truly wishes to take its rightful place in the international community. the iraqi government should comply fully with the relevant security council resolutions. my government will be the first to welcome a return to normality and the restoration of normal relations between iraq and its neighbours. from this rostrum turkey has on many occasions expressed its consistent stand on the question of palestine. today, i wish to reaffirm our support for the negotiating process on the middle east conflict launched in madrid in october [number]. this is a very important opportunity for peace, and we call on all the parties to seize it to arrive at a comprehensive and lasting settlement on the basis of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . as a neighbouring country, turkey follows very closely the developments in the caucasus. in this region, the conflict between armenia and azerbaijan is a source of deep concern for us because of its implications for peace and security in the whole area. turkey holds the view that in this region there can be no place for adventurism and reckless behaviour. armenia should disengage from nagorno-karabakh and withdraw its forces from azerbaijani territories. we urge the parties to achieve a negotiated political solution on the basis of respect for the inviolability of international borders, for minority rights and for the principles of the united nations charter and relevant conference on security and co-operation in europe csce obligations and commitments. we shall continue to work for peace in this region. in the same spirit, we look forward to further progress in establishing democracy and restoring peaceful conditions in our neighbour and friend, georgia. in afghanistan, we had hoped that all would put aside their differences and start the process of reconciliation. however, we have been greatly dismayed by the recent eruption of fighting in kabul. turkey calls on all sides in afghanistan to put an end to this fratricide and to start working for peace, so that the reconstruction and rehabilitation of this devastated country may begin and millions of afghan refugees may finally return to their homes. in south africa, we fully support the democratization process, which should lead to a complete dismantling of apartheid and to the creation of a new non-racial society in that country, based on due respect for the human rights of all south africans. the search for a negotiated settlement of the cyprus question continues. the proximity talks which started on [number] june within the framework of the secretary-general's good offices mission have registered some progress and resulted in the beginning of face-to-face talks between the leaders of the two communities. this positive turn in the negotiating process has been achieved in great part owing to the constructive contribution of president denktas. however, much remains to be done before we can reach our objective. it is our sincere hope that prior to the resumption of the direct talks on [number] october between the leaders of the two communities, sufficient ground will be covered so that an early completion of the work on the set of ideas will be possible. once that stage is reached, turkey stands ready to participate in the four-party conference to conclude an overall framework agreement. we are gratified to note that in our day democratic pluralism, the rule of law, free and fair elections and respect for human rights have finally become the universally accepted attributes of a modern state. the best guarantee of respect for human rights is the existence of a democratic form of government. in other words, democracy and human rights are inseparable. we welcome the progress of democracy in all regions of the world. we expect the united nations to play a more active role in the strengthening of democratic institutions. we regard the ever-growing number of requests being received at the united nations to assist in the holding of elections as a very encouraging development. in the field of human rights, no country can claim to have attained perfection. all countries experience violations of human rights, and all must, whatever their records may be, strive to improve their performance in this area. in turkey our human-rights legislation and practices are kept under constant review in order to eliminate abuses and rectify shortcomings. as a party to all of the european instruments and control mechanisms aimed at protecting human rights, as well as to the convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, our objective is to guarantee everyone the fullest enjoyment of human rights and to prevent any violations or malpractices. we have made important strides in turkey, and we are resolved to maintain this course. on a broader plane, we are concerned with the growing incidence of xenophobia and new forms of racism that increasingly threaten the very existence of migrant communities in europe. turkey is directly affected by this negation of human values, since there are more than [number] million turkish citizens living in european countries, either as migrant workers or as their dependents. like all individuals, these people too are entitled to enjoy security of person and protection by the state against random violence, threats or intimidation. we urge the host countries to ensure the protection of these individuals, to see to it that their human rights are duly respected, and effectively to prevent and punish violence and racist crimes against them. all manifestations of xenophobia and discrimination must be curbed if tolerance and mutual understanding are to put down deep and lasting roots. non-governmental organizations should spend more time and energy in monitoring violations of the human rights of migrant communities. my delegation would like to draw the attention of the general assembly to the widespread phenomenon of subversive violence carried out by terrorist groups. such violence constitutes a most serious infringement of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the basic right to life. it aims at nothing less than the destruction of democracy. this is a crucial fact which we must never forget. we think the time has come for the relevant united nations bodies, the rapporteurs of the commission on human rights, and the non-governmental organizations to address this question of terrorist violence as a matter of priority. having experienced rapid social change and urbanization, turkey today seeks to improve the quality of life of its population, to ensure equal advancement opportunities for all and to promote both individual initiative and community solidarity. we are focusing on protecting vulnerable groups so that they can play a productive role in society. in other words, turkey strives to achieve economic growth with a human and social dimension. my government believes that social problems affecting the international community will be increasingly difficult and costly to overcome if concerted action is not taken promptly. turkey attaches great importance to international efforts directed at easing social problems and tensions and supports the convening of a world summit for social development. the government of chile should be commended for its imaginative initiative in this direction. i should now like to turn to international economic issues. the political developments in eastern europe and in the former soviet union, the aftermath of the gulf crisis and the protracted recession in the industrialized countries have had negative effects on the world economy. the world economic survey reports that for the first time since the first world war the global economy has lot grown. the events of the past year have continued to obstruct and render fruitless the efforts of the developing countries to restructure their economies. with the economic policies of all countries converging as never before, the time has come to launch a concerted effort to create an international economic environment more congenial to growth and sustained development. countries with economies in transition are continuing their efforts to ensure integration into the world economy. the major difficulties of the developing countries are well known. we regret that the uruguay round of trade negotiations has not yet been concluded. this raises fears of protectionism. since trade is a major vehicle for developing countries to break free of the burden of foreign debt and pursue their development efforts, the necessary political will must be displayed for these negotiations to be concluded successfully. the united nations conference on environment and development was a major step towards broadening the scope of economic development in a sustainable manner. the conference accelerated the universal push towards global sustainable development. turkey believes that this momentum is now irreversible. we must look beyond the conference and devise policies that would help to perpetuate and strengthen this momentum. turkey holds the view that a good way to work towards the objectives of peace, political and social stability as well as economic development is through regional cooperation. the political changes of the past few years have broadened the opportunities for such cooperation. in full awareness of this promising trend, turkey has taken the initiative of launching a comprehensive scheme for expanded cooperation between the countries of the black sea region. the aim of this regional cooperation is to ensure that the black sea becomes an area of peace, stability and prosperity in which regional cooperation can be used as a tool to accelerate the integration of the participating states into the global economy. at the high-level segment of the economic and social council last july, there was a focused discussion on restructuring the economic system of the united nations. the economic and social structure of the united nations needs to be developed in a way that will enable it better to respond to the growing challenges of our changing world. with the addition of new members, the question of the distribution of seats in united nations bodies to geographical regions comes up for consideration. it would be desirable also to consider whether the current geographical groupings conform to our present-day needs. we know that the artificial division of europe between east and west in the united nations is the result of ideological differences which have ceased to exist. the question of merging the group of western european and other states with the eastern european group should be given active consideration. the challenges before the united nations are as great as ever. despite the ending of the cold war, conflicts rage on in many parts of the world and threaten to proliferate. economic problems persist, made worse by a recession which will not go away. the humanitarian problems confronting the international community have never been more daunting. there continue to be massive violations of human rights in many parts of the world, while the environment raises problems which we must solve if we are to survive on this planet. great as these challenges are, we have in the united nations a comprehensive framework within which we can operate and address mankind's problems. the end of ideological conflicts makes this possible. the restructuring carried out in the secretariat under the leadership of our newly elected secretary-general is a good beginning in strengthening our newly elected secretary-general is a good beginning in strengthening our organization. there is a new spirit in the security council and in the economic and social council. the general assembly has never been more representative. the report of the secretary-general entitled "an agenda for peace" a [number] [number] provides, in a timely manner, the intellectual foundation for our future activities. the united nations must not only set the tone and provide political guidance to regional organizations in their efforts to secure peace, but must also be prepared to assume its leadership role. it must not fail to live up to its responsibilities under the charter. the conditions are right for the great challenges to be met successfully. for the united nations to pass the test, everything depends on the members who must act in concert and with courage. my delegation undertakes to work with other delegations in a spirit of cooperation and compromise so that our organization may live up to its high promise and serve mankind at this crucial time.

allow me, first of all, mr. president, to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of this session of the general assembly. i should also like to take this opportunity to express warm congratulations to the people of belize, who have attained independence after a long period of efforts, and to extend a cordial welcome to the republic of vanuatu, which has been admitted to membership in the united nations. [number]. in the past year, the people of various countries have waged effective struggles against imperialism, hegemonism, colonialism and racism and have increased their mutual support and assistance, thus contributing significantly to the maintenance of world peace. however, the world is still fraught with tension and turbulence. while old issues remain unsettled, new problems keep cropping up. outrageous violations of the norms of international relations have not been stopped and the third world countries have been the major victims. the world is still faced with the danger of war. [number]. we cannot ignore the fact that the soviet union is trying hard to consolidate and increase its military strength and is stepping up its global deployment for war. on the one hand, it continues to occupy foreign territories and massacre the local inhabitants by the use of force and to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries by the threat of force. on the other hand, it has been paving the way for further expansions by carrying out political and economic infiltrations and stirring up troubles wherever possible. an this shows that the soviet union has not given up its bid for world hegemony and that the corollary strategy of a southward drive remains unchanged. [number]. however, because of repeated setbacks and its own vulnerabilities, the soviet union, while adhering to a policy of aggression and expansion, has increasingly resorted to political tricks. it has launched a new peace offensive by putting forward so-called proposals regarding disarmament, political solutions and so on in order to confuse public opinion, to disguise its own hegemonism and to deceive or lull the people of the world. in these circumstances, it would be contrary to the objective realities of the international scene to suggest that the soviet union is harmless and on the defensive or that its deep predicament is forcing it to consider a retreat. aggression and expansion by soviet hegemonism continue to be the major threat to world peace. hence, the struggle against hegemonism remains the primary task for the maintenance of world peace. [number]. the events in afghanistan and kampuchea major instances which threaten the peace and security of the world and grossly violate the charter of the united nations and the norms of international relations. [number]. the soviet armed invasion of afghanistan and the vietnamese invasion of kampuchea with soviet support are both aimed at totally subjugating and occupying a neighboring country by force. if such lawlessness is not firmly stored, but instead accepted as a fait accompli, it will only the appetite of the aggressors and convince them the they can go on practicing the law of the jungle unimpeded in that case, what would be left of justice and the code of conduct for the international community? how, then, can there be any security for the states members of the united nations, particularly the weaker third world countries? [number]. the soviet invasion of afghanistan and its support for the vietnamese occupation of kampuchea are not only aimed at subjugating the two countries, but also at using them as springboards for further expansion, so as to close the ring around the oil-rich region of the middle east, push towards the strait of malacca and increase the threat to the surrounding countries and to the peace and security of the rest of the world. many mo. countries will corns to grief if the aggression against afghanistan and kampuchea is not checked and if the soviet union is allowed to press forward with its strategy of a southward drive. [number]. meanwhile, as the soviet union is going ahead steadily with its global strategic deployment, the risk of war will increase. only by firmly putting an end to the aggression against afghanistan and kampuchea will it be possible to salvage the independence of these two nations, and to blunt or check the momentum of the soviet union's southward drive, curb its expansion in other parts of the world and upset its global strategic plan. the heroic struggles in the past three years of the kampuchean people under the leadership of the government of democratic kampuchea and the widespread resistance movement of the afghan people have made brilliant contributions not only to the defense of their own independence and sovereignty but also to the maintenance of world peace and the security of all countries. [number]. it is obvious that afghanistan and kampuchea are die priority issues in the overall world situation and that a fair and reasonable settlement can only be achieved by waging unremitting struggles. we trust that all justice upholding and peace-loving countries and peoples will continue to be deeply concerned with these issues and will strengthen their fighting will in view of the protracted nature of the struggle. [number]. it is understandable that quite a few countries have called for a political settlement of the afghan and kampuchean issues. but the question is on what principles should the political settlement be based? the resolutions on afghanistan and kampuchea adopted by the united nations general assembly, the declarations adopted by the third islamic conference, held last january, by the conference of ministers for foreign affairs of non aligned countries, held last february, and by the international conference on kampuchea, last july, have all stressed that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from both countries and that any settlement of these issues must be based on the principles of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all states and the right of all peoples to determine their own destiny free from any foreign interference. [number]. china is in favor of such a political settlement and is ready to work with other member states towards this end. however, the withdrawal of all foreign troops is the primary condition for any political settlement. the soviet union and viet nam backed by the soviet union adamantly refuse to leave afghanistan and kampuchea, respectively. this is the basic reason why the afghan and kampuchean issues have remained unresolved till now. under these circumstances, the afghan and kampuchean peoples are bound to carry on their sacred war in defense of their own countries. lately, the patriotic forces of both countries have been closing their ranks in order to fight more effectively against the aggressors. for its part, the international community is duty bound to continue to support and assist in various ways the just struggles of the afghan and kampuchean peoples. [number]. only when the aggressors have suffered heavier and heavier blows on the battlefield and have been subjected to mounting pressure from the international community will they be forced to consider pulling out their troops. therefore, to increase the pressure on die aggressors from all sides is precisely the way towards creating conditions for a political settlement of the afghan and kampuchean issues. conversely, any attempt to weaken or break up the armed struggle against aggression or to strike a deal at the expense of the victimized peoples in exchange for concessions from the aggressors would only embolden the hegemonists and hurt the chance of a genuine settlement. [number]. the recent proposals offered by the soviet union and viet nam for settling the afghan and kampuchean questions are all based on the acceptance of the fait accompli created by their armed aggression. a compromise on such a basis' would be tantamount to accepting a new munich agreement by allowing the aggressors to gain easily at the negotiating table what they have failed to get on the battlefield. that is obviously impermissible. the chinese government maintains that all foreign troops must be withdrawn from afghanistan and kampuchea immediately and unconditionally, that these two countries must be restored to their independent and nonaligned status, and that the afghan and kampuchean peoples must be free to choose their own political systems and governments. [number]. tjie chinese government reiterates its position that following the settlement of the afghan and kampuchean questions in accordance with the aforementioned principles, the countries concerned should join in an international guarantee that there shall be no interference whatsoever in the internal affairs of afghanistan and kampuchea and that their territory shall not be occupied or used for encroachment on the independence and sovereignty of other countries in either region. we hope that the general assembly will adhere to the principles set forth in the resolutions adopted at its previous sessions and make renewed efforts towards a settlement of the afghan and kampuchean issues. [number]. in the past year the situation in the middle east, rather than improving, has become more tense. israel is still clinging obstinately to an expansionist position. it has not only continued to obstruct a reasonable settlement of the middle east question, but has become more reckless by committing fresh atrocities against the arab countries and peoples in violation of the charter and the norms of international relations. it flagrantly raided iraq's nuclear reactor, repeatedly invaded lebanon and frequently bombed palestinian refugee camps in open defiance of the relevant resolutions adopted by the united nations. israel's lawlessness is intolerable and must be stopped. the chinese government and people sternly condemn these israeli acts of aggression and firmly support the just struggles of the arab people. we maintain that israel must withdraw from the arab territories it has occupied since [number], including jerusalem that the palestinian people must regain their national rights, including the right to return to their homeland and the right to self-determination and establishment of a state that the plo, as the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people, is entitled to participate on an equal footing in a comprehensive settlement of the middle east question and that all countries in the middle east have the right to independence and existence. we are pleased to note that many arab countries, the european community and others, have been making positive efforts to bring about a settlement of the middle east question. our attitude is that we welcome all initiatives that are conducive to a comprehensive and just settlement of the middle east question and to peace and stability in the region. [number]. in southern africa, the white racist regime is becoming more and more unbridled in trampling upon the charter of the united nations and the norms of international relations. not only does it continue to occupy namibia illegally in defiance of united nations resolutions and to strengthen the system of apartheid in south africa, but it has launched repeated armed attacks against the front line states. not long ago it even carried out a large-scale invasion of angola. these outrages constitute a flagrant provocation to the african people and to the people of the entire world. in our view, namibia should attain genuine national independence immediately on the basis of territorial integrity and national unity and in conformity with the aspirations of the namibian people and the relevant united" nations resolutions the system of apartheid in south africa must be completely abolished and the international community should apply, without reservation, comprehensive sanctions against south africa. we firmly support the solemn resolution adopted at the emergency special session on the question of namibia ies8 [number] . security council resolution [number] [number] must be fully implemented without further delay. [number]. the middle east and southern africa are two important regions rich in strategic resources. the soviet union has always regarded them as important targets for its aggression and expansion. masquerading as a supporter of national liberation movements, it has long since infiltrated these regions in an attempt to expand its influence there. the crimes committed by israel and south africa have not only brought untold sufferings to the countries and peoples of those regions, but have also provided the hegemonists with more opportunities and pretexts for infiltration, thereby posing a greater threat to peace in the middle east, southern africa and the rest of the world. [number]. it must be pointed out that the arrogance and defiance of israel and south africa are attributable, in large measure, to united stales support and protection. the united states has repeatedly expressed its willingness to improve its relations with the third-world countries and to join them in safeguarding world peace. but what is the sense of expressing such sentiments when israel and south africa are being condoned and given support instead of being denounced for their flagrant breaches of die norms of international relations? this only antagonizes the hundreds of millions of arab and african peoples and a large number of third-world countries. [number]. the situation in the caribbean region merits our attention. the peoples in some of the countries there have long been subjected to imperialist and colonialist exploitation and oppression and unbearable domestic, political and economic conditions. it is their inalienable right to uphold their national independence and state sovereignty, develop their national economy and carry out democratic reforms. this should be recognized in the first place. on the other hand, it must be noted that another superpower and its proxies have been meddling in the internal affairs of those countries and trying hard to infiltrate the region under the guise of supporting the progressive movements. in our opinion, the people of the region should be left alone to solve their own problems. we are opposed to all outside interferences no matter where they come from. [number]. the situation in northeast asia is also not tranquil. the united states has thus far failed to withdraw its troops from south korea. the peaceful reunification of korea continues to meet with obstructions from the authorities in south korea. in october [number], president kim ii sung of the democratic people's republic of korea put forward a new formula for the establishment of a democratic confederal republic of koryo, which would incorporate both north and south korea. this reflects die fervent hope of the broad masses of the korean people for the reunification of their fatherland and provides a practical way for its realization. we maintain that resolution [number] ft xxx on the question of korea, sponsored by [number] countries and adopted by the general assembly at its thirtieth session, should be implemented expeditiously so as to create. favorable conditions for the independent and peaceful reunification of korea. [number]. over the past year, the world has not only witnessed a series of major political events, but has also been faced with serious economic problems. the economic conditions of many developing countries have further deteriorated and the economic contradictions between the north and south have become more acute. faced with worsening terms of trade, the developing countries are plagued with greater deficits in their international balance of payments and heavier burdens of foreign debts. they basically remain powerless in international economic relations. certain developed countries are clinging to the old international economic order and trying to shift the consequences of the economic crises onto others, thus creating greater obstacles for the developing countries to build independent economies and making it more difficult for them to achieve the objectives of their, development strategies. [number]. the efforts of the developing countries to achieve economic independence after winning political independence represent an irresistible trend of our time. the major developed countries, however, refuse to go along with this trend by changing their unequal and unfair relationship with the developing countries. this is the root cause for the ever sharpening economic contradictions between the north and south. [number]. the economies of nations are closely interrelated. the developed countries are increasingly dependent on the developing countries for their economic growth. from the longterm point of view, the prolonged impoverishment of the latter will not be in the economic interests of the former. a number of developed countries have come to realize that their own economic "stagflation" may be alleviated as a result of the economic growth of the developing countries. we are of the view that the principle of equality and mutual benefit, which is the norm of international relations, should also apply to the economic field. [number]. moreover, one must not lose sight of the fact that the economic difficulties of the developing countries and the resultant domestic political turmoil, as well as the worsening northsouth contradictions, will provide the hegemonists with opportunities to stir up troubles. to support the developing countries in building their independent economies and to promote appropriate reforms in the international economic order so as to establish step by step a new international economic order is therefore not a purely economic matter but a vital political question that affects the maintenance of world peace and stability. [number]. it is pure hope that the major developed countries, proceeding from the overall situation of the world, will give serious consideration to the legitimate desires and demands of the developing countries, promptly come to an agreement at the current session or at the forthcoming cancun summit to launch the global negotiations, and take practical and feasible measures to meet the urgent needs of the developing countries and improve north south relations. [number]. the political and economic situation of the world today is grim indeed. the maintenance of peace is the common aspiration of the people of the world. however, we have to struggle for peace we cannot beg for it. to defend world peace it is imperative to oppose hegemonism. to this end, the peoples of all countries should unite and coordinate their actions, taking into account their respective situations. in order to achieve greater unity against hegemonism it is necessary for all parties to respect each other's sovereign rights and interests and to treat each other as equals. on the eve of the second , world war certain countries failed to discern in time the source of the threat and failed to unite effectively to oppose it. the people of the world ended up paying a heavy price and the world learned a bitter lesson. [number] china has consistently pursued a foreign policy of peace. having suffered enormously from foreign aggressions and wars in the past, the chinese people know only too well how precious peace is. today, as the chinese people are engaged in building china into a modernized socialist country, they need all the more a lasting peaceful international environment. however in pursuing the policy of safeguarding world peace and opposing hegemonism, china is motivated not simply by its own interests, but also takes into account the interests of the people of the whole world. [number]. china is a developing socialist country it belongs and will always belong to the third world. china is ready to work together with other third-world countries as well as all countries that uphold justice and love peace and to contribute all it can to the defense of the purposes of the charter of the united nations and the norms of international relations and to the cause of opposing hegemonism and maintaining world peace.

"mr. president, i add my voice to the congratulations expressed by previous speakers on the occasion of your election. your personal experience in this organization, together with your unanimously recognized diplomatic skills, are the best guarantee for the quality of our debates. "i must also congratulate your predecessor, mr. guido de marco, for his exceptionally active role as president of the general assembly at its forty-fifth session. his dynamism was highlighted in the course of the proceedings concerning the restructuring of certain activities of the general assembly. "a special word of thanks must also be addressed to the secretary-general, mr, javier perez de cuellar. as always, his report on the work of the organization during the past year has furnished us with an inspiring synthesis. we art grateful to the secretary general for the ten yearn during which he has guided the united nations with full personal commitment. a number of multilateral diplomatic successes of recent yearn bore the undeniable mark of his own input, especially where the resolution of long-standing regional conflicts is concerned. moreover, the prospects for speedy settlements in a number of cases still pending are also due to his personal efforts. thus, his activity has certainly contributed to translating the organization's political revival into concrete actions in the field. "the minister of foreign affairs of the netherlands, mr. van den broeck, has already spoken here on behalf of the [number] member states of the european community. i subscribe to his statement, and i share in his expression of the community's views on the major questions facing us today. the wide range of his statement allows me to focus attention on a limited number of subjects. "before doing so, however, i wish to express my government's satisfaction at the fact that several new member states were admitted to our organization at the beginning of this session. belgium has always been in favour of universal membership of the united nations. in that spirit, we welcome the simultaneous admission of the republic of korea and the democratic people's republic of korea to membership of the organization. the admission of new members is even more welcome when it contributes to the lessening of regional tensions or when it reflects the fast pace of change in the world. we are convinced that the new member states will enrich our debates with their particular insights. "the events of recent weeks and months in the soviet union have accelerated and confirmed the collapse of communism. the failure of the coup has demonstrated that democratic thinking is alive and well in the soviet union and that perestroika could not be undone by a handful of military and kgb personnel. "belgium joins in the rejoicing at the victory of constitutional and legal order over the totalitarian adventurism of those in the soviet union who had failed to realize that the reforms initiated by president mikhail gorbachev had reached the point of no return. "would it be true, then, that the history of this twentieth century is merely a passing phase - one that has already passed? indeed, our century has, by and large, been marked by the 1ife-and -death struggle against two evil forms of totalitarianism fascism and communism. these two perverted forms of sociological thinking and of political action have, throughout the major part of this century, reduced hundreds of millions of individuals to conditions of mental slavery, moral exploitation and, eventually, self-destruction. these totalitarian ideologies are responsible for the loss of human lives by the millions. "today, it is our privilege to see, with the utmost relief and joy, this century ending in [number] with the implosion of communism. communism has come to an end both as a political regime and as an ideology. "the rejection of communism by ever more people in the world means that this ideology is no longer credible as a guideline for social reform. because of the events in the soviet union, democracy and the defence and exercise of freedom and basic human rights have considerably enhanced and are now quite likely to be accepted internationally. "the recognition of political freedoms must, however, go hand in hand with the granting of economic freedoms. thus we get this dual concept of democracy and a competitive market economy, which seems to be conquering the world - democracy as a political framework ensuring a socially responsible redistribution of the benefits gained through an efficient market economy. "after the revolutionary changes in the countries of central and eastern europe, the leaders in the soviet union have the historical duty to bring the democratic and economic reforms in their country to a speedy conclusion. but this task must be achieved in a spirit of international solidarity. in this regard, the european community and its member states, including belgium, cannot and will not shun their responsibilities. obviously, such support cannot be seen as a substitute for the reforms democratically elected leaders in these countries must undertake. that being said, we must offer them the broadest and most effective cooperation possible. "moreover, the europe of the twelve also serves as a model its various forms of economic cooperation among its members and the manner in which it cooperates with third states and regions or constituent republics of third states. in this context we hope that the soviet union - and i stress the word 'union' - will be able to work out a balanced formula for cooperation between its various constituent republics. "national feelings harbour great energy which can be applied to good purposes as well as to evil ones. when a national feeling degenerates into nationalism, that is, into forms of collective selfishness, a destructive force can be set free. history is replete with tragic examples of this. but the national conscience of peoples able to enjoy their own language, history, culture and religion is an important asset for the world community. without such inputs, international society would become merely a colourless mixture of stateless people. "personally i am convinced that the countries of the european community, having undergone the great ordeals of the first half of this century, have cast out their nationalistic demons thanks to a policy of integration in numerous fields. "the european community has also given an example of how to transcend national feelings and we are willing to assist others in seeking workable solutions for similar problems. we hope that the granting of a wide measure of autonomy will neither increase the risk of proliferation of nuclear weapons nor obstruct or undermine the trend towards disarmament which, happily, exists in so many fields. "belgium welcomes with satisfaction the regained independence of estonia, latvia and lithuania. my country never recognized their annexation by stalin's soviet union. we are particularly proud that we were able to contribute to the establishment of a baltic information centre in brussels and that we supported their delegations in various international forums prior to their recognition under international law. we also salute the memory of those citizens of the baltic republics who gave their lives in the struggle for independence. "the events of recent months and years, so full of hope for peace and for the freedom of ever more people in the world, have also demonstrated the growing importance of human rights. the marxist notion, according to which respect for human rights, in keeping with a materialistic logic, is seen as a consequence of a specific of socio-economic development, is now clearly being abandoned. respect for human rights now appears to be the sine qua non for the balanced socio-economic evolution of any society. hence there is an interaction at work between development and respect for human rights. "there is no doubt that states individually, rather than the international community, bear the primary responsibility for the protection of human rights within their territory. but each state is responsible to the international community in cases of non-compliance with its obligations. international consensus on this issue is steadily growing states are liable internationally for their national policies in the field of human rights. this combination of national responsibility and international liability entails an increasing internationalization of human rights issues. we therefore favour a definition of human rights which is both broad and precise. "the individual human rights set forth in the universal declaration and in the two international covenants remain the basic components of any evolving human rights policy. consequently, these covenants ought to be accepted and applied by all united nations members. aside from the right of peoples to self-determination, more attention should now be given to the social exercise of certain individual human rights, such as cultural and religious freedom, including the elimination of ethnic and other forms of discrimination. "belgium continues, as in the past, to plead that we take into account the regional dimension of respect for human rights so as to enable each region to consider its cultural and socio-political idiosyncrasies in respecting fundamental rights. it is also necessary to grant special protection to persons belonging to certain social groups, such as women and children. the convention on the sights of the child and the recent world summit for children made significant progress in that respect. "the protection of human rights is of course a duty, but it is also a right. in signing the charter and in adopting the universal declaration of human rights and the two additional covenants, the member states of the united nations undertook to respect human rights within their territories. "true exercise of state sovereignty consists not of resisting any external interference in this field, but, rather, of mobilizing of all means available to states to ensure respect for human rights. each state has this obligation not only to its own citizens - in particular minorities within its borders - but also with regard to other states. "in contradistinction to the position generally advocated by the now increasingly discredited totalitarian regimes, actions by third states to protect human rights should not necessarily constitute interference in domestic affairs. this is very clear in cases where actions are undertaken in response to a request by a state no longer able to ensure the protection of human rights on its own territory. but even if the action is taken without the consent of the state on whose territory human rights are violated, it is not necessarily interference in domestic matters. "indeed, effective respect for human rights is at the heart of the problem. the international community must help states to respect human rights, and force them to do so if need be. to prevent any abuse the charter rightly implies that any such intervention must take place in an orderly and acceptable fashion. it should be in accordance with well-defined rules. the existence of a violation must, as a matter of principle, be clearly established. the response must be gradual and must obtain the agreement of the international community. only in the case of actions undertaken in situations of extreme emergency should it be possible to bypass these rules until the international community itself is able to take all the necessary measures. "this rostrum is not the appropriate place to enter into the details of a juridical exposition. let me just point out that article [number] of the charter implies the possibility of interference of this kind. each united nations member has committed itself to individual or collective action in defence of the principles set forth in article [number], including the protection of human rights. all states and the international community as a whole are obliged not only to respect human rights but also to have them respected. "protection of human rights encompasses both combating violations and preventing them. it is the duty of member states to ensure that basic political rights are effectively granted to their citizens, that they can participate in political decision-making, that conditions for economic growth are created, that there is the indispensable social redistribution of wealth, and that sound sanitary and ecological standards of living are achieved. inversely, it is also true that respect for human rights contributes to political stability and to a spirit of entrepreneurship. "using confidential procedures, direct and indirect pressure and diplomatic interventions, third states and the international community can bring about a change of attitude by a state violating human rights. if these measures fail, the greatest leverage against those violating human rights is to be found in concern publicly expressed by third states or by pressure groups. for that reason, the work of non-governmental organizations such as amnesty international must be vigorously supported. "but the international community must also be able to intervene rapidly. the diplomatic impact of the united nations must be strengthened, and the organization should be able to take action at very short notice. now more than ever before, countries should train military and civilian units required for rapid deployment within the framework of such united nations operations. "moreover, member states should whenever possible consider the inclusion of human rights clauses in international agreements, following the example of the lome conventions and the recent constituent act of the new european development bank. such clauses are inspired not by any type of cultural imperialism, but by our deep conviction of the interrelationship between human rights, pluralism and economic and social development. in this spirit, belgium has recently insisted upon the introduction of the notion of respect for human rights in its bilateral agreements with states with which it maintains close traditional links of cooperation. "the international community therefore must provide itself with sufficient means to make states violating human rights change their behaviour when confidential procedures or pressure from public opinion are ineffective. he clearly see a role for the security council in this field. prior multilateral approval of interventions is desirable in almost all cases. in certain extremely urgent and flagrant cases, a state should be allowed to intervene on its own initiative to protect human rights. such an intervention could be legitimate when, for example, citizens of that state outside its borders are subjected to gross and systematic violations of their basic human rights. such situations generally arise in times of war or civil war, when state authority collapses, or when states obstruct the delivery of the necessary humanitarian aid. but even in those cases it is of course indispensable for the state carrying out the intervention to submit its actions within a reasonable time limit to the security council. such unilateral intervention should, moreover, be discussed and monitored by the relevant regional forums. "existing multilateral institutions are already in a position to do a lot of useful work in this field. in the longer term an extension of legal options could be envisaged. we view the creation of an international court for human rights and the appointment of a high commissioner as the most important possible innovation. "what we are aiming for is the establishment of a more structured mechanism to investigate individual, specific cases of human rights violations and then reach a conclusion and ensure legal redress. we are well aware that in these matters we have to attain and respect a balance between existing and future institutions, between political fields of competence and legal procedures, and between mechanisms at the national, regional and international levels. more specifically, the powers of the commission on human rights may have to be reviewed to allow for transmission of the files on the worst cases of human rights violations to the security council. "the international court for human rights and the high commissioner should 'filter' dossiers, thus enhancing their authority, avoiding procedural abuses and preventing overburdening the security council. "taking into account these ideas, we may envisage the following procedures the high commissioner would have to submit complaints by states to the court, while he would have the option of submitting complaints from individuals he would have the right of inquiry and the court would be able to summon states if the state involved refused to collaborate, its refusal would be notified to the commission on human rights the court would determine whether the state had indeed violated human rights the state would then be given an opportunity to acknowledge its responsibility, restore the rights concerned and make legal reparation to the victims, and if that were not done the court's judgement would be transmitted to the commission on human rights. "the commission is a political organ which has to concentrate on the policies and practices of states violating human rights. its effectiveness could be strengthened in, for example, the following ways. the behaviour of a state could be brought to the commission's attention by another state, by the court or by the high commissioner. the commissioner would then check whether human rights had indeed been systematically violated. it would be entitled to order an inquiry. refusal to collaborate would be viewed as an aggravating factor. if the commission found that a state had indeed systematically violated certain human rights, that state should be given a short period to put the matter right. if the state did not take such action, the facts would be notified to the security council. "when it is thus clearly established that a state refuses to end its violations of human rights, two further means of pressure can be envisaged. first, states can use existing unilateral means of exerting pressure, which they will have a right to apply to the extent that they have inserted human rights clauses in their treaties with other states. a number of states will inevitably want to review their economic, political and diplomatic relations with another state on whose territory human rights are systematically violated. secondly, if the commission on human rights finds that a state persists in systematic and gross violations of human rights, that state's attitude will be brought to the attention of the security council for consideration. "when we recommend the path of pluralism and respect for human rights with such insistence we may run the risk of seeming self-righteous. "states in which democratic institutions have been functioning for generations have no other choice but continuously to watch ever the vitality of those institutions and be increasingly aware of the problems arising outside their own borders, in a spirit of solidarity. "there, too, we face a real challenge. "the greater attention now being devoted to the development of new east-west relations does not mean that belgium, or indeed europe as a whole, will forget the urgent issues pertaining to north-south relations. "we are even more aware of the urgency of these issues since the general assembly recently concluded its assessment of the programme of action for african economic recovery and development [number]-[number]. criticism has been levelled, rightly, at the implementation of this programme. "we must not forget that the economic situation of many developing countries is also linked with the political reforms they are currently undertaking. our aid must be adjusted accordingly, both quantitatively and qualitatively. "it is also becoming increasingly clear that we need to envisage a new relationship between donor countries and recipient countries, taking into account the interdependence of the world economy. we must also find an acceptable level of economic growth, while giving due attention to its adverse side effects, especially for the environment. "i cannot close without emphasizing that the past year has been exceptional for our organization. the widening of its role and the extent of its intervention in the political world order would have been inconceivable only a few years ago. having for long pleaded for a return to the spirit which inspired the authors of the charter, we find ourselves now to some extent prisoners of our own words. the members of the united nations are capable of uniting their will-power and assuming with determination their responsibility for peace, human dignity and social progress. "

allow me to congratulate the fraternal libyan arab jamahiriya and you personally, mr. president, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at this session. i wish you success in your endeavours, and succeed you will, given your vast experience and competence. i also extend our deep appreciation to your predecessor, mr. miguel d escoto brockmann, for successfully steering the work of the sixty-third session i recognize his positive stand vis- -vis the fundamental issues with which the international community is seized. i also wish the secretary-general every success in his undertakings as he seeks to fulfil the purposes and principles of our international organization. we come here every year and stress from this very rostrum, as do many others, that the middle east is one of the most tense regions of the world and that the situation is extremely ominous. from this very rostrum, most speakers stress that a just and comprehensive peace is an urgent requirement for the realization of the interests of all parties in the region and the world at large. however, paying lip service to the need for peace is obviously different from working for peace. actions inside and outside the region have spoken louder than words, and peace has remained elusive for years. during that time, israel waged two devastating wars against lebanon and gaza. it had no qualms about committing internationally prohibited acts or breaching international law, encouraged and protected by the administration of former united states president bush. to date, israel continues to impose a stifling siege on gaza, in contravention of the most basic humanitarian principles and tenets of international humanitarian law. these facts have been confirmed by many investigations, and were most recently published in the report of the united nations fact-finding mission on the gaza conflict. the head of the mission concluded that israel had committed grave violations of human rights law, and international humanitarian law, including war crimes and possibly crimes against humanity. the international approach to the middle east question has changed in previous years. addressing this issue has become a priority, and has been followed by immediate action on the ground. this is certainly reassuring. it is our sincere hope that these efforts will bear fruit. but the engagement by the new united states administration, the members of the security council, the european union, the organization for the islamic conference and the non-aligned movement has been continuously confronted with israeli measures and positions that ignore the most basic underpinnings of the peace process. israel defies the policies of its friends and allies and undermines their will. israel also challenges the will of the overwhelming majority if not the entirety of the international community. perhaps more than ever before, israel has now revealed its true colours an entity that has enshrined racism, aggression and tension-building while balking at peace and repudiating the advocates of peace. israel refuses to freeze illegitimate settlement building and is thus in breach of its obligations under international law. israel continues to confiscate palestinian land, build the apartheid wall, judaize jerusalem, expel inhabitants from their homes and bring in settlers to replace them. this list is in no way exhaustive. these facts are substantiated by figures but, in the interest of time, we shall not dwell on them in detail. suffice it to say that the two-state solution advocated by the international community has been rejected by the israeli government. the israeli prime minister s comments on the subject are sheer tactical manoeuvres that are contradicted entirely by the policies pursued by his government on the ground. president bashar al-assad has said that peace is antithetical to occupation. peace and occupation cannot coexist. he stressed that we in syria seek a just and comprehensive peace and that peace is our strategic choice. it is a choice based on the implementation of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , the madrid terms of reference, the principle of land for peace and the arab peace initiative. we have supported every effort aimed at achieving this goal. to that end, we entered into indirect talks with israel through turkish mediation and sought to arrive at common ground that would ultimately enable us to launch direct negotiations. but the absence of genuine political will to make peace and the war of aggression that the israeli government waged against gaza brought this pursuit to a halt. [number] [number]-[number] in full view of the world and in defiance of its unanimous will, israel has chosen to be a rejectionist state. it has chosen to challenge the international community. this is a dangerous position and a stance that threatens peace and security in the region. the continued occupation, the judaization of jerusalem, the intensification of settlement activities and the racist slogans presage serious consequences for the world. the world must not succumb to the dictates of israeli extremists. it must not allow israel to persist in its violation of international law and its defiance of international will and decisions. brotherly iraq continues to bleed. the situation in iraq is a cause for serious concern to us as a neighbouring arab country. we have continuously stressed the urgency of preserving the unity of iraq s territory and people while guaranteeing its sovereignty and safeguarding its independence and its arab-islamic identity. to that end, it is urgent to build iraqi national unity on the basis of national reconciliation, which must include iraqis of all stripes. iraqi national unity is the cornerstone of the reconciliation process, but it will remain elusive unless the necessary conditions for national reconciliation are achieved. we have continuously condemned all aggressive acts that claim the lives of innocent victims in iraq. we have also repeatedly called for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from iraq and for the restoration of full iraqi independence and sovereignty. we have stressed our readiness to facilitate that withdrawal by extending our cooperation in maintaining security in iraq. it is our hope that iraqis will soon be able to arrive, through constructive dialogue, at solutions that firmly support iraq s unity, strength and prosperity while remaining fully dedicated and loyal to the unity of the land of iraq and its people. syria has been dedicated to strengthening bilateral syrian-iraqi relations in all their aspects. we established a bilateral council for strategic cooperation in various fields. we were distressed by the recent bloody wednesday terrorist bombings in baghdad, which we strongly condemn. but we were surprised to hear, days later, accusations levelled at us accusations devoid of any truth implying that we harboured those suspected of masterminding those bombings. these claims and the ensuing developments are extremely unfortunate and cannot serve the interests of iraq or syria. we are open to suggestions on how to solve the current crisis by demanding that real evidence be made available to substantiate those claims. this has not yet been done. we stress that protecting the iraqi people and safeguarding their interests is one of our priorities. we are also keen to safeguard the fraternal relations between the iraqi and syrian peoples and express our satisfaction at the current efforts of turkey and the secretary-general of the league of arab states. we have followed with grave concern the recent developments in yemen. we hope that security will ultimately prevail. we support yemen s unity, stability and the prosperity of its people. attempts to undermine the sudan s unity and to compromise its security and sovereignty are also a cause of concern for us. we fully support the sudan and its leadership and stress the need to create favourable conditions conducive to a settlement of all pending issues. in that regard, we appreciate the efforts made by the state of qatar in cooperation with the league of arab states and the african union. another cause for concern is the events unfolding in somalia, a country already afflicted by war and internal strife. we call on our brothers there to work for national reconciliation and to use dialogue as a means of settling their differences. we urge them to work towards the unity of somalia, which as the supreme national interest should take precedence over any other consideration, and to lay the foundations for security and stability in their country. we support the efforts of the african union to settle the existing conflicts that continue to plague some parts of the african continent, to achieve development in the countries of africa and to promote the african role in the international system. we also renew our call for the lifting of the blockade imposed on cuba for more than half a century. for years, syria has been calling for the establishment of a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction in the middle east region. to this end, syria tabled a draft resolution before the security council in [number] calling for the establishment of such a zone. today syria stresses the need for israel to commit to complying with the resolution of the international atomic energy agency iaea adopted on [number] september of this year regarding israeli nuclear [number]-[number] [number] capabilities gc [number] res [number] , in which the agency called upon israel to place its nuclear facilities under comprehensive iaea safeguards and to accede to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . we recall once again the right of all states to acquire nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, as guaranteed by the npt. we fully support constructive dialogue as a means to settle all differences. the world is still reeling from a crippling economic and financial crisis that has adversely affected the economic and social conditions of most countries of the world. very few countries, if any, have been spared its devastating effects. this crisis led many to question its root causes, shedding light on the deficiencies in the financial system and its practices and thus highlighting the sound practices that could have prevented the crisis. the world cannot deal with the crisis as a fait accompli. we must seek answers and outcomes that endorse sound practices and remedy systemic imbalances that are bound to affect us all in the globalized world in which we live. our common goal is to establish a more secure economic and financial world order. it goes without saying that the countries of the south have disparate economies and are comparatively more disadvantaged and adversely affected by the current crisis than those of the north. the world s poor end up paying a higher price for a breakdown that is not of their making. rich states are therefore duty bound to provide all forms of support to poorer countries to help them overcome this crisis. poor countries have earned this support, and any positive results that it generates will serve the interests of poor and rich countries alike. we also call for the increased participation of developing countries in the work of the group of [number], which would enable them to put forward proposals and advance appropriate responses to overcome the crisis. we and many others have often called for an enhanced and reinvigorated role for the united nations in order to build a better, more just and more secure world. we believe that the present moment is auspicious. we therefore call on all member states to work seriously to ensure compliance with the charter of our international organization and to introduce the necessary reforms in order to promote it, learning from the lessons of past decades and from our achievements and failures. we sincerely look forward to a world governed by respect for international law in which security, stability and prosperity reign supreme.

i would like at the outset to congratulate mr. jan kavan on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to assure him of the full support and cooperation of the delegation of the islamic republic of iran as he embarks on his crucial task. i would also like to express my appreciation to the president of assembly at its fifty- [number] sixth session for his skilful leadership. i would also like to welcome switzerland to the united nations, and look forward also to welcoming the democratic republic of timor-leste. i would like to pay tribute to the secretary- general for his strong and compassionate leadership and for the vision and wisdom that he expressed in his statement before the assembly. the world today is characterized by great diversity and emerging factors with a far-reaching influence. in the light of advances in information technology and of the new international information order, current issues and problems are interrelated, like the parts of an organism, and truly global. more than ever before, we see that nations and states are seeking to expand their options and ascertain the nature and the extent of their contribution to, and participation in, global affairs on the basis of not only their national security and interests but also their regional responsibilities, as well as international requirements and norms. this trend towards the achievement of such fundamental objectives points to the expansion of a global, democratic and participatory process that will endure in the long term and is thus sustainable. embracing diversity, questioning and critically reviewing the past and seeking democratic participation and action all teach us that the fundamental universal human values of peace and security, freedom and independence, and justice and fairness must become the very centre of global attention. without continued, active cooperation to draw our world closer to such fundamental values, we will not successfully meet the current global challenges. without expanding the scope of peace and security, neither freedom nor independence will be achievable without justice and fairness, neither peace nor security will become accessible and without freedom and independence, both peace and security will become impossible to attain. it is only through such an approach that we will be able to work together, think together and cooperate in a multilateral framework so as to find answers to challenges we face in common and to deal with regional crises. the world is facing grave challenges today, particularly in the aftermath of the tragic terror attacks of [number] september [number]. chief among these challenges are terrorism and other forms of violence. combating the sinister phenomenon of terrorism is an urgent and unavoidable imperative. a genuine and effective fight against terrorism must include, on the one hand, an attempt to identify the root causes of terrorism and, on the other, a concerted effort by the international community to address them. it goes without saying that the perpetrators of acts of terrorism must be brought to justice and given their just deserts. calling for the root causes of terrorism to be addressed should in no way be construed as an attempt to justify terrorism or detract from the gravity of terrorist acts or from the severity of the punishments that terrorists deserve. it is intended to pinpoint an effective and comprehensive means of eliminating terrorism. in this context, it appears that exploring problems such as the worldwide increase in injustice and discrimination, the marginalization of a large number of people and occupation and the violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of others, extremism, fanaticism, bigotry, poverty and underdevelopment could prove helpful in identifying the root causes of terrorism. in our opinion, a wise and principled approach to fighting terrorism would entail full international cooperation, expressed at the highest political level in a world summit that would seek, inter alia, to develop an inclusive definition of terrorism that is generally acceptable. in a letter addressed to the secretary-general immediately after the disastrous attacks of [number] september, president khatami called for such a world summit to address this crucial issue and to encourage international cooperation to fight terrorism under the auspices of the united nations. there should be a worldwide campaign against all forms and manifestations of terrorism and their perpetrators, irrespective of the identity of the victims or the objectives. distinction must also be made between acts of terrorism and the legitimate struggle of peoples under foreign occupation or aggression, in accordance with international law. any campaign bent on relating the inhuman phenomenon of terrorism to divine religions that have always been the harbingers of peace, love, amity and moral decency is a great and unforgivable transgression against those religions and their countless followers. as a victim of the most brutal acts of terrorism, the islamic republic of iran regards fighting terrorism in a genuine and comprehensive way as a top national [number] priority, and it is thus in the forefront of the international coalition against terrorism. to help promote regional and international peace and security, my country has thus far signed bilateral agreements or is in the process of finalizing such agreements with more than [number] countries on the extradition of offenders and on the provision of legal assistance for promoting cooperation in the areas of fighting terrorism, drug trafficking and other organized crimes, of the extradition of criminals and of mutual legal assistance. we are intent on further strengthening this policy of enhanced cooperation. in that context, and in accordance with security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , the islamic republic of iran has reported to the security council counter-terrorism committee regarding its counter-terrorism efforts in general and about the measures it has adopted against the taliban and al qaeda in particular. we are greatly concerned by the current trend of international disarmament negotiations, which is leading to the further vulnerability and fragility of international security. rejection of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty ctbt by a permanent member of the security council and the holder of the largest nuclear arsenal, and the withdrawal of that member from negotiations on the ctbt on-site inspection operational manual, point to that state's policy of unilateralism. further signs of such a policy are its withdrawal from the anti-ballistic missile treaty, its blocking of the negotiations on a protocol strengthening the implementation of the biological weapons convention and its going against the judgement of the international community with respect to the regulation of the trade and transfer of small arms and light weapons. it is only by developing a broader view of multilateralism, international cooperation and respect for the rule of law that we can guarantee progress and success in the field of disarmament and international security issues. expansion of and deeper respect for human rights throughout the world are a function of their universality and indivisibility, on the one hand, and of the recognition of national and regional particularities and cultural backgrounds, on the other. rejecting the use of human rights for political purposes, rejecting double standards and discriminatory approaches, and promoting international cooperation in that field for the sake of human rights will definitely help promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. such an approach prevailed at the fifty-eighth session of the commission on human rights, and my country thus received a favourable decision. we are pleased that, with the cooperation of other states, our draft resolutions on developing international cooperation in the field of human rights and on promoting cultural diversity were adopted. globalization will yield fruitful results when it is accompanied by a non-selective and non- discriminatory approach when it provides equal opportunities for all within the framework of a global partnership. if the developed countries fail to fulfil their responsibilities, globalization can hardly be called a success story. an open, equitable, law-based, transparent and non-discriminatory international trading system is a prerequisite for achieving the goals of economic growth and sustainable development in developing countries. the continued brutalities in occupied palestine once again indicate that solutions not well grounded in justice and realism will fail to bring about lasting peace in the middle east region. the palestinian people have the right, under international law, the charter of the united nations and the universal declaration of human rights, to persist in their struggle to restore their inalienable rights. occupying other people's land must be condemned, as must labelling as terrorist a nation that is only fighting to liberate its homeland. the way to achieve a lasting peace in the middle east is to guarantee to palestinians the right to return to their homeland and the right to self-determination, leading to the formation in a democratic process and under the supervision of the united nations of a palestinian state with al-quds al-sharif as its capital. it is the palestinian people's legitimate right to choose, through democratic means, their future political system and the manner in which they elect to establish their civil and political order. we respect the choices that the palestinian people make. the long-standing policy of the islamic republic of iran towards afghanistan has been the rejection of violence, the promotion of intra-afghan dialogue and the establishment of a representative government by democratic means. we are pleased that, as a result of international efforts particularly by the united nations civil order is gradually being consolidated by the afghan people themselves through the [number] establishment of the interim administration, the emergency loya jirga and the transitional government. formulating afghanistan's constitution on the basis of democratic principles, afghan culture and tradition, taking into account the views of all ethnic groups, will be a major step in consolidating law and order, in strengthening the political structure and in achieving peace, security and stability in afghanistan. the islamic republic of iran is continuing its close cooperation with the transitional government of afghanistan, especially in the context of spending the [number] million in assistance earmarked for small-scale reconstruction projects in afghanistan during the iranian fiscal year [number], which began on [number] march [number]. joint efforts that are moving forward include providing custom facilities and preferential arrangements in customs, transit, trade and scientific, cultural and educational cooperation combating drug trafficking and terrorism and helping afghan refugees to return to afghanistan. the international community is expected to make good on its pledges to afghanistan so as to begin to rebuild the economic infrastructure there and to create conditions conducive to the voluntary return of afghan refugees to their homeland. greater attention and resources must be invested particularly by the united nations international drug control programme in crop substitution programmes in afghanistan as an effective strategy to fight narcotics trafficking. respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of iraq and compliance by iraq with relevant security council resolutions particularly those concerning the return of the weapons inspectors to iraq followed by the lifting of international sanctions in the interest of the oppressed people of iraq, constitute the overall policy of the islamic republic of iran towards iraq. we oppose any unilateral measures or military intervention in iraq, we underline the central role of the united nations in that regard, and we hold that it is up to the people of iraq to determine their own future through democratic means. the islamic republic of iran is following the situation between its two neighbours, pakistan and india, with much concern. as a neighbour, we wish to stress the age-old wisdom of the subcontinent and to impress upon the leadership in both countries the importance of exercising self-restraint in both word and deed and of keeping open the lines of communication and dialogue with a view to resolving the situation in accordance with the rules and principles of international law and in the interests of both nations. the current global trend towards participation in collective efforts to face major international challenges and resolve regional crises through democratic means has raised a glimmer of hope for our world today. no doubt, dialogue among civilizations has a special place in charting the way and promoting understanding and tolerance in these troubled times. dialogue, as a multifaceted and long-term process, teaches us to grow out of the politics of domination that have created so much agony and violence and gradually to opt for the politics of interaction, tolerance and communication. in this context, the united nations, as a centre of dialogue, international decision-making and implementation, will increasingly gain in importance as the international community resolves to strengthen international peace, security and development.

on behalf of the delegation of guinea-bissau, i am pleased to extend our congratulations to you, sir, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-third session. i am particularly pleased because it is unanimously agreed that you have exceptional intellectual, political and diplomatic qualities which will ensure the success of our deliberations. it also gives me pleasure to pay tribute to your predecessor, mr. hennadiy udovenko, and to thank him for his dynamism and initiative and for the integrity which he displayed throughout his mandate. i wish to reiterate to the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, our appreciation for the tangible results we have seen in the organization since his election, and to encourage him to persevere with the same determination in implementing his reform programme, which we wholeheartedly support. as we prepare to enter the new millennium, it is important to be aware of the increasing interdependence of nations, large and small, and of the consequences of globalization, so that through fruitful dialogue at the global level, we may together find appropriate responses to the numerous challenges facing us, particularly the fight against international terrorism. poverty, underdevelopment and the major pandemics must not remain the sole responsibility of the countries affected by these scourges, because for tomorrow s world to be stable it must be united founded on the principles of social justice and the equality of peoples and nations. hence, the primacy of law must continue to guide us in seeking lasting solutions to the numerous regrettable conflicts throughout the world. we are pleased to note that all the peoples of the world share a determination to live in peace, within their national borders, with their neighbours and the rest of the international community. my country welcomes the positive developments in the lockerbie affair, which has been a matter of concern to us for many years. it has been the subject of decisions by regional organizations, such as the organization of african unity oau and the league of arab states, as well as the non-aligned movement. we hope that the parties involved will spare no effort to ensure that justice is done in conditions of fairness and impartiality, with all the necessary guarantees, taking into account the recognized rights of each party. we feel that the clarifications called for by the libyan authorities are legitimate, because they are based on the objective criteria of neutrality and fair play which govern any judicial procedure worthy of the name. the republic of guinea-bissau was admitted as a fully fledged member of the united nations in september [number], following a lengthy and difficult struggle for national liberation. for almost a quarter of a century we have been committed to respecting and defending the principles enshrined in the united nations charter, because they are essential guidelines for active participation in international life and for the building of our young nation. early on we understood that in order to give shape to our political independence we needed to establish the conditions for harmonious economic development from which all sections of our population could benefit. with the assistance of the international community, therefore, our young state focused on ways and means to build a land of freedom and peace. it goes without saying that [number] years of struggle for national liberation scarred our people and left an indelible mark on their minds and bodies. since guinea-bissau is a poor country with very limited resources, everything needed to be built, despite the fact that we did not have the financial means or the necessary skills. therefore, inspired by the courage that enabled us to galvanize ourselves to free our country, we set to the task determined to create the right conditions for the full development of our citizens and the improvement of their living standards. over the past four years we have succeeded in laying the foundations of a democratic state based on the rule of law and respect for human rights. as members of the assembly know, building a nation is a long-term task requiring both determination and perseverance. guinea- bissau, which is among the poorest countries of the world, is no exception to that rule. over the past two decades we have focused on consolidating our national unity by strengthening the ties of solidarity that unite our citizens, whose maturity had enabled them to wage, and succeed in, one of the most exemplary national liberation struggles in africa. it is precisely this awareness of belonging to the same people that has enabled all sectors of our population to unite and work hand in hand for the development of the country and the well-being of all. therefore, since its independence in [number], despite the economic difficulties all states face, guinea-bissau has lived in peace and has known a period of great political stability. however, since [number] june our country has experienced tragedy, previously unimaginable, just when it was beginning to make notable progress with regard to democracy and respect for human rights and in the economy. an unprecedented crisis for which we were not even minimally prepared has deeply shaken and paralysed our country for some four months now, endangering the foundations of the state of law and the existence of democratic institutions in the republic. the act of aggression by a party of our country s national army is a serious violation of the constitutional provisions in force in guinea-bissau. the international community, in particular the organization of african unity oau and the united nations, have unreservedly condemned this act of aggression. from this podium, we wish to thank the united nations family for the solidarity and support it has provided to the president of the republic, mr. jo o bernardo vieira the legal government of the republic of guinea-bissau its leaders and especially, the innocent, victimized population. i should like in particular to convey our gratitude to the neighbouring countries of guinea-bissau for their active solidarity with our people. on behalf of my government, i specifically thank the authorities of senegal, guinea, cape verde, the gambia and portugal for having rapidly created an appropriate rapid-response team to evacuate citizens and foreign nationals who wished to leave, especially our own desperate compatriots, a great number of whom have sought refuge and safe haven in neighbouring countries. each of these brother countries has distinguished itself admirably in an exemplary display of compassion and [number] humanity. i wish to thank them most sincerely on behalf of our government and all of my compatriots. i also wish to pay tribute to the courage of my own fellow citizens and to reiterate, on behalf of our government, our keen awareness of the difficulties they face and of the need to ease their suffering by finding a speedy solution to the current crisis, so that peace and stability may be restored to our homeland, and by establishing conditions to allow our people to return to their country. it is its desire to find a peaceful and negotiated solution to this crisis that has inspired the government of the republic of guinea-bissau in its contacts with the members of the self-proclaimed military junta. indeed, through the joint mediation of members of the community of portuguese-speaking countries and the economic community of west african states, we have signed a ceasefire and begun a constructive dialogue, which we will pursue on the basis of recognition and respect for the constitutional legality of our country and the need to work together to restore peace and stability. we are grateful to all people of goodwill who have come forward, both in africa and overseas, to assist us in overcoming all of these difficulties and in finding a final solution to the conflict in guinea-bissau. the people of guinea-bissau are peaceful. they have age-old relations of friendship and brotherhood with their neighbours in the republics of guinea, senegal and the gambia. these relations are based on the common destiny which history and geography have bequeathed us. it is a precious legacy that present and future generations must preserve and defend in the conviction that their identity and their social and cultural values will endure. it is this same committed and unfailing solidarity which enabled us to free ourselves from the yoke of colonialism, as did our brothers in guinea and senegal. as we have already had the opportunity to point out, the presence of guinean and senegalese troops in guinea- bissau is based on the implementation of bilateral agreements duly signed and ratified. in addition to the existence of an unquestionably legal framework, however, it is important to know and recall that, through their intervention, the guinean and senegalese troops bravely assisted their comrades in arms in guinea to overcome an attempted coup that has been condemned by the oau, the united nations and the entire international community. they have made a courageous contribution to the maintenance of constitutional legality and democracy in guinea-bissau. allow me here to pay tribute to them for their decisive action and to offer them our full gratitude. for some four months, guinea-bissau has been experiencing a major tragedy that has brought great loss of human life, serious material damage and much suffering to our people, who have been internally displaced and made refugees in neighbouring countries, cape verde and portugal. once again, i wish to thank the assembly for its solidarity with our country and people. its assistance is valued and will be valuable in healing the wounds and assisting all the citizens of our country to understand each other better and work together for the common future of their homeland. i can assure members that we will spare no effort to ensure that, through dialogue and joint endeavours, peace will return to a guinea-bissau united and reconciled in solidarity. more than ever, we recognize the need to establish a pluralistic democracy in a state of law and an egalitarian society that will guarantee full respect for civil, political and human rights. today more than ever, we are aware of the importance of peace in our country and in other conflicted regions of the world where peoples of the same country have been torn apart. i am thinking in particular of the fratricidal wars which for some years now have ravaged other african countries, angola and the democratic republic of the congo in particular. at a time when we are preparing to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, it is appropriate to proclaim our complete commitment to the fundamental principles of democracy, good governance and respect for human rights, which underpin our search for harmonious development and a better standard of living. the international community, the united nations in particular, has always heeded the aspirations of the people of guinea-bissau. with its solidarity, it has made our struggle for national liberation its own battle for the emancipation of peoples throughout the world. today, as in the past, we need its support to rebuild our country and restore confidence and hope to our compatriots, who impatiently await the moment when they can return to their country, their homes, their families, their friends and their workplaces to peace and stability.

[number]. mr. president, first of all, i should like to express my satisfaction at seeing you preside over the thirtieth session of the general assembly. your skill as a leader and a diplomat, your sensitivity in dealing with international and european problems, are a guarantee of the effectiveness of this session of the assembly. [number]. may i also take advantage of this opportunity to repeat my sincere congratulations to mr. abdelaziz bouteflika, who brought to bear his well-known abilities in presiding over the twenty-ninth session and the seventh special session. [number]. i am also happy to welcome to this organization, on behalf of the spanish government, the new states which have recently joined the united nations cape verde, mozambique and sao tome and principe. [number]. when making up the balance sheet of the work of the united nations during this thirtieth anniversary, we can note, despite certain flaws that can be corrected, a positive evolution towards a greater harmonization of national interests which, since they become daily more interdependent, call for increased cooperation. [number]. thus, in the year that has elapsed since the last session, international events have taken place that are of great importance the overcoming and ending of a conflict which affected an entire generation, the holding of the conference on security and cooperation in europe to which i shall refer later and a series of international meetings on subjects of the greatest importance such as food, population, industrialization and the international women's year. all these point to a positive trend towards such co-operation. [number]. however, among the aspects of the international situation which merit particular attention at this thirtieth session, there are some which are testing the capacity of the united nations to carry out effectively the goals which the organization has set for itself. these include economic problems, such as raw materials, the energy crisis, matters of development and monetary reform, and also certain political problems which, by giving rise to concerted stands by member states, affect the efficient functioning of the united nations and its organs. it would be easy to yield to the temptation of thinking that the answer night lie in a procedural reform of the organization, but i believe that it would be better to seek the roots of these difficulties, and to think less about the methods of this organization, since the polarization of attitudes is due largely to the lack of the proper substantive solutions. [number]. perhaps it is in the economic field that these points of difference between different countries have been most obvious, since they have given rise to positions that conflict with the general interests. [number]. among such positions we may note the protectionist stands that seek to improve the net foreign trade position of certain countries, as if the only way out was to export more and import less the stand that fails to relate the energy problem with the fact the energy is a requisite for development the stand that tries to dictate to the countries that are solely producers of raw materials, abandoned to their fate and deprived of any other financial resources than those they can themselves provide the stand that supports a monetary system which primarily serves the needs of trade. we could give many more examples of this type of opposed stands. [number]. the interdependence that has grown up in recent decades, and the inevitable osmosis between national economies, make it necessary to seek solutions at a world level. such solutions will not be possible if all parties are not prepared to yield something of their respective positions so as to emerge from this situation by means of genuine co-operation. the technical machinery for such implementation is not a matter for this body, but the expression of the political will that can make it possible is our concern. for if such determination is lacking and is not transmitted to the specialized bodies and conferences, it will be difficult to find solutions to our existing problems. we have reached a point at which it is not possible for everybody to benefit, because there is no basis for a general and immediate gain. we must look to future gains, which will be possible if we are all prepared to sacrifice something, the greater sacrifice being made by those who can make it most easily, for at this time there is more truth than ever in the old saying that you must know how to lose in order to win. by giving up something of our respective economic ambitions in order to rebuild a more harmonious world economy, we may be able to ensure victory for peace, a peace which may be endangered by growing economic tensions. such tensions can only be dissipated by effective co-operation that will permit an economic readjustment based on a transfer of income that will have similar effects on a world-wide basis to those achieved in national economies. [number]. in other words, the institutional disagreements which we often deplore might be overcome if a united stand were adopted by all. thus we would be able to eradicate one of the most important root-causes of these disagreements, and we would not feel called upon to look for procedural means as a solution, when what is required is effective and genuine international co-operation among all members of the organization. [number]. pursuant to this line of reasoning, i wish to express the will of my country to take part in this effort, as we have repeatedly stated, and most recently at the seventh special session, [number]. spain is a country still in the process of development. in certain important aspects of our efforts to obtain and ensure a steady supply of raw materials we are suffering financial deficits. yet we have already undertaken the same commitments as the more devel-oped countries, by forgoing certain advantages or benefits in order to help countries less developed than ourselves. we believe that by so doing we have given adequate proof of our will to co-operate. [number]. out of a spirit of true international co-operation we have begun the process of decolonizing western sahara in order to allow the population freely to decide its own future and to permit fruitful co-operation with the other countries of the maghreb so as not to upset the stability of the region and thus to maintain peace there. [number]. the decolonization of the sahara may well stand as an example of how to overcome a situation of dependency through the strict implementation of the principles and norms set forth in the charter concerning non-self-governing territories, and the determination of the spanish government to act in conformity with the provisions of the charter and the general assembly resolutions which complement it. [number]. this is because the events that have occurred in the course of this year, and the key role played by the population, have confirmed the need to take the latter into account if the process of decolonization is to be continued. in a word, we are trying to ensure the population's protection so that they can freely exercise their right to self-determination, since it would be absurd if, by a mistaken assessment of the elements involved, we were to give paramount importance to the desires of third parties over the true interests of the indigenous population, which, in all circumstances, are protected by the universal right of dependent peoples to determine their own fate. [number]. these remarks would have been unnecessary had the decolonization of the sahara not given rise to so much misunderstanding. hence a slight clarification is necessary here in order to shed some light on the confusion created. yet the facts could not be simpler. [number]. spain settled in western sahara without requiring the agreement of anyone but the indigenous population, which was organized in its own autonomous, traditional institutions that were not dependent on any state sovereignty whatsoever. the independence of the population was an indisputable fact and its acceptance of the administering power's rule confirmed the exclusive nature of the latter's presence in the territory. thus the establishment of spain's authority over the sahara created solely and exclusively a relationship between spain and the said population. hence in the exercise of that authority spain was not called upon to solve any problems with foreign state authorities, and no so-called rights of third parties over the territory disturbed the normal development of those relations. consequently, when the time for decolonization came, we felt that nothing should stand between the administering power and the population. [number]. the fact that spain, as a member of the united nations, has complied with the procedures set forth in the charter regarding non-self-governing territories and with the relevant resolutions on western sahara, does not alter this context. i do not overlook the fact that, within this context, some countries have been termed "interested parties". this term has been applied exclusively in relation to the holding of the referendum in order to ensure the fulfilment of the principle of self-determination, but it can in no way affect the relationship between the administering power and the population. on the contrary, out of a desire to uphold the principle of self-determination, it serves as a further guarantee rather than as an obstacle. [number]. now, the efforts of certain "interested parties", which at first appeared directed towards giving impetus to decolonization through self-determination, as we might have concluded from the communiques of the tripartite conferences of the maghreb countries, finally became a series of claims. this change in position became most obvious when on [number] august [number] the spanish government informed the secretary-general of its decision to apply self-determination to the territory by holding a referendum in the first six months of [number]. that was promptly followed by morocco's attempts to invalidate that decision, or at least to delay its fulfillment. that was the purpose of submitting the question of the decolonization of western sahara to the international court of justice for adjudication, as though this were a dispute among states, whereas all that was at stake was the ending of the territory's dependent status. when that attempt failed, morocco proposed that the assembly should request that the international court of justice to hand down an advisory opinion and postpone the referendum, and that proposal was adopted as resolution [number] xxix . [number]. although this placed further responsibilities upon the administering power, spain did not hesitate to put before the international court of justice the documentation it had available, and made the situation in that territory, in all its historical vicissitudes, perfectly clear to the court. actually the requested advisory opinion was unnecessary, because the formula for decolonization through self-determination had already been set forth in all the relevant resolutions of this general assembly, including that resolution in which the advisory opinion was requested. therefore, the court could not ignore such a fundamental factor. nevertheless, if that consultation of the international court of justice had been intended only to postpone self-determination, the matter would not warrant any comments from me, because at least the assembly would have further elements on which to base its judgment, since it would then have the advisory opinion from the supreme legal body of the united nations. [number]. but succeeding events did not go smoothly. while on the one hand self-determination had been postponed pending the advisory opinion from the international court of justice, on the other hand peace in the sahara was being upset by repeated acts of violence and harassment tolerated from abroad, and thus an insecurity was created that was incompatible with the obligation incumbent on each and every member of the united nations to maintain peace, in particular on the neighboring states calling themselves "interested parties". [number]. but it was precisely because of the risks flowing from outside actions and the additional responsibilities that were then heaped on the administering power that the spanish government was forced to make a statement and to inform the secretary-general of its contents on [number] may last. in an effort to avoid creating a power vacuum, and in order not to jeopardize the decolonization process, spain pointed out that, if the situation continued to deteriorate, it reserved its right to take whatever measures might be required in this organization and, if necessary, to terminate its presence in the territory. at the same time, it urged the neighboring countries to assume their responsibilities for the maintenance of peace in order to allow an orderly process of decolonization to take place. accordingly, we invited them to a conference which, if not convened by the administering power, could be held under the auspices of the united nations and thus be a positive step towards a regional agreement aimed at facilitating decolonization. [number]. the spanish government, by agreeing to let the referendum take place under the auspices of the organization as originally planned, and by trying to hold, under the same auspices, a quadripartite meeting to maintain peace in the sahara and to facilitate the decolonization process through dialog among the interested parties, has given repeated proof of its willingness to co-operate actively with the united nations in the fulfillment of one of its noblest tasks, the emancipation of the non-self-governing territories. further proof of that good will lies in the support and assistance given the international court of justice by us in the fulfillment of the requests of the general assembly and the facilities given the united nations visiting mission to carry out its own tasks in the territory. [number]. these are clear proofs of the nature of our conduct, which is intended only to give back to the saharan people the trust that they had placed in spain. regardless of the results of this referendum of self- determination, the saharan people themselves, and only they, can decide on that matter, because the idea of subjecting them to an imposed solution would, if carried out, create a very dangerous uncertainty for the entire future of decolonization. [number]. be that as it may, on behalf of the spanish government i must declare that my country will continue to shoulder its responsibilities as the administering power until the process of decolonization is concluded, so long as other states, and particularly the neighboring states, respect the peaceful evolution of that process and do not allow the premises on which the process rests to be upset, because they have been set up in accordance with the provisions of the charter and the relevant resolutions of the general assembly. if any alteration in the situation takes place that might threaten peace and increase our responsibilities, the spanish government reserves its right to draw the attention of the security council to the necessary measures that should be adopted to maintain peace and also to undertake whatever necessary action might be called for to finalize the process of decolonization. this reservation is intended only to confront neighboring or interested states with their responsibility and to re-establish the principle of equality in the fulfillment of those obligations which the charter has made incumbent upon all. [number]. to this end the positions adopted by the countries neighbors of western sahara regarding the decolonization of the territory positions which at times coincide and at other times contradict one another far from being incompatible with respect for the rights of the people of western sahara, should be harmonized so that they can lead to the achievement of a positive agreement, in order that decolonization can be carried out in such a way that the prosperity of the region will be strengthened and peace and security assured. in drawing inspiration from this objective, spain advocates consultations and a search for understanding with the neighboring countries. [number]. but decolonization of the sahara is being unduly delayed. i should like to take the liberty of reminding the assembly that the government of spain communicated to the secretary-general its desire to hold a referendum for self-determination as urged by the resolutions of the general assembly during the first six months of this year. the incidents to which i have referred have made it impossible for the administering power to complete the decolonization of the territory as planned. my government considers it to be imperative not only for the truth and respect of this organization for the principles of the charter, but for the peace and security of the entire region that this process of decolonization be allowed to be concluded as soon as possible. we trust that the general assembly at this session will adopt a resolution setting a time-limit as soon as possible. [number]. gibraltar has not as yet been decolonized, despite the last resolution adopted by the general assembly at its last session resolution [number] xxix , which once again urged the united kingdom and spain to conclude their pending negotiations. the negotiations have not progressed, however, in such a way as to allow us to report any satisfactory results to the organization. [number]. the position of the united kingdom not to go ahead with the pending negotiations rests on the argument that the preamble of the law approved by parliament granting a constitution to gibraltar makes it impossible for it to negotiate on the return of the rock of gibraltar until the acquiescence of the inhabitants has been obtained. but the united kingdom seems to have overlooked the fact that the resolutions are not addressed to the united kingdom government or to any of the other organs comprising the british state, but are addressed by the united nations to the united kingdom as an international subject, considered as a whole, having international relations and being a member of this organization. the attitude adopted by englishmen in positions of responsibility implies that they are disregarding the fact that the internal structure of the state must not prevent compliance with its international obligations, because the way in which the united kingdom determines its actions is irrelevant to third parties. [number]. but to accept this argument, which is the only reason that is adduced to block the negotiations, would mean that the inhabitants of gibraltar are to be allowed to play a role beyond that agreed upon by the parties at the time of the cession. [number]. but her majesty's government acquired ownership of gibraltar under article x of the treaty of utrecht, the only instrument upon which it can base its presence on that segment of spanish territory. the international development of the fortress carried out by the occupying power to serve its military and commercial requirements, allowing the establishment of an artificial population, has not altered the relationship between the giver and the receiver, particularly if we take into account the fact that sovereignty was transmitted under specific limitations regarding communications, the origin of the residents, the import of goods and the presence of certain vessels in the harbor. [number]. furthermore, the main limitation agreed to concerning the powers transferred to the united kingdom was the condition accepted by the british crown that spain would always enjoy preferential rights in the case that the british sovereign decided to give away, sell or in any way change the ownership of the rock. in other words, the united kingdom has no right to give up gibraltar or to transfer its sovereign powers without giving spain the opportunity to exercise its option. [number]. if we were to accept the role that the inhabitants of the rock are being given, the treaty would be breached, since the population is being granted powers of decision which restrict the freedom of action on the part of the british and presupposes a transfer of sovereignty. therefore, either the law approving the constitution of gibraltar is irrelevant, since it is in violation of a previous international treaty or, if not, it reflects the true will of the united kingdom that it has decided to transfer its sovereignty over gibraltar. in the latter case my government should be given its preferential right to recover the territory, as was recognized in the treaty of utrecht. [number]. this shows what the end result would be if an act of the united kingdom parliament were allowed to prevail, a law governing the sovereign powers of her majesty's government adopted without consulting the inhabitants of gibraltar, and one which can therefore be abrogated in the same way, without the inhabitants having the slightest right to raise legal obstacles. the granting of a charter of this nature cannot be claimed to be an exception, and if this happens, the spanish government will take it that it is being faced with an evasive action the sole purpose of which is to avoid considering the substance of the matter. [number]. however, i must recall that these substantive legal considerations do not stop my government, as they did not stop the general assembly, from bearing clearly in mind the fact that the process of decolonization of gibraltar contains two very distinct elements the territorial integrity of spain, which must be safe-guarded, and thus the spirit and letter of the treaty of utrecht would be respected, and the interests of a population which, even though alien to the territorial problem, must nevertheless be protected. the spanish government has always understood this to be the case and has at all times been ready, and is ready, to offer the most generous conditions. [number]. from this standpoint, a number of conversations have been held between officials of the two governments, and in the past few days i myself had a talk with the secretary of state for foreign affairs of her majesty's government. i should very much wish to be able to inform this assembly next year of the development of negotiations that will fulfill the provisions of resolution [number] xxix and of other concordant resolutions and contribute to the solution of a problem which is extremely grave and distressing, even though very old. but i do sincerely believe that the example that the two governments can give by solving this dispute through mutual agreement would be a true contribution to the spirit of peace which should govern our work, [number]. as i indicated at the beginning of my statement, one of the major events of [number] was the holding in helsinki of the final phase of the conference on security and co-operation in europe, a matter to which my government attaches the greatest importance and which opens the door to confidence and trust, if conduct is in keeping with promises, and will allow a closer and more peaceful interrelationship among the states of europe as well as deeper and wider contacts across our continent, thus giving a dynamic meaning to detente. [number]. security in europe, based on a military balance, was given a new impetus in helsinki aimed at consolidating it in accordance with the [number] principles approved, respect for which implies recognition of the existing situation. we have tried to normalize relations among the participating states and thus allow an increasing co-operation as a result of that recognition. [number]. furthermore, the conference also concerned itself with negotiations on the limitation of strategic weapons on a world-wide scale and those relating mutual and balanced reduction of forces in europe, in order that political detente might be complemented by military detente aimed at putting a stop to the arms race and laying the bases of a possible progressive disarmament. if these efforts prove successful we might achieve one of the greatest objectives of our organization. [number]. the conference dealt almost exclusively with the political balance because there was a military balance already and that balance was present throughout its work, based on the prevailing pluralism. however, certain groups and tendencies, counting on a blind eye being turned, have tried to condition the future of other countries through ideological offensives that are nothing more than interference in the domestic affairs of those states. it would be vain to try to disguise that danger since the polemics to which these offensives give rise make it more obvious every day. [number]. i think that this extreme position warrants some comment because the so-called decalog of helsinki has been called the continuation of the principles of the charter of the united nations and respect for the fundamental rights of states contained in that charter. but we cannot adduce some principles while overlooking others or apply them out of context nor can we expect a national interpretation of an international rule to serve as a criterion for some to impose their own views on others, thus violating the very structure of the international society composed as it is of equally sovereign, independent states. along this correct line of conduct i can from this rostrum state the active willingness of the spanish government to put into practice all that the final act of the conference embodies and contains. [number]. but, as of this moment, we must watch carefully to see how the rules of the conference are going to be applied by the participants. we will have to assess how the parties are complying with the contents of the final act and thus avoiding tensions which are no less dangerous to the maintenance of peace simply because they are of ideological origin. i believe that this clarification is of major importance because, on the pretext of so-called political doctrine, in the course of history not a few interventions in some states have been perpetrated by others. and now under its umbrella certain interventions are being planned, designed to impose a policy of preponderance by one state over another, that the circumstances of our period cannot accept. the principle of noninterference set forth in the decalogue of helsinki, which is the expression of one of the fundamental aspects of the independence enjoyed by all sovereign states, must serve as a block to such efforts. [number]. this forum, whose principal duty is to maintain peace, is undoubtedly the most appropriate place to draw attention to this new type of threat to understanding and concord among nations which must primarily be based on mutual respect for their national entity and the political solutions that each has decided upon to safeguard it. only a mutual tolerance and universal pluralism can lead to true peace and security for all. [number]. to return to detente and in so far as it means peaceful coexistence, since it implies a more advanced stage of possibilities of understanding and dialog among the different systems, we must stress the present international situation and its positive and promising aspects. but it would be erroneous to overlook the fact that detente understood as the expression of balance among different systems has been unable to avoid and at times has even permitted local conflicts. nor at the price of detente can we give tacit or explicit agreement to a distribution of zones of influence that would take into account only the security needs of the main protagonists at the expense of the vital interests of the smaller states. that is why the final act of the conference sets forth the major requirement of respect for the security of all participating states. [number]. with reference to the same geographical area, we must stress the way in which the conference on security and co-operation in europe, in the course of its negotiations and in its final act, stressed the fact that there can be no security in europe without security in the mediterranean and that the process of improvement of security cannot be limited to europe but must be extended to other parts of the world and in particular to the mediterranean region. [number]. to include in the conference on security and co-operation in europe views and talks on the mediterranean is no whim nor does it imply a concession. the mediterranean region is deeply embedded in the life, history, culture and events of europe, and it is in that sea where very often the very fate of the most important european matters have been decided. [number]. the security of the mediterranean therefore meets the same motivations as those of europe and is based upon the same premises. but because of the conditions of the region and the heterogeneity of the political situation that exists there it may be more difficult, particularly in regard to a common interest such as that of the maintenance of peace. and so it is important that it be discussed at the conference on security and co-operation in europe because the neighboring states which are not european are equally concerned with the sea being safeguarded from any possibility of confrontation and conflict. [number]. the interests of all the coastal states require foreign powers to stay away from the region and not air their own problems within the mediterranean, thus maintaining the security necessary to preserve peace in the region. this is a great task because this means of communication through which the east and west meet has in the past been most vulnerable to confrontations. to counteract that constant danger is the work of all the parties concerned, since their mutual and general understanding would contribute in no small measure to preventing localized conflicts from taking place in the mediterranean and thus disturbing the peaceful daily life of all the coastal states. [number]. spain has therefore advocated the maintenance and widening of the contacts and dialogs started at helsinki and in geneva in order to contribute to peace, to reduce the armed forces in the region, to strengthen security, to ease tensions and to widen the scope of co-operation. to achieve that goal, we welcome the initiatives of the mediterranean states and are ready to co-operate actively in the achievement of these purposes. this would mean that we should consider, among other possibilities, the holding of a conference on security and co-operation in the mediterranean. [number]. the united nations can make a considerable contribution along these lines and should therefore encourage any peaceful activity conducive to the creation of a feeling of solidarity among the coastal states. the intergovernmental conference for the preservation of the environment in the mediterranean moved along these lines when it was held in barcelona this year, and served to prepare for the diplomatic conference which will also be held in the near future under the auspices of the relevant united nations program. but to its technical aspects there is added a no less significant political aspect because the will to work together presupposes the conviction we will act in common in order to evade the new dangers brought by the development of technology. that will create an attitude of solidarity which, in itself, constitutes a stabilizing factor that will effectively assist in maintaining peace in the region. [number]. year after year, the representatives of spain have reaffirmed from this rostrum the long-standing and constant friendship between our country and the arab nations, the result of the historical coincidence of our civilizations and of the continued existence of a dialog born of a true spirit of co-operation far removed from selfish interests. [number]. that affinity led spain to advocate at all times anything that might contribute to a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the situation in the middle east which, bearing in mind the legitimate interests and rights of the palestinian peoples and of the countries of the region, will keep away from it any threats of tension and conflict and thus ensure peace. [number]. nor can we overlook the fact that in the decolonization of the western sahara the future of a people who are part of the arab nation is at stake they are linked to it by ties of blood, religion and culture. respect and support by sister nations of the right of the saharans to determine their own future, will attest to that true solidarity of the arab nation in which western sahara will achieve its vocation and take its proper place. [number]. thus, in this statement i arrive at the world of latin america to which we are tied by bonds of such a special nature flowing from a common origin, tradition and culture which have always led to privileged treatment among ourselves, and on which our foreign policy is predicated. [number]. we are convinced that this common heritage, of high and positive value, offers wide scope for joint action in all aspects of international law and international life, whose increasing interdependence, today more than ever, calls for the concerting of individual and collective efforts. the countries of latin america have understood matters thus and have set in motion a number of regional efforts that spain is observing very carefully, ready as it always is to co-operate with these peoples in the problems of development. [number]. consistent with this, the spanish government has maintained an open and active policy of cooperation on an economic level with latin america, both bilaterally and multi nationally, a co-operation that involves the supply of human, technical and financial resources. the latin american peoples can be assured that in spain they will always find a neighbor and companion in the noble and difficult task of development to which they are now devoted. [number]. the strict application by my country of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of states and our conviction that ideological plurality must not be an insurmountable obstacle to the peaceful coexistence of peoples make co-operation all the more effective and easier. [number]. therefore, spain, as a european nation, also adds its own unwavering commitment to the latin american continent as we stressed at helsinki when we reminded our sister republics on the other side of the atlantic and, recalling their existence, stated to them that we would always bear them in mind when the time comes to extend the benefits that european co-operation and security may bring. [number]. in the last [number] years the united nations has done great work in the maintenance of peace. there have been many flaws there have been many difficulties through which the organization has had to pass, but the best guarantee that we have overcome these is its continued existence and its remarkable capacity to undertake new tasks and to adapt itself to an ever-changing world. many of the hopes expressed in the charter, such as freedom, security and the satisfaction of the material and spiritual needs of individuals and of peoples, are as yet still to be achieved. [number]. fortunately, the principles and basic concepts contained in the charter are also gaining ground daily in the minds of peoples and of their leaders. as the secretary-general, in the introduction to his report on the work of the organization al 100011add j , pointed out, although there is still some old and lasting mistrust and concern, we do possess the encouraging hope that the united nations will be able to take the decisive step towards the achievement of true cooperation among its members which will allow it, with equity and justice, to solve the many problems con-fronting it. in a world in which to the dangerous accumulation of warlike instruments is now added the threat of economic chaos, solidarity is necessary in order, in due course, to solve the problems raised by the fulfillment of the legitimate aspirations of all peoples to international social justice. [number]. spain has a universalism calling which is embedded in its history as well as in the thinking of its men, and it is ready to continue to co-operate in this great international undertaking and, through this organization, we hope to advance along the road to co-operation and peace.

i should like to associate myself with those who have spoken before me on this rostrum in congratulating mr. von wechmar, on behalf of the haitian delegation, upon his election to the presidency of the general assembly. the success of this session has thus been ensured, by virtue of his great personal qualities, his experience and his dynamic nature. i should not like to let pass this opportunity of expressing to him the satisfaction of my government at the development of relations between haiti and the federal republic of germany. i would assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation. [number]. i also wish to acquit myself of the pleasant duty of presenting once again my warm congratulations to our brother from the united republic of tanzania, mr. salim, who presided with such rare skill and remarkable talent at the thirty-fourth session and three special sessions of the general assembly. [number]. my delegation wishes to reiterate its gratitude to the secretary-general for his untiring efforts to make this organization an active international force, a home of conciliation, justice and peace. [number]. the admission of saint vincent and the grenadines to membership of the organization fills us with joy. my delegation is happy to convey to its people and government the wishes of the haitian government for a future of peace and prosperity. [number]. i should like to take this opportunity to welcome again the delegation of zimbabwe and to wish it much success in its participation in the thirty-fifth session. [number]. a period has elapsed between the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly and the current session of which the best that can be said is that it was not particularly good for international relations a period in which hopes of peace appear to have grown weaker and new hotbeds of tension have arisen in various parts of the world. the situation in afghanistan, the middle east, indo-china, the horn of africa, and the war between iran and iraq are causes of deep concern for the international community. the continuing arms race, the widening gap between rich and poor countries, the world economic crisis and its effects on socioeconomic systems all stress the broad outlines of the work that lies ahead for the thirty-fifth session of the general assembly. more than any other session, it will have to give the international community new reasons for hope. it should on an urgent basis arrive at a solution of the problems of international peace and security and co-operation among nations. the world expects the assembly and the united nations to avert the threat of a third world war and, to that end, to reduce injustice and inequality on this earth, to reduce the numbers of the tortured and the slain and of those suffering from hunger, poverty and ignorance. [number]. the objectives of the assembly at the present session will be achieved only to the extent that delegations realize the urgent need to halt the arms race, to denounce as inadmissible the policy of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of states, to eliminate centres of poverty in the world by establishing a new international economic order and thus consolidating peace and co-operation among nations. [number]. if at the thirty-fifth session those objectives should fail to be achieved, the world will remain confronted with today's problems as well as with the problems of tomorrow, which may be even more serious. in kampuchea there will still be an army of occupation and a people which suffers and which aspires to independence. on the outskirts of middle eastern cities there will still be a palestinian diaspora in quest of a homeland and an israel on the alert and on a footing of war. the war between iran and iraq will become a threat to peace the racist leaders in southern africa will continue to practise with impunity and with the help of their allies their policy of apartheid and racial discrimination and the poor countries will become even poorer because they will be affected to a greater degree by the pressures of galloping world-wide inflation, while remaining deprived of the means of escaping from underdevelopment. [number]. during the eleventh special session of the general assembly, on development and international co-operation, i had the honour of putting forward the views of the government of haiti" on the prospects for success of the north-south dialogue, in keeping with the urgent and immediate needs of the developing countries. at the same time the head of state of haiti, mr. jean-claude duvalier, made a statement for the periodical leaders, which he published under the title "a challenge to the world leaders". the president listed the following development objectives of the third world nations to create more employment to become self-sufficient in the production of food to intensify educational programmes to improve housing, health and social services and, for the attainment of those objectives, to give priority to agriculture, industry, tourism, infrastructure and housing. [number]. that approach to the problem, to the extent that it presupposes efforts for development on the part of the countries concerned, would be bolstered by the implementation of a production programme. that approach would make it possible to remove the obstacles to the search for a solution likely to bring to bear on the core of the problem the rational use of international aid. that approach would lend itself to the compromise that it is desirable to envisage during the debates which the assembly is called upon to resume at the thirty-fifth session on the refinement of the text of the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade. [number]. my delegation is confident that, despite the difficult circumstances prevalent in the world, the reopening of the north-south dialogue is still a sound prospect for a third world ravaged by disease, hunger and ignorance. [number]. in that regard, the president of the world bank, mr. robert mcnamara, did not conceal his concern in a speech made last week at the thirty-fifth annual meeting of the bank and imf. he stated that [number] million human beings were called on to live in the most absolute poverty until the year [number]. he then made a dramatic appeal to the large share-holders of the bank, particularly the united states, japan and the united kingdom, to increase their assistance. given those bleak prospects, it would be desirable to prevent the possible consequences for the north and for the south of any delay in moving towards action. [number]. of course there is the world bank, but its operational criteria are ill-adapted to the present situation in the developing countries. there are the multilateral economic institutions, but they do not sufficiently meet the special needs of our countries. there are the developed countries, but they in their relations with the south maintain obsolete practices that slow down trade, the financing of projects and the positive applications of science and technology in the service of development. [number]. apart from that, it is urgent to find a solution to the problems of energy, balance of payments and foreign debt. it is urgent to establish a new international division of labour to facilitate access by the third world to financial markets and to take a step towards reforming the monetary system. [number]. and, since all the problems confronting the world are related, it is difficult not to link the success of the dialogue with a reduction of the arms race. no rich country can devote [number] per cent of its gross national product to international assistance if military expenditures exceed [number] billion. [number]. in the context of those concerns my delegation urges that agreements be concluded that would lead the rich countries not only to freeze and to reduce their military expenditures but also to disarm. the haitian government considers it extremely urgent that the general assembly intensify its negotiations on disarmament, in particular nuclear disarmament. the countries of latin america have already expressed their interest in the creation of a zone in the subcontinent that would be effectively denuclearized. my government makes an appeal in the strongest terms to the great powers that, within the time limits provided for the second disarmament decade, they conclude the current negotiations in a manner satisfactory to all those peoples which hope to see peace and co-operation among nations established on lasting foundations. [number]. the united nations is the only universal forum charged with ensuring international peace and security and where states, large and small, can unite their efforts with a view to collective action. [number]. haiti, as a founding member of the organization, has always followed the line of conduct of encouraging the establishment of an international order based on peace and co-operation among nations. it is, incidentally, in that spirit that at all times it expresses its desire to live at peace with all the countries of the world, in particular those in its region, while respecting international commitments and the principles of self-determination, non-interference and sovereignty. [number]. with the dominican republic, a sister and neighbouring country, our relations have been established under the sign of these principles. the already historic meetings between president duvalier and president guzman have led to the conclusion of agreements on co-operation and development, which show the common interests and aspirations of the two peoples and their desire to exist in peace and mutual respect. [number]. my delegation has listened with great pleasure and satisfaction to the lengthy friendly passage that mr. emilio ludovino fernandez, minister for foreign affairs of the dominican republic, devoted to haiti in his brilliant address. in truth, we could not express better than he what our relations were in the past and what they are today, nor better forecast what they will be tomorrow. we are both certain that between two peoples which wish to live in peace there is room only for co-operation, mutual assistance and understanding. [number]. haiti contributes to the extent of its means to the strengthening of latin american participation in international gatherings. our country brings its solidarity and co-operation to problems affecting our region and considers that its action will only be positive in the global perspective within which those problems may be solved. [number]. we have affirmed our will to establish stable relations with all countries in the world. however, some are con-fronted with situations which threaten world peace and security. my delegation wishes, in this connection, to put forward the views of the haitian government. [number]. concerning the middle east, the haitian position was clearly stated last july at the seventh emergency special session on the question of palestine. a just and durable peace can be found only if the following objectives are achieved recognition of the right of israel to exist within secure boundaries accepted by its neighbours recognition of the right of the palestinian people to self-determination acceptance by all the parties to the conflict to renounce the use of force, in particular in lebanon. the camp david accords and the peace treaty between israel and egypt are important steps towards the peaceful settlement of the conflict. [number]. the situation in kampuchea and that in afghanistan are still a source of concern for the world community. despite general assembly resolutions [number] [number] and es-[number] [number] calling for the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from those countries, those peoples are still suffering from the rigours of war. [number]. those military interventions endanger the essential principles of balance and peace in the world. they affect the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of the nations concerned. for the haitian government, they are unacceptable. if there is a situation that prevails in kampuchea and afghanistan, only the peoples of those countries are called upon to solve it and that without foreign interference. [number]. in southern africa, the independence of zimbabwe has highlighted the little progress recorded by the international community as regards namibia and the policy of apartheid in south africa. the haitian government, which bases its foreign policy on respect for historic traditions, the struggle for the total elimination of all forms of colonialism and racial discrimination and the principles of self- determination, freedom and independence, considers it intolerable that south africa continues to practise apartheid and its acts of aggression against the neighbouring countries and namibia. [number]. with respect to namibia, the haitian government deplores the delay attributable to south africa in the organization of free elections enabling namibia's people fully to enjoy its right to self-determination. the problem that remains to be solved is that of south africa. the international community should increase its pressure against the government of that country, whose policy obstinately runs counter to history, and in order to make that pressure effective, certain countries must disengage themselves. the support they give that government in contravention of united nations resolutions encourages south africa to perpetuate with impunity a policy that the whole world has condemned. [number]. as regards the taking of hostages in iran, we express the hope that a solution will be found. in this connection, we already support the initiative taken by the nordic countries to include on the agenda of the thirty-fifth session the question of the protection of diplomatic and consular missions and representatives. [number]. the ninth session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea concluded its work on [number] august last. we noted with much satisfaction that it concluded with general agreement on the adoption of a convention on the peaceful uses of the resources of the seas and oceans. the haitian government is gratified at the happy results of that conference. [number]. the world conference on the united nations decade for women unfortunately did not meet our hopes. the haitian government considers it, however, of great importance that the general assembly at its present session should adopt the results of the copenhagen conference on the legitimate rights of women. there is much profit to be drawn from that conference as regards the status of women and the work of unitar. [number]. at the eleventh special session of the general assembly, on development and international co-operation, we stressed the situation of caribbean migrant workers coming from countries along the cyclone route. in a broad approach to the problem we should understand "migrant workers" as cheap labour imported from the poor countries of the third world to meet the needs of the christian west. these workers for decades have been making a remarkable contribution to the industrial development of the rich countries. living as minorities, they are subject to police and security laws where they work, but they have no recourse to justice to defend the rights which barely exist. they have difficulty in securing decent living standards for their families, or educational, health and recreational benefits. in addition, the employer has no obligations. moreover, since the recession has reduced employment, they are confronted with a deplorable situation where, together with bad treatment and harassment by the police, they are the victims of racism and racial discrimination. these are flagrant violations of the principles contained in the universal declaration of human rights. [number]. that is why my delegation is gratified to see that the problems of these workers have been included on the agenda of the third committee of this assembly under item [number]. in addition to the international convention on the protection of all migrant workers and their families which is to be drafted during this session, the relevant drafting committee is certain to suggest the establishment of a high commissioner's office for migrant workers. [number]. here we have another problem to be included under the heading of protection of human rights. the haitian government reiterates its irreversible attachment to this principle in keeping with the ideals of equality, fraternity, justice and freedom, which form the ideological bases of the struggles of haiti for independence. it is in the legitimate desire to make respect for human rights a militant national enterprise that my government has felt it necessary to create the haitian bureau of human rights. it is charged with ensuring liaison between the public services concerned and various national and international specialized institutions which champion human rights. all of this eloquently demonstrates the determination of president jean-claude duvalier to spare no effort in advancing the process of the liberalization and democratization of my country. [number]. lastly, my delegation deplores the regrettable events taking place at present between iran and iraq. it hopes to see those countries respond as quickly as possible to the appeal for a cease-fire launched by the security council and the islamic conference. it enjoins the powers concerned to do everything they can to keep the conflict circumscribed to the geographical limits within which it has broken out. this is the only way of avoiding its generalization and of reaching a settlement. [number]. we cannot remain silent on the question of belize, a happy solution of which could only be beneficial for latin america. in this connection, the haitian delegation, in voting on [number] november [number], in favour of general assembly resolution [number] [number], only reaffirmed one of the principles which have always characterized the foreign policy of the haitian government. [number]. today still, it is determined to give its unconditional support to the inalienable rights of the people of belize to self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. it hopes to see the governments of the united kingdom and of guatemala respond to the wishes expressed in that resolution by reporting to the general assembly on the measures that have been taken to enable the people of belize to exercise its rights as a free people. [number]. we must recall other questions of which the united nations has been seized of late. i am referring to cyprus and western sahara, two points in the world where ravages of war continue, sowing disarray and grief among families. the united nations would have put an end to these crises if the parties concerned had complied with general assembly resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number]. we appeal for a settlement of such situations in order that the people of cyprus may again find peace and that those of the western sahara may be in a position to exercise their right to self-determination, by the rigorous implementation of resolution [number] [number]. [number]. at its thirty-fourth session the general assembly adopted three resolutions [number] [number] on african refugees, [number] [number] on women refugees and [number] [number] on student refugees from namibia, zimbabwe and south africa which stress the acuity of the problem and the imperative need to do everything to improve the condition of the millions of men, women and children who desperately hang on to life and hope for a less tragic future. [number]. my delegation is gratified by the programme of assistance to refugees implemented by the united nations. we hope that those resolutions will be followed by concrete action on the part of states, governmental organizations and non-governmental organizations called upon to contribute to them. [number]. we have stated before this assembly the position of haiti on certain questions included in the agenda of the current session. it is not surprising that we should attach special importance to problems of development they are and will remain for a long time responsible for all the imbalances which disrupt the world. the recommendations which we shall be called upon to make on that issue encompass new living conditions for man, his anxieties, his hopes and the great changes that all of this implies. [number]. the quest for the happiness of all, the quest for justice, the right to live in freedom, to think, to speak, not to be afraid, are the commandments of man's new destiny. it is up to each and every one of us to follow them, so that peace and justice will triumph on earth, so that there will no longer be people suffering and dying in kampuchea, afghanistan, the middle east, southern africa or elsewhere. [number]. we express to the members of the general assembly the hope that at this session it may give to mankind, if not immediate results, at least new reasons for hope.

[number]. mr. president, on behalf of the tanzanian delegation i offer you my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to and . assumption of the high office of president of the general assembly. your personal qualifications and experience guarantee that you will guide the assembly to a successful conclusion. the tanzanian delegation is glad to welcome you, and pledges its co-operation in the smooth and successful discharge of your responsibilities. [number]. allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, ambassador mojsov of yugoslavia, for the distinguished service he gave this organization as president of the last general assembly session and the three special sessions over which he presided. we are both proud of and indebted to him. [number]. this year yet another nation was born, an important event in the process of decolonization. the tanzanian delegation joins other members of the united nations general assembly in rejoicing over the attainment of' independence by solomon islands and in extending a warm welcome to this one' hundred and fiftieth member of the united nations. [number]. i wish to pay a tribute to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, for his succinct and penetrating survey and analysis of developments in the period since the last session which was contained in his report on the work of the organization. his statement provides a useful starting-point for, an assessment of the international situation. [number]. i wish to underscore in particular the timely warning of increasing areas of frustration to which the world community is daily subjected. we would like first to agree with the secretary-general that, in spite of the many frustrations experienced and indeed because of them we cannot afford to succumb to cynical pessimism, for our peoples want to live, and they aspire to the better life this organization has promised them. [number]. action to banish these frustrations can come if and when all concerned have woken up to the reality not only of the perilous precipice on which the very survival of . all mankind is delicately balanced but also of the general unhealthy physical and psychological conditions in which both poor and rich, powerful and weak, are being engulfed. the future is bright and secure either for all or for none. [number]. the international environment is at present most unfavourable for the development needs of the developing countries. the increasingly severe economic crisis including widespread unemployment, galloping inflation, currency fluctuations, instability in commodity earnings, indebtedness and protectionist tendencies in international trade continues to place serious constraints on the development efforts of the developing countries. all evidence suggests that these problems are manifestations of the malfunctioning of the present international economic system and its inability to cope with the new realities of today's world of interdependence. these are structural problems which require structural solutions through the establishment of a new international economic order. [number]. unfortunately, the urgency of the establishment of the new international economic order is not often felt by some developed countries because of their satisfaction with the inequitable world based on selfish and short-term interests, as can be clearly seen from the disappointing record of inconclusive negotiations on various aspects of international economic relations. thus, although the international community has the capability of redressing world imbalances and inequalities and the prescriptions for such problems are known, lack of political will on the part of these few developed countries has prevented progress in various negotiations on the new international economic order. [number]. it is this lack of political will, for example, that is holding back progress in. the negotiations on both the individual commodity agreements and the common fund in "spite of general agreement on the integrated programme for commodities. the united nations negotiating conference on a common fund under the integrated programme for commodities has yet to be reconvened after having twice been suspended last year without reaching agreement on the basic elements of the fund. in the multilateral trade negotiations and in the negotiations on the reform of the international monetary system progress is also negligible because of increasing resistance to structural change. the conference of plenipotentiaries on the conversion of unido into a specialized agency, failed to adopt a constitution for unido as a specialized agency because of opposition from some developed countries. [number]. what is more disappointing, however, is that even where general agreement has been reached, procedural arguments are applied as a pretext for inaction. the most recent example of these delaying tactics was manifested during the inconclusive sessions of the committee of the whole or the committee established under general assembly resolution [number] [number]. while the contents of that resolution, including the mandate of the committee, were negotiated by all interested parties and adopted by the general assembly by consensus, some developed countries have chosen to associate the mandate of the committee with only one function, to the exclusion of the other three. we are told that the committee should merely engage in periodic exchanges of views on the problems of the world economy without reaching formal agreements. these negative attitudes have led to the inability of the international community to agree even on the mandate of the body for continuing the north-south dialogue. [number]. the north-south dialogue can produce concrete results only if all parties are prepared to engage in genuine negotiations with the necessary political commitment to establish just and equitable economic relations among nations. the disappointing results of the negotiations taking place in various forum? , dearly demonstrate that certain developed countries are not yet prepared to part with the privilege derived from the present unjust system. [number]. the declaration on the establishment of a new international economic order resolution [number] s-vi recognizes the interrelationship between the prosperity of the developed countries and the growth and development of the developing countries and that the two can no longer be isolated. it also follows, therefore, that those who use political and economic barriers to delay or even prevent the establishment of the new international economic order are by their actions creating obstacles to growth and prosperity for all mankind. the international community will be justified in holding those people responsible for the lack of progress in the establishment of the new international economic order and for whatever consequences their actions may have on relations among nations and on the world community as a whole. in this respect it must be recognized that the tolerance of the masses of people condemned to the vicious circle of poverty and malnutrition has its own limitations. [number]. the struggle for the establishment of the new international economic order has been given new momentum by the conclusions and recommendations of the recently concluded united nations conference on technical cooperation among developing countries. my government believes that implementation of the plan of action adopted by that conference, which we hope will receive the unanimous support of this assembly, would contribute significantly to our search for peace, justice and equality. [number]. we recognize that the primary objective of technical co-operation among developing countries is to promote the development of the developing countries on the basis of national and collective self-reliance and thereby improve the living standards of the peoples of the third world. but we also view technical co-operation among developing countries as one of the important instruments which should be applied in the process of restructuring the present international economic system, which has been not only the source of the sharp contrasts between the affluent countries of the north and the poor countries of the south but also a major obstacle to the development efforts of the developing countries. it is because of this interrelationship between national development efforts and the external environment which affects such efforts that we consider collective self-reliance and the establishment of the new international economic order to be complementary. [number]. if change in the economic relations of nations is a problem because it involves some form of sacrifice, the same cannot be said of the refusal of the developed countries to place the wealth from minerals of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction at the disposal of an international institution to help the developing countries. yet even over that common heritage of mankind there rages in the current third united nations conference on the law of the sea a desperate tug of war between the developed countries and the developing countries, because the developed countries will not give up the prospect of adding more wealth to their existing wealth, with almost total indifference to the plight of the millions of the destitute who make up the vast majority of the third world. [number]. the total liberation of our continent remains the overriding concern of tanzania's external policy, and for this reason the deteriorating situation in southern africa . has become an increasing preoccupation. [number]. there continue to exist two. paths to decolonization and the establishment of majority rule in southern africa. the people there have' to take up arms and violently overthrow their oppressors in zimbabwe, namibia and south africa, or, in the face of a disposition by the minority regime to agree to a transfer of power to the majority of the population, take the path of negotiated settlement. the two alternatives are not parallel and mutually exclusive they may" in fact be complementary. we for our part have always pursued both. [number]. in zimbabwe, the anglo-american proposals offered a framework for a negotiated settlement. the possibility of this was endorsed by the front-line states, the organization of african unity oau and the united nations, which later authorized the secretary-general to appoint a special representative. at present these proposals are seriously eroded, for negotiations within their framework have been either haphazard or unprincipled. our support for them was contingent on two prerequisites. the first is that smith has to go. he cannot be a part of the solution of the problem. rather, he has been the problem. the second is that his power structure and especially his army of oppression has to be dismantled and a new army of an independent zimbabwe built with the freedom fighters of the patriotic front as its base. [number]. smith's response to the anglo-american proposals was the internal settlement of [number] march, which denied those two prerequisites. in view of the orchestrated drama of momentum, vacillation and indecision of the past few months, i wish to stress that those two prerequisites are the key to a successful negotiated settlement. we do not that the participation of any black leaders in an in settlement will bring about independence based on majority rule and in conditions of peace and stability. [number]. we support the unity of the patriotic front. we shall work for the consolidation of its unity on the diplomatic front and that of the armed struggle against smith's minority regime. [number]. in namibia, the illegal occupation regime of south africa, after months of pretending reasonableness in negotiations for a settlement, has defied the five western authors of their proposals. it has also defied the united nations, which endorsed both the proposals and their implementation programme. much is at stake here the earnestness of the five, the seriousness of the international community, the word of the united nations security council. the people of namibia and of africa see this as a test case. [number]. there is no room for equivocation. there is an incontrovertible logic to these negotiations. south africa must either comply with the will of the international community over an area of international jurisdiction or be made to comply with this will. for our part, we believe that this organization has more than deferred to south africa's sensitivities, to the extent that they legitimately exist. this time has come to resort to all the provisions of the charter, especially under chapter vii, to demonstrate to south africa that the will and conscience of the international community must prevail. [number]. inside south africa itself, racial tension continues to mount, and by now not even the white population could claim to enjoy mental or physical security. if at this stage in history anyone can still imagine that the blacks there will give up and resign themselves to the inferior status to which the white man has attempted to condemn them, it must be the result of total ignorance of the trend of historic events. [number]. the only choice before all of us is between supporting the anti-racist struggle, which is sure ultimately to succeed, on the one hand, and equivocating, which only amounts to lending support, albeit by default, to the doomed regimes, on the other. however, the implications of our choice, it must be stressed, are far-reaching, not only with regard to peace and human life in south africa itself but with regard to international peace and security. even to appear to side with the regime lends support to the continued existence of the racist regime and with it a protraction and spreading of bloodshed and suffering within the beyond south africa itself. we cannot cease to call on the western countries, in particular, to reconsider their relations with that neo-nazi regime. [number]. beyond southern africa, where undoubtedly colonialism and racism are in their most entrenched and ugly forms, there still exist a number of other countries and peoples suffering the indignities of colonialism. tanzania's support for these peoples right to self-determination is equally firm, for the right of decolonized people to self-determination and independence is universal and must be respected as such. in this context, we reaffirm our support for, and solidarity with, the people of western sahara, under the leadership of frente polisario, in their struggle for self-determination and independence and we pledge our unshakeable support to the government and people of belize in their legitimate struggle for self- determination and independence and the preservation of their territorial integrity. [number]. the middle east situation continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. the continued occupation of arab lands, the denial of the inalienable right of the palestinian people to self-determination and the escalation of violence and civil strife in lebanon, compounded by israeli intervention there, have made the situation in the region even more explosive. [number]. in reaffirming our firm support for the just struggle of the palestinian people, led by the palestine liberation organization plo , for self-determination and the creation of an independent state, as well as our unequivocal support for the termination of the consequences of the [number] war of aggression, we wish to underscore the fact that these two elements are prerequisites for a just and lasting settlement in fee middle east. it remains our considered judgement that the key to the attainment of permanent peace and security in the middle east lies both in the resolution of the real cause 'of the conflict, namely, the attainment by the palestinian people of their legitimate national rights, and in the refusal to give any recognition to the enjoyment of the fruits of conquest. [number]. in the mediterranean region, the problem of cyprus has remained a source of anguish to us all, in spite of the serious efforts by the secretary-general to help resolve it. despite the setbacks that have so far always prevented movement towards a solution, we cannot afford to resign ourselves to total despondency, for in that problem principles of far-reaching implications are threatened, quite apart from the immediate threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country. both communities have a stake in the defence of these principles and their nation. we cannot but hope that the two communities will finally come together for the unity, peace and prosperity of their nation. [number]. in the far east, no solution appears yet to be in sight for the korean problem. the korean people, of both the north and the south, want the reunification of their motherland and nation, peacefully and without foreign interference. tanzania will continue to lend its support to these efforts. [number]. in may this year the united nations general assembly began a special session devoted entirely to the most critical problem threatening mankind the existence and further production of stockpiles of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction. indeed, the tenth special session was a milestone in the dialogue on this problem. that session succeeded in drawing the special attention of the world to the peril of extinction that mankind faces and the critical choices the situation poses. but, beyond that, we are reluctant to attribute any substantive achievement to the special session. [number]. it is true that the special session was able to produce a programme of action resolution s-[number] [number], chap. iii . but a programme of action is no substitute for concrete action. the true success of the special session will only be seen when and if actual disarmament starts. previous experiences and the continued existence of the crisis demand that we do not yet congratulate ourselves. [number]. this has been a very eventful year in the united nations' search for the resolution of many problems that bedevil our world. at the end of this year we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the historic universal declaration of human rights. yet, despite all these efforts aimed at the resolution of conflict and promotion of a better and safer world, the state of international affairs leaves a lot to be desired. indeed, at no time has there been a greater need to intensify our collective efforts to try to put an end to the injustice and tyranny that continue to afflict millions of people. at no time has it been more compelling to put an end to the escalating arms race. indeed, at no time has it been more urgent to strive for a new political, social and economic order. more than ever before we must persevere in the search for a world of nations in human equality, prosperity and solidarity a world at peace.

let me start by extending my sincere congratulations to you, mr. president, and your country, switzerland, for your election to preside over the general assembly at its sixty-fifth session. i am confident that with your extensive experience and diplomatic skill, you will lead this session to a successful conclusion. i pledge the support of the eritrean delegation in your noble efforts for the common good. i wish also to commend your predecessor, his excellency mr. ali abdussalam treki, president of the assembly at its sixty-fourth session, for his excellent leadership. he indeed served us well. i would also like to thank secretary-general ban ki moon for his leadership and his report on the work of our united nations at the outset of this general debate see . we meet again, at this sixty-fifth session of the assembly, to expound on the state of our individual countries and to reflect on regional, continental and global affairs. we come to this gathering year after year to share our thoughts and explain our positions on some issues of interest. yet we realize that the outcome of our deliberations and resolutions falls far short of our own expectations, let alone the aspirations of humanity. we agree that the institutions and procedures of this organization have long outlived their time, and yet we remain paralysed in our efforts to transform the united nations. while the prospects for a rapid reform of the united nations system appear to be dim, we cannot and will not give up. we have to continue to speak out and work tirelessly for a united nations that is fit for the twenty-first century and for a more just and equitable world. at the same time, we have to focus on our own nations and regions to ensure a peaceful and stable environment and a dignified life for our peoples. it is that perspective that informs eritrea s policies at the national, regional and international levels. internationally, eritrea seeks, through robust and constructive engagement, to make its modest contribution to global peace, security, justice and equity and to the protection and enhancement of the environment in the face of changes that threaten the very survival of humanity. regionally, eritrea s efforts are directed at securing peace, stability, development and cooperation in the wider horn of africa and the red sea regions. we endeavour to contribute to transforming our dangerous neighbourhood, a neighbourhood mired in numerous conflicts, into a cooperative and peaceful region. in that connection, i wish to touch upon some of eritrea s immediate concerns. in regard to the sudan, eritrea is working closely with the sudanese parties and with regional and international actors as the country enters a critical period in its history. eritrea believes that the international community as a whole needs to wholeheartedly support the parties to the comprehensive peace agreement as they approach the momentous referendum date in january [number], and beyond. irrespective of the outcome of the referendum, relations of trust and cooperation between the parties are crucial for peace and stability, not only in the north and south, but throughout the region. for all those reasons, we ought to encourage the parties to reach agreement on the post referendum issues and relations as soon as is feasible. there is also a need to simultaneously help the protagonists in the darfur conflict to finally reach an agreement within the context of the doha talks that are set to resume in the next few days. on somalia, it is eritrea s considered view, borne out by the bitter experience and spiralling violence of the past two decades, that there can be no military solution to the problem in somalia. while that conviction by now is widely shared in the international community, serious doubts continue to be raised as to whether the alternative that is, a somali-owned and somali-driven, inclusive political process is possible and practicable. eritrea does not by any means believe or suggest that that is easy or that it can lead to immediate results. it will undoubtedly be a complex and protracted process, but ultimately achievable. for, even in the past two turbulent decades, somalis have more than once demonstrated that, given the right environment, they are capable of finding home-grown solutions to their problems. eritrea therefore urges the united nations and all those concerned with peace and stability in somalia to earnestly engage all somalis and to give the [number] [number]-[number] political process the serious and sustained attention it deserves. i turn next to the matter of eritrea and ethiopia. while the united nations grapples with the sudan and somalia, it continues to ignore the grave consequences of ethiopia s continued occupation of sovereign eritrean territory, eight years after the ruling of the eritrea-ethiopia boundary commission and three years after the commission ended its work by depositing with the united nations the demarcation of the boundary between the two countries. ethiopia s illegal occupation and the united nations silence, which mean the continuation of the conflict, are exacting a heavy price on the peoples of eritrea and ethiopia and are complicating the regional situation. i wish to remind the united nations that eritrea awaits responsible and urgent action to end ethiopia s violation of international law and its threat to regional peace and security. eritrea s constructive engagement on regional and international matters stems from its firm conviction that a conducive external environment is essential for nation-building. as eritrea enters its twentieth year of independence, it remains focused on broad-based and people-centred political, economic, social and cultural development that will afford a life of dignity and prosperity to our people. after several years of consistent investments in health, education, agriculture and other essential infrastructure, we have created a solid basis for sustained economic growth. it is expected that trade and domestic and foreign investment will provide additional impetus for the growth of our economy. i wish to seize this opportunity to extend an invitation to all interested countries and their enterprises to become our partners in development.

it is in this forum that nations and their representatives express their ideas and their aspirations in a continuing human effort to ensure progress and peace. despite the diversity and dynamics of conflicts, despite differences in interests and ideologies, the united nations has proved its ability to find and implement solutions. this is because man has learned that the determination to live together in peace is not only desirable but essential. [number]. however, guatemala is not before this assembly today to preach any cause. guatemala comes simply to express to every nation represented here its appreciation and gratitude for the aid provided by the peoples and the governments of your nations when the tragedy of [number] february this year destroyed one third of our territory. [number]. guatemala is not the only country in the world that has suffered earthquakes, floods and other natural disasters. but it is the smallest of the countries that have experienced destruction of such magnitude. [number]. it is true that one no longer sees the tears or hears the moans of the more than [number], [number] disabled. the graves of the [number], [number] dead are still and dark. the orphans will be growing up without the warmth of a family, but they will have the solidarity of their countrymen. the more than [number], [number] injured are recovering. [number]. but, of our total population of [number] million, [number], [number], [number] lost their homes, and the homes of another [number], [number] will have to be restored or reconstructed. [number]. with the destruction of one third of our territory, the infrastructure that we had before the earthquake was completely wiped out. centers of agricultural production have lost plantings and crops moreover, the ecology has changed, and this change will affect our agriculture. [number]. by consulting the map and united nations statistics, you will be able to appreciate the devastating effects of the disaster we have suffered. if, as the result of an earthquake, a country loses its vital resources, human and otherwise, and if that country is also small and poor, such a disaster must mark the beginning of a new era. it means that the country must start anew. [number]. that is why the emergency aid that your countries furnished us at a time of crisis not only saved lives but demonstrated that human solidarity continues to be one of the qualities ensuring the survival of mankind. [number]. we guatemalans shall not forget that your nations shared our grief and made our needs a common cause. we are aware that in many of your countries sacrifices had to be made in order to help us. we know that thousands of your countrymen did not eat in order to send food to our victims. and we are also aware that children of your nations who do not even know where on this planet our country is located none the less cried for our children and sent them clothing, toys, and candy. [number]. none of this can ever be forgotten. neither can we forget the medical assistance missions, the specialists in many fields, and the volunteers of all races, religions and political ideologies who came to guatemala to offer help, expecting no compensation. [number]. at this very moment, the sight of these dedicated men and women passes before my eyes-people engaged in a dramatic, noble and heroic task, in the midst of the rubble and the weeping victims. i see them today as i saw them then. they spoke in languages that we did not understand, but we witnessed their help and sensed their sympathy and resignation in the face of death. [number]. in the midst of the cataclysm, volunteers of your nations helped to mitigate the effects of the disaster. penetrating unknown territory, they entered the caves where rural folk lay dying and scaled the mountains where survivors begged to be saved. [number]. so how can guatemala fail to be grateful to your countries? how can we repay you? we cannot. [number]. it is for that reason that i have been commissioned by my people to appear before this assembly to express our appreciation and gratitude. please accept them, since this is the only way that we can compensate your countries for their solidarity and generosity. [number]. in the meantime, ' we are repaying and shall continue to repay you for your assistance through the work that guatemala is now doing and will continue to do in years to come to rebuild our country. [number]. i can assure you that a great national crusade in under way in guatemala, aimed at its reconstruction. and, in accordance with the request of my husband, president laugerud, a request to which the people agreed, we have dried our tears and started to work. [number]. in the national crusade for reconstruction, the guatemalan woman is not a spectator but a necessary participant. i can attest to the amazing fortitude of the guatemalan woman during the most difficult stage of the catastrophe and to her devoted dedication in the present effort to create and build. [number]. though carrying a newborn infant on her back and perhaps having seen her husband buried in a common grave, that woman grasped a tool to clear the rubble from the streets of her village and from the access routes. her sorrow burned within her, but she did not weep. under the blazing sun or the drenching rain she worked tirelessly, through long, dark hours. [number]. in the tormented faces of those women one could observe the serenity of our race in the face of adversity one could sense the stoicism of people who remained erect in the face of death and devastation in their homes, death and devastation in their towns, death and devastation among their neighbors. [number]. the guatemalan woman is not redecorating her home she is rebuilding it with her own hands. side by side with the men, she is rebuilding houses, working in the wheat and corn fields. she is helping the needy. she is a mother and a refuge to the orphaned and the old who have lost everything, even an awareness of their age. [number]. may i say that as a woman i am proud of the stature and greatness of the guatemalan woman. [number]. nevertheless, we guatemalans and our president believe that in this reconstruction we must not again build things as they were. through the reconstruction we are working to create new living conditions and a better standard of living for all our people. guatemala believes that reconstruction means improvement. in reconstructing we are also establishing the instruments for promoting social development and for giving impetus to human progress. [number]. we do not want any country to live through the terrifying experience guatemala has lived through. we do not want any country to face a catastrophe such as we have faced. [number]. i sincerely pray that the almighty will spare the nations here represented from the cataclysmic destruction we have suffered. [number]. in closing i ask you to accept the homage guatemala wishes to pay to the victims of earthquakes and other disasters in all parts of the world. [number]. on behalf of guatemala, may i ask that we say a prayer in tribute to those who have died in your countries. [number]. finally, on behalf of guatemala i wish to tell you that we thank you from the bottom of our hearts.

at the outset, allow me to congratulate mr. ali abdussalam treki, minister of african union affairs of the libyan arab jamahiriya, on his unanimous election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-fourth session. we are convinced that, guided by his government s adherence to the principles of national independence and sovereignty, the primacy of the values of the human individual, the maintenance of international peace and security, and the economic development of all countries, and with his well-known diplomatic skills, he will contribute to the good management of the assembly and to ensuring that the united nations achieves the universal objectives of peace, stability and global development. we also express our thanks to mr. miguel d escoto brockmann, minister for foreign affairs of the republic of nicaragua, for his outstanding work at [number]-[number] [number] the sixty-third session, at a time when the world was shaken by an acute financial and economic crisis the consequences of which have fomented instability and threatened peace in various regions of the world. mr. singh puri india , vice-president, took the chair. amid this climate of insecurity, the food and global energy crises, natural disasters and climate change that threaten the sustainability of the global ecology, the work of the secretary-general, as the coordinator of the activities of our organization, has been far from easy. we therefore commend mr. ban ki-moon for his efforts to address those issues and offer him our full support and cooperation so that his actions can be implemented without delay. in taking the floor to address this international forum, i wish first and foremost to express our gratitude for this renewed opportunity to share our thoughts, experience and common concerns for the modern world. it is timely indeed that the secretary- general has dedicated the sixty-fourth session of the general assembly to the topic of effective responses to the current global economic and financial crisis in order to analyse its causes and adopt policies and strategies that will enable states to mitigate the negative consequences of the crisis, which are having an increasingly debilitating impact on economically weak countries in particular. following the end of the cold war and the disappearance of the bipolar and antagonistic world that emerged from the second world war, it became clear that a more globalized, united and integrated era had dawned among nations that would result in greater justice, solidarity and integration in international exchanges and relations. mutual respect for cultural specificities remains the fundamental basis for international cooperation, an association of shared responsibilities, mutual respect and equitable mutual benefit. that has been the guiding ideal of the united nations since its inception. its efforts to create a world of peace, development and well-being for humankind have followed this aim for the sixty-plus years of its history. yet the gap between developed and developing countries has only widened, in spite of the numerous resolutions, decisions and recommendations that have been adopted to promote the equality of political, economic, social and cultural rights the global development of humanity the replacement of the old economic order with a new, more just and equitable system the provision of financial assistance to the most vulnerable countries the liberalization of global trade and in spite of the many other measures adopted at special summits. yet, despite all this, global achievement of the united nations millennium development goals has fallen short by [number] per cent. we can see that, unfortunately, egoism and the desire to dominate remain the driving force in international relations. inevitably, without a multilateralism that respects the criterion of partnership based on mutual respect for shared responsibilities and reciprocal and equitable interests, the global political, economic and social balance is undermined. inevitably, unless this partnership is based on respect for the cultural values of every nation, a new cold or hot war is bound to break out between poor countries and rich countries. the republic of equatorial guinea welcomes the timeliness of this debate, since in the middle of this unprecedented global crisis we can all redefine our positions on the subject of global development. here, in new york in [number], we must resolve these problems so that the current causes of a misery and conflictiveness driven by the wealthy countries to the detriment of the poor or economically fragile countries no longer justify this new and absurd bipolarization when, despite everything, humankind has assimilated the supremacy of the values that make up the human individual. what kind of morality is it when some states enjoy economic abundance, while others suffer in misery, marginalization and desolation? accordingly, the republic of equatorial guinea calls for new global approaches that will enhance the capacity of developing countries to contribute politically and economically and will allow a coexistence that safeguards the political and economic interests of all countries. we can no longer continue on the path that we are on. we can no longer continue on this irrational and irresponsible path. we must consider matters calmly in order to adopt positive attitudes that effectively support the original philosophy of the united nations, a philosophy that conceived of a united world where human beings, regardless of race, culture or level of [number] [number]-[number] civilization, are recognized as human beings, in both the north and the south. thus, there can be no justification for theories of globalization of policies unless they respect the cultural plurality that characterizes the peoples of the world. there can be no discrimination or exclusion. intercultural dialogue must strengthen this community of nations with a view to achieving a coexistence that is conducive to learning from one another for the mutual benefit of us all. equatorial guinea conceives of its development as the outcome of coordinated action between national effort and international cooperation. we rule out discrimination of any kind for reasons of political, economic or cultural system in the case of any country or international organization, provided that the latter respects our country s independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peace and free exercise of the sovereignty of the people, the right to the free utilization of our natural resources, the maintenance of friendly relations and cooperation for reciprocal benefit, and respect for the cultural values of the people. through its application of these principles, equatorial guinea enjoys excellent ties of friendship, cooperation and good neighbourliness with all countries in central africa. we accept economic cooperation with countries of all ideological beliefs, from the east to the west and from the north to the south. this is part of our contribution to global peace and balance. as a result, our oil and other resources contribute not only to the development of our european partners, but also to that of africa, america and asia. this being said, we are constantly amazed by the conflictiveness, suspicion and envy that these oil resources arouse in a number of countries, these same resources that we have made freely available to the international community. we witnessed this first-hand when equatorial guinea was the victim of mercenary-led invasions, terrorist attacks and plans for political destabilization, whose clear aim was to gain illegal access to resources which belong solely to the people of equatorial guinea. we wish to emphasize that equatorial guinea is a peaceful country without ambitions to acquire territory or engage in political hegemony and without policies designed to jeopardize peace or stability in other states and nations. we reaffirm our commitment to the principles of the united nations charter and the charter of the african union with regard to the maintenance of peaceful relations, the rejection of violence and the peaceful resolution of disputes through dialogue, mediation and, where necessary, recourse to international tribunals. global peace is the universal right of all and an indispensable prerequisite for the survival of humankind. it is non-negotiable, not to be traded with any public or private interest, and is so fragile that it can be shattered when injustices affecting a state or a community of states are committed. therefore, we are addressing the situation caused by the global economic crisis, which, without a doubt, has had repercussions in individual states of the international community, each at different levels and each with the potential to affect global peace. we have witnessed examples of such consequences in the recent conflicts that have engulfed various states in the world today. yet, this noble world organization was created for peace. it is for the sake of maintaining peace and world stability that we all meet here every year. it is also for the sake of peace and stability that we must be careful not to the let the attitudes of some countries or groups of countries foster, out of whatever ambitions or selfishness they have, continuing injustices that have created the crisis in international relations. with best wishes for a world abundant in peace and happiness, i wish every success to this sixty-fourth session of the general assembly.

when i arrived yesterday in new york, i received a phone call from the chairman of one of the jewish organizations, who asked me how i was coping with all the pressure that is being placed on israel. surely , he said, it must be very difficult . i recalled an old joke, which tells of five jews who changed the way we see the world moses, law is everything jesus, love is everything marx, money is everything freud, sex is everything and einstein, everything is relative. so, i told him that everything is relative. on one hand, it is very difficult. on the other hand, it is easier than before, because now we have a stable coalition and a stable government and we have the support of a majority of israel s citizens. we are ready for a fair solution and we are ready to cooperate with the international community. however, we are not ready to compromise our national security or the vital interests of the state of israel. at the outset, i want to emphasize that, contrary to what is often presented in the international media, the political arena in israel is not divided between those who seek peace and those who seek war. everyone wants peace, and the controversy in israel centres on the specific question of how to achieve this peace, how to reach security and stability in the region. and the question is why, in the [number] years since we signed the oslo accords, have we not arrived at a comprehensive agreement signifying the end of the conflict and the removal of future mutual claims? despite all of the efforts of all the good people with the best of intentions, including yitzhak rabin, shimon peres, benjamin netanyahu, ehud barak, ariel sharon and ehud olmert despite the summit meetings at camp david between ehud barak and yasser arafat with the presence of former president bill clinton and despite the annapolis summit between ehud olmert and mahmoud abbas, we are today still in deadlock. in fact, contrary to the prevalent view that the israeli-palestinian conflict is the heart of the instability in the middle east or is the main reason for the region s numerous conflicts, the reality is entirely different. more than [number] per cent of the wars and war victims of the middle east since the second world war did not result from the israeli-palestinian conflict and are in no way connected to israel. rather, they stem from conflicts involving muslims or conflicts between arab states. the iran-iraq war, the gulf war, the wars between north and south yemen, the hama atrocities in syria, and the wars in algeria and lebanon these are just a few examples from a list that goes on and on. the second flawed explanation for the long-standing conflict between israel and the palestinians that has gained popularity is that the root of the problem is the so-called occupation, the settlements in judea and samaria and the settlers themselves. only the establishment of an independent palestinian state in judea, samaria and gaza, so the argument goes, will ensure peace in the region. it is sufficient to state a number of well-known facts in order to refute that claim. first, all of judea, samaria and gaza were under arab control for [number] years, between [number] and [number]. during those [number] years, no one tried to create a palestinian state. peace agreements were achieved with egypt and jordan, despite the presence of settlements. and the opposite is also true we evacuated [number] flourishing settlements in gush katif and transferred more than [number], [number] jews. and, in return, we have hamas in power and thousands of missiles landing on sderot and southern israel. another misguided argument is the claim that the palestinian issue prevents a determined international front against iran. this argument is not only flawed, it is completely irresponsible. the same argument could be made that the palestinian issue prevents action on north korea, piracy in somalia, the humanitarian crisis in sudan or the challenge of afghanistan. just as the khomeini revolution had nothing to do with the palestinian issue, neither is the iranian decision to develop nuclear weapons related. in truth, the connection between iran and the israeli-palestinian conflict is precisely the contrary. iran can exist without hamas, islamic jihad and hizbullah, but the terrorist organizations cannot exist without iran. relying on those proxies, iran can, at any given time, foil any agreement between israel and the palestinians or with lebanon. thus, in searching for a durable agreement with the palestinians, one that will deal with the true roots of the conflict and will endure for many years, one must understand that, first, the iranian issue must be resolved. one must deal first with the root cause of the problem, and not its symptoms. there are, of course, yet other problems that must be solved solving that one would not be sufficient, but it is nevertheless a necessary condition. [number] [number]-[number] in trying to resolve the conflict between israel and the palestinians, we are dealing with two types of problems emotional problems and practical problems. that is why the solution must also be a two-stage one. the emotional problems are, first and foremost, the utter lack of confidence between the sides and issues such as jerusalem, recognition of israel as the nation-state of the jewish people, and refugees. under those conditions, we should focus on coming up with a long-term intermediate agreement, something that could take a few decades. we need to raise an entire new generation that will have mutual trust and will not be influenced by incitement and extremist messages. to achieve a final status agreement, we must understand that the primary practical obstacle is the friction between the two nations. as is true everywhere, where there are two nations, two religions or two languages with competing claims to the same land, there is friction and conflict. countless examples of ethnic conflict around the world confirm this, whether in the balkans, the caucasus, africa, the far east or the middle east. where effective separation has been achieved, conflict has either been avoided or has been dramatically reduced or resolved. consider the cases of the former yugoslav republics, the split-up of czechoslovakia and the independence of east timor as cases in point. thus, the guiding principle for a final status agreement must not be land-for-peace but rather, exchange of populated territory. let me be very clear i am not speaking about moving populations, but rather about moving borders to better reflect demographic realities. this is not an extraordinary insight and is far less controversial than some may seek to claim. in fact, precisely this notion that a mismatch between borders and nationalities is a recipe for conflict has long been accepted as a virtual truism in the academic community. leading scholars and highly respected research institutions have even coined the term right- sizing the state to capture the idea that states and nations must be in balance in order to ensure peace. this is not a controversial political policy. it is an empirical truth. but beyond empirical truth there is historical truth, namely, the almost [number], [number] years during which the jewish people were born in the land of israel and developed the corpus of ethical and intellectual treasures that have been instrumental in the rise of western civilization. the [number], [number] years of forced exile and interim conquest by byzantines, arabs, mamelukes, ottomans and others cannot and never will impair the unbreakable bonds of the jewish people to its homeland. israel is not only where we are, it is who we are. in closing, let me remind everyone in this hall of the quote on the plaza across from the united nations, words spoken in jerusalem almost [number], [number] years ago by the jewish prophet isaiah they shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. isaiah [number] [number] inspired by the deep wisdom embodied in these words, let us hope that the path to true peace prophesied by isaiah will guide our two peoples, in two nation-states, living in peace and security.

[number]. the ideals of peace, equality and co-operation among nations ideals that are all summed up in the word justice which the authors of the charter of our organization already proclaimed [number] years ago are still today of intense concern. everything points to that. the most disquieting inquiries are constantly devoted to the major questions of today's world. meetings, conferences, information, files, texts, ever on the increase and always relevant, are distinguished by the fact that they keep international problems in a type of closed circuit. this is a paradox only in appearance. does it perhaps fundamentally reflect a cynical or disabused human attitude, or in any case an attitude that is only mildly courageous, in the face of the important problems of our time which disclose a world facing immense crises economies in distress, the tyranny of certain regimes, oppression of peoples, moral and material poverty, thermonuclear war on the horizon, crises which run the risk of lighting the final conflagration? [number]. the political and psychological context of its work should of necessity invite the united nations to prevent itself from being dragged downwards in straying away from its original noble ideals. therein lies hope for all of us and for mankind as a whole. the essential question is, consequently, the capability of the united nations to take full responsibility for the major questions which affect all mankind. it is reassuring that the united nations is constantly being served by devoted men who are convinced of the usefulness of the activities of the institution. the president of the general assembly is one of those men, as is also the secretary-general. you are among those modern men who are courageously and actively fighting against the spirit of the desert, the spirit of devastation, which is perhaps the most astonishing historical product of our time, but also the least questioned. [number]. the people of congo and the forces of progress throughout the world mourned with distress the tragic death on [number] march [number] of president marien ngouabi, the president of the people's republic of congo, who was cowardly murdered by the forces of evil. that odious crime, the aim of which was to destroy the congolese revolution, did not achieve its purpose since the congolese people are more than ever determined to defend the ideals for which president marien ngouabi heroically gave his life. the heroes of the twentieth century are precisely those who defend to the very end the causes of oppressed peoples and, even in their glorious death, they speak for all mankind. [number]. the leading institutions established by law faithfully continue the work of president ngouabi. in a declaration of general policy, president joachim yhomby opango proclaimed the will of the congolese people to continue their foreign policy and their international co-operation along the same lines which had been followed by president marien ngouabi, namely, by struggling against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and the exploitation of man by man, and against racial discrimination and all forms of oppression, by unconditionally supporting just causes, by giving international assistance of many kinds to the true movements of national liberation, by their desire to establish relations of co-operation with all the countries which seek, on the basis of mutual respect and equality, a policy of good-neighbourliness and african solidarity, and by their attachment to peace and to the principles defined in the charters of oau and the united nations. [number]. i should like to emphasize somewhat a point which has just been made. [number]. the african vocation of my country has never been questioned and president yhomby opango intends to strengthen congo's devotion to african solidarity. there is no african situation which does not concern us. our policy concerning other african states is a policy of understanding, tolerance, good-neighbourliness and co-operation, in spite of ideological differences which may exist between us and others. african causes have always found unswerving support among the congolese people. therefore it would not be well to compare the administrative measures taken recently by my government for the control of foreigners to a policy harmful to the strengthening of african solidarity. quite the contrary. the measures to which i am alluding concerned only those foreigners whose situation was irregular vis- -vis the laws and regulations of congo concerning immigration and the practice of trade. [number]. we are now at a turning-point in the modern history of the african continent. i had occasion here last year to say what the views of my government were concerning the future of that continent. now the problems have changed abruptly with the accession of south africa to the club of atomic powers. [number]. this situation is an extremely serious one and, before the united nations, before the international community and before all mankind, i wish to accuse and publicly condemn without any equivocation the country of apartheid. i am compelled to be very specific in this accusation. [number]. the south african nuclear programme has been under way for [number] years, from [number] to [number]. in [number] south africa acquired through a united states company a small thermal reactor of 2c megawatts. the pilot plant of walindaba, close to pretoria, produced uranium [number] following a variant of a blasting procedure. in [number] special laboratories of the federal republic of germany opened their doors to south african scientists and technicians. in july [number] pretoria announced that south african experts had discovered an original procedure for uranium enrichment. in [number] west german firms actively gave technical assistance to the south africans in fitting out their uranium enrichment plant. in [number] pretoria selected france to build two gigantic nuclear power stations at koelberg, [number] kilometres north of the cape by about [number] the two french power plants to be delivered to south africa will produce [number] kilos of plutonium per annum, that is to say, enough to manufacture [number] atomic bombs of the nagasaki type. [number]. at the very beginning of august [number] the soviet union fortunately alerted world public opinion to the imminence of the explosion of a south african atomic bomb in the kalahari desert, approximately [number] kilometres south of botswana and [number] kilometres to the east of namibia [number]. i accuse the western powers which have actively helped south africa to acquire a nuclear potential which dangerously jeopardizes peace in africa and the rest of the world. i accuse the west and pretoria of collusion. i accuse south africa, which has no intention of heeding anyone's advice but plans to follow its nuclear programme. [number]. the african peoples must clearly realize that the problem of their security today has a new dimension [number]. we most urgently appeal to all the peoples of africa and the world strongly to react against the nuclear arming of the most racist country on earth. [number]. the nuclear explosion which south africa has postponed but which it has not renounced most perforce bring the international community to reflect on the consequences of the many-sided co-operation between certain countries members of the united nations and the racists of pretoria. [number]. the security of the african peoples is being seriously threatened [number]. experience has amply taught us that regimes of terror and oppression which thrive on violence understand only the language of violence in view of pretoria's anachronistic attitude namibia will not be freed except at that price. my country cannot but continue to give unconditional support to the south west africa people's organization in its determination to intensify the armed struggle for the liberation of namibia. [number]. the same holds true for rhodesia, where ian smith whom we can only describe as mindless-is spending his time destroying the numerous plans for a settlement that have been put forward precisely to allow him to avoid the worst. [number]. that is why it is the duty of the international community firmly to support the initiatives of the frontline countries. these initiatives, which have been approved by oau, make it possible to find a just solution for the people of zimbabwe, which, like any other people on earth, aspires to freedom, equality and dignity. [number]. the decolonization of africa must be concluded without delay. [number]. in this connexion we most warmly welcome the admission to our organization of the republic of djibouti. we wish to consolidate with that brother african country close relations of co-operation and active solidarity. [number]. we also congratulate the socialist republic of viet nam, whose reunification after the brilliant victory of [number] was welcomed in the people's republic of congo as a great event in the history of the struggle of peoples to regain their freedom. the presence in our midst of the vietnamese delegation is magnificent proof of the assertion that just causes always triumph in the end. [number]. the victory of the vietnamese people, on whom [number] years of futile war were imposed, gives us added resolve in our unverving support for liberation struggles. [number]. we also believe that the peaceful reunification of korea is inevitable. it is not a good policy always to refuse to face the facts. [number]. we are also convinced of the coming victory of the palestinian people and other arab peoples. a people cannot renounce its fundamental rights, even if it is subjected to all kinds of crafty reprisals. we are following with keen interest the preparations for the geneva peace conference on the middle east. we remain convinced that no lasting solution to this problem can be found without the actual participation of the palestine liberation organization, the sole representative of the palestinian people. [number]. a study of the social and economic situation of the world reveals that anachronistic situations persist. it is not right to wish to perpetuate them. the rule of force only lasts for a time. the challenges facing mankind economic crises, unequal development, malnutrition, illiteracy, ecological problems, pollution, the difficulties of mastering science and technology can only be met if we deliberately make use of all the capabilities, all the recourses and all the resources at our disposal. the problem of mankind's survival in a world which is continually faced with profound material, cultural and spiritual crises is an immense problem which requires the mobilization of the gifts and the energies we still have available. [number]. the appeal which we are making for a more equal world is not an appeal for generosity or a spirit of sacrifice on the part of the so-called rich in favour of so many million so-called poor . it is fundamentally an appeal to one and all to realize the true dimensions of the crucial problem of contemporary international relations. [number]. i should lie to elaborate. during the seventeenth century not to go back farther in history-approximately [number] million human beings lived on our planet in [number] mankind numbered more than [number]. [number] billion. today there are some [number] billion, and this population will rapidly increase if present tendencies continue, particularly in the third world. [number]. mankind today seems to have overshot the mark in accumulating atomic bombs and chemical and bacteriological weapons, in squandering natural resources and in polluting the atmosphere. moreover, the poorest but most densely populated regions are helping to increase the well-being of the richest. [number]. the fundamental problem today, which is evoked by the theme of the new international economic order , is truly the economic and political transformation of mankind. [number]. the cultural progress of humanity will from now on make all societies acutely aware of the solidarity of all human beings. this solidarity of all mankind generates respect for one another and a collective commitment to the great common enterprise of the building of peace and the welfare of mankind. [number]. but today all seems to lead to merciless confrontations because of the obstinacy of a few whose reactions to the grave problems of our day are mere agonizing and selfishness. [number]. that explains man's inability to adjust to the present situation that is what is complicating the solutions to problems. it is not a question of increasing the volume of our charity, but of sharing resources, knowledge and the applications of science more equitably it is a question of better prices for third-world products, of a better international division of labour, in the interest of the whole international community [number]. it would be unnatural to dissociate human rights from the immense problem which i have just underscored. humanity cannot achieve a superior civilization if men are not treated as such or if they are subjected to the most persistent and the crudest estrangement. [number]. it is therefore highly appropriate that our efforts should be directed towards the protection of man, so long as we see the problem in all its dimensions political, economic, cultural, social. within our different societies, we have' too great a tendency to consider man from a social angle and to limit his rights to a few formal guarantees, while socially, economically, politically and culturally he is being destroyed. man must be considered as a whole, and human rights constitute a whole. human rights must increase man's freedom and lead to further responsibility and to greater solidarity among mankind. [number]. in conclusion, to change, to renew our ways of thinking, our attitudes and our behaviour is undoubtedly the most urgent task today, in view of the grave problems of this century, which is coming to an end. our hope closely linked to our duty is one with the ardour of our organization, which is more than ever enlightened and supported by the legitimate ambitions of mankind in revolt.

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[number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left html [number] html [number], check for errors inspect text. corpus. format [number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left html [number] html [number], check for errors inspect text. corpus. format [number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left html [number] html [number], check for errors inspect text. corpus. format [number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left html [number] html [number], check for errors inspect text. corpus. format [number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left html [number] html [number], check for errors inspect text. corpus. format [number] [number] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- estimation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ref. left - seq [number], n, [number] countryname "cub" year "[number]" ref. right - seq [number], n, [number] countryname "usa" year "[number]" m - wfm wcdata. reduced, word. margin [number] wf - wordfish m, dir c ref. left, ref. right , verbose true summary wf positions - wf theta write. csv t as. matrix positions , file "results. csv" write. table positions, row. names docnames, file "results2013. csv" standard - wf se. theta se. lb - wf theta -[number] wf se. theta se. ub - wf theta [number] wf se. theta write. table standard, file "se2013. csv", row. names docnames ------------------------------- plot estimated positions ------------------------------- y-axis variable rank of positins by year ydummy - -[number] rank positions -n label names lab. name - paste countryname, year out. file - paste "positions [number]. pdf", sep "" pdf file out. file, height [number], width [number] par mar c [number], [number], [number], [number] [number]. [number] plot positions, ydummy, , main "unga [number]" , xlab "estimated positions", ylab " ", yaxt "n" , cex [number]. [number] , pch [number] , col "orange" , xlim c -[number]. [number], [number]. [number] , ylim c [number], [number] , for i in seq [number], length ydummy lines c se. lb i , se. ub i , c ydummy i , ydummy i , col "orange" , lwd [number] text x positions, ydummy, labels countryname, cex [number]. [number], pos [number] abline v [number], col [number], lty [number] dev. off ------------------------------- plot word cloud ------------------------------- out. file - paste "wordcloud [number]. pdf", sep "" pdf file out. file wordcloud text. corpus. format, scale c [number], [number]. [number] , max. words [number], random. order false, rot. per [number]. [number], use. r. layout false, colors brewer. pal [number], "dark2" dev. off save word frequency matrix in csv and results as txt write. table wcdata. reduced, file "wordfreq2013. csv" sink file "results2013" results - summary wf summary wf sink null

as the united nations faces the beginning of its second half-century and the dawn of a new millennium, we look to the organization for the continuing fulfilment of the high purposes of its charter the maintenance of international peace and security and the achievement of international cooperation in solving problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character. the experience of the past [number] years has shown that these goals are not easily attained. the end of the cold war has not meant an end to conflicts. the world has now entered a new era in which civil strife has replaced super- power rivalry as the main threat to peace and security. [number] we have yet to find workable solutions to many situations in which conflict continues to prevail. at the same time, the vast majority of mankind remains prey to poverty, hunger and disease. such inhumane conditions serve as a fertile breeding ground for chronic economic and social degradation. you, mr. president, face the enormous task of guiding us through this vast thicket of concerns. we are confident, however, that your well-known diplomatic experience and skills will lead us to new paths in the search for satisfactory solutions. as a son of malaysia, a country which has long championed the cause of peace and development, you will undoubtedly bring to bear a sense of urgency to the discharge of the many responsibilities with which you will be entrusted. in so doing, you will build upon the efforts of your predecessor, mr. diogo freitas do amaral of portugal, who spearheaded our thrust to reform and restructure the world organization in order to make it more responsive to our needs in the post-cold-war era. he is deserving of our gratitude for his labour during the past year. i would also like to pay tribute to the secretary- general for providing dynamic leadership to the secretariat in these challenging times. the special commemorative meeting held last year to mark our organization s fiftieth anniversary provided an excellent opportunity not only for reflection on its past achievements, but also on its future direction. there was no dearth of ideas and proposals for strengthening the united nations in order to help it face the challenges of the twenty-first century. it may be useful for us to look closer at some of those suggestions to determine their feasibility for implementation. it is an exercise in which some of our main committees, our several working groups and the secretariat may profitably engage so that the thinking of our heads of state and governments does not fall by the wayside, unheeded and forgotten. my own president, on that historic occasion, presented his concept of a new global human order in which the nations of the world could come together in a creative partnership for progress. this concept of partnership is predicated on the belief that we all now live in an interdependent world, in which, unless we learn to hang together, we will certainly hang separately. no one nation, no matter how militarily and economically powerful, can hope adequately to address the many complex cross-boundary problems which it now faces. states members of the united nations need to come together urgently to see how they can enhance cooperation in the various areas specified by the united nations charter. among the immediate imperatives would be the creation of a partnership for peace, for, although the world has been mercifully spared another world war since [number], it has witnessed a number of conflicts, both old and new, which continue to proliferate and to sap our collective strength. the causes of these eruptions are often deep-seated and not easily eradicated. they require careful study and attempts at resolution. invariably, this will mean that the united nations will have to go beyond traditional peacemaking and peacekeeping to the increased practice of preventive diplomacy aimed at pacifying potential conflict situations. the experience of past operations, both successes and failures, should be distilled with a view to garnering those lessons which may be of guidance in future cases. in this context, classical approaches to conflict resolution may have to be supplemented by new and imaginative ideas. over the past few years, we have together made a laudable effort to enhance the security council s capacity to deal with threats to international peace and security. to our credit, we have been somewhat successful in making the council s operations more transparent to the public eye. we have yet to decide, however, on the major aspects of resolution [number] [number] on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the security council. ideas abound on ways and means of achieving these aims. our challenge is to reconcile these so that a consensus can be reached on reform. my delegation believes that the various proposals now on the table, such as those made by belize, italy and malaysia, need to be further examined to determine both their political acceptability and feasibility. it is possible that, under the right circumstances and with the necessary political will, a reformed and more representative council will emerge. a more democratic security council will command the respect and enjoy the confidence of united nations member states. in time, they may be persuaded to rely less on their own costly defence forces and more on the collective security system provided by the organization. as specified by the charter, the various organs and [number] agencies such as the assembly, the council itself, the international court of justice, the secretariat and under chapter viii regional arrangements, can combine to form an effective bulwark against breaches of peace. during the cold war, some of these organs were precluded from performing their several functions. we must now seek to endow them with the machinery needed for their full operation. at the same time, we need to strengthen the partnership against the proliferation of all lethal weapons, nuclear and conventional alike. following the indefinite extension of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have the opportunity now to sign the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty which, while admittedly less than satisfactory, nevertheless offers a chance to proscribe the further development of dangerous weapons. although considered less worrisome than their nuclear counterparts, conventional weapons are no less destructive of human life and property. with the ending of the east- west arms race, these weapons are being diverted by producer states to developing countries, where they fuel tensions and eventual conflict. these dangerous transfers must be closely monitored and a serious attempt made to convert the arms industry to development purposes. it is time that we see a dividend from our investment in peace. in eschewing the use of arms, we must seek to promote dialogue, negotiation and development to remove the root causes of all disputes and conflicts. the persistent eruption of violence in the middle east demonstrates that, unless respect is shown for the fundamental rights of the palestinian people, peace will continue to elude that troubled region. the peace process cannot, therefore, be allowed to die since without it there is little prospect of reconciliation among belligerents. similarly, in the korean peninsula and, indeed, in all areas where divisions among peoples exist, we must use our best diplomatic and political efforts to reduce tensions and encourage peaceful reunification. our security concerns have widened in the post-cold- war era to other areas, such as the environment and drug- trafficking. as a small state and member of the commission on sustainable development, guyana looks forward to the review of the united nations conference on environment and development, which is due to take place in [number]. that meeting will provide us with an opportunity to assess the progress made towards implementing the commitments assumed both at rio and bridgetown. with regard to our efforts to combat drug-trafficking and abuse, we were pleased to participate in the high- level debate in the economic and social council last june. we urge further international action on the measures agreed upon and also on the early establishment of an international criminal court which, in our view, will serve as an effective deterrent to drug-related crimes and to other violations against humanity. having participated in the various summit conferences which have been held on the environment and development, population and development, human settlements, women and children and social development, my government is also anxious to see these agreements fully implemented. we also look to the upcoming world food summit in rome to build upon these existing commitments. eliminating hunger and guaranteeing food security to all the world s people are urgent imperatives for the international community. as a country which has suffered from the deleterious effects of colonialism, guyana stands in solidarity with all states that now face the formidable challenge of development. we were thus pleased to participate in the recent mid-term review of the implementation of the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s. the results of that review gave reasons to hope that the african predicament can be overcome through a much-strengthened cooperation between african countries and the international community. we wish at this time to call on all states to intensify their efforts to support africa s initiatives to promote its development, for the success or failure of the african agenda will be the success or failure of us all. these issues are at the heart of the wider and comprehensive agenda for development which we are in the process of elaborating. the endeavour we have made this past year to complete our negotiations on the content of this important document, while significant, points to the inevitable conclusion that we have yet to find the level of political will needed for meaningful agreement. we seem to be stuck in the confrontational mode set during our previous years of dialogue. my delegation is nonetheless of the view that, given the growing interdependence of member states and the globalization of the world economy and society generally, there are now sufficient elements to form the basis of a global partnership for peace and development. the terms of this partnership could be drawn up by mutual agreement of the parties, specifying both the [number] obligations and the rights of each side. on the part of the developing countries, there would be acceptance of their primary responsibility for their development as well as the need for good governance. the developed nations, on the other hand, would commit themselves to supporting these endogenous efforts and to assisting in the creation of an international economic environment that would be propitious to success. like the lom partnership that has existed for some time now between a large group of african, caribbean and pacific states and countries of the european union, such an arrangement would provide a fair degree of predictability in its operations. developed and developing countries alike would have the assurances of joint performance and common benefit. eventually, this partnership would form the basis of a new and enlightened world order to which we have all aspired for many years. my president, mr. cheddi jagan and the government and people of guyana are dedicated to the creation of this new global partnership. we were pleased to note that several international conferences including the ninth session of the united nations conference on trade and development at midrand, south africa, and the meeting of the group of seven in lyon, france have fully subscribed to the concept. we are therefore encouraged to think that the time has come for the establishment of a new global human order that would be based on respect for national sovereignty, participatory democracy, socio- economic equality, people-centred development and the realization of the economic, social and cultural rights enshrined in the united nations charter. we know that such an order or partnership call it what you will will not be easy to create and will require the adoption of a fundamentally new development paradigm which will bring together all actors, governmental and non-governmental alike, as well as multilateral and regional institutions, to work together for economic and social progress. at a symposium which was hosted in august [number] by the government of guyana, ample consideration was given to ways and means of promoting this new order. in light of the changed political, economic and social circumstances of the world today, the conference agreed inter alia, that, since the enormous debt burden continued to inhibit development, serious consideration should be given to the cancellation of the debt of the least developed countries a significant reduction in multilateral debt and a reduction of the remaining debt stock to sustainable levels for the other developing countries, with debt-service payments limited to [number] per cent of exports, provided that [number] per cent of the savings are used for social sector development. there should also be a significant increase in transfers of long- term development finance to developing countries by, first, attaining the existing official development assistance target of [number]. [number] per cent of gross national product by mobilizing new and additional sources of finance secondly, creating a global fund by mobilizing resources using new and innovative measures, such as the tobin tax and environment-related levies from which governments in both the north and the south would benefit and, thirdly, introducing measures to stabilize the international monetary system and financial markets. in our efforts to promote the concept of the new global human order, we believe that serious consideration should also be given to the establishment of a fair and equitable trading system, including the provision of reliable access to the markets of the north. such a system should take into account the special needs of small developing states ensure fair and stable commodity prices secure a renegotiation of the provisions of the world trade organization, especially with respect to trade and environment, intellectual property rights and foreign direct investments a reduction and relaxation of conditions attached to future financial transfers a new emphasis on the expansion of production and growth for sustainable development and a safe physical environment in the south the development of the social sector as a focus of any new programme with emphasis on education, human resources, health and the development needs of women, children and indigenous peoples and the enhancement of efforts to democratize and strengthen the united nations and to restructure other multilateral financial institutions to respond more effectively to the challenge of people-centred development. in this regard, we must quickly resolve the financial crisis in which the organization finds itself. member states, particularly the developed countries, must honour their payment obligations so that the funding of all united nations activities may be placed on a sound and predictable basis. these are some of the measures which my government believes need to be taken urgently by the international community in order to promote global peace and security. admittedly, some, if not all, may seem in the eyes of many to be too bold and far- reaching. yet, if they are not implemented soon, we run the grave risk of jeopardizing the future of generations to come. we have the moral imperative to act swiftly to prevent the further decline of our peoples and, indeed, of our entire [number] civilization. let us therefore resolve to make this fifty-first session of the general assembly a decisive turning point in the life of the organization and an opportunity for forging a just and enlightened partnership among the peoples of the world.

i would like to take this opportunity to congratulate you, mr. president, on your election. my government is deeply gratified by the recognition of your accomplishments, especially given that you are a fellow islander. we are confident you will lead the work of this body with the same high competence as your distinguished predecessor, his excellency jan kavan of the czech republic. before going further i must pause in respectful remembrance of the second anniversary of the terrorist attacks of [number] september [number]. we honour the memory of all who were lost. i must also express our sincere condolences over the great loss of life recently at the united nations headquarters in baghdad. i am grateful for the privilege of appearing before this body for the first time, as president of the federated states of micronesia. we feel a deep sense of responsibility in joining with nations present here to work toward a better world for all peoples. for the past several years, much of the discussion here and elsewhere has focused on political challenges around the world. after [number] september, it is not at all surprising that these challenges have commanded the lion's share of everyone's attention. we in the federated states of micronesia remain committed to the eradication of terrorism in all its forms, and will continue to play the role open to us as the world strives to reach this goal. however, the challenges of the environment and of sustainable development that occupied so much of our attention during the 1990s have not gone away. despite the immediacy of so many pressing demands today, those remain challenges that the international community cannot afford to put on hold. we cannot put them on hold because they are part and parcel of the worldwide security challenge, especially over the longer term. no part of our world is immune to the wide range of fundamental security threats. war and terrorism are only consequences of their deeper root causes poverty, human injustice and, more recently, environmental degradation. these are most often discussed in the context of the more populous regions of the world, but i ask the assembly not to overlook the fact that they also present themselves to the small island developing states. the unique vulnerability of our island states to all those scourges is widely recognized. even so, global threat assessments most often are not followed up by a realistic allocation of resources to the more remote yet also more vulnerable places, where threats to global security often find their origin or seek refuge. i submit to the assembly that the region of the pacific islands has for too long been overlooked in that way. we welcomed the initiative of the international community to address those and related development problems during the world summit on sustainable development. but we returned home, and we still find ourselves struggling just as much as ever with fundamental needs. as memories of johannesburg are pushed into the background by seemingly more urgent crises, our people are beginning to ask questions about this process. they are asking whether repetitious discussion of traditional development strategies at a lengthening string of summit venues offers the most productive avenue for achieving real development [number] goals. we must consider these things with a broader consciousness. the challenges are enormous, and they are immediate. i say to the assembly respectfully that business-as-usual multilateralism is not getting the job done. before proceeding, i should say that today's micronesians do enjoy a much-improved standard of living in comparison with the conditions that existed when we were introduced to the world economy less than [number] years ago. however, we still have very far to go before we can reach the levels of even the moderately successful developing countries, let alone of the industrialized world. in saying what i do here about my own country's difficulties, i must add that we are by no means alone. therefore, we stand with developing countries everywhere, and we fully support the positions to be expressed here by his majesty the king of morocco on behalf of the group of [number] and china, and by his excellency the prime minister of mauritius on behalf of the alliance of small island states. we must all do more. for our part, the small island developing states need to ensure that we meet our obligations and fulfil our undertakings to the global community. we are not just supplicants we have roles to play. my country has made commitments to environmental responsibility in line with our capacity. we have pledged increased accountability and oversight of development assistance. we have resolved to build our capacity to govern more effectively and to increase regional interaction. i believe that all developing countries should explore how we can mobilize our limited resources, individually and collectively, even as we seek assistance. in that regard, i commend to the assembly's attention the communiqu of the pacific islands forum issued this year at auckland, new zealand. it is illustrative of the kind of regional collaboration i encourage here. for example, we in the forum agreed this year to an important and comprehensive statement of principles fundamental to good governmental leadership and recognized by all. i think that it deserves close study by the assembly. serious attention was also given by the forum leaders to the challenges presented by international criminal elements attracted to our region. they are attracted in part by our out-of-sight, out-of-mind' status. it was recognized at the forum that, given our limitations individually, we can confront those challenges only through regional, collective action. we are also now seeing, more than ever before, entire regions of the world marginalized in the global economy, as witness the sad breakdown of the world trade organization wto meetings recently. some countries have been virtually ignored until social and political conditions have severely deteriorated. we are hearing more frequently the term failed state'. it has no clear definition, but it has been used on occasion to justify outside intervention. that may be necessary under certain circumstances, but it is in the interests of all that such conditions should not develop in the first place. i submit that the causes of any such so-called failure can be traced far beyond the borders of the unfortunate country that is so labelled. the time is ripe for a new way of looking at international peace and security. no longer can economic, social and environmental issues exist in a parallel universe, divorced from geopolitical considerations. the linkages are becoming all too clear, as the alarming findings of this year's united nations development programme undp report on implementation of the millennium development goals confirm. despite our best efforts, we still face the full range of threats to our natural environment. those threats are not diminishing. in fact, on a global scale, progress by the world community has been glacial in the face of ever more pressing demands for action. we may say to ourselves that any disastrous outcomes lie well in the future, but we can act only in the present. we are literally making or failing to make life decisions for the yet-unborn. one of the most clear and present emergencies has figured prominently in our statements in the general debate every year since our country became a united nations member i refer to the need for immediate international action to combat climate change. regrettably, i cannot speak with any less concern this year. if anything, our appeals must become more urgent. at a time when we speak of many wars, there is also the war against climate change a war that mankind cannot afford to lose. i know you can appreciate better than most, mr. president, that, for my family and me, the issue of climate change is a present reality. my island, woleai, [number] in yap state, is an atoll with no point higher than two meters above sea level. the frequency and the intensity of storms in our region have been increasing for some time. during the last year we experienced three major typhoons, as well as other destructive storms. one of them triggered massive mudslides on the state of chuuk's higher islands, and [number] people died. in yap state, a recent storm washed away a large and very old cemetery. these and similar recent events in our other states are unprecedented. everything we are, and hope to achieve as a people, is under grave threat because of global climate change. having confirmed that the climate change crisis is real, the entire world also now possesses indisputable evidence that its steady progression can be laid at the doorstep of human activity. yet some of the worst polluters among the industrialized countries see it as their top priority to protect vested interests. they are purposely delaying the immediate action that is required to begin to turn the tide of destructive climate alteration. in the framework convention, it was agreed by all that those bearing the responsibility for causing this problem must take the lead in resolving it. yet, i must ask today, where is that leadership? it is very sad that the kyoto protocol, which is a positive achievement, has been converted by some governments into a political target a rallying cry for the worst polluters. in fact, it represents nothing more than a small first step that must be followed up by strong subsequent actions if the war against climate change is to be at all effective. the scornful attitude toward the protocol shown by some countries will doom the entire framework convention to utter failure if the current situation remains unchanged. the kyoto protocol must be brought into effect without further delay. the industrial powers cannot continue to make the plea of saint augustine, lord, make me thy servant, but not yet awhile. ' since our people live in such close harmony with the natural environment, we also face a host of other pressing environmental issues. our coral reefs are getting a great deal of international attention partly because of their potential for commercial exploitation. we appreciate those possibilities and are determined to preserve our legal rights in any exploitation that takes place. but we also appreciate the reefs as our natural buffers against the sea and the hosts for marine resources far beyond the regular bounty of present-day fishing. this is more than a resource it is a lifeline for many island countries. the serious decline in the health of coral reefs all over the world must be reversed. stocks of our only substantial economic resource tuna have seen a marked decline in recent years. other species and key elements of the ocean ecosystem are also now imperilled as never before. the federated states of micronesia will be lobbying for an aggressive oceans resource protection policy in both the regional and international arenas. water itself, and access to it, is very much a threatened resource in our country, where we are surrounded by the ocean but have limited fresh water. we rely upon rainwater and its collection in the lenses that lies beneath our atolls. every drop is precious. we say that a vulnerable life, such as that of a child, is like morning dew on a taro leaf, to be handled with care so that it does not slip away. members may be surprised to learn that islands in the pacific ocean, so often pictured in everyone's dream of paradise, are more concerned about drought than any other natural threat, including typhoons. not only do we experience the salt-water corruption of our fresh water and our food crops, as a result of increased storm activity and sea-level rise, we also now must try to cope with droughts brought on by increasingly unpredictable el ni o activity linked to climate change. fortunately, the world in general seems to be waking up to the universal human requirement for access to adequate, clean water. the special exposure of island countries received welcome attention at the recent third world water forum in kyoto. in addition, i wish to point to a very important, first-ever interregional collaboration on this vital subject, in the form of a memorandum of understanding recently concluded between our south pacific applied geoscience commission and the caribbean environmental health institute. i have spoken much about my country's concerns but, of course, we are not alone in these concerns. the world's small island developing states face largely the same set of issues in different degrees. [number] for that reason, we were grateful for the international attention generated by the first united nations global conference on the sustainable development of small island developing states, held in barbados in [number]. the barbados programme of action, which was the product of that conference, has been a limited success. the conference succeeded in focusing attention on the unique set of problems our small island nations face. however, it seems that the international community has to some extent been content to raise awareness of the issues, while showing a waning interest in implementing specific measures during the years following the conference itself. we applaud the decision to hold a follow-up conference in mauritius in [number], and we look forward to a frank evaluation of the progress, or lack thereof, in implementing the barbados plan of action during the past [number] years. it is my hope that the mauritius conference will afford an opportunity to regain lost momentum. this is a landmark year for my nation. we have completed [number] years in a post-trusteeship political relationship with the united states. by all accounts, this has been a success. never before has free association been attempted on this scale. i am pleased that both my country and our development partner, the united states, have seen fit to continue this relationship into the future by amending the treaty between us known as the compact of free association. as we celebrate the success that this renewal represents, it is proper to recall the long and effective stewardship of our region by the united nations trusteeship council. we are grateful for the lasting contribution of the united nations system to the history of micronesia, and we look forward to continuing to work in this body and others in the united nations system to reach our collective goals. in closing, i would like to refer to the words of the american president, franklin d. roosevelt, who once said, if i were asked to state the great objective which church and state are both demanding for the sake of every man and woman and child in this country, i would say that the great objective is a more abundant life. ' i believe that the president was speaking of true abundance, not only in a material sense, but also in the sense of the security of mind and body that comes with freedom, opportunity and human fulfilment. we must ask ourselves whether what we are striving for here at the united nations is faithful to that lofty ideal. this organization is the greatest forum ever created on this planet. it cannot afford to allow its important role in conflict management to push aside the even greater task of managing the conditions that produce those conflicts. we bring together here, under the guidance of the charter, for the first time in human history, all kinds of resources necessary to lead mankind to a more abundant life. let it not be said of us later that we failed in that task.

[number]. mr. president, it is with particular pleasure that i extend to you sincere congratulations upon your unanimous and well-deserved election to the high office of the presidency of this general assembly session. year election is a tribute paid to you personally for your outstanding qualities of statesmanship, experience and diplomatic skill and, at the same time, it is an added recognition of the leading role played in world affairs by your country. we, in cyprus, have always attached great importance to the very close ties we have maintained with yugoslavia, reinforced through many years by the friendship between our late president, archbishop makarios, and president tito, two of the co-founders of the non-aligned movement, born at the historic belgrade conference at which i, too, had the privilege to participate. we have always felt that in yugoslavia, as indeed in the non-aligned movement as a whole, cyprus has a friend in its hour of need. [number]. likewise, i wish to pay a warm tribute to ambassador amerasinghe, the representative of sri lanka, another fellow non-aligned country, for the outstanding way in which he discharged the onerous responsibilities of the presidency of the general assembly during its last session. we trust that, as president of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, he will continue to offer his effective leadership and unique experience towards the early and successful conclusion of this- very important undertaking of the international community. [number]. i should also like to express our deep appreciation to the secretary-general, mr. waldheim, for his endeavours for the promotion of the objectives of the organization generally and, more particularly, for his untiring efforts with regard to the solution of the cyprus problem in accordance with the charter of the united nations and its relevant resolutions. [number]. i also wish to express gratification at yet another step towards the universality of this organization through the admission to membership of the socialist republic of viet nam and the republic of djibouti, and to welcome them in our midst. we are convinced that their presence will have a favourable impact upon international relations and will positively contribute towards peace, co-operation and mutual understanding. [number]. as we embark upon this important session of the general assembly, it is relevant to address ourselves to the fundamental questions which the secretary-general raises in his report on the work of the organization. "what. . . ", he asks, "is the real position of the united nations in the affairs of the world? is it really a central element in the foreign policies of most governments? do its hard-fought resolutions, decisions and guidelines have a strong bearing on the conduct of nations? " i cannot, of course, speak for others but in so far as my own country is concerned we have always held the firm conviction that to all these questions the answer should be a resounding "yes". [number]. the principles of the charter have always been central to our foreign policy. we have supported positions consistent with such principles and have invariably maintained that the various international problems and issues considered by the united nations should be solved through the implementation of its resolutions. since its emergence to independence from colonial rule and not only from the time we have been faced by a dire problem ourselves cyprus has been" united nations-minded, endeavouring by word and deed to enhance the effectiveness of the organization and to promote the universal application of its principles and the full implementation of its resolutions. [number]. in saying this, i do so not only in answer to the very pertinent questions posed by the secretary-general but also because i strongly believe that this basic philosophy of making the united nations and its principles and resolutions central to the foreign policies of member states is-or ought to be-common to all member states, and especially to those which emerged to independence from colonial rule and are politically non-aligned, economically developing and militarily weak. i believe that this philosophy should be shared by all, and indeed the charter m legal terms is equally binding on all if the united nations is to become truly effective and achieve its basic objectives for collective security and economic development. [number]. in this respect, the convening of a special session of the general assembly in [number] on disarmament constitutes a major development. [number]. the special session can prove a success if the opportunity is taken for a more thorough and enlightened examination of the problem of disarmament in its close relation to, and dependence on, international order and security through the united nations, as provided in the charter. [number]. progress on disarmament presupposes the cessation of the arms race, but nations cannot abandon their armaments in a vacuum. there must be an effective system of international security through the united nations in accordance with the. charter so that nations may feel safe in abandoning the course of armaments. in our technologically advanced world of close interdependence, the security of nations can no longer rest on the outdated concept of the balance of power, which is tantamount to a balance of weapons, since that inevitably implies an ever-escalating arms race in the effort to retain the balance. in consequence, this race has resulted in astronomical figures of wasted resources in preparation for a war which, if it should occur, would mean total catastrophe for mankind. [number]. the pattern of world order provided for in the charter depends on the effective functioning of the security council. according to the charter, the security council shall not only "determine the existence of any . . . breach of the peace, or act of aggression" but also decide what effective measures shall be taken to restore peace and security. those provisions of the charter are mandatory, and rightly so, since the availability of enforcement action for security council decisions is the corner-stone of international security and legal order through the united nations. [number]. therefore, no realistic prospect of disarmament can exist until the international community, recognizing the imperative need to comply with the charter for international security through the united nations, finds a new approach more adapted to the urgent requirements of our times. [number]. the enormous waste of resources resulting from the absence of an agreement on disarmament brings into focus the widening gap between the rich and the poor, which is one of the main sources of tensions and conflicts in the world today. the developing countries have become more and more dependent on unpredictable and exogenous factors and, consequently, their sustained development is becoming increasingly more difficult. [number]. our position is that the international community must take a global view of development. just as in any particular country richer regions help and contribute to the development of the poorer regions, in the world community of multilateral organizations richer countries and countries endowed by nature with ample resources have a corresponding duty to help poorer countries. it is only thus that progress can be achieved towards the establishment of a new and fairer international economic order, which in the long term would also be in the interest of the developed countries. [number]. it has been rightly observed that, perhaps more than in any other field of international activity, in the field of human rights we face the wide gap between idealistic declarations and hard realities. this is no doubt due to the failure to translate declarations into actions, in spite of the fact . that respect of individual dignity and fundamental freedoms is a solemn undertaking expressly contained in the charter as well as in the universal declaration of human rights. [number]. it is a source of satisfaction that the international covenants on human rights entered into force in [number] and, therefore, the review mechanism provided by them has already been established, thus offering additional guarantees for the protection of human rights by the states legally bound by the covenants. we would therefore express the hope that the countries which have not as yet ratified the two covenants will soon do so. [number]. the effort to ensure universal respect for human rights and the struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination in general and of apartheid in particular have been given a new impetus following the signing on [number] august [number] in helsinki of the final act of the conference on security and co-operation in europe and the adoption of the lagos declaration for action against apartheid. [number]. turning to a more specific issue, we welcome the recent signature of the panama canal treaties. they represent, we think, a fair and reasonable agreement arrived at through negotiations in accordance with the principle of, the peaceful settlement of international disputes on an issue involving fundamental points of principle. this is an event of historic significance and furnishes an excellent example of how long-standing, thorny and potentially explosive international problems can be solved if approached by those concerned with goodwill, a spirit of compromise and genuine respect of each other's position and legitimate interests. [number]. as very aptly stated by the secretary-general in his report, "the situations in southern africa, the middle east and cyprus are serious in themselves and also have very special implications for international peace and security. " indeed, in all three situations fundamental issues of principle are involved and striking similarities exist. [number]. in south africa the situation has deteriorated because of the intensification of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and has resulted in massacres of the african population in soweto and elsewhere. my country has always by word and deed demonstrated its solidarity with the african people. we unreservedly condemn the policy of apartheid. we have fully complied with the united nations resolutions with regard to the south african regime, and we are resolutely opposed to the creation of artificial, bogus states-in itself an invidious form of partition in a calculated effort by the racist regime to perpetuate its oppressive rule and to rob the african population of its birth right. in namibia the illegal occupation by the pretoria regime must be terminated, and its people must exercise the right to self- determination as prescribed in the relevant united nations resolutions. in zimbabwe there should be no independence before majority rule, and we welcome the efforts currently under way to achieve a negotiated solution, which should conform with the fundamental positions of principle contained in united nations resolutions. [number]. in our neighbouring region of the middle east the systematic defiance of the decisions of the united nations and the illegal occupation of arab territories continues and is in fact being consolidated through systematic efforts to change the demographic composition of these territories and through illegal settlements. we firmly support a just and lasting solution based on the relevant united nations resolutions and the inalienable rights of the palestinian people as defined in those resolutions. we also favour the early reconvening of the geneva conference on the middle east with the participation of all parties concerned, including representatives of the palestine liberation organization. in this respect we welcome as a step in the right direction the recent joint statement of [number] october [number] by the secretary of state of the united states and the minister for foreign affairs of the soviet union. [number]. for the fourth consecutive year the question of cyprus is included in the agenda of the general assembly as a major international problem. [number]. the membership of the united nations is therefore not unaware of the series of devastating calamities brought upon the people of cyprus, greek and turkish alike, through the double aggression and invasion by turkey in july and august [number]. the membership is also fully aware that the cyprus problem in its essence is one of aggression by turkey, a large and militarily powerful state, against the republic of cyprus, a small and virtually defenceless non-aligned state. it is indeed because the problem of cyprus involves the violation of the peremptory principles of the charter regarding interstate relations that the united nations is concerned with it. [number]. at its twenty-ninth session in [number], the year of the invasion of cyprus by the turkish armed forces, the general assembly, voicing the grave concern of the international community over the turkish aggression and the serious situation created thereby, unanimously adopted the landmark resolution [number] xxix . in its primary and key provisions this resolution calls for respect of the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and non- alignment of the republic of cyprus, for the speedy withdrawal from its territory o all foreign armed forces, for the cessation of foreign interference in its affairs, and for the urgent return of the refugees to their homes in safety. [number]. this resolution was unanimously adopted by the general assembly, with turkey also casting its assenting vote. and it should be noted that it stands endorsed by resolution [number] [number] of the security council, and is thereby rendered mandatory. regrettably, the attitude of turkey towards these resolutions has been one of contemptuous disregard. [number]. the aggression against cyprus and the systematic violation of the fundamental human rights of its people proceeded to increase before the eyes of the international community without any effective action being taken by the united nations for the implementation of its resolutions on a matter involving the basic principles of the charter. and therein lays not only the tragedy of cyprus, but more widely the unfolding tragedy of an ineffective united nations. [number]. thus, turkey, unrestrained by any effective measures, found it possible to pursue a policy of faits accomplis, and, using the turkish cypriot leadership as an instrument, proceeded to the purported setting up of a so-called federated turkish state of cyprus. [number]. the security council, in its resolution [number] [number] , rejected this unilateral action, reaffirmed its earlier resolution, and expressed its concern over all unilateral actions compromising the implementation of the relevant united nations resolutions. the security council further called on the parties concerned to refrain from any action which might prejudice the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the republic of cyprus as well as from any attempt at partition of the island or its unification with any other country. however, ankara's policy of sowing intercommunal discord and divisiveness and promoting, through the oppressive presence of its army of occupation, its partitionist designs against cyprus continued unabated, thus necessitating the adoption of new resolutions by the general assembly and the security council. [number]. turkey, in violation of international law, and of its commitments under the geneva conventions of [number], proceeded further to trample underfoot the united nations resolutions by further expulsions of indigenous greek cypriots from the occupied area, thus raising the number of the refugees to [number], [number], namely, one third of the total population of cyprus. worse still, in their usurped homes and properties it settled colonizing populations massively imported from turkey. the general assembly, recognizing the grave threat against the demographic character of cyprus resulting from the expulsions and the colonization called, by its resolution [number] xxx , for the cessation of any action aimed at changing the demographic structure of cyprus. [number]. last year, as a result of the continuing refusal of turkey to comply with the aforementioned united nations resolutions on cyprus, the general assembly, considering thus that the cyprus crisis constitutes a threat to international peace and security, adopted resolution [number] [number], by which it expressed the hope that the security council would consider appropriate steps for the implementation of its unanimous resolution [number] [number] . [number]. recent developments regarding the attempts at colonization even of the new famagusta area, which since [number] had been sealed off pending arrangements for the return of its legitimate inhabitants to their homes and properties, further aggravated the already serious situation in the island. the security council, as recently as last month, by its resolution [number] [number] , disapproved of this action and expressed concern at the situation thereby created in the new famagusta area. it further called once again for the urgent implementation of its resolution [number] [number] , endorsing general assembly resolution [number] xxix . [number]. i now turn to the intercommunal talks which, as provided in the resolutions, have as their subject-matter the internal aspect of the problem. all rounds of talks, despite the commendable efforts of the secretary-general, have, two and a half years after their commencement, failed to produce any positive results due to the attitude of turkey, which, by dictating the turkish cypriot position in the negotiations, has never allowed a constructive and meaningful dialogue to develop. and, in consequence, the negotiations were not freely conducted, as provided for in the relevant united nations resolutions. thus, the only purpose the talks have so far served has been to enable turkey to cover up its faits accomplis by a pretence of negotiation to consolidate its military stranglehold over the occupied area. [number]. we have all along held the view that the process of the intercommunal talks is the best available means for the settlement of the internal aspect of the cyprus problem. we have accordingly been supporting the commendable efforts of the secretary-general, mr. waldheim, to secure meaningful and substantive negotiations. these efforts, however, have so far produced no results because of the negative attitude of the turkish side, which has been persistently refusing to submit concrete and comprehensive proposals to the subjects under negotiation, unlike the greek cypriot side. [number]. no problem is impossible to solve if substantive talks are conducted with goodwill and a common objective. this has been and continues to be our view. it is in this spirit that we welcome any initiative from any country which aims at assisting the secretary-general in his difficult task, as long as such initiatives are kept within the framework of the united nations. [number]. similarly, we welcome any initiative aiming at the implementation of those provisions of the united nations resolutions which refer to die external and international aspects of the cyprus problem. with this in view we have consistently been supporting the proposal for the convening of a wide international conference on cyprus, which we believe could make a positive contribution to the solution of the cyprus problem. [number]. the present situation in cyprus is fraught with grave danger and, if allowed to continue unchecked, could have very serious implications for peace and security in the sensitive region of the eastern mediterranean. [number]. the solution of the problem of cyprus revolves around the effective implementation of the decisions and resolutions of the united nations. i believe that the time has come for the general assembly to impress upon the security council the necessity of taking as a matter of urgency all measures warranted by the situation in order to bring about the long overdue implementation of the council's resolutions on cyprus and thereby put an end to the long suffering of the people of cyprus, greek and turkish cypriots alike. [number]. failure of the united nations expeditiously to promote the implementation of its resolutions might be interpreted as tolerance or passive acceptance of turkey's aggression and continuing military occupation of territory of the republic of cyprus and would run counter to the basic tenets of the organization. [number]. i have come to this assembly to seek justice for cyprus and its people, on the respect for the principles of the charter, of international law and of the human rights of all cypriots. i have come here to seek justice for the [number], [number] refugees who, for more than three years, are forcibly being kept away from their ancestral homes and lands, for all those who are being deprived of their basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, for the families of the over [number], [number] missing persons whose fate is unknown. for these persons and on behalf of their families who live in the agony of uncertainty, i make a special plea that every possible effort be made to ascertain the fate of these missing persons. [number]. in our interdependent world, it is in the common interest of all member states, large and small, to strengthen the efficacy and the role of the united nations as an instrument-the only universal instrument we have-for the achievement of peace, co-operation and progress in the world. the united nations has ushered in a new era in international affairs by providing objective standards of behaviour based on principles and by democratizing international relations. its failures are primarily those of its members and not of the organization itself. it is up to the member states to do what they can in order to strengthen the united nations and render it the dynamic instrument for peace and progress that it ought to be and can be.

on behalf of mr. desir delano bouterse, president of the republic of suriname, i avail myself of this opportunity to extend to mr. vuk jeremi my congratulations on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-seventh session. the wealth of experience that he brings to this body will certainly assist him in successfully discharging his duties. we pledge our full support and cooperation. allow me to salute his predecessor for his skilful leadership at the sixty-sixth session. we wish him well in his future endeavours. to secretary-general ban ki-moon we pledge our support for his valuable contribution in advancing the purposes and principles of the organization. in his annual statement last week, in which he introduced the [number] national budget, the president of suriname highlighted suriname s strengths and the opportunities and challenges we are facing as a young, vibrant member of the international community. as refiners and exporters of crude oil and its derivatives, as well as producers and exporters of gold, a combination of windfalls in earnings related to the trade of those commodities and the application of prudent fiscal policies, have resulted in a politically and economically stable environment. that stability in turn has become conducive to solid domestic and foreign investments in the more sustainable sectors, in which agriculture and tourism score high. the design and construction of relevant infrastructure demonstrate suriname s potential to be a player on the supply side of strategic commodities. president bouterse also presented a social package in which education and health care figure prominently. he made the point that strong international ratings are encouraging indicators for investors. however, the citizens of suriname who lack the right opportunities will share in the achievements only if the government is able to present them with a package comprising job- oriented education at an academic as well as a vocational level, adequate health services, sports facilities, access to potable water, information and communications technology facilities and proper waste disposal. the challenge of financing such an improved social package makes it necessary to empower our production and service sectors by providing funds and know-how to our entrepreneurs. suriname, as a young nation, is experiencing an ongoing decolonization process that involves both its structure and its mindset. building a nation of half a million people constitutes an enormous challenge when at least seven different ethnic and cultural traditions originate from the americas, africa and europe, while a considerable part of the population traces its roots to india, indonesia, china and the middle east. . suriname is known for the presence of a synagogue located next to a mosque in the heart of the capital paramaribo, while christian churches coexist with hindu temples and places of worship with a strong african affinity. we are proud to state that we have been able to convert that challenge into a unique and exemplary benefit and that the divide-and-rule policy of colonial days is gradually disappearing, making way for mutual respect, tolerance and peaceful coexistence, which redound to the advantage of all our citizens. suriname is a country blessed with an exuberant array of biodiversity. that splendid gift of the almighty must be cherished and protected to the fullest extent. it needs to be mapped out in a way that allows for responsible use. the challenge we face is responding to the genuine developmental needs of our people, while at the same time respecting and preserving biodiversity for future generations, and indeed for humankind. my country has committed itself to that cause by, among other actions, creating a nature reserve of [number]. [number] million hectares. we have accepted the obligation to educate our small gold miners in the use of modern technology that will not only prove more lucrative and safe but also respect the need for a clean environment, allowing for potable water and profitable agriculture. suriname must remain green and smart. suriname is very much aware of the fact that while we have solid advantages as a nation, we can only survive and prosper by adapting to a world that is becoming more and more interdependent. having been blessed with oil reserves, trillions of cubic metres of fossil water reserves, along with hundreds of rivers, swamps, creeks, arable land and minerals, including gold, copper, granite, rare earth and more, suriname has become a focal point in view of the ever-growing scarcity of those commodities. in order to maintain and enhance our political stability, we must deepen and widen our eco-commercial position and be able to keep our country and people safe from any outside intervention and interference. suriname has engaged in a serious quest for integration with its immediate neighbours guyana, france and brazil at a bilateral and, wherever possible, tripartite level. suriname is also a devoted participant in the historic movement of regional integration that is growing in form and substance. we are active members of the union of south american nations, the secretariat of which will be based in suriname as from july [number]. we are committed to the creation of a caribbean community multinational corporation, giving a more meaningful basis to the single market and economic goals put in place since [number]. as one of the founding members of the community of latin american and caribbean states, we continue to be dedicated to the integration mechanism of the americas, remaining committed to the principles and objectives of the organization of american states. although our region is making enormous strides in furthering democracy and development, we must draw the attention of the international community to the lack of progress in assisting one of the most disadvantaged countries in the western hemisphere, namely haiti. we call on the international community to honour its pledges to assist the government and people of haiti in their efforts to rebuild their beloved country. furthermore, our quest for integration will never be complete if we continue to accept the isolation of our sister nation, cuba, as a consequence of the unjustly imposed economic and trade embargo. once again, we firmly call for an immediate end of those coercive measures, which cause so much suffering to the people of cuba. when suriname became a member of the united nations [number] years ago, we were little aware of the importance of a number of issues not specifically dealing with decolonization. now we have grown in our understanding. we realize that a properly functioning united nations, including a democratically based security council, has the potential to become the single most important stabilizing factor in a world that has moved from bipolarity to multipolarity. in the world of ever-shifting economic, political, diplomatic and military powers, the themes of the sixty-seventh session of the general assembly were appropriately chosen. we specifically want to draw the assembly s attention to the need for dialogue in situations of conflict. in our understanding, it is not easy for powers that have grown accustomed to controlling other nations to grasp fully what it means to move away from dominance and dependence to interdependence and the need for dialogue in solving real or alleged conflicts. both the united states of america and the federative republic of brazil clearly endorsed the concept in their statements at the opening of our general debate. we urge all member states in general and the former colonial powers in particular to accept the new reality of our world by categorically refraining from applying their own standards in judging the outcome of other countries democratic structures and aspirations, disrespecting the internationally accepted principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of nations all over the world. it is within that framework that i quote the closing remarks at the presentation of the [number] national budget by mr. desir delano bouterse, president of the republic of suriname as regards the sovereignty of our beloved suriname as an independent nation, our principal task is none other than to respect and to defend the sovereignty of our nation against all violations and attacks from outside. whenever and by whomever our sovereignty is being challenged, our legitimate government has no other duty than to defend and safeguard the entrusted sovereignty of the country . the united nations was built on the ashes of the second world war, and we pledged to save successive generations from the scourge of war. the peaceful settlement of disputes is the only avenue through which we can ensure that the planet will be saved from annihilation. that principled stand must be applied to all areas of conflict, whether the conflict is in the middle east, africa, the americas or anywhere else in the world. the target date for achieving the millennium development goals is fast approaching. the year [number] will be a decisive year when world leaders will gather once again to assess the implementation of the commitments made. we underscore the importance of creating well-being for all and providing greater opportunities for the vulnerable in our society by giving full access to high-quality education at all levels and affordable and high-quality health care and services, as well as realizing the commitments to gender equality and the empowerment of women. it is necessary to increase the ability of women all over the world to bring about change, to ensure that they can exist in an environment free from violence and conducive to their well-being, including access to decent employment, services and housing. we acknowledge the global burden and threat of non-communicable diseases. in moving towards the full implementation of the political declaration of the high-level meeting of the general assembly on the prevention and control of non-communicable diseases resolution [number] [number], annex , as well as other commitments we have made, we stress the importance of multisectoral actions, strengthening health systems, ensuring the availability of adequate and sustained resources, as well as enhanced international cooperation through effective partnerships. suriname has increased its efforts in the fight against those often overlooked silent killers. the united nations conference on sustainable development concluded without an agreement on a clear commitment with regard to the financing of sustainable development. that is a very serious matter, considering the threat of climate change, among others, to a successful outcome of the efforts of small states like suriname to achieve sustainable development. the international community cannot abandon its obligation to provide the necessary means to combat the serious consequences of overconsumption, pollution and carbon emissions, which threaten to undo our achievements aimed at protecting the environment and securing the well-being of our peoples. we continue to expect the united nations to spearhead the efforts for technical assistance and to advance continued dialogue. suriname is deeply concerned with regard to the basis on which countries in development are classified in the international financial institutional framework. such classifications, without due consultations, negatively affect the type and level of assistance that a country can receive from international financial institutions. we can only characterize those decisions as undemocratic and as a virtual punishment of our achievements in improving our socioeconomic situation. in conclusion, i wish to solemnly declare that suriname will always put its faith in multilateralism through its unwavering support for the principles and objectives enshrined in the charter of the united nations.

please allow me, like preceding speakers, to extend to you, his excellency mr. humayun rasheed choudhury, on behalf of the people of guinea and of general lansana conte, head of the military committee for national recovery, president of the republic and head of state, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the general assembly at the forty-first session. i am convinced that his mastery of international issues, his wisdom and his outstanding personal qualities constitute a guarantee that our deliberations will be successful. i should like also to extend my whole-hearted congratulations and appreciation to his predecessor, mr. jaime de pinies, who so competently and diligently guided the proceedings of the fortieth session. my delegation would like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to our secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar for the perseverance and foresight he has demonstrated in defense of the cardinal principles of the united nations charter, always with the object of giving the organization the impact commensurate with the noble aspirations of the international community. his annual report this year objectively describes the current situation of our organization. the political and economic evolution of the present-day world certainly does not inspire optimism. on the contrary, in spite of legal instruments developed by member states to make their relations sounder in an atmosphere of harmony and sincere co-operation, we are witnessing a multiplication of hotbeds of tension, acts of aggression, an unbridled arms race and mistrust in international relations. in the economic field, a rising tide of protectionism, injustice in trade and a worsening of the foreign debt of the developing countries all threaten international solidarity and hinder the development of the third-world countries. the system of collective security established by the charter is constantly obstructed, since the normal functioning of the security council, the organ that has the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, requires in the first place a minimum of trust among the great powers. rare are the issues on which the council succeeds in reaching a decision and when it does succeed it is not able to implement its own decisions. this is the tragic case with namibia and also with the middle east. furthermore, while it was created in order to prevent conflicts and to stop tensions from mounting, the united nations is no longer able to alleviate the consequences of those conflicts, being unable to tackle their causes because of the paralysis of the security council. thus africa, asia and latin america have today become the distressing arena of tension and rivalry in the contemporary world, prompting many states to arm themselves even beyond their means and thus heightening insecurity throughout the world. in fact, behind a facade of international gatherings and in spite of a degree of consultations never before seen in history, the community of which we form part seems engaged in a retrenchment towards isolated national entities. the united nations is confronted with an unprecedented political and financial crisis which makes it more difficult for it to carry out correctly the tasks entrusted to it and which narrows its field of action. it is time, here as in other areas, for the international community to assume its responsibilities with a view to ensuring respect for the charter. therefore genuine political will is required on the part of all, in order to bring about positive changes which may inspire greater trust in international relations. i should like now to turn my attention to a few specific problems to which my country, the republic of guinea, attaches great importance. indeed, guinea is convinced that the policy of detente will remain devoid of real significance if it is limited in its geographical bounds and its scope. peaceful relations between the east and the west are certainly a necessary condition for international peace and security but they are not enough unless complemented by peaceful relations in the rest of the world. for that reason, on the african continent, the obduracy of the pretoria government in carrying out its policy of racial repression, in spite of the relevant resolutions of the general assembly and the security council, constitutes an affront to our organization. in the case of south africa we are faced with a unique paradox. the only regime in the present-day world which is fascist in inspiration, it benefits nevertheless, almost unconditionally, from the support of certain countries which at the same time proclaim themselves indefatigable guarantors of respect for and promotion of human rights and democratic principles. it is because of the multinational firms and the support of certain countries that the pretoria racists have been able since [number] to maintain that anachronistic system of apartheid. we are convinced that a combination of internal and external pressure through the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions, under chapter vii of the charter of the united nations, remains the only way to make it possible for a democratic and multiracial society to be established peacefully in south africa. the republic of guinea, while strongly condemning the repeated acts of aggression by the hateful pretoria regime against the neighboring and front-line states, once again expresses its unconditional support for and solidarity with the struggle of the people of south africa under the guidance of its different national liberation movements. we request the unconditional liberation of nelson mandela and all other political detainees. as far as namibia is concerned, resolution [number] [number] of the security council remains the sole framework for the settlement of the namibian question. it is up to the united nations to ensure that it is fully and unconditionally implemented and thus to prevent all attempts to distort the process of decolonizing the territory. in this respect it is important to recall that namibia is no sense a question of east-west relations, as some try to have us believe. it is purely and simply a question of decolonization, in which the international community has a great responsibility. bearing this situation in mind, the republic of guinea will continue to give and strengthen its support for the south west africa people's organization swapo , the sole and legitimate representative of the namibian people, in its national liberation struggle. we also believe that that independence must in no way be linked to a prior withdrawal of cuban troops from angola, which is, as far as we are concerned, a question of national sovereignty. in addition to southern africa, there are many other focal points of tension on the african continent. in connection with western sahara, only the organization of a referendum on self-determination for the sahraoui peoples, in accordance with the resolution of the eighteenth session of the summit conference of the heads of state or government of the organization of african unity oau and resolution [number] xv of the general assembly, could make it possible for a definitive solution to be found to the crisis. in this connection, my delegation appreciates the efforts made by the oau and the secretariat of our organization, which have mediated between the different parties to the conflict. with respect to chad, the government of the republic of guinea believes that the withdrawal of all foreign troops and non-interference in the internal affairs of that country constitute a prerequisite for the establishment of a climate of peace, harmony and reconciliation among our chad brothers. we commend all the efforts made by the government of chad in this noble effort at reconciliation under oau auspices. as for the horn of africa, the talks that have been undertaken between somalia and ethiopia allow a measure of optimism that peace may be established in the sub-region. while guinea encourages such initiatives, it feels that peace will be lasting only if the states of the sub-region overcome their differences in the higher interests of their respective peoples. given the injustices suffered by the palestinian people, the republic of guinea reaffirms its staunch support for that martyred people in its struggle for recognition and the exercise of its right to existence and national identity under the leadership of the palestine liberation organization plo , its sole and legitimate representative. we support the appeal made for the urgent convening of an international conference on the middle east, with the effective participation of all parties concerned and, especially, that of the plo. the conflict between iran and iraq remains of concern to the international community and especially the member states of the islamic conference. as a member of that organization and of the islamic peace committee, the republic of guinea sincerely hopes that the parties to the conflict will demonstrate goodwill so as to put an end to that fratricidal war. in connection with the question of cyprus, my country, while it hopes for the restoration of a climate of understanding and harmony in cyprus, continues to gives its complete support to the positive action of our organization for a just and lasting solution. the situation prevailing in afghanistan and in kampuchea constitutes a source of concern to the international community. the republic of guinea, faithful to the guiding principles of non-alignment, the organization of african unity, and the united nations charter, opposes all foreign interference in the internal affairs of those two states, which should be allowed in full freedom to determine the political system of their choice. in this respect, we believe that the eight-point document prepared by the coalition government of democratic kampuchea may constitute a basis of negotiations for a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the problem of kampuchea. in connection with korea, my delegation hopes that an atmosphere of brotherhood and understanding will be established in that country in which the people, who have suffered division and mistrust for a long time, have accomplished notable progress towards reunification. the people of guinea and its government welcome the many initiatives taken to ensure the independent and peaceful reunification of korea, as well as the transformation of the korean peninsula into a nuclear-free, peaceful zone. likewise, in central america the peaceful settlement of conflicts should go side by side with regional guarantees for security with respect to the sovereignty of states. may the contadora and support groups be assured of the support and esteem of the people of guinea for their efforts towards the restoration of peace and socio-economic development in the region. i wish at this time to touch on economic issues which are of more concern than ever before. we deplore the fact that efforts of the international community to structure more equitable relations between the developed and the developing countries have not been more successful. in fact, forced to curb their development efforts because of the combined effects of the decline in the prices of exported goods and the increases in the cost of imported industrialized goods, most of the developing countries have recorded a considerable reduction in per capita income, and some of them are on the brink of economic bankruptcy, with disastrous consequences on the economic and social progress of their population. the factors that have made their situation worse and led to a standstill and even a considerable decrease in production are now familiar to all. they are primarily a drop in the real value of public aid to development, monetary instability, fluctuation of exchange rates, a high interest rate, a steady deterioration in the terms of trade, and a virtual disintegration of the multilateral trade system, strict lending policies on the part of financial institutions, the heavy debt and debt servicing burden, as well as protectionism on the part of the developed countries. the north-south dialog has become bogged down and has reached a dead end in all forums of the united nations system. some countries have even pitted some organs of the system against others, as though deliberations on international trade, industrialization, finances - for example, in the united nations conference on trade and development unctad and the united nations industrial development organization unido - were encroaching on the competence of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt or the international monetary fund imf , while in feet the activities of all these organizations are complementary and closely interrelated. such an attitude reflects a challenge by many countries to multilateralism and their relegation of the fundamental problems of underdevelopment to second place in their concerns. it is because of the distressing situation which our continent faces that, in may, the special session to consider the critical economic situation of our continent was held. it gave rise to great hope for our peoples and governments, and provided an appropriate framework to further sensitize world public opinion on the problems confronting africa. we urgently appeal to the entire international conn unity to make the contribution requested of it to ensure effective implementation of the priority economic recovery program for [number] to [number] that the peoples and the governments of africa are committed to carrying out. the demands of development in our various nations make it more than ever necessary to commit ourselves to resumption of the north-south dialog and global negotiations and the promotion of south-south co-operation, especially in the fields of science, technology and technological expertise, so as to encourage the kind of dialog that will ensure for our states collective self-reliance and harmonious, balanced, interdependent development. i should like to express my government's appreciation to the international community and international institutions, from which the republic of guinea has had active support in the implementation of its economic and institutional recovery program. another equally disturbing subject is that of disarmament and international security. astronomical sums which could be used for economic purposes are used each year for the production of new, more sophisticated and more destructive weapons at a time when millions of human beings throughout the world are dying of hunger, disease and malnutrition. it is essential that the nuclear powers begin genuine negotiations in an atmosphere of complete trust with a view to achieving general and complete disarmament, and that outer space is exploited for peaceful purposes only. with this position in mind, my country encourages and desires more contacts and negotiations among the nuclear powers to promote detente in international relations, especially between east and west. furthermore, my country believes that, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the organization of african unity oau and the united nations, africa must be kept outside the arms race. it is the fervent hope of the republic of guinea that the future of human beings in a more calm international atmosphere, free of any nuclear threat, will be guaranteed. in the course of its [number] years of existence the united nations has done effective work to reaffirm the purposes and principles of the charter. the role and importance of the organization in an international atmosphere of conflict have been sufficiently demonstrated. that is why we believe that it is more necessary than ever before to strengthen the role of our organization to enable it to be both more effective and operational. the democratic order which we cannot renounce and which is based on the equality of all sovereign states finds its ideal expression in the multilateral system. it is in this conviction that guinea reaffirms its support for the united nations as an instrument in the service of the higher interests of mankind as represented by a world of peace and progress in which man develops in freedom and justice.

mr. president, permit me to congratulate you, in the name of the ghana delegation, on your election to the highest office of the general assembly and, for that matter, of our organisation. your qualifications, experience and proven diplomatic skill assure us of a vary rewarding and successful tenure. it gives us added pleasure. in view of the close and cordial relations between our two countries, to see you presiding over this session. we wish to assure you of our cooperation at all times. i should also like to place on record our appreciation of the devoted commitment to duty which your predecessor demonstrated during his entire tenure. as chairman of the group of [number], we had the opportunity to work closely with mr. guido de marco and we wish to note the impressiveness of his firm grasp of the intricate issues of multilateral diplomacy and his ability to create consensus out of seemingly irreconcilable positions. when we last met here to reflect on the international situation, the high hopes of the world for peace and development after the relaxation of cold-war tensions risked being dashed in the face of the threat of war in the gulf. in spite of world-wide appeals for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, sadly, war broke out. the damage that the war has caused to man and his environment is yet to be fully assessed. the immediate consequences of the war - many dead, the untold suffering of the bereaved, the displaced and the dispossessed, the unparalleled environmental degradation that the burning fires of kuwait inflict on the region - testify to the fragility of a world that builds its peace on might alone or solely on the concept of deterrence. that the war occurred at all reminds us of the distance that still lies before us on the road to full international peace and security. he are compelled to work diligently for the establishment of a truly just international order founded on the noble and valid principles enshrined in the charter of our organisation, an order that will command and enjoy general legitimacy. the time for such an order is very much now. the end of the global ideological division has unbound many promises. from grass roots to leaders in eastern europe, the yearning has been articulated for a greater and more rewarding interaction with the rest of the world. another significant step forward towards securing international peace and security was achieved when president bush and president gorbachev signed the strategic arms reduction treaty start on [number] july this year in moscow to reduce their stocks of intercontinental ballistic missiles. he congratulate them and urge them to strive towards involving all nuclear states in order to rid our world of such deadly weapons and offer assurance against their proliferation or manufacture by others. a reunited germany has now taken its place in the world and is poised to become an important factor for peace and development. the peoples of yemen have put behind them years of misunderstanding and now stand united in one country, the republic of yemen. independent namibia has consolidated its political freedom as a valuable member of our world body. he have at this session witnessed the admission of seven new members into our organisation as sovereign independent states. he take this opportunity to welcome them warmly and we share their pride and aspirations. he hope that their membership in our organization will provide the democratic people's republic of korea and the republic of korea with yet another forum for dialogue and shared understanding that will pave the way to the eventual unification of the two koreas. the forces of change that the and of the cold war has unleashed upon the world continue to make their impact across the entire globe. the conflict in angola appears to be coming to an end. in cambodia, the momentum that the united nations peace plan generated is gathering speed. tentative steps towards peace in afghanistan and el salvador are evident. we must also note with appreciation the initiative president bush has taken to bring a more-lasting peace to cyprus. the situation of "no peace, no war", though preferable to an outbreak of war, cannot prevail forever. we call on all concerned to cooperate in this laudable initiative. under the aegis of the united nations, western sahara has hopefully entered the last stage of a final, definitive solution. we call upon both sides to give the united nations-sponsored programme a chance to usher peace into the region. in liberia, the efforts of ecomog, the military observer group of the economic community of west african states ecowas , have helped to halt the senseless killing that threatened to tear the country apart. we call upon the international community to provide the necessary material and financial support for this international effort. above all, we wish to appeal to the leaders of the various factions in liberia to seek resolution of their differences without further recourse to arms. the seemingly intractable middle east crisis has begun to respond to some important initiatives. it is a matter of course that durable peace can only be achieved through the involvement of all parties, including the palestine liberation organization, in the negotiating process. the spirit of cooperation and dialogue that has prevailed over the atmosphere of confrontation and mutual recrimination has presented the united nations with new opportunities. the enhanced role that the organisation has been called upon to play in the efforts of member states to build a solid foundation for peace and development has been innovative and exciting. he wish to place on record our sincere appreciation for the work of our secretary general, mr. peres de cuellar, and his team of dedicated assistants in the cause of world peace and development. although the end of the cold war has benefited the cause of peace all over the world, much remains to be done to secure this peace. with regard to the nations around which some of the big powers have placed economic blockades, we wish to state that the end of the cold war calls for the expansion of detente, for dialogue and discourse, so that all nations can become part of a global family in which none shall be castigated for holding views that are contrary to the dominant concepts of government and economic management. today, south africa stands knocking at the door to be allowed to re-enter the comity of nations. the repeal of the legislative pillars of apartheid, at least in theory, indicates that apartheid is in the process of being dismantled. the scrapping of the infamous population registration act has established the possibility for basic equality in south africa. the people of south africa, however, are yet to enjoy an atmosphere conducive to free and meaningful negotiation. the recent disclosures about the clandestine military and financial support given by the national party regime to the inkatha movement and the state-supported violence against members of the african national congress have confirmed our often-stated doubts about the total and unquestionable commitment of the regime to the complete eradication of apartheid. it in thus a matter of regret and concern to the people and the government of ghana that certain member states of the united nations have unilaterally decided to suspend the measures agreed upon and affirmed by consensus by the organisation in the declaration on apartheid and its destructive consequences in southern africa, adopted on [number] december [number] at the sixteenth special session of the general assembly. it has often been said that general assembly resolutions have no binding effect and that they are largely recommendations to member states. however, the credibility of the organisation requires that member states endeavour to comply with conclusions reached in a democratic way. he expect this session to reach conclusions that would not countenance any attempt designed to perpetuate apartheid in any other form. he need not equivocate on our abhorrence of racism and racial discrimination in any guise. he have to remind the racist regime continuously of our determination to ensure the eradication of apartheid. this is a moral responsibility from which we cannot escape. at the same time, we must not forget the senseless killings in mozambique initiated by apartheid south africa. every effort has to be made to secure the cooperation of the mozambique national resistance renamo rebels in the search for peace. the manifestations of ethnic rivalry, particularly in europe, would test to the limit the spirit of tolerance and mutual understanding that should mark the post-cold-war era. he welcome the efforts being made to bring peace to the friendly state of yugoslavia. similarly, it is our view that satisfactory arrangements should be made to guarantee peace in the union of soviet socialist republics. this peace, it is our hope, will be based on the need to preserve the brotherly ties that link the republics of that great country. it will only serve the cause of global disorder if the rest of the world is heard or seen to be supporting the forces of anarchy and disunity in that country. while our efforts at disarmament and the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts must continue, these efforts in themselves cannot offer lasting solutions unless we tackle another fundamental threat to international peace and security - namely, global poverty. the statistics on world poverty provided by a number of institutions, including those in the united nations system, such as the world bank, the international monetary fund and the united nations department of international economic and social affairs diesa , continue to be disturbing. in its global economic prospects and the developing countries [number], the world bank persuasively demonstrates the growing interdependence of the economies of industrialised and developing countries. for their [number] per cent share of world trade and output, the industrialised countries depend upon the developing countries for one quarter of their export sales, one fifth of their primary commodity inputs and nearly one half of their petroleum supplies. sixty per cent of the trade and [number] per cent of the primary commodity inputs of the developing countries lie with the industrialised countries. yet [number] per cent of world income is produced and consumed by [number] per cent of the world's population in the industrialized countries. the competition that has been forced upon [number] per cent of the world's population for the remaining [number] per cent of world income has consigned [number] least developed countries to an average annual per capita income of [number]. this stands in striking contrast to the average annual per capita income of [number], [number] in the industrialized countries. ghana the impact of technological innovation in the industrialised countries will doubtless widen this gap. assessments by international agencies point to the dangers of this ever-widening world disparity. in its overall perspective of the world economy up to the year [number], diesa foresees the prevalence of a state of disequilibrium, with internal and external imbalances in most regions. the world bank suggest that the divergent patterns of growth observed in the 1980s will probably continue into the next decade. and the economic commission for africa eca has already described the 1980s as a "lost decade" to the member states of its region. the [number] per cent of the world's population that lives on [number] per cent of the world's income are not asking the world's [number] per cent for charity. we do recognise our primary and ultimate responsibility for our own development. there is clear evidence that in many instances some of us have achieved in decades what it took some of the industrialized countries centuries to achieve. some have adopted socially and politically difficult economic restructuring and reform measures. it is increasing factor of external influences that are beyond our control has, moreover, inhibited these efforts. the international economic order, including the global financial and trade arrangements, that we were ushered into at independence still exploits our economies. our restructuring and reform measures have in most cases resulted in increased production and productivity, but with diminishing returns. the unfavourable terms of trade, marked by falling commodity prices and increasing prices of industrial goods and services, coupled with high fiscal deficits in the industrialized countries and high international interest rates, have made debt-servicing a major burden on our fragile economies. in a situation where from [number] per cent to [number] per cent of export earnings are diverted into debt-servicing, the prospect of many of our economies regressing into a state of subsistence is not idle speculation. the concern that the international community, through the general assembly, has shown over the accelerating degradation of the global environment and the drug menace should encourage us to appreciate the unsustainability of the world's development models and life-styles. while in the industrialised countries it is prosperity that is at the root of environmental degradation, in the developing countries it is poverty that accounts for that state of affairs. the depletion of the ozone layer that leads to global warming is the direct consequence of industrialization in the developed world. in the developing world, the necessity to eke out existence from the land and water has shown up as desertification and pollution. the beijing declaration of june this year aptly recognized that the inequities in current international economic relations not only have constrained the economic development of the developing countries, but have also undermined their capability to participate effectively in global environmental efforts. resolution [number] [number], which the general assembly adopted last year, provided relevant guidelines for global discussions on the transfer of technology and financial resources, and should safely guide our discussions preparatory to and during the international conference on environment and development. it is again poverty in the developing countries that largely explains the resort to drug trafficking. ghana has, without hesitation, joined in the international effort against the drug menace. we have passed laws that prescribe severe penalties, including confiscation of property, huge monetary fines and long prison terms. we have also adopted policy measures aimed at the rehabilitation of addicts and at discouraging the production and use of drugs. me are, however, not unmindful of the fact that the success of the global efforts depends on an overall balanced growth of the world economy. a world that sincerely desires peace would have to rethink its attitude towards the present global economic imbalances. poverty is a grim enemy of peace. within the framework of gains from the demise of the cold war, we must strive to change the unfair international economic order. first of all, developing countries have to be relieved of the debt burden. both the debt stock and the debt service must be reduced or eliminated completely. the recommendations of the secretary-general's expert group on africa's debt would have to be given serious consideration. moreover, all measures that would stabilise commodity prices and promote the transfer of financial resources and technology to the mutual benefit of the industrialised and the developing countries will have to be taken. it is important to stress the inextricable links between political and economic developments at the international level, to underscore the need to make full use of the present favourable international situation and to lay the foundation for a lasting peace. it is tempting, for some, to see the ideological collapse of eastern europe as a victory for the inequitable global economic system that consigns the majority of the world to poverty. it has been remarked, more than once, that the industrial countries do not need the developing countries. there is nothing further from the truth. developing countries may not command the arsenals of destruction that compel attention, but we are an essential part of a common interdependent world. that interdependent world calls for increasing solidarity and cooperation. and nowhere is this more poignantly reflected than in the accra declaration of the non-aligned movement, which examines a world in transition from diminishing confrontation to increasing cooperation. recognising that the unprecedented new vistas for peace demand new strategies of cooperation, the non-aligned movement, which is today the council of the majority, pledges to do what such cooperation in fairness requires of members of the movement as we demand what justice and equity entitle us to. the accra declaration places new emphasis on the eradication of poverty, hunger, malnutrition and illiteracy. it urges the international community to match its will, determination and resources against these enemies of humanity. the declaration calls, in that regard, for special attention to be paid to the monumental problems of africa, which the world ignores at its peri1. the non-aligned perception of a new system of international relations is one which is rooted in the principles of the united nations charter, and in whose crafting the hon-aligned movement, the council of the majority, needs to play a more important and effective role, if that new system is to command legitimacy and acceptance. the new world order does not call for the capitulation of the third world to any super-power even in a unipolar world, and the hon-aligned movement has no room for those who covet the distinction of being wards of super-powers. at accra, the hon-aligned movement reaffirmed the continued relevance of the movement as a free association of sovereign, independent states which recognise that there are third-world political and economic concerns that must be reflected on the international agenda. as part of that agenda, the conference included the promotion of political pluralism and respect for human rights, whatever some detractors may say to the contrary. however, there is no basis for making the promotion of these values new conditionalities for international economic cooperation. and it must be admitted that the notion that development is not possible without them has no historical foundation. in the non-aligned perception of a new world order, a revitalized north-south dialogue becomes urgent and compelling. the group of [number], which ghana is honoured to lead this year, stands ready to engage in constructive negotiations with the developed countries on the basis, we hope, of the shared objective of making the international economic order just and equitable so that all can realize their legitimate aspirations for better standards of living. the accra declaration of the non-aligned movement is not alone in recognizing the primacy of development to international peace and security. in its the world development report [number], the world bank vividly captures the mood of the times when it opens its [number]-page report with the sentence "development is the most important challenge facing the human race". the new encyclical "centesimus annus" of pope john paul ii actions this same opinion when it states ". . . the new name for peace is development. just as there is a collective responsibility for avoiding war, so too there is a collective responsibility for promoting development. " in the discharge of that collective responsibility, let us not see some of us as irritating and nagging intruders, parasites or lazy people seeking only to consume what others have produced. developing countries only ask for the right to development within a just international economic order. that if also most vital for a peaceful world.

on behalf of the delegation of the democratic people's republic of korea, please allow me to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the presidency of the sixtieth session of the general assembly. i should also like to congratulate your predecessor, mr. jean ping, minister for foreign affairs of the gabonese republic, on his commendable work as president at the previous session. i look forward to the successful outcome of this session. my appreciation also goes to secretary- general kofi annan for his tireless efforts aimed at reforming the organization to bring about multilateralism centred on the united nations in conformity with the demands of the current changed situation. five years ago, when the millennium summit adopted its declaration of peace, poverty eradication and respect for human rights, humankind sincerely hoped that, with the dawn of a new century, peace and prosperity would take hold around the world. however, despite the adoption of that declaration and the aspirations of humankind, the world is today being drawn further into a vortex of instability and fear due to unilateralism and the highhandedness of the super- power. on one side of the world, voices yearning for peace, poverty eradication and sustainable development continue to grow while on the other side provocative acts such as armed invasion and the threat [number] of pre-emptive nuclear attack are being committed openly against sovereign states. in north-east asia alone, with the korean peninsula at its centre, adventurous military attempts continue unabated, aggravating tension in the region, as does the strengthening of strategic military alliances, the large-scale introduction of highly sophisticated weapons and operational equipment, the establishment of missile defence systems and ulchi focus lens-[number] military exercises for pre-emptive strikes. the current situation is becoming increasingly acute due to arbitrariness on the part of unilateralist forces. that urgently requires that member states undertake a joint effort to bring about multilateralism centred on the united nations on the basis of respect for the principles of sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and mutual benefit. as is well known, peace and stability on the korean peninsula are directly linked to peace and security in the north-east asian region and the rest of the world. as we have seen in recent years, the situation on the korean peninsula is once again part of a vicious circle of tension and d tente that is preventing the establishment of durable peace and stability. the primary cause for that lies in the national division forced upon us by foreign forces and the extremely hostile policy of the super-power towards the democratic people's republic of korea. the democratic people's republic of korea's policy of songun jongchi - which is to say, to give priority to military affairs - is aimed primarily at coping with the attempts of the united states to suffocate the democratic people's republic of korea, which constitute a real threat. the songun policy administered by the respected general kim jong il is the basic safeguard for our sovereignty from the constant threat of the united states and for preventing another war on the korean peninsula, thereby ensuring peace and security in north-east asia. this year, the north and the south of korea together significantly commemorated the fifth anniversary of the announcement of the [number] june north- south joint declaration, as well as the sixtieth anniversary of korea's liberation, thereby setting a new stage for the attainment of overall national unity and the realization of the cause of national reunification independently and peacefully under the theme our nation itself . the government of our republic will also make every possible effort in the future to bring about independent national reunification as soon as possible, achieve lasting peace and stability on the korean peninsula and bring about the nation's common prosperity by thoroughly implementing the [number] june north-south joint declaration. with a view to facilitating better understanding on the part of member states and making positive contributions to the work of the current session, i would like to refer to the principled position and sincere efforts of our republic regarding a fair solution of the nuclear issue between the democratic people's republic of korea and the united states. the government of our republic has consistently adhered to its position of addressing the nuclear issue peacefully, through dialogue and negotiations. as everyone knows, the nuclear issue is a direct product of the hostile policy of the united states against the democratic people's republic of korea during more than half a century. given that, driven by extreme hostility towards the democratic people's republic of korea, the united states has gone as far as designating our country as part of an axis of evil and making it a potential target for pre-emptive nuclear strikes, thereby militarily threatening our security, our country has been compelled to possess a self-defensive nuclear deterrent as a means of safeguarding our national dignity and sovereignty. in circumstances in which the united states, the sole world super-power, is looking down on us and threatening to use nuclear weapons, the democratic people's republic of korea - a country with a small territory and population - has no alternative but to possess a strong and legitimate means of self-defence. as we have clarified time and again, the ultimate goal of the democratic people's republic of korea with regard to the nuclear issue is the denuclearization of the korean peninsula. the denuclearization of the korean peninsula was called for by president kim il sung, the fatherly leader of our people. the [number] north-south joint declaration on the denuclearization of the korean peninsula and the [number] agreed framework between the democratic people's republic of korea and the united states are manifestations of the invariable political will of the government of the republic to denuclearize the korean peninsula by all means. [number] during the recent fourth round of six-party talks in beijing, we approached discussions seriously and with magnanimity and a principled, fair and above- board position to achieve our consistent final goal of the denuclearization of the korean peninsula at any cost, thereby enabling the talks to come up with an agreement on the principles to that end as part of a broad framework to overcome all challenges. the joint statement issued at that meeting reflects our principled position on the resolution of the nuclear issue. at the same time, it also clearly specifies the obligations of the united states and south korea as the parties responsible for the denuclearization of the entire korean peninsula. as we have clarified more than once, there will be no need for the democratic people's republic of korea to keep a single nuclear weapon if relations are normalized between our country and the united states, bilateral confidence is built and the democratic people's republic of korea is not exposed to the united states nuclear threat any longer. what is most essential at this stage is for the united states to provide light-water reactors to the democratic people's republic of korea as soon as possible as evidence of the former's substantial recognition of the latter's right to peaceful nuclear activities. we shall watch closely how the united states acts in reality during the action for action phase. our country's government will continue to be patient and to do its best to bring about the denuclearization of the korean peninsula. if the united nations is to fulfil its mission to ensure international peace and security and economic and social development, it should be reformed in conformity with the demands of the new century. that is the unanimous view of the international community. in that regard, it is important that we take a multilateral approach centred on the united nations and in line with the purposes and principles of the charter. to that end, efforts should be made to, inter alia, prevent unilateralism and high-handedness leading to violations of the charter and of international law, and to ensure that the functions and role of the united nations in addressing major international issues remain pivotal. disputes should be resolved peacefully, through dialogue and negotiation. the unilateral use of force can never be justified in any case. such actions as authorizing specific countries to launch pre-emptive attacks on the pretext of preventing conflicts should not be viewed as strengthening the collective security system of the united nations and should therefore be rejected, as they are dangerous attempts to ignore both the principles of non-interference in others' internal affairs, as well as respect for sovereignty, as stipulated in the charter. secondly, all important international issues should be addressed fairly and reasonably, in the interests of the overwhelming majority of member states. we should not allow them to be dominated or dealt with by the super-power or by a few powerful countries. in this context, we have been consistent in our insistence on the establishment of a system that mandates the general assembly to review and endorse security council resolutions relating to sanctions and the use of force that can affect international peace and security. the security council should be reformed on the basis of the principle of ensuring the full representation of the non-aligned and developing countries, which make up the overwhelming majority of member states. we should never tolerate the permanent membership of japan, which refuses to liquidate its past crimes against other countries, distorting its history of aggression and driving the regional situation towards confrontation. the reform of the united nations human rights machinery should take place in accordance with the demands of the majority of countries. in reforming the human rights machinery, the organization should consider its most pressing task and ultimate goal to be putting an end to infringement on national sovereignty, the politicization of human rights and the application of double standards and selectivity, which are the most serious human rights violations at present. like the reform of the security council, that reform effort should be carried out on the basis of the principle of ensuring the full representation of the non-aligned and developing countries that make up the overwhelming majority of the united nations membership. if that principle is ignored, the reform of the human rights machinery will remain just empty talk. worse still, if the establishment of the human rights council is aimed at legitimizing the high-handedness of a few countries on the pretext of human rights protection, the discussion itself will be completely meaningless. [number] the government of the democratic people's republic of korea will continue to make an active contribution to the efforts of member states to build a new, peaceful and prosperous world by further strengthening its friendly and cooperative relations with all countries that respect our national sovereignty in accordance with the ideal of independence, peace and friendship.

permit me, sir, before i begin my statement to express the profound sorrow that my country feels over the death of president sadat, a death which is a cause for grief among all peace-loving nations. [number]. mr. president, in you i greet one whose intellectual qualifications are worthy of the presidency of the assembly, and i welcome the fact that your election reflects a general tribute to the image of a centuries-old country which, in our day, maintains a cordial friendship with latin america. [number]. ecuador extends a friendly welcome to the new members of the united nations and offers them its support in achieving their goals and overcoming their problems. [number]. the principles that govern international life are well known and my government fully respects them. those principles are contained in the charter of the united nations, or which, being fully in accord with its aims, require reinforcement through acts of conduct that will give them effective force in the international field. in that regard, i would point out that my country attaches the utmost importance to the strengthening of the principles of non-intervention, self-determination of peoples, the equality of states in law, ideological pluralism, repudiation of any form of racial discrimination, condemnation of colonialism and neocolonialism, respect for legally concluded agreements, rejection of any form of aggression, non-validity of territorial conquests obtained through the threat or use of force, and peaceful settlement of disputes. [number]. with regard to a principle as fundamental as that of respect for human rights, ecuador not only believes in it and practices it, but also maintains the need for its universal application and above all for a general adherence to it and recognition that all the regimes of the world are morally obliged to accept it. in fact my country maintains that in the various international forums and organizations, no representative should, take a public stand on how far human rights are respected in other nations without first reporting on the situation with regard to those rights in his own country. [number]. i particularly wish to mention freedom of speech. ecuador is a representative, republican democracy with free elections for the three branches of government it has no political prisoners, no martial law, and it gives generous hospitality to those seeking asylum, exiled or fleeing from brother countries. it also prides itself on having absolutely unlimited respect for freedom of opinion, allowing access to any source of information and absolute freedom for newsmen to travel anywhere in the national territory and to enter or leave it. ecuador's view of the debate during the last few decades about the idea of freedom of the press is that it is better to have great latitude rather than restrictions, and my government prefers to surround the owner as well as the editor and the reporter with guarantees. ecuador is proud to report that its media enjoy the right of dissent, within a broad democratic framework where, of course, the political parties, both in-side and outside congress, are respected in accordance with their own decisions on their degree of co-operation, independence or opposition. moreover, the government of ecuador believes there is a clear choice and instead of dictatorship, which provides safeguards and privileges for the ruling regime, it prefers the democratic system, where strains and discomforts are absorbed by the executive branch in the interests of the well-being of the majority. [number]. that is a principle that is backed by ethical concepts and it is also the most solid basis for any legal argument in the international field. a [number] pv. [number] [number]. while registering the gratitude of the ecuadorian people for the expressions of solidarity received from abroad on the occasion of the tragic death of president jaime roldos, i must also mention the fact that ecuador's democracy has functioned steadily following that unforeseen and regrettable event. the vice-president, mr. osvaldo hurtado, a university professor, politician and writer of broad experience, well versed in the study of our national circumstances, elected to his office by a popular vote, assumed the presidency in accordance with strict constitutional norms, and the congress appointed as vice-president of the republic, by a majority and in conformity with the law, leon roldos, a lawyer, an expert in economic and monetary matters, and one long familiar with the subjects relating to national development. i am therefore pleased to state that the restoration of democracy in my country has suffered no setbacks, nor is there any legal or political reason to justify or foresee any in the future. [number]. ecuador believes that the problems of regions other than the americas which fall within the ambit of interests of the united nations are governed by the same principles. to be specific, three pillars should uphold the legal structure that should be formed by the resolutions and actions of the united nations, namely, the withdrawal of foreign troops from wherever they may be the return of territories occupied by force and free elections so that the people may exercise their capacity for self-determination and go forward by themselves to meet their destiny. [number]. of course, those are the same norms that inspired the recent ecuadorian statement on el salvador. my government maintains that "it is up to the salvadorians alone to find a polity, , and democratic solution to their problems, free from any kind of foreign intervention, either direct or indirect. within a traditionally ecuadorian conduct opposed to violence, this statement means a condemnation of any possible military solution. " [number]. ecuador, which in its domestic affairs respects and practices ideological pluralism and in the international field is ruled by the same guidelines and maintains relations with all kinds of countries, has since the inauguration of the present constitutional government extended its relations to more than [number] nations of the caribbean, africa and asia. those principles governed its entry into the non-aligned movement, the members of which i greet cordially, while reaffirming that the international conduct of the ecuadorian government will continue to be independent and that it will not submit to any directives of the hegemonic blocs of the world, since the autonomy of our decisions and daily exercise of freedom are as deeply rooted in us as our continuous struggle for justice. [number]. my country associates itself with those most characterized by their attachment to peace. that spirit, which is the inheritance of centuries, and our concept of the dignity of man make it inconceivable to us that scientific development, the world's industrial structure and the economic power of a few nations should be oriented towards warlike purposes. such a prospect is even more fearsome if one recalls that in industrial societies man has reached the absurd extreme of producing and storing some [number], [number] nuclear bombs capable of exterminating the human race [number] times over. it is therefore urgently necessary to establish a continuous warning system so that mankind may recover a certain measure of good sense, for if it should come to the extreme of arguing in favor of certain recent weapons that they destroy only human beings, that would amount to declaring that human existence is subordinate to the armaments business. [number]. the unbelievably high military expenditure, which now amounts to well over [number] million a minute, is the real cause of inflation, of the disturbance of the very concept of international trade, and of distortion of the principles at the basis of economic activity, which is currently being conducted by those arms merchants. [number]. consistent with that reasoning is the clear condemnation of the policy of increasing military expenditure in developing countries, particularly those whose confidence that they can impose solutions to their external problems stems from their belief that they have a greater military capacity than their neighbors. [number]. among the theaters of confrontation that represent a threat to the world is namibia. in that connection, as in others, my country's position is clear. the foreign troops that are occupying that territory are committing an act of rebellion against the united nations and are the accomplices of apartheid, one of thitworst forms of discrimination and racism. therefore south africa, a power typified by its violations of international law, must move without delay to accept the independence of namibia in accordance with security council resolution [number] [number] , a just, solid and practicable basis for the solution of that serious problem. [number]. lebanon is a pathetic example of wars imported by elements foreign to the spirit of the peoples in whose territories the conflicts take place. the lebanese people are being martyred and it is the responsibility of all, and particularly the united nations, to put an end to this. my government fully understands that unfortunately the solution of the lebanese tragedy depends to a great extent on measures that must be taken by all the peoples of the middle east. that is why we reiterate the basic principles applicable to the region, principles which in this case constitute also norms of procedure the right of all states, including israel, to existence and security the need for solutions concerning all the peoples, particularly the palestinian people the condemnation of all forms of violence and of the retention of territories occupied by force and the need to settle disputes by peaceful means. [number]. perhaps all the world's dramas are rooted in the situation i shall now present. one of the major frustrations of the poor, who make up the majority of the world's population, consists in the persistence of economic injustices from which the affluent societies derive a profit. this generates deep resentment, acute tension and the misunderstandings between the industrialized countries of the north and the countries of the south. the objections of the former, which in international forums take advantage of the smallest preliminary points of procedure, not only hamper any kind of global strategy and common progress but also constitute a threat to the future of those same enclosed societies. if the forthcoming international meeting on co-operation and development at cancun does not succeed in opening the way and establishing at least some new guidelines for conduct, the united nations will continue to be a forum for the expression of vague hopes and concrete disappointments and will not open up the ways towards the new international economic order, the philosophy and program of action of which were adopted in [number] resolutions [number] s-vi and [number] s-vi . [number]. among the resources of primary interest in connection with which we wish to avoid title depredations and injustices of which we have been both witnesses and victims in the distribution of the world's wealth are, without doubt, the resources of the sea. ecuador attaches due importance to those resources, and it affirms that they are the heritage of the riparian states within the already historical limit of [number] miles. but it does not limit itself to that. it further maintains that the agreements will become a mere list of theoretical calculations unless the world powers are confronted with the firm and clear exercise of sovereignty by the riparian states over that area, sovereignty that encompasses the resources of the sea as well as those of the sea-bed and the ocean floor. [number]. my country will also more assiduously protect its rights to the finite natural resource of the increasingly occupied geostationary orbit. it will do so in conjunction with the other equatorial countries and in co-operation with other developing countries, in order to make a joint contribution in an area that vitally affects the future of our peoples. [number]. we are concerned that the space powers, in an expansionist manner, may be, for purposes of power competition, exploiting outer space, which should be conceived of as a zone of peace. the arms race already involves artificial earth satellites, which are being launched at the rate of three per week thus more than [number], [number] satellites of a military nature have been placed in orbit during the past decade. of the existing total of satellites, [number] per cent are for warlike purposes, according to the latest reports of the stockholm international peace research institute, which includes in that figure the functions of navigation, communications, meteorology, geodesy, remote sensing and anti-satellite capability. this alarming race must be halted and brought back within the normal evolution of the universe, instead of incurring the risks of a course that could be tragic not only for the space powers themselves, but for all the peoples that share this great spaceship called earth. [number]. casting a glance at what man is doing, or has already created, of which art is a prime example, ecuador calls for the restitution of cultural assets to their legitimate owners, even though their acquisition may have resulted from centuries-old spoliation, tantamount, in fact, to colonialism, a vestige of times long past. world-wide restorations by the powers involved to the native peoples that have created cultural eras could be initiated under the sponsorship of the united nations. in this regard, the direction given to the activities of unesco is praiseworthy, as are the incentives extended to those who support it. [number]. fortunately, there are signs of understanding between dissimilar societies when they resort to the framework of the united nations. an example of north-south co-operation in positive terms, although on a very small scale, is undp, with its flexible and co-ordinated action to meet the requirements of the developing world above all in the matter of the technological gap. ecuador has firmly supported the principle of universality on which undp is based, and has repeatedly appealed for increased voluntary contributions on the part of all countries, rich and poof alike. for its part, despite its financial constraints, my country has amply responded to the recommendation for a minimum increase of [number] percent per year a recommendation still being ignored by those who could most afford to respond. [number]. at the other, more fruitful, level of cooperation south-south ecuador has entered, this year, into a specific project of co-operation with the sister republic of equatorial guinea, with which we share a common heritage of spanish colonization. this is but one example of the activities which ecuador, a small country with limited economic capacity, has undertaken in co-operation with countries both within its region and in more distant latitudes. [number]. because of its intrinsic value for development, and because it is the best possible form of co-operation, we have faith in economic, social and cultural integration. for this reason, ecuador remains active in the andean group, where it seeks effective fulfillment of the commitments undertaken in respect of sectoral industrial development programs, as well as those concerning a common external tariff, the lowering of duties, the common treatment of foreign capital and, above all, the structuring of the andean tribunal of justice. we ecuadorians believe that the sub-regional process helps reduce the dependence of developing peoples, promote their harmonious progress and facilitate a consolidated position in international forums. [number]. we also believe that a prerequisite is the removal of real or potential threats among its members. in this respect, it is only natural that i should mention an issue that is of crucial importance to my nation. [number]. in his statement to the assembly 6th meeting , the foreign minister of peru made specific reference to the territorial problem that his country has with ecuador. on that occasion, the tone of the statement by the foreign minister of peru was conciliatory, and we ecuadorians and all latin americans must appreciate it, since it can be interpreted as a shift in attitude towards a peaceful line of conduct on the part of his government. that, assuredly, is something most worthy of note. [number]. on the substance itself, when he asks that an end be put to the problem by the placing of landmarks along a [number]-kilometer stretch, he is, while admitting that there is a disagreement, maintaining, in short, that the formula for a solution is ecuador's acceptance, [number] per cent, of peru's case. [number]. in a constructive spirit, it is pertinent to recall, among the main latin american problems related not only to the loss of territory but also to the historical exercise of sovereignty, the irrevocable rights of my country over the mara on, or amazon river, which it discovered, and part of whose basin it evangelized and civilized up to its banks, on the basis of the royal deed of [number]. [number]. i shall not tire the assembly with a review of the four continuous centuries of quitonian and ecuadorian presence in the mara on or amazon, and its basin. to avoid entering into this long and comprehensive review, i have submitted to the secretariat and to representatives a brief summary of the unsung heroic deeds of our religious communities and of our lay people, who devoted literally thousands of lives to the cause of the inclusion of the amazon region within what was then the audience of quito and which is today the republic of ecuador. [number]. the discovery of the amazon river by francisco de orellana took place within the framework of the continuous efforts which finally led to the inclusion of the mara on, or amazon river also called the river of quito in the geography of the world. [number]. the sequel to these efforts of discovery and colonization took concrete form in the royal deed of [number], which, by creating the audience of quito, at the same time recognized for it all of the territories to the east which it might discover or colonize, which was done for no other south american audience. [number]. thus it was that during the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the religious and secular citizens of quito navigated the napo, the pastaza, the morona, the santiago, the putumayo and other rivers, while populating amazonia. [number]. in order to counter the effects of this historical truth peru opposed the creation by ecuador of the see of the bishop of maynas by the royal deed of [number], which was not implemented, even in its religious aspect, since there was no territory. [number]. peru maintains that the discovery of the, amazon started from cuzco, but the route followed by orellana started from the very center of what is today our capital city. the route is a road that we use today to go to amazonia. a road where [number], [number] native citizens of the audience of quito died during the epic of [number]. [number]. i have emphasized the fact that this discovery, which was the result and the background of a long and sustained religious community effort, bears out the ecuadorian right, which is recognized by titles beginning with the deed of [number] through those of [number], [number], [number] and [number], and ending with the treaty of guayaquil of [number], following the declaration of marshal antonio jose de sucre, that victory grants no rights and justice must be the same before and after battle. [number]. in this same brotherly spirit i say that the instructions of the armed forces and those of the governments of all states must be positive. it makes no sense that peru's objective should be to ignore our right and prevent the attainment of the national objective embodied in the history and in the feelings of all our people namely, ecuador's amazonian destiny and its character as a riparian state of the river it discovered. it makes no sense that peru should have undertaken to confine ecuador by force of arms to the amazonian tributaries only up to the point where they become navigable. it cannot be said that a country is denied its right to such banks in a zone extending east of the cordillera del condor, when its own representatives in [number] acknowledged that "not a shadow of reason" could be adduced and that "nowhere is its right less defensible". with regard to that region, where the confrontations of early [number] took place, the foreign minister of peru himself publicly acknowledged at the organization of american states cms on [number] february [number] that his country as its first act of presence, established a military outpost in [number], that of cmvez valdivia, thereby admitting the truth of an old ecuadorian accusation, that peru had violated by force of arms the status quo of [number]. [number]. the protocol of rio de janeiro of [number] january [number], [number] the very text of which states that it was imposed by force, mentions for the said zone a divortium aquarum, a geographical feature which in reality does not exist. the words "cordillera del condor", the feature at which peru demands that the border be set, do not even appear in that treaty. the geographical reality of the zone was discovered in [number] through mapping done by the aerial photography service of the united states air force, and it was definitively confirmed by other later work. [number]. that fact is so irrefutable that ecuador has from the start repeatedly invited the peruvian government to set up a commission whose fundamental purpose would be to verify the geographical facts. faced with peru's refusal, in [number] ecuador reiterated to peru, through brazil, chile, argentina and the united states that it was necessary to survey the zone. invited through these countries, peru once more refused and went to the extreme of rejecting the suggestion by these four states that a new aerial photographic survey of the zone be made. [number]. peru unilaterally maintains that the boundary in that area is the cordillera del condor and that it owns the eastern slope. it cites an award of [number], which was prior to the discovery of the problems in [number]. on the basis of that reasoning, in [number] it machine-gunned and bombed ecuadorian outposts located in the cordillera del condor, on the eastern slope, even after the cease-fire had been formally agreed upon within oas. v [number]. ecuador, then, must recall that peru has not complied with the undertakings which it was led to make by the consultative meeting and the four friendly countries, argentina, brazil, chile and the united states, to which ecuador reiterates its gratitude for their endeavors in the defense of peace, which they conducted with sincerity and impartiality. ecuador has formulated and is formulating emphatic public reservations as concerning whatever peru may do in the zone extending east of the cordillera del condor, a zone as yet without boundaries, even under the protocol of rio de janeiro. it is simple and categorically a matter of occupation of territories by force. the reservations which my country has encompass any military outpost, human settlements, any general infrastructure and anything that is contrary to the spirit of coexistence, which requires the parties to negotiate on pending problems and not presume to solve them unilaterally or limit themselves to denying that such problems exist. [number]. on this occasion i address a new appeal to the government of peru to undertake and maintain negotiations leading to an understanding that may solve one of the oldest problems of the continent, as mentioned by the secretary-general, whose concern for the restoration of peace was appreciated at the time by ecuador, and his reference to the problem in his report on the work of the organization see a [number] [number], sect. iv is inspired by a spirit of concord with which my country fully concurs. [number]. i reiterate before the assembly the words president osvaldo hurtado spoke before the national house of representatives in his message of [number] august "the armed conflict of the beginning of the year and its dramatic after-effects must lead us ecuadorians to meditate seriously on our territorial tragedy and to and a solution that would allow us to solve it definitively. ecuador has permanently sought, by various means, what constitutes its vital aspiration a solution of peace and justice to the border problem with peru. " [number]. ecuador, a signatory of the san francisco charter, looks upon the organization as the maximum guarantee and the embodiment of the will of the peoples, which is the source of international law in our time. that is why it gives its support, , without reservation, to the united nations, in which it places its trust, and expresses its fervent wishes for the attainment of the noble ideals which inspire the organization. my people and my government will spare no effort that may be necessary to achieve that end.

may i congratulate you, mr. president, on your election to your high post. your long experience of international affairs arid your diplomatic skills, which are well known to your colleagues, will serve this assembly well. our warm relations with your country and with yourself will make working with you a pleasure. may i also pay tribute to your predecessor - malta's foreign minister, guido de marco - for his proficient leadership of the general assembly at its last session. this last year has seen a great expansion of the role of the united nations and an enhancement of its stature that are most gratifying to us. among the most recent examples in this connection is the sensitive role the secretary-general has been playing regarding the hostages held in the middle east, and we pray that through his efforts they may soon all be released. his quiet diplomatic skills, patience and integrity have contributed in no small measure to the renewed vigour of the united nations. we thank him for his wise and compassionate leadership over these past difficult, but momentous, [number] years and we wish him well in his future endeavours. he will leave a much more vital organization and a strengthened role for his successor. whoever that might be, he will be able to depend on samoa's continued faith and active support of the organization. the number of members of the united nations is increasing, and during this session of the general assembly we have been pleased to welcome seven new members to the organization. first of all, it gives us a great deal of satisfaction and joy to welcome fellow nations of the pacific and the pacific rim to the united nations. both the federated states of micronesia and the republic of the marshall islands are, like samoa, members of the south pacific forum, and it is a special pleasure to see them joining us in this international forum as well. we know from working with them in the region that they will add to the vitality of the united nations and contribute to the attainment of its objectives. we have long supported the admission of the republic of korea to united nations membership, and it pleases us to see this finally achieved. we believe in the advantages of universality and, with the republic of korea and the democratic people's republic of korea both belonging to the united nations, we feel that an environment will be provided for reconciliation between them. we also welcome the baltic republics of estonia, latvia and lithuania - states we know will make a worthy contribution to our work. they were, of course, members of the league of nations, and their proud histories and indomitable spirits well qualify them for membership. last year we spoke of the immense speed at which world events were moving. this year there has indeed been an acceleration of the pace, and we are witnessing the beginning of an era of a courageous new world a world that requires the utmost understanding, patience, compassion and flexibility of its leaders a world where the voice of the people is becoming paramount and wise leaders listen. democracy is resolutely on the march across the globe and, as evidenced by the recent events in the ussr and also in the gulf, those that stand in its way only seem to hasten its pace. he see all about us the breakdown of repression and old tyrannies. democracy and freedom are spreading swiftly throughout eastern europe, where the iron curtain once barred the way, and there is now new hope for peoples once denied them. sadly, violence continues in yugoslavia. we welcome the security council resolution on this matter and endorse the arms embargo. we hope that the european plan succeeds in bringing peace to the country. i am encouraged that in south africa the repressive apartheid system shows signs of ending. where for so many years the world's entreaties fell on deaf ears, finally there is movement forward. though the south african government's proposals for a new constitution leave much to be desired, it evident that the south african government can no longer deny the basic rights of the majority of its people nor the direction the country must take. it would seem that even in that most intransigent bastion of racism at long last movement is beginning on the road to democracy. it is our hope that now that a peace agreement has been signed by the parties, steady progress will continue and not be set back by violence or retrograde steps. in the middle east the pace has also quickened a middle east peace conference is expected to begin this month, an eventuality many thought to be far in the future if indeed it would occur at all. this is the outcome not only of the new international order but of determined and enlightened diplomacy, and we are hopeful for the success of this peace initiative led by the united states. while many key procedural issues remain open, this opportunity to begin the healing of old wounds must be given every chance to succeed, with all parties represented and policies that could impede its progress discontinued. in lebanon too there has been some progress the civil war has finally ceased. lebanon, however, must be allowed to rebuild without foreign forces on its soil or domination from others. in cambodia events move steadily forward towards a comprehensive political settlement, and the new developments in this process are very pleasing. the united nations must maintain its strong presence in the achievement of peace for cambodia and indo-china. we hope that the proposed conference on the cyprus dispute will take place as planned. the secretary-general will bring to that conference his vast experience and skills and we wish him success in his efforts to find a solution. in afghanistan and western sahara we trust that the work of the secretary-general, the resolve of the united nations and the positive undertakings by the united states and the soviet union and the parties concerned will restore the processes of peace in these countries. in all these events, the trend is a drive for freedom through self- determination, more representative government, and individual rights. we confirm our belief in the rights of people freely to decide for themselves what they want. in our country we have practised representative participation in elections since independence, but in accordance with the requirements of our customs and traditions. only this year did we implement universal suffrage after our people had made a conscious choice by referendum that universal suffrage should become part of our way of life. we have watched and noted the important work of the united nations in eliminating abuses of individual freedom around the world, in particular in central america, where most recently the protagonists in the long-lived civil war have finally signed a peace agreement. samoa's hope is that it will be able to participate more actively in the worthy work of the commission on human rights, and we enthusiastically support the holding of the world conference on human rights in berlin in [number]. while the united nations has been successful in supporting freedom and individual rights, a matter that casts a shadow over the integrity of our approach is the long-standing resolution [number] xxx adopted in [number], which states that zionism is racism. learned speakers at this rostrum have expounded the anomalous nature of this resolution and we join in the call for its reconsideration. it is sometimes suggested that with the end of the global bipolarism that drove the arms, the need for arms control and disarmament is now less urgent. to the contrary, my government feels that we should not be complacent and should seize the opportunity created by new world conditions to hasten the progress of disarmament. the announcement by the united states that it plans to retire a large part of its nuclear arsenal and the very positive response of the soviet union are promising developments. we applaud these moves, which are substantial advances in the nuclear-disarmament process. we look forward to similar positive steps from the other nuclear-weapons powers. we welcome the decisions of china and france to become parties to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and are pleased that other countries have recently done so. it is important that this treaty and the safeguards it establishes be strengthened and observed. the events in iraq and the information uncovered by the special commission in its inspections abundantly highlighted this need. concluding a comprehensive test-ban treaty remains an urgent priority. we think the circumstances are now conducive for the nuclear powers to take steps to negotiate such a treaty, and we urge them to do so. a comprehensive test-ban treaty would reinforce global non-proliferation efforts. in our region, we have the south pacific nuclear free zone treaty, which also makes an important contribution in addressing nuclear non-proliferation and we renew our plea to the united states, france and the united kingdom to become parties to its protocols. the gulf conflict has served to focus attention on the dangerous proliferation of other weapons of mass destruction as well. we can clearly see that there is an urgent need to achieve a comprehensive chemical-weapons convention at the earliest possible date. while no chemical weapons are produced in the south pacific, we have been forced to grapple with the issue of the disposal of toxic agents from such weapons in our region. we were pleased to see the support given at the recent biological weapons convention review conference to strengthening the current regime and we wish to see it become universal. equally, the instability brought about by the huge and un-monitored accumulations of conventional weapons calls for urgent measures. the merchants of death, the arms dealers, are operating on ever-larger and more efficient scales. the resulting weapons build-ups contribute to regional and ultimately global insecurity. we therefore support the proposal for a united nations-based register on arms transfers. transparency in the conventional-arms trade could be the launching pad for more ambitious measures at a later date. while disarmament should lead to a more peaceful way of life on earth, this peace will be of little use to us if the quality of life generally continues to be destroyed by our lack of respect for the environment. we have heard colleagues from low-lying island countries speak of the threat of the rise in sea level to their very existence. that is the reality of the situation at its grimmest. even we in the relative safety of our higher islands could still lose most of our coastal land. we must indeed learn and practice respect for the living systems of which mankind is but a part. for this reason we attach great importance to the convening of the first-ever "earth summit", as it is being called. the united nations conference on environment and development taking place in brazil next year is an opportunity for serious stock-taking of the world's resources. it is a chance to assess the damage already done and to plan immediate preventive measures. we must strive to maintain an ecologically sound environment whilst ensuring that sustainable development is accelerated for the benefit of both humankind and the planet. "eco-development" is no trendy catchword it is essential if we and the earth are to survive and prosper. we wish to place on record our appreciation to the united nations environment programme for the coordination of the conference preparations and in particular for their assistance with national statements for countries of our region. environmental matters are certainly of great concern to the pacific. we are pleased to report that the south pacific regional environmental programme sprep has been strengthened into a fully autonomous regional organization, with its headquarters in our capital, apia. several important environmental conventions are in force in the region. these are the convention for the protection of natural resources and environment of the south pacific region the sprep convention and its associated protocol for combating pollution emergencies and the prevention of pollution by dumping and the convention on the conservation of nature in the south pacific, the apia convention. in addition, the south pacific nuclear free zone treaty expresses our strong opposition to nuclear weapons and their testing in the region. the reasons for such tests have become even more obscure to us, with reduced global tensions and the dramatic progress that has been made in disarmament. the immediate and pressing concern is the danger that these tests pose to the fragile environment in which they take place. the convention for the prohibition of fishing with long driftnets in the south pacific has also recently entered into force. marine resources provide an essential part of the life-support system of the island countries of the pacific, and samoa is pleased that the importance of their conservation is now being realised. he welcome the ongoing implementation of the general assembly resolution on driftnet fishing and look forward to the global cessation of such practices in accordance with the time-frame set by the united nations. we welcome the undertakings that have already been made in this regard and we hope that not only driftnet fishing but all other techniques that are proven threats to the conservation of the resources in question be dealt with firmly. a matter that continues to require our attention in the region is new caledonia. the united nations has adopted a declaration on the granting of independence to colonial peoples and is committed to the eradication of colonialism by the year [number]. in this regard, we are encouraged by the measures to promote political, economic and social development taken by france under the matignon accords to prepare the way for the act of self-determination in [number]. we also welcome the willingness of the government of france to accept the forum ministerial committee, which recently visited new caledonia. its report was both informative and constructive, and we believe that further visits should be facilitated. the ending of the cold war has political change and reform around the world moving at a crisp pace. it also means that the united nations has an increasingly important role in ensuring security and preventing crises from escalating into tragedies, as happened in the gulf war. guardianship of the peace is paramount and the secretary-general's call for preventive diplomacy by the united nations must be supported. diminishing world tensions, new-found freedom and the enlightened spirit of cooperation provide new hopes of opportunities for all to fulfil their reasonable aspirations. but hope can be easily dashed and turn to bitterness if an adequate degree of economic well-being is not achieved and poverty sets in. clearly, priority must be given to providing conditions to meet economic objectives. a cornerstone factor is trade - liberalized trade. the assembly has repeatedly heard the call made for the successful and urgent completion of the uruguay round, and we add our voice to that call. economic security is the key to our success in preventing future conflicts. without it, the stability we have worked so hard to achieve in our individual countries and in the world would be in grave danger of disintegrating. in our region, attaining and maintaining levels of economic development to meet the growing needs of our people is not an easy task for small nations of the pacific, including samoa. what we have achieved, as late entrants into the modern world of economics and international commerce, has been to a considerable extent due to the willing cooperation of the family of nations. the relative stability enjoyed by our country and our region has been the result of our combined effort, and we thank each and every nation for their contributions to our development. we hope that we can continue to count on their support in the partnership we have forged. it is appropriate that we are addressing the assembly in the week which includes the international day for natural disaster seduction, because disasters, either man-made or natural, are phenomena which, because of the small size of our island nations, have a cruel effect on us. our region, like some others, is particularly prone to cyclones and earthquakes. besides the threat they pose to life and damage to the environment, at their worst they are capable of plunging agrarian-based economies like ours into severe decline. we therefore fully support any undertaking by the united nations to improve its disaster arrangements. we would suggest, however, that it is essential that these arrangements go beyond immediate relief and, as well, address disaster-mitigation measures and rehabilitation requirements adequately. i and all of our colleagues have spoken of our successes, but we have also identified the numerous problems and challenges that are the reason for the existence of this institution, the united nations. together we can agree on standards of conduct, within our individual countries and amongst our family of nations, to resolve disputes and maintain peace. we have asked the united nations to assume a greater role in many areas, including peace-keeping and monitoring, mediation and verification, and enhancement of economic security and stability. we must give it the support required to carry out these roles. we are at one of the pivotal moments in history when the direction of the world can be changed for the better. too often in the past, when we stood at the crossroads, we have been too preoccupied with our disagreements and narrow perspectives to grasp the opportunity. we have the chance now to leave the legacy of a secure world to our children it must not be lost. samoa looks forward with great pride and expectation to the achievements which will be initiated by this forty-sixth session of the general assembly.

let me begin by congratulating president jan eliasson on his election. allow me to assure him of poland s readiness to support him in his efforts during this session. i would also like to join the european union presidency to whose statement we fully adhere in expressing my words of gratitude to his excellency mr. jean ping for his leadership during the preparations for the sixtieth anniversary summit. this year in poland we are commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the solidarity movement. in the history of europe since the second world war, there have been few events that can be celebrated with a similar sense of pride and satisfaction. the history of solidarity and in particular its rebirth in [number] opened the way to profound historic changes in europe and the entire world, including the fall of the berlin wall and the collapse of the communist bloc. i hope and believe that solidarity s message still remains an inspiration not only for poland, but also for the entire world wherever there are people who uphold or aspire to freedom and solidarity. in that spirit, i would like to repeat our call to celebrate [number] august as a world day of freedom and solidarity. in our opinion, global solidarity should be the central value in and the key tool for achieving a new sense of community and realizing our common interests. poland s dedication to the concept of solidarity also draws strength from the fact that poland itself benefited from foreign aid and support. today, we are undergoing an important transition in our status from aid recipient to donor. we hope that poland s active cooperation for development will serve as a catalyst for further change and help lay the foundation for democracy, sustainable development, human rights and the rule of law. for us, however, the concept of responsible solidarity is not solely limited to humanitarian endeavours it means more than assisting the poor and underdeveloped. solidarity is an operational principle, which generates cooperative attitudes among countries in need, including those plagued by terrorism, natural and manmade disasters, weak state structures and other calamities. solidarity means rescue rather than relief, remedy rather than alleviation. it should be driven by need not by right and cut across dividing lines. it is solidarity that can help to bridge religious and ideological divides and overcome the difficult legacy of the past. indeed, if we want to build a world without divisions we must first suppress all disputes that feed on past grievances. we have to find a way to reconcile divergent points of view without sacrificing our principles. the recently concluded high-level plenary meeting was a product of enormous efforts to forge a new global consensus on development, security, human rights and united nations institutional reform. the agenda of the summit was long and ambitious. the preparatory process, as well as the summit itself, offered many insights, ideas and useful recommendations that merit further serious consideration. however, despite the great determination and expectations, we failed to achieve unity in confronting all of the world s most menacing problems. the united nations is a ponderous institution and does not embrace change easily. thus, we should not expect that each and every summit will provide us with revolutionary changes. real breakthroughs are usually the result of a lengthy process. consequently, our outcome document should be regarded not as the end of reform, but as a guide for the further practical steps that need to be taken. in that context, i call on members to devise a plan to implement our summit decisions and to submit it to the general assembly for adoption. this time, we must break the vicious circle of inaction and ensure a proper follow-up to the summit. finding workable forms and mechanisms for cooperation has never proved easy and will remain a serious challenge for the months ahead. the united nations operates in a constantly changing international environment. we have already identified major new threats, risks and challenges the fanaticism of international terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, organized crime, states in crisis and failed states. although we claim to know their nature, we will never be quite able to predict how, where and when those threats will manifest themselves. at the same time, such threats cannot overshadow the importance of addressing their root causes, such as development gaps, poverty, social exclusion, natural disasters, discrimination and intolerance, among others. [number] we are passing through a transitional stage with all its strains and stresses. international institutions and mechanisms designed to serve the old international system must face the challenge of reform and accommodation. the united nations is not an exception. as a consequence, we have had to find ways and means to respond to the swiftly changing nature of security threats and risks. thus, the challenge remains the same as for all of us how do we manage that change? in this era of globalization and rapid change, no country alone can fully ensure its own security. state security is more than ever before dependent on external determinants. what we need is an innovative and imaginative approach to security, both in the realm of strategy and in its constituent processes. moreover, we have to develop a new security paradigm according to which the security of individuals is as important as the security of states. likewise, we need a new concept of sovereignty that attaches greater importance to protecting the rights of people than to the prerogatives of state power. we must place the human being at the centre of the activities of international institutions. it is true that the first duty of a government should be to protect those living within its jurisdiction from genocide, mass killing and human rights violations. however, in certain instances, the responsibility of the international community to take action must be ensured. the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a longstanding problem that has afflicted the international community for many years. however, in the light of the particularly threatening nexus of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, it has taken on a new dimension. no state is immune to it or is protected from its consequences. at the same time, existing systems of national control and international non-proliferation agreements are not completely effective and are undermined by loopholes and lacunae which enable states and individuals to bypass the regime. it is all the more disappointing, therefore, that the united nations summit failed to reach an outcome on non-proliferation and disarmament. to address that challenge adequately, we have to strengthen the three pillars of the nuclear-arms-control regime non-proliferation, disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. we should, however, ensure that it works in a harmonious and self- sustaining way. another issue is that of enforcement. legal norms that are not effectively enforced obviously do not serve their purpose. we have to seek ways and means to ensure effective verification and to enforce respect for existing non-proliferation and disarmament obligations. we cannot count solely on persuasion and containment. more fundamentally, we need a comprehensive review of the existing negotiating machinery. with that in mind, two methods of action are possible. one would be to establish a group of experts the other perhaps a better solution would be to request that a respected international independent research centre such as, for example, the stockholm international peace research institute prepare a report containing recommendations on how to make existing united nations institutions and mechanisms more effective, operational and efficient. our concerted efforts to strengthen the united nations will be doomed to failure if we continue to believe that only security issues matter. they certainly do matter, but security is a much broader concept. it does not involve only the absence of hard or soft threats. it is, above all, about the absence of threats to fundamental human values. likewise, the eradication of poverty is essential not only to peace and development, but, first and foremost, to the preservation of human rights and standards. ensuring social justice and reducing inequalities do not involve only the allocation of scarce resources to guarantee security they also presuppose both human freedom and human dignity. in that context, poland welcomes the proposed changes to the united nations human rights machinery, especially the decision to establish a human rights council. we believe that such an organ would enable us to promote respect for human rights in a more efficient and responsible way. we should also promote democracy through the united nations in order to protect human rights and expand democratic freedoms. no one can claim that democracies are free of contradictions and injustices. but it is democracies that best serve to defend the values we want to protect and promote. in that spirit, on behalf of the citizens of poland, i would like to reiterate our sincere and strong support [number] for the democracy fund, established to assist countries in their transition to democracy. i truly believe that this new mechanism will help to address differences among and within societies in a spirit of true respect and understanding. poland s commitment to the community of shared values does not mean that we disregard the institutional and technical aspects of reform. institutional adaptation should be characterized by openness, transparency and effectiveness. these are precisely the principles that have guided us in the process of analysing security council reform and establishing the peacebuilding commission and the human rights council. reform of the security council is proving to be an enormously complex and divisive issue. although necessary, it should not be conducted at the cost of compromising the council s capacity to meet its charter responsibilities. the republic of poland believes that the effectiveness and efficiency of the security council rests on the assumption that membership not only grants additional privileges but also increases responsibilities. furthermore, poland fully recognizes the importance of the ongoing process carried out by the secretary-general, which is aimed at enhancing effective management of the organization. we strongly encourage continuing such efforts to strengthen united nations accountability and its oversight mechanisms as well as to promote the efficient use of its human resources. system-wide coherence, particularly regarding operational capabilities and humanitarian assistance, should be high on the reform agenda. we hope that such an approach will enhance the organization s capacity to carry out its new tasks and meet its new challenges, thus enhancing the authority of the united nations and its role in the international system. poland s commitments in the framework of the united nations are not made based on tactical considerations. we are not calculating what we can gain from this or that choice. we do not expect to make political profits or economic gains. but we share a sense of solidarity and responsibility with respect not only to our own country but also to the entire international community. a system based on values and principles may not be perfect, but it is likely to be more peaceful and, in the long run, more conducive and responsive to the needs of peoples. in that spirit, i hope that this anniversary session will provide a strong impetus to rebuild the community of shared values and enable us to replace the global psychology of competition with a spirit of cooperation.

i should like to begin by offering mr. de marco my sincere congratulations on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-fifth session. i am convinced that his vast experience, skills and commitment will guide the work of this session to a fruitful conclusion. i commend his predecessor. major general joseph garba, for his personal efforts and for the results achieved in the course of the forty-fourth session, over which he presided with efficiency and steadfastness. i also wish to express my appreciation to the secretary-general, mr. javier peres de cuellar, for his dedication to the cause of international peace and security and for the skilful manner in which he has been assisting the diplomatic activities of the united nations. as the universality of the organisation is enlarged by the admission of new members, we take great pride and satisfaction in seeing namibia occupy its place as a full member of this assembly of independent nations. we congratulate the people of namibia for having attained its freedom from the yoke of colonial occupation after many years of struggle and perseverance. we wish the people of namibia the best in its effort to build a nation with dignity and to create spiritual and material well-being for itself. we also welcome liechtenstein's admission into the membership of the united nations and pledge it the co-operation of my government and delegation. over the past few months, we have witnessed a happy trend towards the reunification of nations. in that regard, i welcome with great satisfaction the reunification of germany, a nation with which my country. cape verde, has always entertained the best relations. at a time when germany, after four decades, has recovered its full national sovereignty and put an end to one of the most painful sequel to the second world war, i wish the german people happiness, peace and prosperity in its reunited country. i take this opportunity also to offer the yemeni people my congratulations on the unification of its country and to wish it a future of peace and happiness. we hope soon to be able to welcome the unification of the korean nation. in that context, encouragement should be given to the continuation of high-level contacts in the search for a peaceful solution to the korean conflict. we live today in a world of great changes and expectations. in caps verde, we have been following those changes with a great deal of interest for their repercussions on world peace and their impact upon the political, economic and social well-being of all nations. the political events that have taken place over the last few years in eastern europe have generated a climate conducive to pence and co-operation among european nations and between the soviet union and the united states of america, thus putting an end to the cold war that polarised world politics for many decades. the democratisation of the eastern europe countries and the reunification of germany are events of paramount importance in the history of this century and represent the triumph of reason, a democratic and united europe is a powerful factor for world peace and stability, economic development and the well-being of the peoples of the region. at this juncture, i sincerely wish the best to all the peoples of europe, and that they unite their faith and garner their strength in redesigning their collective way of co-existing in peace. and i hope that, in a fraternal and democratic way, solutions will be found to the problems that separated them in the past and contributed to the economic failures of many. i encourage the leaders of that region and their peoples to continue to build the peaceful relations necessary to foment the harmony and economic development of all countries in the region. i am convinced that the new europe will contribute towards the political stability and economic development of other regions, and particularly to the region of africa to which we belong. the fundamental changes in the policy of the soviet union that have taken place over the past few years set in motion a process that seems to have contributed to the end of the cold war, thus ushering in a new chapter in the relationship between the super-powers, based this time on co-operation, the upholding of the right of peoples to self-determination, and the creation of a better climate of world peace and security. those changes augur well for the emergence of a new era in the history of nations, an era dominated not by the fear of a nuclear catastrophe, but characterised by co-operation among all countries, democratisation and economic development and respect for and maintenance of international law. the democratisation of the world seems to be a fundamental political feature of the new era. at the international level, that democratisation is based on respect for the sovereignty and integrity of all nations, the non-use of force in international relations, and co-operation among nations in the establishment of conditions of peace, prosperity and the political stability of all countries. there is also democratisation at the national level, for we believe that the economic and social development of countries is a goal that goes hand in hand with the establishment of a system of real democracy that liberates the creativity of peoples, eliminates the political obstacles to private initiative, and creates stable conditions conducive to investment. in cape verde, legal mechanisms have been set up and political reforms introduced to put in place a democratic parliamentary system of government. we are convinced that the reforms that have been introduced into our political life will undoubtedly strengthen our internal stability and reinforce the efforts and the commitments of the cape verdean people living at home and abroad to build a modern and developed nation, at peace with itself and with the world. we also believe that the democratisation of nations will strengthen the checks-and-balances mechanisms of different governmental organs. these checks and balances seem to gain more relevance in a world in which actions are being taken by some statesmen with total disregard for the basic norms of international law. such actions could endanger world peace and stability and create economic hardship, especially for the economically vulnerable third-world countries. the climate of peace and dialogue that we have been witnessing lately has suffered a great blow with the current situation in the gulf. cape verde condemns most firmly the invasion of kuwait and its purported annexation by iraq. in due time the security council, voicing the feelings of frustration and indignation of the international community unequivocally condemned the invasion of kuwait and took measures aimed at ending such an occupation. cape verde supports those measures unconditionally and supports the community of nations to take appropriate steps to restore the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of kuwait. the prompt and unequivocal stand of the security council, which i commend, has broadened the prospects of united nations activities in the maintenance of international peace and security, as a guarantor of the peace of all nations, especially of countries that are small or militarily weak. on the other hand, it is high time the security council and the united nations in general sought to resolve, once and for all, the conflict in the middle east. the security council resolutions related to the region in general, and to the palestinian conflict in particular, should be implemented with the same vigour and forcefulness. major charter principles must not be implemented selectively. they should be scrupulously observed and actively supported by all nations. if we went a credible united nations and a reliable security council, then we, as nations, must act with seriousness of purpose, consistent with the charter. regrettably, to the present day fundamental charter principles have been violated time and again. we have seen the sovereignty of countries repeatedly violated in angola, mozambique and elsewhere we have seen illegal occupation and annexation of territories in the middle east. we have witnessed the flouting of the right of self-determination and independence in east timor, the plight of the timorese people, whose right to choose their destiny has fallen into oblivion and whose lives have been torn apart. yet those blatant and consistent patterns of disregard for the charter's principles have not met with strong and vigorous condemnation and action by the united nations. turning a blind eye to those principles or violating them whenever it suits the whims and interests of narrow foreign policy objectives means sending mixed signals as to the determination of the united nations and the security council to defend them and impose complete compliance with them. i hope that the actions taken by the security council against the iraqi invasion of kuwait represents a turning-point in the role of the council and the united nations and that they will live up to their responsibilities by consistently defending those principles and guaranteeing international peace and security. cape verde is very sensitive to the problems of the environment. in this regard, it is very encouraging to note the enormous interest that countries all over the world have been showing in the protection and preservation of the environment. at a time when there is concrete evidence of the continuous deterioration of environmental conditions on the planet, affecting the whole of mankind, the community of nations should seize the opportunity offered by the [number] conference on environment and development to take effective action to improve the quality of the air that we all breathe and protect the ozone layer and the world's climate. the struggle against drought and desertification, which is spreading every year, is a pressing need that deserves the attention and serious effort not only of those immediately affected, but of all nations. the time has come to undertake, at a world-wide level, new initiatives to counter-attack effectively the devastating ecological effects of drought and desertification. solving the global problems that we all face today - the democratisation of political institutions the ensuring of world peace and security world-wide human rights protection and protection of the children, in respect of whom the successful first world summit recently took place in new york - requires and presupposes a substantial improvement in the living conditions of peoples in the developing countries. the shaping of a new international relations that we all seem to visualize and that we all want, must be based on, or accompanied by the development of all countries. unless the world's economic and social problems are addressed, the impact of the relaxation of international tensions and conflicts will be minimal human rights abuses will continue to be perpetrated the democratization of the world will for many be an unattainable goal and the protection of the world's environment will be seriously threatened. it is in the process of economic and social development, or as a consequence of it, that peoples learn to appreciate, cherish and respect the democratic values of society it is in this process that peoples learn that arbitrary imprisonment, indiscriminate killings by death squads and other outrageous human rights violations belong to a world of tyranny and political backwardness that should no longer be tolerated it is in this process that peoples learn how to love nature and preserve the environment. the globalisation of issues and the need for harmonious and peaceful coexistence among countries require, today more than ever, a serious, consistent and general response to the challenges posed by underdevelopment. at a time when we are witnessing with great satisfaction the unfolding of positive political events in the international arena and are preparing to forge a new era in international relations, it becomes imperative that a new agenda be drawn up to consider, and find collective answers to, global issues. africa, step by step, is creating the conditions for, and is positioning itself as an active partner in, the emergence and definition of this new era. the independence of namibia and the prospects for a negotiated settlement of the conflict against apartheid in south africa are important factors in the process of the restoration of africa's freedom from colonialism and racism. in this context i encourage the ongoing contacts and efforts in south africa with a view to eliminating apartheid and creating a non-racial, democratic and harmonious society. we are very concerned over the economic, and social situation in africa, a region with the highest number of least developed countries. this concern of ours is heightened by the poor results achieved at the second conference of the least developed countries. we believe that the ongoing political reforms in africa will greatly improve internal conditions for economic development in the continent. these courageous efforts by african countries should be supported with massive economic and financial assistance on the part of the developed countries that will help them consolidate their newly created democratic institutions. we hope that the enthusiasm born of the political events in europe and the subsequent emergence of new geographical areas of economic interest will not divert the attention of our partners of the developed world. as the twentieth century draws to an end, it is our sincere hope that the next century will be a century of global democratisation and economic development, harmony and well-being of all peoples of the world. it is therefore incumbent upon us all to have a vision of the future and to take the necessary steps towards that and, thus creating a new society, a society of peoples of different cultures, but united by the same nature and destiny in a world without frontiers.

i extend to you, sir, our warmest congratulations as you assume the high office of the president of the general assembly at its sixtieth session. we wish you all the best and assure you of sri lanka s support and cooperation in your work. i convey gratitude to mr. jean ping for his astute leadership of the fifty-ninth session. this sixtieth landmark session of the general assembly is doubly significant for sri lanka, as this year we mark the fiftieth anniversary of our membership in the united nations. as a small nation that has kept the flame of democracy burning through many tribulations, we take modest pride in the fact that what we said at the first session of the general assembly we addressed can still be recalled with undiminished relevance. prime minister bandaranaike, representing sri lanka, said on that occasion "this is an organization which expresses itself most effectively by bringing to bear a certain moral force - the collective moral force and decency of human beings. that is a task in which the weak as well as the strong can render a useful service, and i give the assembly the assurance, on behalf of my country, that as far as we are concerned, every endeavour that we can make in all sincerity to assist in the achievements of those noble ideals for which this organization stands will always be forthcoming in the fullest measure. " official records of the general assembly, eleventh session, plenary meetings, 590th meeting, para. [number] five decades on, i have the pleasure to say that my country has kept that promise by regularly contributing to consensus-building in the organization in areas ranging from the law of the sea to disarmament and from human rights to the issue of terrorism. we remain fully committed to the united nations. we continue to believe that the collective moral force of this organization is indispensable for a secure, peaceful and humane world. we are convinced that such a world can be realized through the honest commitment of every member state to its individual [number] and collective responsibilities. our peoples live in the hope and expectation that we shall deliver. on the morning of [number] december [number], sri lanka and several other countries around the indian ocean region woke up to a natural disaster of unprecedented magnitude. towering tsunami waves struck two thirds of the coastal areas of our island nation, leaving in its wake death and destruction on a scale hitherto unknown by the world. moved by the enormous scale of that calamity, governments, the united nations and other international organizations, civil society organizations and countless well-wishers across the world rushed to help my country and its people to recover, rehabilitate and rebuild. it was a magnificent gesture of human solidarity. citizens of the world reached out beyond the confines of geopolitical and other man-made barriers in one magnificent gesture of human generosity. that rekindled in us new confidence in the power of peoples acting in unison across the world to move governments to act in the best interests of humankind for a new and better world. on behalf of my people and my government, i wish to convey my profound appreciation and gratitude to all those who assisted and sympathized with us and contributed generously to rebuild our country. let me take this opportunity to extend a special word of thanks to president clinton, the united nations special envoy for tsunami recovery, for his commitment and leadership in coordinating the ongoing international effort for sustainable recovery. just as my country was in national distress in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster, we are now in distress in the face of an ominous renewal of terror on our soil. one month ago, my dear colleague lakshman kadirgamar, the foreign minister of sri lanka, was assassinated by a calculated and barbaric act of terrorism. one more hero who fought relentlessly for freedom and justice has been felled by the enemies of peace and unity. as foreign minister, the late mr. kadirgamar argued powerfully and worked tirelessly against extremist racist ideologies that employ violence to gain their divisive objectives. he was bold enough to expose to the world the true face of terrorism inflicted upon my country. for [number] long years, from this very podium, mr. kadirgamar warned the assembly about the threat posed by terrorism to the democratic way of life, not only in sri lanka but across the world. for over two decades, sri lanka has been under sustained assault by the liberation tigers of tamil eelam ltte , an armed group that employs brutal methods and suicide bombings in its campaign of terror to obtain a separate state. disregarding the implementation of the ceasefire agreement, that group continues to engage in numerous illegal and terrorist activities. those include the conscription of children as soldiers - in callous disregard for promises given to many, including the special representative of the secretary-general on children and armed conflict - and the assassination of democratic opponents, as part of their policy of eliminating tamil political leaders and human rights activists, with disdain for all international law and practice and despite sustained efforts by my government and norwegian facilitators. i tend to doubt that the security council s recent identification of that group in connection with child conscription would suffice to deter such activities. targeted sanctions such as those proposed by secretary-general kofi annan in his report to the security council should be imposed on those armed groups that undermine national and international peace and violate human rights. i firmly believe that terrorism cannot be eliminated through military suppression by state machinery. the socio-economic and cultural roots of a conflict must be sought and effectively redressed. we recognize that a lasting solution to ethnic issues and to terrorism in my country, or anywhere else, can only be found through negotiation and dialogue. accordingly, my government was the first, in [number], to offer a negotiated settlement in place of an armed conflict, as well as an extensive devolution of power instead of a separate state. in february [number], the government entered into a ceasefire agreement with the rebel group and began talks, with the facilitation of the government of norway. however, two and a half years ago, the ltte walked away from the peace talks for the sixth time in [number] years. all efforts to have the talks renewed have so far failed. as a measure of good will after the tsunami disaster struck us, i agreed to an arrangement with the rebels for joint action in tsunami reconstruction work. that was yet another measure in a long series of efforts to engage and work with the rebels, particularly in humanitarian ventures, despite their obdurate insistence to remain armed and remain uncontested by any other democratic tamil political party. [number] my government has reaffirmed its commitment to the ceasefire and the peace talks. we continue to do all that is required by a democratic government to ensure that we do not return to armed conflict, fulfilling the wishes of all our people. a peace process cannot, and does not, operate in a vacuum. people demand that a process of peace should include the commitment and good conduct of all parties to a conflict. when a belligerent group - a non-state actor - exploits the unique position offered to it by a peace process to utilize the freedom guaranteed under a democratic system of governance to strengthen itself through infiltration and the coercion of civilians, organizations and political parties, that impinges seriously on the ability of an elected government to move forward effectively in its efforts at reconciliation and peace. the restoration of democracy, the creation of space for dissent and the promotion of human rights in the affected areas in the north and the east of our country are now essential prerequisites for a successful and meaningful peace process in sri lanka. a lasting political solution can come to fruition only when the rebel group becomes a democratic civilian organization. that deserves the fullest support of the international community. as we have been for many long years, sri lanka remains firmly committed to the global endeavour to fight terrorism in all its aspects. no cause justifies the indiscriminate unleashing of terror upon the innocent. sri lanka has accordingly signed and ratified all united nations conventions aimed at combating terrorism. we earnestly hope that at this session it will be possible to conclude work on the comprehensive convention on international terrorism, in order to complete and strengthen the international legal framework to combat terrorism through collective measures. sri lanka will continue to provide its contribution to facilitate a consensus in its capacity as chair of the united nations ad hoc committee on this subject. sri lanka has pledged to meet the united nations millennium development goals by the year [number]. we have already achieved the targeted goals in primary education and in infant and maternal mortality. we are committed to further promoting the political and economic empowerment of women so that gender equality becomes a matter of human rights and social justice. our national child protection authority implements many programmes to eliminate abuse and violence against children and to ensure their protection as well as their right to freely enjoy life's most precious gift, childhood. our success is due to the outcome of sustained efforts in policy planning and implementation. those benchmarks and other indicators manifesting the high physical quality of life enjoyed by our people will be further elevated as we strive to meet the millennium development goals by [number]. however, poverty remains a major challenge for us. to eradicate this scourge, we are now taking further steps through the adoption of economic and social programmes, in cooperation with our bilateral and multilateral development partners. if we look at the current world health situation, although smallpox has been eradicated and polio is on the verge of being eliminated, there are other diseases often associated with poverty - that continue to take a heavy human toll, especially in developing countries. every year, [number] million children die from malnutrition before their fifth birthday. more than [number] per cent of people in africa suffer from water- related diseases such as cholera. hiv aids kills [number], [number] people every day. each year, more than [number] million people are infected with malaria. new challenges, such as severe acute respiratory syndrome and avian influenza, indicate that national borders offer little protection against such proliferating pandemics. in the face of unparalleled advances, both in technology and in human mobility, it is unconscionable to let some in our nations suffer from diseases that can be controlled, if not eliminated. in my view, there are three evils plaguing our world today that can have no place in the modern globalizing era of the twenty-first century poverty, disease and terrorism. today, these evils affect the social, cultural and economic well-being of a majority of humankind. no country can deal with them on its own. international cooperation is in our self-interest and needs to be mustered. we share the strong belief that the united nations, on the occasion of its sixtieth anniversary, should seriously undertake comprehensive reforms so that the organization is fully equipped to [number] meet new challenges, taking into account the current global realities. we acknowledge with appreciation the valuable contribution made by the secretary-general and his team to the ongoing reform process, which made possible the adoption of the outcome document resolution [number] [number] at the recent summit of the organization. we urge all member states to work together to build on that framework in order to operationalize what has been agreed and to work further on what remains to be achieved. recovery after the tsunami disaster taught us the value and potential of humanity acting in unison when fellow human beings are in distress. we now hope that the same human spirit and common interests will continue to prevail in addressing the socio-economic and security challenges we face. let us resolve to commit ourselves collectively, on this solemn occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the organization, to act together in the interest of humankind in order that we may strive to eliminate the three scourges of poverty, disease and terrorism.

i wish to take this opportunity to congratulate you most sincerely on your election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-second session. my delegation is confident that your in-depth knowledge of international economic and political issues, complemented by your extensive diplomatic experience, will serve you in good stead to guide our deliberations effectively in the coming months. i also wish to take this opportunity to express trinidad and tobago s deep appreciation for the leadership of your predecessor, her excellency sheikha haya rashed al-khalifa, the first arab woman to hold that lofty position. as president of the general assembly, her efforts contributed to focusing the attention of the international community on the pressing challenges of climate change, inter alia, thereby facilitating, in the process, global awareness and increased support for internationally agreed action on this issue given its impact on our planet and, especially, on the very survival of several small island developing states. i consider this occasion opportune, as well, to convey trinidad and tobago's unequivocal support for our current secretary-general his excellency mr. ban ki-moon. we commend his leadership role in the troubling humanitarian crisis in the darfur region of the sudan and applaud his initiative to convene the high-level event on climate change. these are indeed apt demonstrations of his willingness to confront forcefully and resolutely issues of transcendental importance to the present and future well-being of peoples everywhere. though small in size and population, trinidad and tobago, through visionary leadership, transparency and public accountability and prudent management of our natural resources, is continuing along a path of sustainable development. our development strategy seeks to go beyond the achievement of the millennium development goals mdgs and to ensure that by the year [number] all sectors of our multi-ethnic and multicultural society will enjoy a standard of living comparable to that of the developed world. the performance of our economy draws its strength from vertically integrated and well-developed energy and petrochemical industries, which are complemented by buoyant and competitive manufacturing and service sectors, including financial services and tourism, as well as by the ongoing transformation of the agricultural sector. all these factors provide the basis for economic growth levels off [number]. [number] per cent over the last five years and a recorded rate of [number] per cent in [number]. we have also been able to achieve a [number] per cent reduction in poverty from a high of [number] per cent in [number] and are currently experiencing a low unemployment rate of [number]. [number] per cent. it is on the basis of this strong economic performance that trinidad and tobago has continued its commitment to the caribbean community caricom , as we seek to advance the integration process, moving from the current stage of the single market to that of a single economy. effective participation in this process of furthering strengthening and deepening the regional integration movement remains a major foreign policy goal of the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago. it is for this reason and given the fact that our economic fortunes are inextricably linked, that trinidad and tobago continues to provide economic and humanitarian assistance to several caricom countries adversely affected by natural disasters. our further economic development and that of the global community as a whole, is dependent on the existence of global peace and security. in this regard, the security council has continued to take timely decisions on global crises in different parts of the globe, on terrorism and on nuclear non-proliferation. the reform of that principal organ of the united nations, charged with maintaining international peace and security, continues, however, to elude us. it is time to engage in bona fide negotiations on this matter. the status quo is unacceptable. the security council must be reformed to reflect the current geopolitical realities of the twenty-first century and no longer the world as it was in the aftermath of world war ii. new and important actors from africa, asia and latin america and the caribbean are a part of today s global reality. an expanded and enhanced security council would provide the council with even greater legitimacy and support in the carrying out of its charter responsibilities. trinidad and tobago is of the view that much progress was made during the sixty-first session and the political momentum which was generated there should not be lost. a reinvigorated security council is needed to address the major issues that continue to bedevil contemporary international relations. in the middle east, the failure to move forward on the peace process has set back global efforts to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the middle east. the palestinian people have yet to exercise their legitimate rights to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent palestinian state in an undivided homeland. we call on the quartet to resume the road map process for peace in the middle east, so that the world can, in the foreseeable future, see two states, israel and palestine, living side by side in peace, within internationally recognized and secure borders. additionally, internationally acceptable solutions must be found to address the fate of the palestinian refugees, the status of jerusalem and the issue of israeli settlements in the west bank. all these matters have remained pending for far too long and the palestinians should no longer be denied the realization of their statehood. while there has been little or no progress in the matter of peace in the middle east, the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago is pleased to note that, with respect to the humanitarian crisis in the darfur region of the sudan, agreement has finally been reached, which has resulted in the deployment of a hybrid united nations-african union peacekeeping force for darfur. we welcome this positive development. while we hope that the hybrid united nations-african union peacekeeping force will bring peace and stability to the region and enable humanitarian relief to flow once again to where it is most urgently required, all our efforts must now be turned towards putting a cease-fire in place and striving to have all the rebels groups fighting in darfur move towards a peace arrangement with the sudanese government. peace and justice are, however, inextricably linked and there can be no lasting peace in darfur without accountability for the heinous crimes committed against the people of darfur during the conflict. while international political and security developments continue to pose major difficulties for the international community, developments in the area of international trade give rise to even greater concern. we are mindful of the reality that the steadfast efforts of trinidad and tobago, of the subregion and of other developing countries to confront effectively the challenges of globalization and liberalization would be rendered futile in the absence of a fair, transparent and equitable international economic trading system. the government of trinidad and tobago therefore remains deeply concerned that, after many years of protracted negotiations characterized by many missed deadlines, the doha round of multilateral trade negotiations has yet to reach a compromise that would pave the way for an agreed outcome, particularly in the areas of agriculture and industrial products, and that incorporates the development dimension. we underscore the importance of ensuring that the principle of special and differential treatment is truly reflected throughout the negotiating modalities, and we call upon all parties in the negotiations to take fully into account the special needs of small and vulnerable economies. the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago fully expects that the negotiations will resume in good faith and that there will be commensurate progress in agriculture, industrial products and all other areas of the negotiations, in keeping with the mandate of a single undertaking. that will ensure the successful conclusion of the round and an outcome that fully reflects the commitment undertaken at doha to put development at the heart of the multilateral trading system. while those trade negotiations seem to have stalled and will require the injection of a high degree of political will to bring them to a successful conclusion, the international community is faced with yet another global concern in the form of climate change. as a result of greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel use and land-use changes through deforestation, the world is already destined to an increase of [number]. [number] degrees celsius by the end of the next two decades. there therefore needs to be a clearly defined global mitigation strategy that keeps the long-term temperature increase at less than [number] degrees celsius above pre-industrial levels. increases over [number] degrees celsius are very likely to have an increased adverse impact on small island developing states, such as trinidad and tobago. in order to avoid a global climate disaster, the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago calls for urgent and ambitious action by all states in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities, respective capabilities and social and economic conditions. as a state party to the united nations framework convention on climate change unfccc and the kyoto protocol, we call on all states parties to unfccc, particularly major emitters of greenhouse gases, to agree at bali to launch negotiations on a post-[number] regime. in those negotiations, the government of trinidad and tobago and other like-minded caribbean community caricom member states will seek to achieve substantial and legally binding emission reductions in the shortest timeframe possible and significant increases in the level of resources available to developing countries, in particular small island developing states, to assist them in adapting to the adverse effects of climate change. to this end, the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago has already made a voluntary contribution of [number] million to the trust fund for the caribbean community climate change centre in belize to strengthen that institution, so that it can assist caricom member states in implementing their adaptation strategies to deal with the adverse effects of climate change. but we in the caribbean are not only concerned about global warming and its adverse effects on caribbean states. we are also deeply interested in preserving the marine environment of the caribbean sea, which is an important natural resource for all its littoral island and continental states, given their varying degrees of dependence on tourism. the passage through the caribbean sea of ships carrying radioactive waste is an issue to which all caricom governments attach the highest importance. allow me to take this opportunity to reiterate the continued objection of caribbean countries against the use of the caribbean sea for the trans-shipment of radioactive waste. the repeated scientific and safety reports may offer some reassurance, but they do very little to appease our concern. our prime minister, mr. patrick manning, in his [number] budget statement, brought into sharp focus the vision of the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago for our cosmopolitan society. he emphasized that the mission in which we as a nation are engaged collectively is a transformation process aimed at bringing sustained prosperity and the requisite higher quality of life to every individual, family and community across the country. the government has therefore sought to give concrete expression to the national quest for a highly competitive, productive, innovative and caring society, in which all are encouraged to attain their highest potential and are facilitated in doing so. it is, accordingly, in this spirit that we have just signed the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities, which was adopted and opened for signature during the sixty-first session of the general assembly, and we will take steps to ratify the convention once the necessary implementing legislation is put in place to complement what is already provided for in our domestic policy with regard to persons with disabilities. it is this confidence in and respect for the international rule of law that has encouraged trinidad and tobago to campaign, since the late 1980s and at the highest political levels, for the establishment of an international criminal court icc . we are keenly aware of the important strides being made by icc, as it devotes its attention to the prosecution of individuals accused of committing the crimes within its jurisdiction, namely, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. trinidad and tobago recalls in this connection the adoption at the rome diplomatic conference of a resolution recommending that a conference to review the court s statute also consider the inclusion of trafficking in illegal drugs on an international scale as being within the court s jurisdiction. we must seize the opportunity now forced upon us by international trends to fully engage icc in efforts to stem the tide of that scourge, and similarly, to consider the inclusion of acts of terrorism, once that term is clearly defined by the international community. our approach will be grounded in the recognition of the continued deleterious effects that the international trade in illegal drugs is having on the social fabric of societies the world over, including in the caribbean. the time has come for the international community to recognize the illicit trafficking of drugs as an international crime subject to the jurisdiction of icc. another area of public international law to which trinidad and tobago attaches the utmost importance is the [number] united nations convention on the law of the sea. this year s meeting of the united nations open-ended informal consultative process on oceans and the law of the sea addressed the important issue of marine genetic resources. part xi of the convention explicitly provides that the area beyond national jurisdiction and its resources are the common heritage of mankind. trinidad and tobago is accordingly of the view that any legal regime developed to regulate the marine genetic resources of the area must be guided by the common heritage principle. adherence to such a principle would ensure that the resources of the area are exploited for the benefit of all members of the international community, and not just for the benefit of those with the financial wherewithal and the technical know-how. similarly, we recognize that all states parties to the convention are ipso facto members of the international seabed authority. despite the importance of the current work of the authority on polymetallic sulphides and cobalt crusts, many states parties fail to attend the annual sessions of the authority held in jamaica. the continued absence of states undermines the common heritage principle laid down in part xi of the convention and threatens the very legitimacy of the work of the authority. we accordingly call on all members of the authority to attend regularly the sessions of the authority and thus assist it in adopting regulations governing the exploration and exploitation of the mineral resources in the area, which are of benefit to all mankind. trinidad and tobago, like its caribbean neighbours, acknowledges its maternal links to africa and notes that [number] was an important year for the peoples of that continent and for the african diaspora worldwide. earlier this year, we observed here at headquarters and in the capitals of all caricom states a programme of activities intended to raise the consciousness of peoples the world over regarding the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade and the deleterious effects it had on africa, depriving that continent of millions of its inhabitants, and on people of african descent in the americas. we in trinidad and tobago have used the opportunity to educate all of our citizens on the degrading treatment to which those human beings were subjected and to demonstrate that, notwithstanding our history of slavery, followed by the indentureship of other segments of our population, the people of trinidad and tobago have developed a harmonious cosmopolitan society, which is an accomplishment worthy of emulation in other parts of the globe that are fractured by fratricidal ethnic and religious struggles. in order for the suffering of millions of enslaved africans not to have been in vain, the government of the republic of trinidad and tobago intends to make a financial contribution to the caricom initiative for a permanent memorial to be erected within these hallowed walls of the united nations in remembrance of all those who perished in the middle passage and on the plantations in the new world in their struggle for freedom and liberation from the yoke of slavery. we call upon the international community to contribute generously to such a worthwhile and historic venture. in conclusion, the united nations remains a centre for harmonizing the goals and aspirations of all mankind. there is no other universal forum with greater legitimacy or a more suitable mandate to bring about an improvement in the human condition. we must address all these global issues with firmness of purpose and in a resolute manner if we are to save coming generations from the adverse consequences of war, underdevelopment and poverty, as well as the deleterious effects of climate change, and to ensure that all humanity can enjoy improved standards of living in freedom and in dignity on a habitable planet.

mr. president, your election as president of the twenty-ninth session of the assembly comes at a time when dramatic events are taking place in africa and the question of peace and stability on our continent is weighing heavily on the minds of the international community. may i on behalf of the government and people of ghana, and on my own behalf, congratulate you heartily and express our confidence that under your able presidency the urgent business before the assembly will be conducted with all seriousness and in earnest. the election of such an eminent african statesman as president of this body is a matter of great pride to us from africa. it carries with it prestige and preeminence, and is a tribute not only to our continent, your country and the people of algeria, but also to you personally. [number]. sir, my delegation cannot help recalling that it was in algiers and with your active assistance as the foreign minister of your country that portugal concluded, on [number] august of this year, its talks with guinea- bissau. those talks, among other things, resulted in the long-overdue recognition by portugal of the inalienable right of the people of guinea-bissau, and that of all others in its other dependent territories, including mozambique and angola, to self-determination and independence. my delegation has no doubt whatsoever that you, sir, will bring the same resourcefulness to the direction of the work of this session. we on our part assure you of our co-operation. [number]. mr. president, my delegation is also gratified to have worked under the guidance of your distinguished predecessor, mr. benites. his patience, tenacity of purpose and dedication steered us not only through the twenty-eighth session of the general assembly, but also through the crucial sixth special session. i wish to convey to him through you, sir, my delegation's unqualified appreciation. [number]. to the secretary-general, through whose purposefulness and dedication the affairs of the organization have been so well managed despite unexpected and serious difficulties at times, we express our deep appreciation and sincere thanks. my delegation gladly accepts his repent to this session ai9601 and add. i , and remains confident that the qualities for which he has become so well known will continue to be applied for the benefit of the international community. [number]. my delegation wishes to take this opportunity to welcome bangladesh, guinea-bissau and grenada to membership in this body. we are happy that one year after its independence guinea-bissau has been accepted as a member of both the organization of african unity and a member of the united nations, to mention only two organizations. we have no doubt that the participation of the new members in our deliberations will contribute to the eventual attainment of the international justice and peace for which we all continue to strive. [number]. mr. president, in welcoming guinea-bissau to the assembly when you are in the presidential chair, i am reminded in particular of the striking similarities between the triumphant struggle of the algerian people and-that of the people of guinea-bissau. both countries faced the implacable and ruthless action of colonial powers. both waged a long struggle of national liberation against colonial powers desperately determined to pursue the untenable constitutional myth whereby african colonial territories were considered extensions of european metropolitan powers. in both cases, while the organization grappled with the problem of bringing the colonial powers concerned to see reason, the iron determination of the peoples of the territories triumphed over the arms of the oppressors. in both algeria and guinea-bissau, the two colonial powers out of desperation sought to intimidate and terrorize sympathetic neighboring territories. thus algeria's neighbours morocco, tunisia and the arab republic of egypt -can to this day show the world the scars of their wounds. guinea- bissau's neighbours guinea and senegal - suffered the ravages of external invasion and threats to their territorial integrity. [number]. the heroic struggles of the peoples of algeria and guinea-bissau have demonstrated to the whole world that colonialism is permanent aggression and a threat to international peace and security. consequently, the struggles of both algeria and guinea-bissau were given collective support by the united nations. the independence of algeria and guinea-bissau was recognized by the world organization even before the formal ceremonial procedure of admission was effected. in their final hour of triumph, not only did the brave peoples of algeria and guinea-bissau liberate their peoples but, by the irony of history, their struggles profoundly affected the internal politics of the metropolitan countries themselves, which led to popular, political, economic and social changes. [number]. allow me to salute the gallant and heroic people of guinea-bissau. the government and people of ghana would like to pay tribute to both the people of guinea-bissau and the intellectual depth that has marked the philosophical and revolutionary horizons held out to the people by the vanguard party, partido africano da independencia da guine e cabo verde paigc , at every stage of the long struggle. [number]. we pay a solemn tribute to the revered memory of our brother amilcar cabral, who laid down his life for the noble cause of his country's liberation. on this occasion we are reminded of his wise reflections on the intellectual arrogance of imperialists on the destiny of oppressed africa "there is a preconception, held by many people, even on the left, that imperialism made us enter history at the moment when it began its adventure in our countries. this preconception must be denounced. we consider that, when imperialism arrived in guinea, it made us leave history our history. " [number]. it is the history of the people of guinea-bissau, interrupted by [number] years of imperialism, that is now resuming its natural course before our very eyes. in celebrating the formal admission of the people of guinea-bissau to the united nations, we are celebrating the victory of the whole human race, the victory of the progressive forces of the world. imperialism has done its worst to splinter our common humanity into fragments by creating hatred between peoples and by setting race against race. but the human spirit has always resisted and reasserted its wholeness. in this, it has not lacked dedicated agents, among which, we submit, the victorious people of guinea-bissau ranks among the high and honored in the revolutionary world. [number]. considering what havoc imperialism has wrought in terms of human and material resources, it is an achievement of no mean proportions and significance that the african peoples have yet managed to preserve their sense of dignity and to move forward in search of political, economic, social and cultural advancement. suppressed, persecuted and betrayed even by those sections of the world community from which it could rightly expect support, african life has survived, seeking refuge in villages and forests and in the indomitable spirit of generations of victims of colonialist and racist oppression. [number]. the people of guinea-bissau have a homespun saying "a crouching man cannot support anyone on his knees. " in spite of all well-meaning assurances of future aid, portugal cannot be expected to bear the entire brunt of making restitution for the years of economic misuse of the resources of guinea-bissau. we appeal to all member states to offer genuine assistance. we feel bound, however, to qualify our appeal and to warn especially the once powerful allies of portugal that if they join in making reparations to that small, newly independent state they must do so without any subtle attempts to substitute neo-colonialist arrangements for the crumbling colonial structure. we ourselves would have preferred all aid to be channeled, if possible, through the united nations. that, at least, the people of guinea-bissau deserve of the united nations. let me restate here also that the time has come for those powers to stop their unbridled interference in the affairs of the small nations, interference that has often created tragic situations for our peoples. [number]. i have dwelt at length on the independence of guinea-bissau because of its profound significance for peace and development in africa. the aspirations of africans are towards peace and development, and freedom in dignity is an essential ingredient of those aspirations. but so long as the framework of peace continues to be based on imperialist and racist interests in africa, so long will our oppressed peoples continue to fight for their inalienable right to freedom and human dignity. the victory of guinea-bissau testifies - as, very soon, will the victories of mozambique and angola- to the indomitability of the human spirit, which, when aroused in indignation against injustices, oppression and all forms of indignity, can withstand and overcome ruthless forces of oppression. [number]. just as today we welcome guinea-bissau, so shall we tomorrow welcome into the assembly the new states of mozambique, angola, sao tome and principe, namibia, zimbabwe and azania. time is on the side of the african majorities in southern africa. any conspiracy by the racist and reactionary white settlers in southern africa to prevent the emergence of independent african states would not only be short-sighted but also would create a dangerous situation in southern africa. mother africa can no longer remain heedless to the anguished cries of her sons and daughters still in bondage and servitude. [number]. it was our own kwame nkrumah who warned from this very rostrum some [number] years ago "africa wants her freedom africa must be free. it is a simple call, but it is also a signal, a red light of warning to those who would tend to ignore it. " [number]. the racist minority regimes in rhodesia and south africa are frightened by recent developments in the territories under portuguese domination. they are increasing their defense budgets and imposing special surcharges on their citizens in order to maintain the status quo in southern africa. they are recruiting and regrouping mercenaries in order to cause confusion and upheaval in mozambique and angola. it must be made clear to those racist minority regimes in southern africa that the only honorable way out of their present predicament is to come to terms with the revolutionary events crowding in on them while there is still time. [number]. the government and people of ghana would like to place on record their satisfaction at the determination of the government of portugal to fulfill its promises of full independence for the peoples in the territorli under its colonial control and express the hope that the progressive and enlightened influences in present-day portugal will continue to respond positively to the urgent demand for freedom and in-dependence in its remaining territories in africa. it is our belief that, if the government of portugal keeps its pledge to the world and shoulders full translatability for the complete transfer of power to tnc accredited and proven leaders of the people in these territories, portugal can look forward to a new era of friendly relations and co-operation with independent africa. [number]. no group of states relies more on conciliation, dialog and communication in the search for a peaceful and just world than do the members from the developing world. no one believes more in the effect of peaceful negotiations than we do. an honest reading of the positions that we have been advocating would expose the weak moral grounding of the allies of the racist regimes of southern africa. [number]. our words and actions stand in sharp contrast to the world-publicized ambivalence of south africa's western allies. this is no time for recriminations, but we fail to see any consistency between their declared support for the principles of the charter that concern human rights and their continued support of these racist regimes. their objections to sanctions and their rejection of enforcement measures designed to weaken the resolution of the racist regimes of south africa and rhodesia to pursue their iniquitous policies only help to shore up the flagging morale of those regimes. it is not enough to express horror at the evil policies of those racist minority regimes. if mere pious words or declarations constituted the ultimate remedy for these evils, i am sure that we would not need the help of south africa's western allies. in the face of the present situation in southern africa, we invite the trading partners of south africa and rhodesia to join us in exploring the avenues for rapid solutions to the questions of southern africa, namibia and rhodesia. [number]. my delegation has given consideration to south africa's recent effort to save its face. i refer to document a [number] of [number] september of this year. [number] this document brings to our attention a statement issued by the executive of the national party of south west africa. in the view of my delegation, the statement constitutes one more insult which the organization has had to tolerate from south africa. it is the hope of my delegation that the organization will tell south africa in no uncertain terms that the ultimate responsibility for the future of south west africa lies with the united nations. what is at issue here is south africa's continued defiance of this organization and its flouting of the decision of the international court of justice on the status of that territory. what we would like to hear from south africa is when that country will abandon this defiance. [number]. ' in defining the basis of ghana's foreign policy recently, our head of state and chairman of the national redemption council, colonel i. k. acheampong, said "we are not racists. indeed we are opposed to racism in all its forms and manifestations. thus we believe it is possible and desirable for various races and ethnic groups to live in equality and brotherhood in an african context, once all accept a common loyalty and devotion to the nation and its institutions. we have proved by many examples that it is possible to coexist with erstwhile colonialists when this takes place in an atmosphere of equality, freedom and tolerance. " it is this fundamental belief of ghana, and our demonstrated commitment to it, which makes it possible for us to appeal here to the western powers to join us in the common purpose of helping to create speedily in southern africa a society based on true freedom, equality and justice. [number]. while we are preoccupied with events in africa, we are not unmindful of equally serious threats to peace that exist elsewhere. the middle east, and more recently cyprus, continue to pose a problem for the organization. the government and people of ghana continue to view the situations with grave concern, not only because of the potential they have for causing a resumption of serious conflict, but more for the terrible consequences of those hostilities on the lives of the peoples of those areas. [number]. ghana is committed to assisting the efforts of the united nations at securing peace in the middle east. to this end, we have contributed troops to the united nations emergency force serving in the area in the hope that, with the combined efforts of the countries which have done likewise, and with the guidance of the security council, we shall succeed in generating a willingness on the part of all the states concerned to come to terms with each other, respect each other's rights and eventually live in peace and harmony. our troops will continue to be available to the organization for so long as their presence is deemed necessary. [number]. if there is any lesson to be drawn from the spiral of violence in the middle east, it is that the claims of the parties to the conflict touch the very life and spirit of their peoples. thus, my delegation believes that no lasting solution can be found without addressing ourselves seriously to the palestinian question. it is evident also that there can be no easing of tension until the initial step is taken to discourage the acquisition of the territories of others by conquest. historical claims to territory are the central issue in the question and the roads to peaceful negotiation will be blocked if there is any further alienation of territory from any of the parties to the conflict. [number]. true, there can be no lasting peace until all states in the area are assured of secure, recognized and guaranteed frontiers in an overall negotiated settlement. but, since peace begins in the minds of men, there can be no negotiation to determine secure and guaranteed borders until the parties can feel psychologically disposed to this. therefore, we do not advocate negotiation based on pre-conditions. that is a denial of the very essence of negotiation but it is clearly an illusion to believe that much can be achieved in this middle east impasse by a reliance on the well- known proposition "negotiation from a position of strength". the foundations of peace in the middle east have to be carefully laid on the basis of mutual tolerance and by avoiding the past mistake of resorting to a trial of military strength and technical superiority. [number]. some of the tragic elements of the middle east crisis appear to recur in the worsening situation in nearby cyprus. we have from the very beginning advocated respect for the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of cyprus. we have never seen any virtue in claims for annexation of the island by any power. the integrity of cyprus cannot be predicated on the uncertain and short-term advantage which some believe may accrue to one or other of the two communities in the island. [number]. my delegation cannot subscribe to a permanent occupation of cyprus by foreign troops of any origin we cannot support any doctrine or policy aimed at uniting the island with any other state on purely ethnic grounds. it is our conviction that the solution to the cyprus problem consists in creating a secure existence for all communities on the island. it is equally important to insulate the state of cyprus from super-power pursuit of strategic interests in the eastern mediterranean. [number]. it was barely a month ago that the second session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea came to an end in caracas. that conference was the third substantive attempt by the international community in the course of this decade to evolve an equitable, orderly and peaceful system for the utilization of the benefits which the oceans and- their floor have bestowed on mankind. [number]. since the caracas conference, there have been comments from some quarters which indicate some disappointment, even disillusion, at the results achieved. the ghana government does not share these assessments. in our view, the conference achieved what it could reasonably be expected to achieve. [number]. while saying thl, my delegation would be the first to recognize that the extent of progress we make at the next conference, scheduled to take place in geneva in march and april next year, will depend upon our political will to negotiate at that session. perhaps, out of frustration, which as i have already indicated is unjustified, hints have been dropped here and there that, unless an early agreement is reached on a convention on the sea, certain countries intend to start unilateral exploration of the sea-bed and exploitation of its resources. it is our hope that no country will resort to that course of action. we say this because we consider that course of action to be fraught with great danger to the harmony and peace of the world. any such action, therefore, could not be considered responsible and in the interest of the world community as a whole. [number]. the caracas conference followed closely on the heels of the sixth special session of the general assembly on raw materials and a new economic order. that session taught all of us that it is only by conscious collective action that the problems of this planet can be resolved. previous efforts at creating a fair and equitable international economic system, including unctad, all foundered on the conflicting and seemingly irreconcilable interests of different groups of states. [number]. recent events have shown and lent tremendous support to the conviction that it is only by creating a new economic and social order that we can hope to avoid the threatening catastrophe which is bound to be the fate of mankind if we persist in confrontation and the pursuit of selfish goals. the new economic and social order should reflect our global interdependence while eschewing the present inequities in international trade and world financial monetary systems. [number]. if my delegation urges the international community to ensure adequate assistance to needy countries, we should not be understood to be preaching the perpetuation of the dependence of developing countries on alms from the developed or industrialized countries. what we are urging is the transfer of such technological "know-how" and other inputs as are most likely to conduce to the self-generating development of the receiving countries. by our request we seek to ensure that developing countries will ultimately become as self-sufficient and self-reliant as may be compatible with international interdependence. u7. ghana, under the national redemption council, is today demonstrating its commitment to the idea of self-reliance which we have adopted as the cardinal principle of our charter of redemption. by its application in all our national endeavours we have achieved a measure of success in reorganizing our economy and improving our circumstances to the extent of reducing our dependence on external sources to feed ourselves. we are mobilizing our resources in a new spirit of self-confidence and our people are beginning to see the fruits of their efforts. our expectation of a better life is therefore great. it is this great expectation that has made us so acutely conscious of the disastrous effects on ghana's economy of the prevailing high and rising cost of oil. [number]. the estimated increase in crude oil prices for ghana for [number] is [number] per cent over the [number] prices, while in terms of foreign exchange expenditure the [number] prices of crude oil and petroleum products account for about [number] per cent of our total foreign exchange expenditure. these are indeed staggering figures. [number]. the over-all effect of the energy crisis on the ghanaian economy is very wide-ranging not only because of the immediate strain it has placed on our foreign exchange disbursements but also because of the problems it poses, directly or indirectly, for the success of our policy of self-reliance. in this respect, an immediate victim wih'be the much-acclaimed "operation feed yourself' program. [number]. there is little doubt that the picture i have painted applies generally to most if not all non-oil- producing developing countries. however, i do not want to be interpreted as indicting the oil-producing countries. i say this because it should be general knowledge that several factors are responsible for the present economic recession into which the world as a whole seems to be falling. [number]. we cannot ignore the fact that in the past prices paid for raw materials as a whole have been very low, while those for manufactured goods have maintained constantly increasing levels. the action by the oil- producing countries is therefore seen by my delegation as a reaction to this situation and an attempt to introduce an overdue balance. the right approach to the problem, in our view, would be to give careful consideration to all elements which could be considered responsible for the present dislocation in the international economy. we believe that the present world economic crisis can be solved only by co-operative action by the international community as a whole. recriminations and apportioning of blame cannot be the answer. [number]. my delegation welcomes the agreements reached between the united states and the soviet union on further limitations on anti-missile defense systems and on the limitation of underground testing of nuclear weapons. we also appreciate the efforts being made for further limitation of strategic offensive weapons. we urge that these efforts be continued. in spite of this progress, my delegation does not believe that enough has been achieved in the area of nuclear disarmament to give us hope for the future of mankind. [number]. what to my delegation seems to be the greatest threat to peace and the human race is the arms race and the continued proliferation of nuclear weapons. the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons entered into force on [number] march [number], but as yet not all countries have signed or acceded to it. my delegation has noted all the reasons which have been advanced by certain countries for not signing the treaty. however, it is the belief of my delegation that so long as this situation persists, so long will these remain a real danger of other countries disregarding the treaty and acquiring nuclear weapons of their own. [number]. it has been stated, for instance, that some countries are now using the increase in oil prices as an excuse for developing nuclear technology as a means of generating alternative sources of power. it is common knowledge, however, that there is only a very thin line separating the peaceful uses of nuclear power from its destructive uses. my delegation recognizes the positive benefits which nuclear power can bestow on mankind. the nature of nuclear technology, however, seems to suggest that a system of international control of its use is necessary if mankind is to be able to enjoy its positive benefits without suffering the effects of its negative uses. my delegation thus continues to hope that the third session of the preparatory committee of the review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, to be held in february [number], will be able to advance the establishment of such controls. [number]. i have touched on some of the central issues which affect the precarious peace and unstable development in the world. i have done this from the perspective of a third-world state which believes that the rights and interests of the millions of people of africa and the developing countries generally should more than ever compel the mature attention of the international community. if we have met again this year to review the basis of peace, let us not subordinate the interests of the third world to those of the big powers and their allies. let us constantly remind ourselves that our search for peace will be illusory if we remain blind to the issues facing the third world. [number]. traumatic events during the past year in africa, the americas, europe, the middle east, asia and the far east point to the fact that we are at another historic turning-point. whether or not the way ahead will lead to peace, justice and progress will, to some extent, depend on the positions each member state takes on the urgent issues before us. let us by our deliberations during this session, and actions to follow, demonstrate a determined will to pursue courses that will lead lo the ultimate fulfillment of the objectives of the charter of the united nations and collectively tackle the problems of our time in the wider interests of the human race.

at the outset, allow me, on behalf of the republic of paraguay, to offer you, mr. president, our best wishes for success in your delicate and important tasks at the helm of the general assembly at its sixty-ninth session. i also wish to express my delegation s appreciation to mr. john ashe, president of the general assembly at its sixty-eighth session, for his significant achievements. the government of paraguay is attending the general debate to reaffirm the importance and call for the strengthening of the united nations as a forum capable of representing the interests of all member states in our urgent search for a more just, united and equitable world, guaranteed by the full force of international law. at the same time, and as we approach the seventieth year since the creation of the most important debating forum in the history of humankind, we believe it right to recall that our organization, the united nations, was created precisely as a forum for peace among peace-loving nations, as expressed at the various international conferences that led to its creation. that reminder seems even timely and relevant to us, since the concept of peace is now more necessary than ever in various parts of the world such as the middle east and the black sea region. the republic of paraguay reiterates its commitment to ensuring that all social issues are addressed. in that regard, the government of president horacio manuel cartes jara is dealing decisively with the development, execution and implementation of social policies that address various demands, with special emphasis on the needs of the most vulnerable and disadvantaged sectors of our population, including the elderly, the rural population, indigenous communities, migrants, children, adolescents and women. we have an obligation to enable members of those groups to be included as full citizens. in that regard, i would make a special reference to the world conference of indigenous peoples, held at headquarters a few days ago, which was convened to listen to the true thoughts and feelings of our native and indigenous peoples. indigenous cultural heritage has been and remains one of the key elements shaping paraguay s cultural identity and has led to miscegenation as the main social factor unifying the native guarani population and the european conquerors. our country is proud of the linguistic, cultural and political character of paraguay, which boasts the native guarani language of our ancestors as its everyday language. in line with the efforts made by the government since it took office in august [number], we believe solidarity and partnership is necessary among countries, whether developing or developed, and international financing institutions. we also take into account the fact that, often, vulnerability stems from other areas, such as a lack of decent jobs, educational opportunities, access to international markets and timely cooperation and from issues for which responsibility does not lie exclusively with the state but also with the private sector, as it generates wealth and decent employment. in that regard, we call on the united nations bodies that work for cooperation to further strengthen their presence in paraguay and support national policies aimed at strengthening democracy and social justice. for the first time since its inception nearly a decade ago, my country is aspiring to secure a seat on the human rights council for the [number]-[number] period. for the republic of paraguay, the protection and promotion of human rights are the foundation for effective democracy. they are fundamental values that are enshrined and guaranteed in our constitution, which expressly states that international human rights treaties cannot be rejected except through the procedures governing amendments to our constitution. on the basis of those constitutional assurances and commitments, we are confident that we can play more than a constructive role and thus consolidate the actions of the council to effectively strengthen the promotion and protection of human rights around the world. paraguay, in accordance with its government s policy, will continue to continuously support and follow issues in the united nations relating to the promotion of youth participation in social and economic development, persons with disabilities, migrant workers, the elimination of violence against women, the rights of the child, the elimination of discrimination on the basis of religious beliefs and the protection of human rights and their relation to extreme poverty. in paraguay, we support the globalization of democracy through social development. we also believe in universal security based on respect for human rights as an unwavering commitment to the dignity of human life. we therefore hope to build a regional and global community that, hand in hand and in solidarity, devotes its efforts to eradicating hunger and poverty, effectively cooperating to promote the participation of all, in prosperity, through quality education and a system of inclusive social protection. as a sign of paraguay s desire to respond to the changing times, our president recently promulgated the law on free access by citizens to public information and government transparency as an important tool enabling every citizen to act as comptroller of public expenditures. the law, which was recently adopted, states that all institutions must disseminate information as widely as possible. the law also guarantees access by every citizen to all public information. we in paraguay believe that the concept of development should include, as a sine qua non, the principle of social inclusion. the major challenge of achieving development that overcomes asymmetries leads inevitably to efforts promoting and achieving an optimal quality of life for all our citizens without exception. we must give a human face to our growth. our citizens deserve, and have the right to, a more dignified life and overall well-being. we are currently working to establish a post-[number] development agenda that is sustainable and has a focus on poverty, education, health and social inclusion. we have learned that the millennium development goals have been and are important but not sufficient, and that humankind should be the focus of policy. in that context, we believe that, for the post-[number] development agenda to be successful, it must be accompanied by a better distribution of international financial resources. paraguay needs international cooperation that is aligned with its socioeconomic priorities, the development and strengthening of its institutions and preferential treatment for its most vulnerable sectors. we hope that the opening of developing countries helps bridge inequalities and that the same restrictions that the more developed economies are demanding in the process of their own development will not be applied. paraguay s position, like that of many developing countries, is that south-south cooperation is not a substitute for but a complement to north-south cooperation and triangular cooperation. we believe that the united nations, as the universal forum, should play a central role in ensuring success in our efforts to achieve better international coordination and coherence in the economic and financial spheres. as the high-level climate summit was also held a few days ago here at headquarters in new york, we believe it is necessary to recall that paraguay is aware that climate change poses a serious and complex threat to the world, as highlighted by the growing negative impacts we are experiencing due to the resulting droughts, floods and other adverse phenomena, which spread poverty, cause forced displacements and may affect international peace and security. this situation urgently requires a coordinated and responsible global response in order to find ways to mitigate, alleviate and reverse climate change s tragic and devastating consequences. in addition, paraguay supports the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, on the basis of which countries that have contributed more to the historical and current levels of pollution must shoulder correspondingly greater responsibilities. that principle should be used as an objective criterion, and its implementation will contribute to efforts to mitigate the global impact of climate change. the issue of landlocked developing countries is of fundamental importance for paraguay s foreign policy. the asymmetries and disadvantages that that geographical situation brings about will be offset only if there is international recognition of the need for a special and differential agreement on the country s integration into the globalized world. paraguay, along with other landlocked developing countries in the world, of which there are over [number], faces difficulties in terms of open access to international markets, mainly owing to the restrictions on free transit through transit countries and the lack of special and differential treatment, which would allow them to engage in greater and more competitive participation in world markets. this year is particularly important for us because in november the second united nations conference on landlocked developing countries, to be held in vienna, will review the almaty programme of action. while the condition of being a landlocked developing country is a disadvantage for paraguay, we are convinced that we can overcome that adversity. we are working so that our territory can become, in the very near future, a favourable environment for integration and productive communication between the two major oceans, the atlantic and the pacific. the new programme of action to be adopted at the vienna conference should be the framework for mutually beneficial cooperation between landlocked developing countries and transit countries. disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control are not just key factors to ensure international peace and security, but also guarantee that the most vulnerable countries can achieve sustained socioeconomic development. only by securing a strong multilateral system with strict respect for the rule of law at the international and national levels can we ensure our mutual security. we are convinced that universal and binding international instruments in the area of disarmament and the arms trade treaty, which will enter into force in the near future, will help improve the effectiveness of existing regional initiatives to prevent irresponsible actors from gaining access to weapons. again, we urge israel and palestine to lay the foundation for social, political and economic reconstruction, which should enable both peoples to live in peace and harmony. today more than ever, we must promote the negotiation process between the parties, which can lead to lasting peace so that israel and palestine can live side by side with secure borders and in peace. i also wish to note that paraguay recognizes and welcomes the participation and contributions of the republic of china taiwan to united nations specialized agencies, thanks to a rapprochement between the two parties of the taiwan strait. in a world beset by conflicts, my government welcomes the efforts made by the republic of china taiwan to reduce tensions across the taiwan strait, which have contributed significantly to ensuring peace and stability. the republic of paraguay reiterates its commitment to international peace and security. in that context, we reaffirm the political will to increase, to the extent practicable, our contribution of troops to peacekeeping operations and to continue to train and equip peacekeeping forces in accordance with standards established by the united nations, so as to progressively increase our participation in those missions. regionally, we recognize the progress achieved by the united nations stabilization mission in haiti, where the presence of specialized personnel in paraguay s armed forces, working with other countries in our region, have played a significant role in humanitarian assistance and infrastructure engineering projects and in improving the long-term standard of living to benefit many generations of haitians. since its inception, the united nations has focused all its efforts on constantly evolving so that it can become a global structure capable of meeting the current needs of member states. it is in the desire for such evolution that paraguay supports the reform process for the organization, thereby strengthening the general assembly, which will lead to the restoration of functions entrusted to that body by the charter of the united nations, as the assembly is the sole body with universal representation. on the issue of security council reform, we urge that such reform be done in accordance with the primary purpose of creating a more democratic council. we can no longer delay expansion of that body. the council must be more equitable, inclusive and democratic, reflecting the number of members of our organization. we must improve its working methods and ensure greater transparency in its management. as we commemorate in [number] the seventieth anniversary of the establishment of the united nations, we hope to celebrate concrete results in the work of the organization that transcend the mere celebration of the passage of time. we believe that consolidating the substantive post-[number] development agenda should lead to effective and real development for future generations. that is the greatest legacy we can leave. finally, we urge the general assembly to find more equitable and just means for establishing the list of speakers of heads of state and government for next year s general debate.

we are pleased to extend to you, mr. president, at the very outset of our statement the congratulations of the delegation of mauritania on your election as president of the thirty-fifth session of the general assembly. your unanimous election is a tribute to an experienced diplomat, but it is also a token of confidence in the federal republic of germany. my country, which has forged friendly relations with your great nation, both bilaterally and at the level of european-african co-operation, most sincerely welcomes your election. [number]. i should like to take this opportunity also to thank your predecessor, mr. salim ahmed salim, on his enlightened and responsible leadership of the deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly, which was without a doubt the most active session in the life of the organization. [number]. i would also greet our faithful and determined secretary-general. finally, i warmly welcome to the organization the state of saint vincent and the grenadines. [number]. in about two months the international community will be celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, contained in resolution [number] xv . that resolution was the first massive, consistent demonstration and the first genuine mobilization of the organization's determination to accelerate the end of colonialism which indeed was already on its last legs. the year i960 also saw the emergence on the international arena of a large number of new nations, which had thirsted for freedom and had finally won it. the year [number] saw the dawning of great hopes that with the end of political subjugation, there would be an era of prosperity in a world that had finally recognized that the struggle of the peoples was sacred, that their liberation was inevitable. [number]. the declaration is, in fact, but a reflection in this forum of the admirable historical process that began in bandung in [number] and spelled the end of the old colonial empires. the spirit of bandung and the struggle of the peoples of the world have made possible what had hitherto seemed unimaginable, have made commonplace certain ideas that in the past had been regarded as heretical by the colonial powers. and, what is more, the declaration in resolution [number] xv has made possible the rehabilitation timidly, it is true, but effectively of "subversive" ideas that, thanks to the blood shed by martyrs, have become so natural and so necessary to the equilibrium of the world. [number]. but the euphoria did not last. the promises of the 1960s did not outlast the celebrations that marked the attainment of sovereignty in the new nations. there has been a brutal awakening from the splendid dream indeed, the delirium. we have had to confront a sad, bitter and sometimes terrible fact the rejection by the wealthy countries of the just aspirations of the third world. [number]. not everything about the ending of the illusions that followed independence is negative. indeed, realism triumphed and gave us a more just, truer and often more complex and sadder vision of international relations. thus the rights of peoples are no longer limited to political dimensions. scarcely three months after the adoption of the declaration, the first conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries in february [number] at belgrade was to usher in a new era, the era of non-alignment and of the undeniable awakening to the other dimensions of the rights of the peoples of the world, and particularly those of the third world. it was the emergence of a new world, in which the economic, social and cultural rights of the peoples that had formerly been dominated became an objective essential for the maintenance of genuine universal security based on justice and independence for the powerful and the weak, the rich and the poor. [number]. why be surprised then if the aspiration of the peoples of the third world to a reassessment of their wealth should have given rise to the demand for the establishment of a new international economic order? why be surprised if the aspiration of those peoples to the diversification of centres of interest throughout the world should have given rise to the demand for a new information order? if tomorrow those same peoples, refusing to accept polarization around a single ethical standard, a single civilization, call for the rehabilitation of mankind's cultural values and civilization as a whole, that, too, will be only just. [number]. the anti-colonial aberrations of yesterday have become today's self-evident truths. certainly no one ventures to challenge openly the economic, social and cultural rights of developing peoples. of course, it is nice to believe in d tente and in the moral improvement of international political life. yet the serious problems of the middle east and southern africa have dragged on throughout the years. furthermore, new conflicts in africa and elsewhere have broken out, complicating the international situation and threatening peace and security. [number]. however, since the thirty-fourth session we have had a real cause for satisfaction where africa is concerned the independence of zimbabwe after the implementation of the principle of one man, one vote, and the emergence of a democratically elected african national power. thus the maturity and sacrifice of the people of zimbabwe, together with the undeniable statesmanlike qualities of prime minister mugabe, made it possible for the majority to accede to power in salisbury in order and dignity, contrary to the alarmist prophesies of the racists, [number]. none the less, in our continent there remain many reasons for sadness. in a country next to zimbabwe there is an implacable regime that openly despises all universal values and maintains in south africa a system whose excesses have exceeded in horror all other modern examples of fascism. [number]. we reiterate our support for the successive decisions of the credentials committee of the general assembly which, year in year out, has regularly refused to accept the credentials of the delegation of the pretoria authorities. mauritania will join any plan aimed at making the south african regime act in accordance with the unanimous will of the community of nations and restore the fundamental freedoms of the victims of apartheid. finally, we hail the struggle of the people of south africa and express our full solidarity with anc and all the patriotic forces of that country in their struggle for dignity, freedom and democracy. [number]. that same apartheid regime, scorning the decisions of our organization and the right of the people of namibia to national independence and territorial integrity, maintains its illegal occupation of the territory of namibia by refusing any dialogue with namibia's legitimate representative, swapo. [number]. the islamic republic of mauritania, while supporting the framework for the independence of namibia laid down in security council resolution [number] [number] , condemns the manoeuvres of the south african occupying power and reiterates its support for the implementation of sanctions against it in accordance with the charter of the united nations. it is worth reminding the assembly of africa's understanding attitude to the settlement plan of the five western powers. that plan, which was approved by the security council, apparently received the support of south africa. unfortunately, despite the efforts of the secretary- general and the approval of that plan, the south african authorities have not fundamentally changed their position. experience has shown that all the attempts at a peaceful settlement that the organization has made have been in vain because of the totally negative attitude of pretoria. in this connection the islamic republic of mauritania wishes to state that it endorses the algiers declaration and programme of action adopted on [number] june by the united nations council for namibia at the extraordinary plenary meeting. [number]. our government thus believes that all possible material and moral support must be given to swapo to enable it successfully to oppose any plan to destroy the territorial integrity of namibia or to install a puppet regime. our country also reaffirms its full solidarity with all the african front-line countries in the face of the acts of intimidation of the pretoria regime. we should like especially to extend our fraternal support to the people's republic of angola in its resistance to south african aggression against its national territory. [number]. by equating zionism with racism the organization has simply legalized what south africa and israel have long demonstrated in diversifying and accentuating the many forms of co-operation between them. the similarity and the community of interest between the south african and the israeli forms of colonization need no further proof. in palestine as in southern africa we witness the same suicidal arrogance, the same denial of the rights of peoples, the same provocations regarding the united nations. [number]. the general assembly, which has so often dealt with the problem of the middle east and specifically with the question of palestine, is well aware of the facts of a process that began long before the creation of our organization and which has led to the plundering of the land of palestine and the oppression of its people. the work of the seventh emergency special session devoted to that problem earlier this year and the outstanding efforts of the committee on the exercise of the inalienable rights of the palestinian people have shed further light on all aspects of this distressing conflict. i should like to take this opportunity to extend our heartiest congratulations to that committee and in particular to its chairman, mr. falilou kane, for the application and competence that characterized his work. [number]. we do not wish to repeat the statement we made at the emergency special session devoted to palestine, but we should like to recall the position of our government on a problem which concerns us directly. any genuine, just and lasting peace in the middle east must, in our opinion, satisfy certain conditions. [number]. the first is the complete and unconditional withdrawal by israel from all arab lands occupied as a result of the aggression of [number], including the holy city of jerusalem. [number]. the second is the complete restoration of the inalienable rights of the arab people of palestine including their inalienable right to create an independent state in the land of their ancestors. [number]. the third is the urgent need to associate the plo, the sole representative of the arab people of palestine, with any settlement in the middle east. consequently, we reaffirm our opposition to any partial settlement, especially the camp david one, which creates confusion in the arab ranks and causes the israeli occupying authority to become even more arrogant. [number]. the fourth is the rejection of all attempts to make demographic, institutional or other changes in the arab, moslem and christian character of the palestinian lands which have been occupied, particularly the holy city of al quds. [number]. in this connection, the general assembly in its resolution es-[number] [number] and the security council in its resolution [number] [number] of [number] august [number] reaffirmed their condemnation of israel's unilateral decision to declare jerusalem the eternal and indivisible capital of its state. we express our satisfaction and gratitude to those countries which, out of respect for international law, have decided to transfer their embassies from the holy city. [number]. on the other hand, we vigorously condemn israel's systematic refusal to abide by the decisions of the international community and we believe that the organization should apply sanctions against israel and should in particular reject the credentials of its delegation at the present session because of that country's permanent obstruction and its scorn for all forms of international consensus. [number]. we condemn israeli aggression against lebanese territory and extend to the fraternal people of lebanon our solidarity with their courageous struggle for the unity, independence and territorial integrity of their country. [number]. our total identification with the tribulations of the palestinian and other fraternal arab peoples and our horror at the systematized racism in southern africa does not make us forget other places in the world where peoples are suffering and dying. the islamic republic of mauritania, whose fraternal solidarity with iraq is only natural and which welcomed the birth of the islamic republic of iran, is painfully concerned over the fratricidal conflict which is taking place between those two nations in the middle east. we add our voice to those of the islamic conference and the international community and call upon iraq and iran to end their bloody confrontation and to settle their territorial dispute in a fraternal, just and lasting manner. [number]. in afghanistan, we find a dangerous source of tension which since the end of [number] has further complicated a regional situation that was already quite complicated. the islamic republic of mauritania, bound to afghanistan by spiritual ties deeply rooted in the multi-secular history of the two peoples over past centuries, is very aware of the calvary of the afghan nation resulting from the inadmissible occupation of its national territory and the stifling of the sovereignty. our bonds of solidarity with the afghan people, and also our concern for the triumph of moral principles in international relations, require that we remain faithful to two principles first, the refusal to compromise on the withdrawal of all foreign forces from afghan territory and on the free choice of that fraternal people of the political and social structures which best suit their cultural heritage and development needs, in accordance with resolution es-[number] [number] adopted by an overwhelming majority at the sixth emergency special session of the general assembly second, total condemnation of the attitude of those who arrogate to themselves this rather strange right to change by force the internal balance of a neighbouring country which they judge to be hostile, a theory which, in our view, is completely reprehensible and dangerous. [number]. turning to south-east asia, we consider that the occupation of the national territory of democratic kampuchea and the aggravation of the indescribable suffering of its people are inadmissible. no ideology and no motive can justify that flagrant and brutal interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. we demand, along with the overwhelming majority of the community of nations, the unconditional withdrawal of foreign forces from kampuchea also so that its people can exercise its full sovereignty. [number]. unfortunately, as i have already stated. international political relations over the years have not led to the acceptance of the right of others to be different or to the refusal of states to succumb to the temptation to use force in the settlement of conflicts. [number]. economic relations as well, despite well-intentioned declaration, have not in fact led to the recognition of the interdependence of nations, the solidarity of peoples, the unity of the world and the need to bring about some sort of balance in economic relations based on equity and on the realities of today. in fact, it is rather difficult today to draw a picture of international economic relations without being pessimistic. the basic truth would show that, since the adoption almost seven years ago of the historic declaration and programme of action on the establishment of a new international economic order, the actual progress achieved has fallen far short of the expectations of the international community, which had unanimously set certain goals for itself. [number]. that situation is an insult to the principle of the interdependence of nations and has led to a good deal of disappointment. the most bitter disappointment and the most recent one was the conclusion in haste and confusion of the special session, which ended on the eve of the present session. my government believes that the lack of agreement on procedural matters concerning the global negotiations can only exacerbate an already serious situation, which cannot help any country or group of countries represented here hope that those delegations which blocked the consensus on this question will, in their own interest and in the interest of the international community, join in this new effort of the community of nations. international solidarity requires that that be done, as does the urgency of outstanding problems. [number]. in the field of trade, finance and food, to mention only those areas, the reasons which set off the process of negotiations of the past [number] years remain basically unchanged. [number]. the imbalances in international trade, which are the legacy of the colonial era and which were at the origin of the initiative aimed at establishing a system of compensation, continue generally to characterize relations between the north and the south. it must also be pointed out and we are gratified by this that unctad successfully carried out certain negotiations on a code regarding restrictive commercial practices, a multimodal international transport system and a common fund for raw materials. [number]. with respect to monetary and financial problems, it would also seem that the decisions of the assembly have not been applied. the balance-of-payment difficulties experienced by a growing number of developing countries cannot be separated from the lack of initiatives which continues to characterize this particularly sensitive area of international economic relations. [number]. the actions taken thus far have been too timid and too fragmentary to lead to any concrete benefits for the developing countries. any partial solution, it seems to us, would be vain inasmuch as the present system, by its very nature, is in contradiction with the types of reform which we should like to see carried out. thus, an increase in financial assistance for development and the lightening of the debt burden, among other things, are only palliatives compared to full and effective participation of the developing countries in the international decision-making process. [number]. another problem which i should like to take up here and which has a special significance and importance concerns agriculture and food. here again there is a distressing gap between the needs of the international community and its achievements. the developing countries have two thirds of the world population and represent [number] per cent of the agricultural jobs, but produce only [number] per cent of the food of the world. a billion human beings living in [number] countries with a permanent food deficit are in danger of dying if the shortages are prolonged [number] million human beings are chronically underfed and all this at a time when the world continues to allot [number] million a minute to military expenses. [number]. these figures, which seem to us to beggar comment, make it necessary to give some thought to solutions that can change the situation. the general assembly has, on a number of occasions, taken up that problem and proposed a series of measures which, if they had been implemented, might have led to a solution. the net results are, in the meantime, easy to tabulate. apart from the conclusion of a new food aid convention which brings the guaranteed minimum to [number]. [number] million tons, which is well short of the objective of [number] million tons recommended by the world food conference, everything else remains in the area of intentions. [number]. finally, i should not like to conclude my comments on food assistance without mentioning the timely initiative of the director-general of fao, mr. edouard saouma, in convening a meeting of donors last month in rome, with a view to mobilizing food assistance to benefit a certain number of african countries particularly affected this year by the drought. we hope that the commitments made at that meeting will be followed up. [number]. . with regard to the negotiations of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, we welcome the results of the ninth session held recently at geneva. we are thinking particularly of the agreement on a system for exploiting the sea-bed and the informal draft of a convention on the law of the sea. we hope that the tenth session of the conference, scheduled to begin on [number] march [number], will at last make possible the conclusion of these difficult negotiations, which, moreover, is in our view an essential factor for the future of international economic relations. [number]. indeed, the approach which is taken in the final negotiations on the law of the sea will be the best test of the good or bad faith of the industrial powers of the east and the west with regard to the technological lag of the third world and the temptation to plunder, without regard to principle, the incomparable wealth of the sea-bed of the world. [number]. those are the thoughts which occur to us with regard to the state of international economic relations in general. [number]. in respect of africa, aware of its share of responsibility in the building of a more just and equitable economic order but aware too of its tragic, paradoxical condition of being the continent at once richest in resources and least developed, it devoted an extraordinary session in april of this year the first of its kind solely to problems having a bearing on the economic development of the continent. to that end the needs were identified, the priorities determined, the means surveyed and the lagos plan of action adopted. we hope that international solidarity will not be found wanting in the implementation of the lagos plan. [number]. i should like to conclude this statement by expressing our sorrow at the continuation on our doorstep of another conflict, which concerns us more closely, that of western sahara. shortly after the changes in our country in july [number], the head of our delegation to the thirty-third session of the general assembly stated at this rostrum "we in mauritania want to turn this dark page of our history and commit ourselves resolutely to the search for peace, which requires that the protagonists in this drama clearly understand that they share the same ineluctable destiny. ". . . our ingenuity, our courage, our fighting spirit must henceforth be directed to producing concord among our peoples to promoting their development and to achieving all their aspirations. that is the firm belief of the mauritanian people and its government. " [number]. we have thus knowingly taken historical action in favour of the peaceful and fraternal coexistence of the peoples of the western maghreb sub region, in keeping with the spirit and the letter of the charter and the resolutions of the oau and those of the united nations. more specifically, on [number] august [number] we put an end to the state of war which then existed between us and the people of the western sahara by signing, with the frente popular para la liberacion de saguia el-hamra y de rio de oro polisario the algiers agreement, which was then reported to the assembly. [number] in so doing we put an end to this fratricidal war and we believe we have made a positive contribution to the quest for a lasting and general peace in our region. [number]. no longer making any territorial claim to western sahara, but particularly affected by the continuing confrontation on its borders, the islamic republic of mauritania has since july [number] consistently given its total, loyal cooperation to the efforts of oau and the international community to find a just solution to the problem. thus we participated in september in the work of the ad hoc committee of the oau and approved the plan for a settlement of the western sahara conflict that it had adopted, the proposed peace plan provided for a six-point process and, in particular, a cease-fire in december [number] at the latest, and the organization of a referendum on self-determination in the sahara. [number]. having emerged from an anachronistic situation, and in a desire to leave behind a dark chapter in its history, the islamic republic of mauritania, for its part, recognized the inalienable and undeniable right of the fraternal sahraoui people to self-determination in accordance with our long and fraternal common history, with our understanding of good-neighbourliness and with the recommendations contained in resolutions of oau and the united nations. [number]. in more general terms, by deciding to put an end to our military commitment in the western sahara conflict and by affirming our neutrality with regard to the protagonists in this fratricidal tragedy, the islamic republic of mauritania is at the same time determined to have that neutrality and the inviolability of its national territory respected by all its neighbours. [number]. my country makes that commitment from this rostrum. it also makes another to plan not on the permanence of tension, hatred and fratricidal confrontation but on the necessary return of the maghreb sub region to tranquillity, peace and fraternal harmony. at the dawn of the fifteenth century of our muslim era, that is the most sincere wish of the islamic republic of mauritania not only for the maghreb but also for the arab nation, africa, the islamic ummah and the entire human community.

it gives me a great pleasure to join the cordial congratulations on the well-deserved election of the president of the general assembly at its seventy-first session. we are confident that his wisdom, diplomatic experience and skill will contribute to the success of the current session, and my delegation would like to assure him of its full cooperation to that end. i would also like to take this opportunity to commend his predecessor, his excellency mr. mogens lykketoft, for his able leadership during the previous session. i also avail myself of this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to his excellency mr. ban ki-moon, secretary-general of the united nations, for his tireless efforts during his two terms in promoting global peace and security, development and well-being for all peoples of the world. his competent and effective leadership has been a positive force in reforming the secretariat, easing crises and disputes, addressing current and emerging challenges and elaborating a new agenda on sustainable development and climate change. for all of those efforts, i would like to convey the sincere gratitude of the people of the republic of tajikistan. the year [number] was momentous because of the adoption of a number of key documents aimed at strengthening the global development agenda. those documents are interrelated and will define the path of our development in the coming decades. however, we have been less successful in addressing issues affecting international peace and security. armed conflicts continue to pose a growing threat in various regions of the world. destructive and inhumane forces of terrorism and extremism have been gaining power by attracting into their orbits ever-increasing numbers of youth, thereby seriously undermining efforts to maintain security and peaceful development. combating international terrorism and extremism has become a top priority. there is a need to develop national, regional and international mechanisms aimed at eliminating military infrastructure, channels for financial and logistical support, recruitment and violent propaganda, including counteracting the use of modern internet and computer technology for terrorism purposes. moreover, it is essential that we jointly seek ways of addressing the issue of poverty, the negative impact of globalization, and conflict prevention and settlement. there is also a need to strengthen intercultural and interfaith dialogue, mutual trust and tolerance. in that context, the united nations remains the key platform for achieving consensus on the main issues of international security and development and for coordinating joint action by the international community in addressing the challenges and threats of today. eliminating illicit drug trafficking, which has become a breeding ground for terrorism and organized crime, requires the joint and concerted actions of the entire international community. we believe that the fight against drug trafficking is an essential part of the fight against organized crime, terrorism and extremism, and we reaffirm that international cooperation on drug control will remain a priority of the government of tajikistan. the special session of the general assembly on the world drug problem, held in april [number], provided a unique opportunity for seeking new and additional ways of strengthening cooperation in combating the root causes of the drug problem and dealing with its consequences. during its membership on the commission on narcotic drugs, tajikistan will continue its cooperation with donor countries and international organizations, including the united nations office on drugs and crime, in order to implement the outcome document of the special session resolution s-[number] [number], annex . tajikistan stands for a comprehensive settlement of the crises in the middle east, which will contribute to enhancing global security. we therefore support international and regional efforts aimed at restoring and strengthening peace and stability in the middle east, including the efforts to resume and accelerate credible negotiations under the middle east peace process. tajikistan supports the international strategy for a comprehensive settlement and post-conflict reconstruction in afghanistan. we need to strengthen our support to the government of afghanistan, especially during afghanistan s transformation decade [number]-[number]. it is important for afghanistan to become involved in the process of regional integration by strengthening its economic and trade ties with its neighbouring countries. we call for the expansion of targeted assistance to afghanistan aimed at economic rehabilitation, the strengthening of its social conditions and the creation of new jobs in its economy. we are ready to take part in rehabilitating the social and economic infrastructure of afghanistan by connecting the transport arteries of our two countrie by creating an energy bridge known as casa-[number], and providing the afghan population with essential commodities and training for specialists. we are at the beginning of a transformation process that started with the setting of a new agenda that reflects the hopes and desires of every one of us for a decent and secure future. it is obvious that the path to sustainable development will be neither easy nor smooth. at the same time, our political will should be reinforced by adequate means of implementation. there is a need to mobilize additional financial resources, including official development assistance, which is the main component in financing development. under the current circumstances, it is essential to revitalize international trade and investments, which are the main engines of productive growth, and encourage and promote transfers of innovative and ecologically sound technologies. the implementation of the [number] agenda also requires clear and transparent mechanisms to follow up and review both progress and problems. as a new and first-time member of the economic and social council, tajikistan is willing to do its part in strengthening and coordinating the efforts to address the complex issues of achieving sustainable development. in our endeavours to achieve sustainable development, we need to remember our collective determination to lend a hand to countries that are confronted with difficulties. we need to remember that a number of countries will begin their implementation of the new [number] agenda for sustainable development in unfavourable conditions. in particular, there is a need to provide support to countries in special situations, especially the least developed countries, landlocked developing countries and small island developing states. access to modern and cost-efficient energy services is key to achieving sustainable development. tajikistan actively supports the secretary-general s sustainable energy for all initiative and the united nations [number]- [number] decade of sustainable energy for all. i would like to emphasize that the [number] agenda regards water as the most essential element of life and the main component of development. that is a [number]-[number] [number] [number] positive shift, which makes the new water agenda more comprehensive and integrated by comparison with the previous water agenda, framed within the millennium development goals. in that regard, we should take into consideration the fact that climate change, as well as the processes of urbanization and population growth, will certainly exacerbate any challenges. in addition, as a result of climate change, water shortages in many parts of the world will increase owing, first of all, to a reduction in the scale of glaciers and the snowpack. for instance, in tajikistan during the past [number] to [number] years more than [number], [number] massive glaciers out of a total of [number], [number] have melted completely. that melting of glaciers and ice caps has caused increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters and the deterioration of ecosystems, which have translated to significant financial and material losses for the national economy and, unfortunately, have caused human casualties. nevertheless, the new water agenda is achievable. we have observed that significant progress can be made when countries and regions commit to prioritizing water challenges. what is clear is that countries and the international community as a whole must work together and undertake coordinated efforts and adopt both urgent and long-term measures. that is particularly true when water is shared among various sectors health, agriculture, energy and navigation, for example or when surface and groundwater are shared among communities and between countries. those were among the issues related to the implementation of the global water agenda discussed at the high-level symposium on sdg [number] and targets ensuring that no one is left behind in access to water and sanitation, held in dushanbe on [number] and [number] august and jointly organized by the government of tajikistan, the united nations department of economic and social affairs and various united nations agencies. the symposium provided a platform for a balanced discussion of policy measures, actions and the means to fast-track the implementation of the water-related sdgs and targets. it adopted a call for action that invites the international community to deepen its cooperation at all levels to address emerging water issues, to improve capacity in the implementation and monitoring of integrated water resources management and to support an international decade for action water for sustainable development , [number]-[number]. i would like to express our sincere gratitude to all member states for their active participation in the symposium. i hope that the members of the assembly will also support the proposed international decade, which will strengthen and enhance the progress achieved during the previous international decade for action, water for life , [number]-[number], and will create a solid platform for the consolidation of our efforts aimed at the sustainable management of water resources in the post-[number] period. the proposed international decade will complement other initiated mechanisms, notably the high-level panel on [number] global water architecture, and it can serve to fill any gaps that may arise in the implementation of new [number] agenda for sustainable development.

on behalf of the government of mexico, i congratulate the president on his election to preside over the work of this forty-fourth session of the general assembly. to the secretary-general of our organization, mr. javier perez de cuellar, we again extend special thanks for his positive, judicious and persevering work at the head of the united nations. thanks to his diligence, no one can now question the organization's decisive role in international relations, as the essential catalyst in the diplomatic activity of resolving through negotiation and dialogue the conflicts threatening our collective peace and security. this is the first time the government of carlos salinas de gortari, president of mexico, has taken part in the assembly's general debate. on his behalf, i again express my country's commitment to the purposes and principles of our organization. mexico is a founding member of the united nations. we have invariably supported its activities. the principles embodied in its charter and its guiding purposes are fully in accord with our firm belief in an international community of nations, equal before the law and committed in peace and solidarity to the goal of growth with justice. we believe in the united nations, because it enshrines the need to ensure that reason prevails over force. in a world still marked by the inequality and despair of so many, the united nations is a clear example that we as human beings ore capable of working together for a better common future, regardless of ideologies and passing interests. over the past few months the international community has witnessed changes pointing to the end of an era of confrontation. for mexico it is encouraging that the stereotypes of rivalry have been replaced by new concepts of co-operation and understanding. these advances teach us that solving the grave problems confronting international life is not an impossible objective. the mexican government warmly welcomes the conclusion of the tela agreements, signed by the presidents of costa rica, guatemala, honduras, el salvador aid nicaragua. we unconditionally support the efforts made to find a lasting solution to a conflict which has bled white the central american isthmus. tela is the culmination of an arduous and complex negotiating process. we urge the international community to support the agreements and to ensure that they are not obstructed by interests from outside the area. the responsibilities entrusted to the united nations in the process of bringing peace to central america are clearly of the utmost importance. the success of the united nations elections observer mission in central america and of the international verification and follow-up commission will largely depend on the co-operation they receive from member states and on full respect for the wishes of the region's heads of state. mexico will continue to extend its firm support for the efforts of the central american presidents to achieve peace, since peace is vital for the development of the peoples and the consolidation of democracy in the region. the accomplishments on the political front have not meant parallel advances in the international economic arena, while states have committed their power and prestige to the solution of political conflicts, they are seeking to correct the profound economic imbalances by turning loose market forces, forgetting that those are the principal cause of the political tensions in many regions of the world. the economic gap between north and south is wider than it was a decade ago, and we have done little to reverse the trend. for latin america this has been a period of outright stagnation. the enormous transfer of resources to the developed world which we have made during this time has tested our peoples to the limit and threatens to destabilize our political institutions. we cannot be ambiguous in confronting the problems facing us. it is now necessary to apply the same dedication to correcting economic imbalances as we have applied to the correction of political imbalances. notwithstanding some differences of approach, there is general agreement that we are now at a watershed in world history. the next century must be spared the agonies of war and the extreme poverty that still afflicts millions of human beings, if liberty is to flourish and democracy is to have a real chance to survive. how can the united nations contribute to shaping the twenty first century? the decade of the 1990s will be a crucial stage in fashioning that new reality. the agenda for action is long and complex, but mexico considers that there are four major themes around which our thoughts and actions may converge. the first theme is the democratisation of international society. the organization's institutional structure will have adequately to reflect the profound changes and the multi-polarity which characterize current international society. we continue to be constrained by the system devised by the victors in the second world war, in spite of the fact that we are living in a very different world, whose make-up has been radically changed by the widespread process of decolonisation and the redistribution of economic and financial power at the international level. we believe that we shall be able to entrust our secretary-general with the task of closely examining the different proposals that have been formulated for reorganizing the organization's structure and operation, as well as the distribution of authority between the security council and the general assembly, in order to reach a consensus which will give a new thrust to the organization so that it can efficiently carry out its future responsibilities. the united nations urgently requires our effective support. mexico urges every country with financial contributions outstanding to make them immediately. the financial crisis is so grave that it could bring down the united nations at any moment. it is incomprehensible that day after day we ask the organization to shoulder more responsibilities and yet we fail to provide it with the means to do so. the second theme is the need for the united nations to intervene in problems of economic co-operation and development. the organization cannot be left out of this great effort to create a more equitable international economic situation. mexico vigorously supports the holding of a special session of the general assembly for economic co-operation and revitalization. the developing countries know that the solution to our problems depends fundamentally on ourselves. we have lost much time in talks trying to resolve these problems, with very tenuous results. it is certainly true that changing prices and financial fluctuations have been cruelly unfavourable for us in recent years, but there is no doubt that the internal effort of each country is the fundamental and determining factor in correcting our present situation. let us begin by adjusting and modernizing our economies and making them efficient. only in this way will we be able to increase our productivity and international competitiveness to the benefit of our peoples. let us accept that the future of each of our nations depends precisely on what each one of them does. by means of a wide range of concerted action and dialogue between the various sectors of our society, mexico is resolutely making progress in an effort towards structural change, which entails sacrifice and discipline on the part of the mexican people. the result has been encouraging, it has been reflected in a significant reduction in inflation and an economy confident of its future. the correction of our economies is indispensable, but it is not a sufficient condition. there is no internal adjustment, however deep and lasting, which can bear fruit unless the country in question encounters a favourable international climate. the new international development strategy will have to put forward ambitious yet feasible and realistic objectives and goals. to this end. it will have to be designed in keeping with the efforts for cooperation and for maximization of the benefits of interdependence, which must in no case mean a loss of sovereignty. the revitalization of international economic co-operation is urgent. it is the developed countries - those creditor nations benefiting from the net transfer of capital - which must take the necessary steps to correct the imbalances in this area, it is up to them to realize that when structural adjustments are made, they mean growth and prosperity, and not frustration as has been the case in many of our societies. prescriptions for good economic management and financial discipline cannot be measured with one yardstick for the north and another for the south. it was encouraging to hear various representatives of the industrialized countries refer to this problem of the great economic difference between north and south. we are sure that these statements imply that a commitment on this will be made in this new era of the united nations we are witnessing. the third key issue for society today is the commitment to deal with the international critical problems of our times with a genuine sense of shared responsibility. at best, interdependence should mean our ability to turn international co-operation into an effective tool to encourage economic and social progress and take joint action to solve problems of interest to mankind. shared responsibility is based on the recognition of the legal equality of states and on strict respect for their sovereign decisions. this is the only legitimate framework for north-south dialogue. with this spirit of solidarity, we shall be able to cope successfully with the common defence of human rights, with environmental protection problems and the fight against drug addiction and trafficking. for the government of mexico, the defence of fundamental freedoms is of particular importance. we will continue in our resolute support for the resolutions adopted by the general assembly and the commission on human rights with a view to guaranteeing effective protection for the rights inherent in the human condition. the united nations will also have to devote greater efforts to the consideration of women's rights and the protection of children, the most vulnerable ecological issues are obviously global. in scale. the need for all nations to join efforts, every type of effort, make the united nations the forum we need to deal with these urgent matters so vital to our future. an understanding that revitalizing growth in the developing countries is indispensable for achieving adequate protection of the environment is crucial. it should not be overlooked that the principal cause of ecological imbalances and the solutions for then lie with these who have the most, with those who pollute the most and emit toxic substances, with those who consume the most fuel and have consumed the most fuel in the past. it is those very countries which have the most resources to combat environmental degradation. the new dimension of the problem and its international nature require a wide-ranging and intense process of debate and discussion. the objective will be to achieve concrete commitments in keeping with the responsibilities and capabilities of each country. the international conference on environment and development proposed for [number] will be an extremely important exercise towards those ends. the demand for narcotics and psychotropic substances and their production, traffic and illicit consumption threaten the physical health of peoples and the political, economic, social and cultural structures of states. this is another of the global and interdependent problems of our times, and eradicating it requires efficient and constructive action through international co-operation which unfailingly respects the sovereignty and cultural identities of nations. we therefore welcome the signing of the united nations convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances in vienna in december last year. we hope that the signatories will immediately decide to ratify it, and we urge those countries which have not yet ratified it to do so now. we also view with admiration and great respect the very valiant efforts being deployed by the government of colombia to combat the drug traffic so resolutely in its country. the war in colombia is not just a war involving colombians it should be a war waged by all countries of the world, as the problem is everyone's problem. mexico, for its part, is making a significant effort to combat drug trafficking. we know, though, that the struggle will be in vain unless there is a parallel campaign to combat consumption and against all the processes which finance and encourage drug abuse. to combat only drug production or traffic without at the same time resolutely tackling consumption will achieve only a shift in production sites and trafficking channels. the fourth topic deserving of our attention is the reappraisal of the function of the state as a protagonist in economic processes and as agent of social well-being. redirecting the function of the state to concentrate its efforts to serving the least protected sectors in our societies, which are undoubtedly in the majority, does not mean diminishing its power of governance and transformation. the demands for justice coming from developing societies must be channelled by the state and its legitimate representatives. the state must participate as a directing and an economic agent and should do so efficiently, productively and competitively, lb consider the role of the state in these times in a more wide-ranging and realistic manner, in both north and south, is a fundamental task, and one which we think should be carried out by our organization. whether on its own initiative or in response to express requests, the united nations today is an indispensable part in negotiating and implementing agreements to put an end to protracted conflicts throughout the world. however, there is still no peace in various regions, and the threat these conflicts represent is a real danger. in the middle east, cambodia, namibia and central america our organization takes the leadership in or supports delicate conciliation efforts at establishing peace. mexico will continue to give its support to those efforts, upon the success of which lies the possibility of achieving a better world. mexico attaches the utmost importance to the question of general and complete disarmament. activities undertaken by the group of six, an organization which at first was erroneously judged as utopian, have already achieved concrete results. the repeated appeals of the group to the nuclear powers to stop the arms race have been well received and have hastened the climate of detente in which we live today, as well as the agreements readied by the super-powers. i shall now refer to the question of general and complete disarmament. mexico unequivocally supports the complete cessation of all nuclear weapons testing as demanded by the majority of mankind. together with peru, indonesia, sri lanka, venezuela and yugoslavia, we are taking the initiative in presenting an amendment to the agreement prohibiting nuclear-arms testing in the atmosphere, outer space and under water, which has received the general support of the international community. encouraging progress has also been made towards eliminating the terrible threat of chemical weapons. it is very satisfying to note the consolidation of the negotiating process between the countries of the warsaw pact and those of the atlantic alliance concerning the reduction of conventional armed forces. we are now living through one of the most promising times in the life of our organization since it was founded in [number]. we are nearing the end of a period of mistrust and ill will which, for more than [number] years, blocked possibilities for agreement and negotiations, the artificial barriers of the cold war are crumbling on all sides. we are entering a more open world, one with better communications and more receptive to the need for human rights to be respected and for all to participate in the building of democratic government institutions. myths that for years have served only to hide injustice are no longer acceptable. peoples around the world have decided to take their destinies into their own hands. this flourishing of determination must increase our spirit of tolerance and our concern for legality. demands throughout the societies of the world that democratic institutions be increased and improved are being channelled through the existing structures of each country. those voices can no longer be ignored. each nation has the capacity to draw upon the lessons of its own history and experience, which will tell it how to modernize its institutions in order to strengthen its sovereignty. this climate of change throughout the world has made us aware that the solutions to global problems cannot be left in the hands of only a few countries, however powerful they may be. halting the deterioration of the environment, combating drug addiction and trafficking and predicting natural disasters are tasks requiring multilateral action. the assembly must move towards recognizing that the united nations is more necessary than ever given the interdependence of the modern world. we cannot take pride in what we have achieved if we do not accept that the growth of the developing countries is an issue that affects us all. this requires a fresh approach to international co-operation, since only social and economic progress in the developing world can guarantee security and stability in the twenty-first century. the persistence of stagnation and poverty in the world's most populous regions is the most serious challenge we face. let us see to it that this session of the assembly marks the beginning of a period in which the international community as a whole makes a clear commitment effectively and realistically to take up and meet this challenge.

i am here to pay my country s highest tribute to the united nations for the work it has done to improve the lives of people around the world. thailand is fully committed to what the united nations stands for and to realizing through the united nations the hopes we all share. we are also firmly committed to fulfilling our responsibilities as a member of the united nations, because the united nations can achieve its vision only when we act together in unity. this year, the theme is the post-[number] development agenda and how to truly make a difference in the lives of the people on the ground. many countries have achieved many of the millennium development goals mdgs . for example, they have succeeded in reducing poverty and have achieved their education and health- care goals. but there are many other countries for which achieving the mdgs has not been easy. therefore, as we move towards the post-[number] development agenda, we must renew our commitments to make sure that no one is left behind. for thailand, development is not just about gross domestic product. to be sustainable, development must go hand in hand with democracy, human rights and peace and security, the pillars of the united nations. it must be allowed to grow in an environment that is free from conflict. building a strong and robust democracy is the challenge that many of us face. as in many countries, thailand has learned the lesson that democracy is more than having elections. democracy must be based on respect for the rule of law, and it must be about good governance, transparency, accountability and equal access to justice. that was not the case for my country before [number] may. before that date, we were at a political impasse. we had a dysfunctional democracy. we were in danger of more turmoil. and there was a very real possibility of bloodshed. political opposition parties were given the chance to save democracy, but they failed because they were unwilling to compromise for the sake of the country. that chain of unfortunate events made the military intervention necessary. we all wished that things had not had to turn out that way. but if the situation had been allowed to continue, thailand s democracy would have been torn apart. that would have undermined thailand s stability and the stability of the region. thailand is now going through a period of transition. we remain fully committed to democracy and human rights, and we know we cannot go against the tide of democracy. thailand needs a real and functioning democracy, one that delivers on the aspirations of the people. let there be no doubt that thailand is not retreating from democracy. but we do need time and space to bring about reconciliation, undertake political reform and strengthen our democratic institutions. we do not want a repeat of what happened on [number] may. in addition to implementing our road map for returning to full democracy, we are also getting our economy moving again. confidence has returned and growth has been restored. thailand is committed to playing an active role with its partners in the association of southeast asian nations asean in order to build an asean community of peace and prosperity. we are committed to working with our partners in the international community to address the many global challenges we face, such as climate change, transnational crime, pandemics and human trafficking. most of all, we are committed to working with our partners to realize the development agenda, because real and lasting peace is based not on state-centred security but on people-centred security. development must transform people s lives and open the door to a better future for all. development must empower individuals, communities and societies. that lies at the heart of the sufficiency-economy philosophy of his majesty the king of thailand, and that philosophy has guided our development efforts for decades. the sufficiency economy is about promoting the right values, drawing on the inner strengths of each community and building resilience from the grass- roots level up. in doing so, we are able to lay a solid foundation for sustainable economic development at the national level. but in today s world, no nation can be an island of prosperity unto itself. more than ever, we need a strong global partnership, whether in order to realize the post- [number] development agenda or to meet shared challenges. first of all, that partnership must meet the challenge of human security, the most pressing of our time. human security is about human dignity, human rights, equity, equality and social justice, the promise of a better future for all and ensuring that in our rush for development we do not sacrifice the environment that sustains us. ensuring human security should be at the heart of sustainable development. but while we advance the development agenda, we cannot ignore the immediate threats that require our concerted action. today we are confronted with some immediate threats to the global partnership, such as the ebola crisis and the humanitarian crises in the middle east syria, libya, iraq and the gaza strip. it pains us to witness the senseless death of civilians, especially children, in the conflict in the gaza strip. the situation demands that we work even harder to bring lasting peace to the palestinian people and to meet their aspirations to statehood, as well as to affirm the legitimate right of the israeli people to security. as the situation in the middle east unfolds, we are also deeply concerned about the rising threat of radicalism and extremism. there can be no justification for the brutalities and atrocities we have seen. we must rise to that challenge to peace, to our peoples livelihoods and to the gains we have made in economic and social development. while some radical and extremist movements have indeed been able to draw recruits from many parts the world, their mission is nothing more than the use of terrorism and fear of to advance their objectives. our peace and security and development are all connected. in order to achieve them, we must all try to contribute as much as we can and to meet our international responsibilities as best we can. some of us may have the capacity to do more than others. but if we all do our part, we can make the world better and safer. that is why thailand has sent volunteers to its neighbours to work in health and education and why we sent medical teams to japan in [number] as part of the relief efforts following the earthquake and tsunami. the thai flag and thai personnel have been associated with peacekeeping operations in many places around the world. we were in timor-leste and in the sudan, and along the india-pakistan border. and we were part of the coalition formed to combat piracy in the gulf of aden off the coast of somalia. the role of the military, however, is not limited to war and conflict alone. even in times of peace it plays an important role, especially now, when we are dealing with many challenges such as natural disasters. that is why thailand is promoting humanitarian assistance and disaster relief cooperation in the asean region and beyond. perhaps the time has come for asean to begin to explore the idea of a regional humanitarian assistance disaster recovery task force. as members of the international community, we must all share the responsibility to stay true to the original promise of the united nations, which is to promote social progress and better standards of living in larger freedom for the peoples of the world. it is because of thailand s commitment to the united nations that we have submitted our candidature for a seat on the human rights council for the [number]-[number] term and on the security council for the [number]-[number] term. we hope our friends will once again give us their trust and allow us to serve. whether the issue is democracy, development or peace, we all must assume our responsibilities because we are, after all, a family of united nations.

on behalf of the nicaraguan delegation, sir, i should like to express our satisfaction at your election as president of the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly. we also extend a brotherly welcome to the people and government of brunei darussalam on the occasion of its entry into the community of independent nations. [number]. the united nations came into being as a result of the cry of the peoples of the world, who, tired of wars, exploitation and extermination, sought an organization that would help them to combat and fend off the four horsemen of the apocalypse. [number]. no one can fail to recognize united nations efforts in defence of peace, justice, freedom and the independence of peoples. but, most unfortunately for mankind, there are policies, backed up by nuclear weapons, which blackmail, threaten, and attack the principles of the charter of the united nations. there are those that are characterized by their defiance, mockery and undermining of resolutions of the organization. there are those that have defended actions that are shocking in their irrationality and threaten the future of mankind. [number]. in asia, africa, the middle east, latin america and central america, such policies are characterized by the use of force and disregard the nature of the historical problems affecting the peoples of those regions. they are aimed at solving social and economic problems by killing the hungry and ensuring the maintenance of the status of the privileged minorities. these policies ignore the economic crisis affecting the peoples and are based on a theory of natural selection which clearly favours the most powerful and accelerates the arms race. [number]. this explains why they continue to oppose those who demand immediate collective action in search of solutions to economic problems, that is, those who are really fighting for peace and development. [number]. nicaragua has been a victim of such a policy since the last century and throughout this century, with its legacy of backwardness, brutal exploitation and absence of justice and freedom in short, the absence of democracy. such was the scmoza dictatorship, the last monstrous offspring of this policy. today nicaragua is free and for the first time in its history is building an authentic democracy, becoming an example of patriotism, nationalism, independence and non-alignment. this is not to the liking of the united states authorities. [number]. when nicaragua condemns the south african regime for its racist policies and for subjugating those who should be the rightful rulers of that land, it is not to the liking of the united states. [number]. when nicaragua voices its solidarity with angola, botswana, lesotho, mozambique, seychelles, swaziland and zambia, as well as with the african national congress of south africa and with the south west africa people's organization swapo , the sole legitimate representative of the namibian people, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states. [number]. when nicaragua demands israel's unconditional withdrawal from the occupied territories and the right of the palestinians to exist as a people and nation, recognizing the palestine liberation organization plo as their only representative, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. when nicaragua reaffirms its solidarity with the people and the government of the saharan arab democratic republic, when we condemn the policy of provocation against the libyan arab jamahiriya and when we express our support for the just cause of the people of east timor, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. when nicaragua condemns the policy of aggression against viet nam, laos and kampuchea, when we support the reunification of korea and the withdrawal of foreign troops from south korea, and when we support an end to military manoeuvres and shows of force, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. nor is it to the liking of the united states government that nicaragua defends puerto rico's right to self-determination and independence, the return of guantanamo to its legitimate owners, an end to threats to cuba's integrity, the sovereignty of the argentine people and nation over the malvinas, and the complete implementation of the panama treaties and an end to attacks launched from united states bases there against the peoples of central america and the caribbean. [number]. when nicaragua condemns the brutal coup against democracy in chile and at the same time supports the right of the chilean people to re-establish their basic freedoms, it is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. when nicaragua condemns the heinous crime committed in the name of freedom against the people of grenada and demands the withdrawal of foreign occupation troops so that the grenadian people can exercise their right to self-determination, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. when nicaragua supports a negotiated, peaceful settlement to the conflict in el salvador, which the salvadorian people themselves must settle, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. when nicaragua supports democratic change in latin america as a first step in solving the problems faced by our peoples, this, too, is not to the liking of the united states government. [number]. nicaragua rejects the dismemberment of the state of cyprus and the proclamation of the so-called turkish republic of northern cyprus, and defends the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of this fellow non-aligned nation. [number]. nicaragua reaffirms its support for bolivia's efforts to regain direct access to the pacific ocean. [number]. nicaragua is also saddened by the confrontation between two non-aligned nations iran and iraq and demands an end to the use of chemical weapons we support attempts to reach a just and honourable solution to this conflict. [number]. because nicaragua wants peace, justice, freedom and democracy for the world, we shall continue to be non-aligned, even though this is not to the liking of the united states authorities. [number]. because nicaragua wants peace, justice, freedom and democracy for the peoples of the world, we shall continue to condemn colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, apartheid and racism and we shall continue to support just causes around the world, even though this may not be to the liking of the united states authorities and even though it means more sacrifice, suffering, threats and extermination for the heroic people of sandino. [number]. forty years ago, all humanity celebrated the end of a nightmare. five years were enough to witness all the horrors of fascism, which far surpassed dante's inferno. but today, our country, nicaragua, a small nation of only [number] million people, is the victim of a policy of extermination manifested over the past three years and eight months in the form of a war of overt aggression which the aggressor calls covert. [number]. that policy is manifested when the united states administration provides millions of dollars to go on murdering the peoples of nicaragua and el salvador when it debates the irresponsibility of the central intelligence agency cia in not having informed the senate intelligence committee in advance about the mining of nicaraguan ports rather than debate the terrorist act of laying the mines when united states army helicopters and united states citizens also casualties of this interventionist policy have fallen in our country when children, women, teachers and doctors are murdered and the people's production, schools and food stocks are destroyed when the decision of the international court of justice at the hague and united nations resolutions are rejected, with the united states deeming itself judge and executioner of the nations of the earth. this entails a violation of the united states' own internal legislation and of international law. [number]. nicaragua wishes to reaffirm before the assembly its belief in the validity of the charter of the united nations and its willingness to resolve peacefully international situations and conflicts through the means established in the charter and under international law, prominent among which is the right to petition the international court of justice at the hague. [number]. that is why we have been making countless efforts on behalf of peace for the people of nicaragua and the peoples of central america. that is why nicaragua turned to the international court of justice, whose order of [number] may [number] could not have been clearer in ordering the united states government to halt immediately military and paramilitary actions against nicaragua, because these constitute clear and serious violations of international law and of nicaragua's right to determine freely its own future. its disdain and contempt of the court's ruling were condemned by the international community. [number]. in fact, everything indicates that these efforts and nicaragua's unwavering willingness to achieve peace are not respected by the united states government, which has been escalating its military and economic aggression against nicaragua. to each peace initiative by nicaragua and the contadora group, the united states government has responded with terrorist attacks, the installation of military bases and a whole infrastructure for unleashing direct, massive military action against nicaragua. [number]. for almost two years, the member countries of the contadora group have been making a noble and serious effort to promote peace in central america. this effort has enjoyed broad support from the whole world, including the security council and the general assembly. as a result of that work, on [number] september [number], the contadora group presented to the central american governments the revised version of the contadora act on peace and co-operation in central america. [number]. now it is for the central american governments and the united states government whose involvement in the conflict cannot be denied by anyone to state clearly and definitively their positions. nicaragua has already done so. on [number] september, we officially communicated to the governments of the contadora countries our decision to sign the contadora act immediately without amendments or changes of any kind, exactly as it was drawn up by the contadora group. [number]. today, before the assembly, before the conscience of the world, we solemnly reaffirm nicaragua's decision, and we call on the leaders of the countries of central america to join us in supporting the act, in the interest of the peace and tranquillity of our peoples. at the same time, we applaud the support given to the act by the governments of the member states of the european community and by spain and portugal at the conference of foreign ministers held at san jose on [number] and [number] september. [number]. the united states authorities have said they support contadora. their diplomats have tirelessly travelled around our region and the world claiming they defend those negotiations and peace. the international community has the right to expect the united states government to support the contadora act unconditionally by immediately voicing its willingness to sign the additional protocol to the act. [number]. the winds now blowing over central america presage a holocaust for our peoples. today, as we appeal for peace in this body, which itself emerged from the ruins of war in order to fight for peace, nicaragua continues to be subjected to the genocide of the terrorist policies of the united states authorities. [number]. amidst all this horror, we are making truly exceptional efforts to institutionalize by means of elections our democratic, nationalist, non-aligned, pluralist revolution, which defends a mixed economic system. [number]. however, despite these efforts to reconstruct our country and to institutionalize democracy, the number of victims grows. to date, more than [number], [number] nicaraguans have been casualties including children, mothers, youth and the elderly which in relative terms is equivalent to more than three times the number of american casualties in the viet nam war. [number]. moreover, there is the daily damage done to the economy by the direct impact of foreign aggression. co-operatives, health centres, schools, machinery, construction equipment, day-care centres, food stocks and houses are being destroyed by this daily policy of terror. our losses during the period [number]-[number] total [number] million. this would represent for the united states and the european community, on a percentage basis, [number] billion and [number] billion, respectively, of their export earnings during the same period. to these figures should be added the credits, loans and grants that nicaragua no longer receives as a result of united states pressure on governments and multilateral agencies. [number]. nicaragua is today a country besieged, attacked and subjected to an unjust and illegal war, which is in danger of spreading. the united states has installed an impressive military infrastructure in honduran territory bordering on nicaragua. its military presence has also been imposed on costa rican territory bordering on nicaragua. united states warships are deployed menacingly off our coasts, and united states spy planes and military aircraft violate our airspace. [number]. dozens of mercenaries, among them united states citizens working for the cia, pilot the planes and helicopters that launch attacks against economic, civilian and military targets and keep the aggressor forces supplied. thousands of mercenaries function like a full-fledged army from their bases in honduras and costa rica in operations co-ordinated and directed from military bases in panama still occupied by the united states. [number]. new plans are being worked out in the pentagon and the cia, this time to prevent the elections of [number] november in nicaragua. among other actions, they are contemplating renewed mining of our ports, aerial and naval attacks and the seizing of various areas. the military offensive is ready to begin on [number] october. the mercenary forces of the cia and the pentagon are already concentrated in the areas bordering nicaragua in honduras and costa rica. also ready are the united states forces that would be used for bombings, troop landings and direct incursions into nicaragua. [number]. the central american governments are also prepared. they will go through the formality of requesting "aid" from the united states to eradicate the "sandinist threat" from the area. and also ready is the "paul scoon", the puppet who would be intended to serve as the future president of the united states in nicaragua. they have the actors in their assigned places with their roles memorized. also prepared are the estimates of united states casualties during such an intervention. this amounts to an attempt to repeat the destructive and shameful actions against grenada, but this time against nicaragua. [number]. from [number] august [number] until [number] september [number], nicaragua has been making countless efforts on behalf of peace in bilateral talks with the united states, meeting with representatives of the united states government on [number] occasions. despite the concrete proposals presented by nicaragua, the united states has always responded evasively or with proposals which can only be described as lacking in seriousness. at manzanillo, nicaragua has been very clear, consistent and flexible in responding to the concerns of the united states, which claims to feel its security in the region threatened by the nicaraguan revolution. we have been firm and reasonable in proposing specific measures which would create a framework for mutual security for the united states and nicaragua. [number]. the nicaraguan people, who yearn for peace, are willing to continue defending their independence, freedom, self-determination and democracy. [number]. we know that the united states leaders are victims of their own history of intervention and aggression. there is not a corner of the world that has not suffered in one way or another the effects of those policies. all mankind must call upon the united states leaders to be level-headed and prudent. [number]. at this thirty-ninth session of the general assembly, in this month of october [number], the people of nicaragua want to go on record as voicing their desire for peace, while defending freedom, justice and democracy. if peace does not come and the war continues, and with it the likelihood of united states military intervention, we want the world to know that the nicaraguan people barefoot, ragged, and with empty stomachs are going to fight to the end, until we achieve peace, by either defeating the invaders or immolating ourselves if imperialist aggression leaves us no other choice. [number]. such is our morale. it is the same morale that made it possible for the peoples of europe to wage their struggle of resistance against the fascist war machine [number] years ago. we are certain that our sacrifice would not be in vain and we know that all [number] million nicaraguans could be annihilated, but our example would triumph and be multiplied among the peoples of the world and among the people of the united states as well. this is our contribution to peace. [number]. we wish to appeal to the leaders of the united states, in the interests of the peace and happiness of our peoples, to reflect on the enormous responsibility weighing on them at the present moment, and thus to leave the road to war and join us in the search for peace. in this way, we could begin a new era in the relations between our countries, in the interest of our peoples, including the real interest of the people of the united states. [number]. the world has a right to know if the united states is willing to live in peace with the central american peoples or if it insists on imposing war on us. the world has the right to demand of the current leaders of the united states a clear, definitive answer to a very concrete question. are they for or against the contadora act on peace and co-operation in central america presented by the contadora group on [number] september to all the central american governments? are they for, or against, peace? [number]. many philosophers and men of politics have been quoted from this important rostrum. i should like to quote jesus christ, the humble man of nazareth, who said "blessed are the peacemakers".

on behalf of the government and people of namibia, i wish to extend our deepest sympathy and heartfelt condolences to the government and friendly people of india on the heavy loss of life and destruction of property that resulted from the devastating earthquake. i trust that the international community will give them a full helping hand. namibia welcomes all the newest members of the organization and assures them of its readiness to interact with them in the spirit of friendship and solidarity. the president of the assembly hails from a friendly country, guyana, which did so much to spearhead the struggle of the namibian people for self-determination, liberation and democracy. the government and people of guyana spared no effort in manifesting, in word and deed, their unswerving support for and solidarity with the namibian cause in different world forums. i know all this because i have spent many years at the united nations and during this time i visited georgetown, his nation s capital, and other parts of guyana on more than one occasion. the hospitality and camaraderie of his brotherly people always touched me very deeply. in his past and present incarnations in the service of his great country, he and i have collaborated on various issues of common interest. it is against this background of mutual friendship and solidarity, therefore, that i congratulate him most warmly on his brilliant election as president of this challenging session of the assembly. his sterling stewardship is already so effectively manifest that the successful conclusion of our deliberations is assured. i also wish to place on record our sincere appreciation to his predecessor, his excellency mr. stoyan ganev of bulgaria, for the effective leadership he provided last session. our illustrious secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, has since his appointment been spearheading an effective and innovative global campaign aimed at streamlining and strengthening the role of the united nations in peace-keeping operations and in economic and humanitarian issues. his "agenda for peace" has provided a useful framework for discussing these and other pressing issues relating to the maintenance of world peace and security. namibia commends the secretary-general for his tireless efforts. on the threshold of a new millennium, and as we are about to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, it is an appropriate time to reflect and take stock. this is a period of great hope and confidence in the efficacy of the united nations. new vision and foresight are thus called for bold and imaginative decisions are required. at its forty-seventh session the general assembly, in resolution [number] [number], on the "question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the security council", recognized that in the changing global situation there was a need to reorganize, revitalize and democratize the security council. the end of the cold war has created new expectations that the security council will take on larger responsibilities and a greater role in the maintenance of international peace and security. but if the security council is to be a credible organ of the united nations, it must fulfil these expectations of a changing and demanding world. it is with this in mind that the "question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the security council" should be addressed. changes towards a more representative council would, no doubt, enhance its credibility, legitimacy and authority. namibia supports the view that the membership of the security council should be increased and more permanent and non-permanent members added, taking into consideration equitable geographical representation. africa itself needs an effective presence on the council, as do asia and latin america. the outmoded and undemocratic veto power should be abolished altogether. likewise, there is a compelling need for the restructuring of other organs, such as the general assembly itself and the economic and social council. the member states of the movement of non-aligned countries, working in close partnership with the group of [number], should involve themselves fully in the ongoing discussions on the restructuring of these vital organs of the united nations. today we are witnessing a new phenomenon in international relations, characterized by a sense of consensus deriving from shared interests, in which the credibility and centrality of the united nations in dealing with global conflicts has been greatly enhanced. indeed, we have witnessed the organization fulfilling its mandate in the area of the maintenance of international peace and security. we in namibia believe that now is the opportune moment to establish a new role and purpose for a conflict- resolution mechanism which is appropriate to the post-cold- war era and to the needs and aspirations of succeeding generations. the renewed commitment towards conflict resolution must be transformed into a realistic programme of action, relating to preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session peace-keeping and peace-building. humanity is yearning for a peaceful, just and prosperous world. on this score, namibia envisages a meaningful partnership and enhanced cooperation between the secretary-general of the united nations and the secretary-general of the organization of african unity in the field of conflict resolution and humanitarian relief operations in africa. now more than ever, much is expected of the united nations in the area of conflict resolution. the organization has a golden opportunity to ensure that those expectations which "we the peoples" set forth in the charter, are met by further enhancing its effectiveness. it is an accepted fact that peace and stability are necessary, albeit not sufficient, conditions for economic development. therefore, peace-keeping, peacemaking and peace-building should go hand in hand with economic development. for peace-keeping operations to be effective, member states should pay promptly their assessed contributions to the regular budget and to peace-keeping operations. in this context, we support the establishment of the reserve fund aimed at improving the start-up financing of peace-keeping operations. in cambodia, the united nations transitional authority in cambodia untac accomplished its task satisfactorily. namibia was happy to have contributed polling officers and a staffed contingent of reinforced vehicles, called wolves, to untac. we did this because it was, after all, in namibia that a united nations peace-keeping operation scored its first large-scale victory. namibia will favourably consider participation in future united nations peace-keeping operations. unfortunately, other peace-keeping operations have not as yet achieved the same positive results. it is our hope that the united nations will continue to help resolve the conflicts in somalia, angola, rwanda, liberia, mozambique, haiti and bosnia and herzegovina, among others. with regard to angola, mr. savimbi s rejection of last year s election results was a major set-back. it has plunged that sister country further into a most horrible human tragedy. the horrendous carnage there continues to claim about [number], [number] innocent lives a day. it is further reported that from [number] million to [number] million innocent angolans are at risk of dying of either direct or indirect effects of this senseless war. the international community must exert concerted pressure on mr. savimbi to accept the will of the angolan people without any further delay. what is now expected of mr. savimbi is the speedy implementation of the bicesse accords, the relevant security council resolutions, the abidjan protocol and last year s election results, which, taken together, provide the framework for resuming negotiations with the angolan government. it is the view of the namibian government that the resumption of negotiations should lead to an early cease-fire, which will allow the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the suffering angolan people, reconciliation and consolidation of the government of national unity. to this end, and in the face of mr. savimbi s persistent intransigence, the security council had no other alternative but to impose sanctions against unita. namibia, therefore, supports security council resolution [number] [number] which, inter alia, calls for the prohibition of all sale or supply to unita of arms and related materi l and military assistance, as well as petroleum and petroleum products, and urges all member states to implement these measures. we believe also that if unita continues to flout security council resolutions, additional forms of punitive sanctions should be imposed. concerning the situation in somalia, namibia supports the united nations peace-keeping operation there. my delegation holds the view that disarming the various factions would allow the people of somalia to build genuine bridges of reconciliation and bring about the restoration of a civil society. under the present circumstances, and in spite of provocations by general aidid s faction, the united nations operation in somalia should continue to carry out its mandate. our hearts go out in sympathy to all those countries whose nationals, including innocent somalis, have made the supreme sacrifice in the service of the united nations and human brotherhood. any precipitous withdrawal, however, would be to the detriment of innocent somali people and is likely to reverse the whole process. this should not be allowed to happen. in mozambique, we are encouraged to note that the cease-fire continues to hold and that the process appears to be moving forward. i can hardly overemphasize that it is absolutely imperative for elections to be conducted in an atmosphere of peace, trust and cooperation - and this means that the armed forces must first be confined to base and demobilized, in accordance with the general peace agreement agreed to last year by the two parties. forty-eighth session - [number] october l993 [number] namibia welcomes with satisfaction the recent encouraging developments that have taken place in south africa. for the first time in the history of that neighbouring country, all the people of south africa will finally participate in a free and democratic election on [number] april next year. we would like, nevertheless, to urge all the people of south africa to ensure that this process remains on course, and we call upon all the parties to participate in the work of the transitional executive council. in the same vein, we call upon them, with the assistance of the international community, to put an immediate end to the ever-escalating violence. violence and the ballot box do not go together. namibia, along with the other members of the ad hoc committee on southern africa of the organization of african unity, supports the call made by the president of the african national congress, mr. nelson mandela, to lift all remaining economic sanctions against south africa. namibia further supports the lifting of the oil embargo after the establishment and commencement of the work of the transitional executive council, as well as the establishment or restoration of full diplomatic relations with south africa, following the installation of an elected interim government of national unity, pursuant to democratic elections next year. the middle east, the cradle of some of the world s major religions, has witnessed bloody conflicts for the greater part of this century and has been on the agenda of the united nations since its inception. namibia welcomes the historic breakthrough represented by mutual recognition and the declaration of principles signed between israel and the palestine liberation organization plo on palestinian self-rule in gaza and the city of jericho. despite their long enmity, the leaders of the state of israel and the plo summoned the political courage to embrace peace. we can only hope that the historic handshake between mr. rabin, prime minister of israel, and mr. arafat, chairman of the plo, will usher in a new era in that region. granted, this is only a first step, but it constitutes a firm basis for building a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the middle east. however, for this undertaking to succeed, the infusion of large-scale and sustained international financial and humanitarian assistance is required. encouraged by the historic and momentous breakthrough in the middle east and the positive developments in south africa, and also taking into consideration the emerging climate in favour of rapprochement in inter-state relations, we believe that the time has now come for the leaders of the united states of america and the republic of cuba to travel the short distance of [number] miles to reconciliation and peaceful coexistence. we are convinced that this can be done in the interest of the children of the two countries, who, like those of south africa, israel and palestine, hope for a peaceful and brighter future. peace and stability in the middle east are critically important not only to that region but also to the world as a whole. in this context, namibia associates itself with security council resolution [number] [number] of [number] may [number], dealing with the territorial integrity of kuwait and inviolability of its borders. we reiterate our full support for the right of the people of kuwait and its government to defend their sovereignty and independence. namibia is a small state, and we understand the predicament of small states. during the last session, i updated this august assembly on the progress made in our bilateral negotiations with the government of south africa on the issue of the transfer and reintegration of walvis bay and the offshore islands into namibia. today, i am happy to report that the matter has finally been resolved. on [number] february [number], the transfer and reintegration of walvis bay and the offshore islands into namibia will take place. this will, at last, mark the completion of the decolonization of namibia and the unification of our nation. i take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the member states for their consistent support, over the years, of security council resolution [number] [number] on walvis bay. i would also like to thank, in particular, the south african multi-party negotiating forum for adopting an important resolution which speeded up this process. the rio earth summit marked an historic turning-point in the long struggle to increase international awareness about the true nature of the global environmental crisis. the summit effectively moved a long way towards a better understanding of how future economic development is inextricably linked to sound policies aimed at promoting and protecting the environment. [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session to this end, and in line with the provisions of our constitution, namibia has launched a countrywide programme of tree planting to prevent further deforestation and degradation of the environment. naturally, namibia, like the other developing countries, is anxious to see generous financing and implementing of agenda [number]. let me now turn to the socio-economic problems we are facing today. despite the promise world leaders made to children at the world summit for children here in new york in [number], education, health, water, shelter and food security remain inaccessible to millions of children in the developing world - and namibia is no exception. in africa, problems of hunger, malnutrition, disease, and so on, continue to thwart the commitment we made last year at dakar during the international conference on assistance for the african child, to place children first. in furtherance of this commitment, and convinced that the problems of the namibian children can be addressed only in a comprehensive manner, we have already integrated the national programme of action on children into the overall national development plan. this national development plan constitutes the basis for social and economic development in namibia. in this context, primary health care, education, provision of water and rural development are among the priorities of our national development plan. the [number] [number] vision programme we adopted at dakar must be implemented if we are to achieve tangible results by the year [number], when we shall review progress made since the [number] world summit, including in particular the fate and welfare of those children engulfed in war situations. the recent world conference on human rights in vienna has further exposed the unmitigated violence and other forms of injustice being perpetrated against women throughout the world. the namibian constitution contains specific provisions on protection of the rights of women and promotion of their welfare. furthermore, namibia is a party to the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. it is against this background that we in namibia have taken measures to raise women s awareness of their rights by translating this convention into indigenous languages. in the same vein, we applaud the appointment of the special rapporteur to study the issue of violence against women. it is with this in mind that namibia looks forward to the fourth world conference on women, in anticipation that its decisions will further advance the cause of women in the world, especially in africa. these are some of the many concerns on the social agenda of all nations. thus to us, the appointment of a united nations commissioner for human rights makes much sense, and we support the idea. at the same time, we would like to urge everyone to ensure that the mandate and status of such a high-level international civil servant should be considered carefully and realistically. in order to meet the acute shortages of housing, the government has embarked upon a programme to provide adequate housing to the namibian people by the year [number]. in recognition of this national effort, namibia was awarded the habitat scroll of honour for [number] for our national housing programme, called "build together". this award was received by my distinguished colleague, the honourable mrs. libertine amathila, minister of local and regional government and housing, two days ago. i would like to echo the words of my colleague by thanking habitat for this outstanding honour. in conclusion, i wish to reiterate my government s belief that the united nations, as a unique international body, can live up to its lofty ideals of creating a peaceful, secure and just world for us and for generations to come. to this end, namibia pledges its total commitment.

in taking the floor here at the headquarters of our organization recipient of the [number] nobel peace prize meeting in new york, which has been so tragically attacked, i wish naturally, at the outset, to renew to the delegation of the united states and the great country it represents, our friend, and the american people the expression of heartfelt sympathy of the principality of monaco. confronted with insane actions that prompt horror and indignation, we find ourselves in natural solidarity in this ordeal, as well as in the task that now faces the international community of making decisions and working so that our states and societies will be spared other appalling violent acts in the future. i would like once again to extend to you, mr. president, and to all the members of the bureau our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the general assembly. i am confident that, under your great leadership, our work will be carried out in a way that will best meet the expectations of the international community. i also wish to assure you of the spirit of cooperation of the delegation of monaco. i also wish to hail the brilliant re-election of the secretary-general, a clear sign of the confidence that we have in his intelligence and humanity, which are linked to his profound knowledge of the circumstances in which he must discharge his noble mission regarding world affairs, of which our organization is seized. we also wish to assure him of the great satisfaction that the principality of monaco, my country, shares at the [number] renewal of his mandate and of our full support, which we will continue to offer him. we are very gratified that the [number] nobel peace prize was awarded to him jointly with our organization, a fully deserved and justified reward that should motivate us the states members of the united nations to work together even more with him to champion peace and to fight the many seeds of conflict that threaten our world, terrorism, human rights violations, underdevelopment and pandemics such as aids. the tragic circumstances in which this session of the general assembly is taking place make it our duty to contribute with even greater determination than in the past to the struggle against terrorism. owing to their enormity and to the defiance that is behind them, its manifestations can, as we have seen, pose a grave threat to international peace and security. the principality of monaco firmly supports everything the organization has adopted and implemented to stifle this scourge, which can be so devastating to the principles we all hold. the fact that what a lawyer would call edged weapons were enough to bring down one of the most modern and sophisticated symbols of human creativity reminds us of the fragility of our societies, which densely populated urban centres and interdependence in all vital areas make even more vulnerable in the light of the boundless contempt of some for human life and human dignity. among the most important of the commitments our states have undertaken on behalf of their peoples by signing the charter of the united nations are the obligations to maintain international peace and security, to develop friendly relations among nations and to encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms commitments that a handful of terrorists, in their blind facelessness, rejected with appalling arrogance and savage brutality. two months to the day have elapsed since that tragic event. although emotions have by no means subsided, the healing effects of time are beginning to give us a little of the sense of distance that is so necessary for more objective consideration of this astonishing political challenge and this unacceptable human tragedy. the general assembly very quickly undertook such consideration through its debate in early october on measures to eliminate international terrorism. for its part, the security council had already correctly marked out the initial path and the principal guidelines. and the secretary-general has repeatedly called on member states to remain more united than ever, and it appears that his words have been heeded. although the nature of terrorism did not change on [number] september, its scale did. the general assembly decided to respond with a complete cohesiveness that has been rare in its history. by adopting its resolution [number] [number] , the security council did not shrink from drawing on the full scope and range of its powers under chapter vii of the charter it took note of the existence of a threat to peace and an act of aggression and thus decided on the exceptional measures that the principality of monaco is proud to be implementing. for us, following up on these initiatives with the necessary effectiveness means not only implementing the resolutions that reflect our common determination and our commitment to fight terrorism and formulating additional agreements and conventions, but also, first and foremost, bringing our expertise to the implementation of instruments that have already been concluded and to which we have acceded or intend to accede. improving the organization s action in the legal sphere is both indispensable and of top priority we know this, as does the government of the principality. therefore, yesterday i signed and deposited, on behalf of my father, the sovereign prince, the instruments of ratification of the international convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism. the principality of monaco considers it essential that there be coordinated worldwide action against all forms of financing of terrorism, in order to deprive extremist movements of the resources that enable them to do such serious harm to the international community and to its deep-seated aspirations to peace and security. afghanistan, much of whose territory is occupied and a portion of whose people are today enslaved, is the most telling example of this. the visionary millennium declaration and the outcomes of recent world conferences such as the united nations conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects and the durban world conference against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance also merit special attention. without question, these latter can contribute greatly to improving, respectively, international security and [number] understanding among peoples. on the fight against racism, the subject of the durban world conference, i would note that the government of the principality of monaco has decided to recognize the competence of the committee on the elimination of racial discrimination, established under the international convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, to receive and process communications from individuals or groups of persons charging violations of a right set out in that instrument, to which monaco is a party. international economic and financial cooperation, with its inevitable human and social consequences, must also be included in the reflection prompted by these events, which is more necessary than ever in the light of the issues facing us today. because it is in part the result of the new interdependence, the globalization of trade in products, manufactured goods and services disparaged by some and hailed by others must also be a part of our urgent intellectual and practical endeavours, so that beyond the constraints and imperatives that guide it, human beings can regain their just, legitimate role. above all, the economy must serve today s men and women, with respect for their legitimate aspirations, their vital needs and the age-old richness of their diversity. regional and subregional cooperation is particularly conducive to such a goal. my country is convinced of that in the mediterranean area we are engaged in the trade, culture and technological spheres, and are working to promote sustainable development and environmental protection. nor should we neglect activities which by their nature tend to bring together men and women from different backgrounds, such as artistic and cultural events, academic meetings and sporting competitions. in the assembly s debate on the agenda item entitled building a peaceful and better world through sport and the olympic ideal , the delegation of monaco will recall the irreplaceable role in that connection of physical education and sport, as well as of the olympic games. another way to bring human communities together is the multilingualism for which the united nations must be a model. that key item is on the assembly s agenda this year. the principality of monaco will state its views on that subject and will stress the remarkable and unquestionable advantages of multilingualism for genuine understanding and mutual respect among peoples. alongside modern science and technology, which are moving forward and rapidly becoming universal, thus fostering exchanges among peoples, more traditional forms of communication also have an important role to play. in our view, teaching and information, more than ever before, have a fundamental role in spreading ideas of peace and understanding among men and women in our troubled times. here, the general conference of the united nations educational, cultural and scientific organization has given us excellent regulatory texts, working documents and programmes that we must revitalize with increased energy in order to provide greater hope to young people, who are often frustrated by the harshness of daily life. we also, and very often, give thought to the seas and the oceans, which made such a contribution in ancient times to meetings of civilizations and to the spread of knowledge, thus enriching art and culture while developing trade and solidarity. a few days from now, the delegation of monaco will state its views during the consideration of the agenda item on oceans and the law of the sea. my country has always been devoted to better scientific knowledge and careful protection of the marine environment, an indispensable source for the harmonious flourishing of life. thus the principality of monaco, with other member states, requests the assembly to grant observer status to the international hydrographic organization, for which it is the headquarters, in order to allow that institution to strengthen its cooperation with governments and to advance international initiatives and exchanges in marine cartography initiatives and exchanges designed to spread knowledge of seabeds and coastal zones, as well as to make navigation easier and safer. respect for the decisions and resolutions taken by our forums and the strengthening of our regulatory actions, as well as the implementation of the declarations and plans of action of our recent global conferences, are significant commitments to which the authorities of the government of the principality of monaco are dedicated. in our difficult times, they represent shared values which prompt us to act together in the interest of our international community, which is also in the interest of each of our countries. to close on an optimistic note, allow me to express the hope a hope that i believe is shared by [number] many here that the wisdom of nations united more than ever before will be able to triumph rapidly over the evil represented by terrorism in its new global and universal form, while extirpating from the world the stubborn roots that fuel it.

allow me to extend our thanks to the outgoing president, ambassador razali ismail, and to congratulate him on the way in which he fulfilled his mandate. i would also like to congratulate mr. hennadiy udovenko on his election and wish him complete success in his efforts to strengthen and increase the effectiveness of the united nations in these historic times, which more than ever demand our application, perseverance, determination and good faith. more than half a century has elapsed since the united nations was founded. when the united nations was born, mankind wanted it to lead to the creation of a world of justice, law and peace. the united nations was supposed to be able to defend human rights when they were violated and promote justice. by means of the united nations, mankind aspired to put an end to an era of war and usher in an era of peace and tolerance, of respect for national sovereignty and people s freedom and of independence of states an era in which people would be free to fulfil their dreams and aspirations and to maintain their identity. never in the course of human history have we needed the united nations more than we need it today, in this era of communications and contacts, when frontiers are disappearing under the force of the technological revolution. this is an era of demographic explosion and deadly, destructive weapons an era when the environment is no longer capable of meeting mankind s demands. today we are truly in need of a basic means of containing conflicts and resolving disputes. this is why we must increase the effectiveness of the united nations mechanism and renew confidence in its justice, credibility and effectiveness, the freedom of its decision-making processes from hegemony, and the absence of imbalances in its measured ways and in the enforcement of its resolutions so that no one remains above international law. these steps are essential if we want to prevent the collapse of the united nations, and if we want it to retain the moral authority necessary to resolve disputes and remain an alternative to hot and deadly confrontations. therefore, lebanon enthusiastically supports the reform of united nations institutions, particularly the security council. we call for enhancing the numerical and geographical balance of the council so as to reflect changed realities. the council must also be reformed to dissipate the misgivings some have about the way it performs its role. lebanon subscribes to the principle of rotation of the permanent seats in the security council. we reiterate our support for the position of the arab group, as expressed in the paper it presented on this subject. we welcome the secretary-general s proposals for the reform of the united nations. we have given them our full attention and are carefully studying them. we believe it is necessary to enhance the role of the general assembly and to make the issue of development a high priority for the organization, while attaching great importance to the work of regional economic and social commissions. under the rubric of reducing costs and the budget, many united nations agencies, in particular the united nations relief and works agency for palestine refugees in the near east unrwa , have lost much of their ability to adequately provide social, health and education services to refugees in their host countries. this increases the burden on host countries, lebanon among them. it is difficult for us to shoulder these responsibilities under these conditions. the responsibility of the international community in redressing the injustice inflicted on the palestinian refugees must be made apparent. this bitter reality, which cannot be free of hidden intentions, aims at times at attempting to pressure these countries and force them to assimilate the refugee population they are hosting. [number] this would be a step towards liquidating the refugees case for return. it is also a means of pressuring the host countries into accepting unacceptable political terms. the international community, represented by the united nations and the donor countries, is duty-bound to continue to render assistance to the palestinian refugees awaiting a political resolution of their status in accordance with the right to return, as decided upon by the united nations and, in particular, the principle of reuniting families. this is one of the pillars of the peace process, and thus it is essential that the international community persevere until a solution is attained. we had hoped that this session would be an occasion for us to express our gratitude for the restoration of peace in lebanon and the middle east. this would have been an attestation to the success of the madrid peace process, which was launched six years ago to which should be added one year of preparation. this international peace initiative began auspiciously. we believed in both its letter and its spirit because the initiative was international, the sponsorship was effective and the contents were based upon an equitable, just and permanent peace. we were very hopeful, because we thought that peace would be realized on the basis of security council resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] , on the basis of the principle of land for peace and on the basis of finding a consensual solution to the question of jerusalem. the initiative was also supposed to put an end to israel s building and expansion of settlements in the occupied territories and lead to the recognition of the political rights of the palestinian people. it was supposed to be followed by a discussion of regional arrangements to settle security, social and economic questions, in particular the question of the palestinian refugees, thereby paving the way for the economic development of the region. we entered into the peace process convinced that the basic elements had been accepted at madrid and that they had become commitments of the participating states. we thought that all that remained for the delegations was to begin negotiations on implementation. however, the advent of the present israeli government and its head totally dashed our hopes, given the practices of this new government. the principle of land for peace was thrown out, to be replaced by a new formula. the israeli government reneged on the need for implementation of international decisions, and thus demanded their reinterpretation. that government did not want to find a solution to the question of jerusalem, so it went ahead and annexed it. the israeli government reneged on its commitments with regard to the occupied syrian golan, so it stressed its annexation. the israeli government demolished the principle of halting settlement activities and vastly expanded their efforts at settlement. the negotiated commitments of the previous government were abandoned, as if there were no continuity from one government to the next. instead of making progress towards peace the only worthwhile objective the government devoted itself to destroying what had been done, even if the steps previously taken were limited. instead of being able to work towards a genuine peace, we have had to endure propaganda manoeuvres aimed at numbing and misleading public opinion, along with meetings that were designed just to give the impression that a dialogue was continuing. instead of trying to find a solution to the basic conflict, the emphasis shifted to the normalization of relations through economic conferences as a precondition, even before solving the legal and political problem instead of having normalization occur naturally as a crowning of the basic solution. faced with heightened internal crisis, the israeli government resorted to stirring up tension along its borders and in areas under occupation, to divert attention away from the peace it had scuttled. thus, the principle of provocation and confrontation was re-established in order to create unity internally. israel continued to carry out its acts of aggression against southern lebanon and the western bekaa, once with the goal of mobilizing israeli public opinion against peace, and another time for the purpose of emptying international initiatives of their political content. the attacks continued, through artillery shelling, air raids, operations inside our territories against villages and cities against children, women, the elderly and homes. destruction and demolition continued, as did the detention of lebanese citizens in israeli military camps all of this without the united nations international institutions being allowed to visit them. they were not permitted the enjoyment of elementary human rights the right to counsel and the right to a fair trial. some of them were returned to us as corpses, while others were tortured or maimed and this in the era of respect for the rights of environment, of plants, and of animals. [number] nonetheless, the more the occupation endured, the more israel became increasingly bogged down in the quagmire of the south which became an inferno to it. the occupier has become a prisoner, and the aggressor a hostage in the face of a valiant people s steadfastness and the resistance of its sons and daughters. thus israel sustained huge losses which is prompting it to rethink the viability and usefulness of its continued occupation of southern lebanon. against this reality, we heard, through misleading media reports, of an israeli readiness to withdraw. we have to bring the truth forth. lebanon s firm stance has always been for a complete israeli withdrawal to internationally recognized borders so as to enable the lebanese state to exercise its sovereignty over its territories through its own forces. but israel does not wish to withdraw it is still camouflaging its unwillingness to withdraw completely by relocating or redeploying its forces. it continues to cast a smoke screen by asking to maintain inspection and control posts, by imposing conditions that limit the state s authority and by giving the upper hand to the militias that it created. furthermore, israel is attempting to impose control over the lebanese army, which could be deployed, as well as other conditions that challenge any presumed lebanese sovereignty when withdrawal takes place. i should like to pay tribute to our fallen heroes, members of the united nations interim force in lebanon unifil most recently four italian soldiers and an irish sergeant. their blood was spilled in defence of southern lebanon, mixing with that of lebanese citizens. i should also like to pay tribute to the force itself, whose commanders and troops are discharging a difficult task under the most difficult and most trying circumstances. no sooner had the people of the region begun to adapt to the anticipated climate of peace than they were thrust back into an era of confrontation, violence and inevitable defiance and resistance. though development plans for the middle east region were being formulated, and the world manifested interest in its peaceful future, caution and pessimism began once again to prevail, and hopes were dashed. no sooner had the government of israel drawn strength from the veto power used against security council resolutions on its settlement policies, it has continued to challenge council resolutions, thereby undermining whatever is left of the peace process. the international community, which stands to be affected by the situation in the region, either directly or indirectly, must hold the defiant accountable. the international community has not only the right but also the duty to take action through the organization of the united nations. on many occasions, the united nations has delegated this question to others, hoping that a solution could be found. it has consistently refrained from enforcing its resolutions, in contrast to its recent behaviour vis- -vis many other states. the time has come for the united nations to reclaim its role. the time has come to return to the basics of peace as agreed in madrid, to the principle of land for peace, to the need to implement security council resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] , and to resume negotiations on all tracks from the point where they stopped. the time has come for israel immediately to cease all settlement activities to resolve the status of the city of jerusalem to withdraw from the palestinian territory and recognize the political rights of the palestinian people to withdraw from the syrian golan to the line of [number] june [number] to fully withdraw from southern lebanon and its western bekaa to the internationally recognized boundaries in order to enable the lebanese state to exercise its authority, in accordance with security council resolution [number] [number] . opting for a peace that ignores these fundamentals is a choice that is doomed to failure, a choice that could ignite the entire region. an isolationist policy that separates the various tracks would run counter to the principle of a comprehensive peace and will never achieve it. this is because the conflict is fundamentally a comprehensive one. it has never been a conflict between one single arab state and israel, but has always been between the arabs and israel. as long as a single track is excluded from the solution, peace will remain impossible. the tracks are all intertwined, which shows how indivisible and interconnected the cause is. nobody should think that one track can survive, even for one hour, while other tracks remain excluded. because lebanon is at the heart of the conflict, it has suffered a great deal. today, however, it is confounding all forecasts and expectations that presaged its demise by proving to the world once again, as it has done throughout its long and time-honoured history, that it is too strong to wither away, and that a right that is claimed by its people will never disappear. [number] when southern lebanon and western bekaa are liberated, when lebanese sovereignty extends to all its territory, when the united nations credibility is confirmed by the authority of its resolutions, when israeli jails are emptied of their innocent detainees and resistance fighters, when an end is put to bloodshed which soaks our land, then and only then will the wound be healed. the tears will then stop and confidence will be restored to all in a genuine, just, permanent and comprehensive peace, a peace that can restore to the land of civilizations, religions and cultures the place it deserves now and in future, as it has always been throughout its long history. the choice of peace will not always be available to us. the peace that the assembly supported is in the throes of death today. if restoring peace seems difficult, its demise would close the door to any attempt to rekindle the process in the foreseeable future, thus putting world peace in jeopardy and sparking an uncontrollable conflagration, which will be difficult to contain. may god guide the steps of those who are working for a peace that is just and not unfair, equitable and not biased, consensual and not imposed, a peace that honours the memory of those martyred, that does justice to those who struggle, and that would put an end to darkness in the land of the prophets and the messengers of god.

mr. president, it gives us great satisfaction that the president of this thirty-seventh session of the general assembly is a representative of hungary, a nation which has succeeded in preserving its identity in all circumstances. mr. secretary-general, the international community has conferred upon you the highest and most sensitive of its responsibilities in these perilous days. we must therefore all share with you the commitment of our time peaceful, just and productive coexistence. in facing the challenge of today's unsettled world, i offer you the solidarity of my country. mexico sees in the united nations the best and highest international forum, where it is possible to hope for rationality in the overwhelming presence of the absurd. since the unparalleled ignominy of the second world war this has been the only setting in which arguments can be adduced in the light of reason and law to prevent a new conflict that very probably would be our last. it represents the only way to give new impetus to the endeavours of civilization. if these words seem exaggerated to us today, if the dramatic tone strikes us as anachronistic, let us ponder the fact that less than [number] years have passed since the end of that war. let us recall that it was preceded, and in fact brought on by, an economic depression and that the despair caused by that serious setback proved to be an evil counsellor of peoples and governments. let us remember that before absurdity and death took over there was a slow and gradual debasement of reason and of life itself. the symptoms are ominous. in recent years we have drifted far from the principles that gave birth to this organization, in large measure because of the attitude of those who think they can achieve their objectives through the use of force and disregard of the law. they fail to realize that in abandoning the processes of the rational solution of controversies or disputes they bring us all closer to the abyss of violence and anarchy. today there is no region that can regard itself as immune from crisis. the tragic conflicts of the south atlantic and the middle east bear witness to this. some areas of the world are in great turmoil. i refer to those where the arrogance of their leaders is imposed on the historical demands of their peoples. we share the indignation and shame of those who, in the face of genocide practised by former victims of genocide, are now protesting against a vile crime that is an affront to mankind. repetition of the worst excesses of the war has also revived the atmosphere of ignominy and the heavy burden of fatal foreboding. we note with concern that pressure is being brought to bear on the members of the united nations in order to sway their votes. the results that are sometimes achieved indicate the vulnerability of many countries. the negotiating mechanisms prevailing in some agencies of the system raise doubts as to whether they are at the service of those who created them or whether they are inspired by true respect for the sovereignty of states. mexico has always been active in and committed to the united nations, not with the idea that it may be the last resort for the prevention of total destruction but because it is the best means available to us to halt the process that could lead to such an outcome. this makes it essential to bring together the two fundamental areas of negotiation for which the world is waiting that which will lead to detente between the two super-powers and that, which will reorganize relationships among countries with different levels of development. the two conflicts, between east and west and north and south, have, we would repeat, crucified all mankind. only through a convergence of both areas of negotiations can there be established a new international order, one that includes the process of political decolonization and the fundamental challenge facing international society - economic decolonization. both types of decolonization are changes attesting to the most profound potential of a human being the attainment of his own dignity. mexico's traditional adherence to and promotion of the principles of the united nations and its contribution to those two major areas of negotiation are well known evidence of this is the charter of the economic rights and duties of states, the world energy plan, the international meeting on co-operation and development, which was held at cancun in october [number] and the treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons in latin america. we have been unflagging in our efforts to give impetus to the development of international instruments to promote disarmament worldwide, particularly in latin america. we believe that the arms race and development are in competition with each other, not only as regards the utilization of available resources but also because they represent incompatible approaches arrogance and inequality, which will lead to annihilation or tolerance and co-operation, which would make progress possible for all. we know that the funds allocated for technical assistance to developing countries for the next five years amounts to less than will be spent on weapons in the next five days. everything would indicate that the world economy is being sacrificed to the arms race. the great powers are arming themselves even at the expense of their own standards of living, while their adversaries are doing the same. and they are dragging all mankind, which wants not weapons but progress, into this vortex. thus is created a dantesque vicious circle. the greater the tension, the greater the concern for security the greater the insecurity, the greater the arms expenditure the greater the concentration of resources in armaments, the greater the impoverishment and social inequality and the greater the political radicalization and tension until the wheel of destruction starts its atavistic cycle all over again. the strongest powers may insist on imposing their will upon others and on taking advantage of the power imbalance, which favours them, to strengthen their aspirations to hegemony. but they will not thus subdue moral sensibility nor will they quell revolution. they will succeed only in fanning the flames of the conflagration that uncontrolled can set fire to everything. the practical ineffectiveness of the means of collective security is at the very core of armed conflict. thus, for example, when a weak country is openly threatened by political pressure that is superior to its own strength and it realizes that it cannot rely on the united nations for protection, it is reduced to the fateful choice between arming itself or being annihilated. at the same time, when the international community is incapable of generating the minimum conditions needed for general progress, peoples have to choose between the wretchedness of abject subsistence and the harsh road of revolution. such is the tragedy of latin america today. such are the prospects of most of the nations here represented. at the present moment, rather than an appeal what is needed is a warning the world is absolutely interdependent, and not one of its parts can be saved if the others are doomed. mexico has tirelessly collaborated in the other major area of negotiation, which is aimed at the establishment of a new international economic order. it proposed to the community of nations that it draft a document having legal status that would encompass the doctrine and basic rules of a new model of international relations the charter of economic rights and duties of states, which was adopted by the general assembly almost [number] years ago. mexico has recently demonstrated its willingness to commit itself to the struggle for justice and rational coexistence as regards not only global problems or remote conflicts but also issues that affect it very closely and for which it has taken risks and made sacrifices. this is evidenced by the proposal for a world energy plan made by an oil-exporting country during the oil boom and above all by effective co-operation in good times and bad with those countries neighbouring ours that lack such resources. i consider that the ideas and proposals we put forward in the energy plan are still valid and that it is possible to foster an orderly, progressive, comprehensive and just transition between two epochs of mankind the present one, in which the consumption of hydrocarbons predominates, and the future one, in which the development of new energy resources will have priority. the world energy plan is still a good method for the achievement of the new international economic order. even during the present crisis venezuela and mexico have moved forward and set an example by reaffirming and renewing the san jose agreement to help the countries of central america and the caribbean by guaranteeing their supplies of oil and by creating soft loan funds for their development. the [number] million that mexico alone has earmarked to date for that purpose is granted unconditionally and without distinction and equals the amount that the united states plans to allocate for the same region. our willingness to commit ourselves is shown also in our efforts to enhance the possibilities for a negotiated settlement of the social and political conflicts of that same region, notwithstanding the many who would like us to feel threatened and thus be driven by fear to support repression. they forget that mexico has already had its revolution, which it is continually consolidating, and so has no reason to be afraid of its people's desire for justice. we support and will continue to support detente and negotiated political settlements, with due respect for the parties concerned. but mexico's most constant concern and task in the international sphere is the transition to a new economic order. we have stressed that the entire gamut of economic relations between the developing countries and the industrialized world must be transformed. those relations have figured on the agendas of many international conferences, but the progress made has not been particularly encouraging. it was therefore our thought to convene a summit meeting of the main industrialized countries and a representative number of developing nations the idea was for heads of state and government, rather than negotiating topic by topic, to show their firm political will to take a qualitatively significant step in the stalled negotiations by acknowledging the need to seek this essential new order. mexico and austria worked for more than a year and a half to make possible the cancun summit meeting. as the process which was to lead to the global round of negotiations became increasingly bogged down, the meeting of the heads of state took on greater importance. we noted alarming indications of a world economic slowdown. many . countries placed their hopes in cancun, not because it might result in solutions, but because it was the only forum that could provide the political impetus necessary to revive a suspended process. the meeting took place almost a year ago and was attended by [number] heads of state and government, or their representatives. in an attempt to replace prejudice with sound judgement, and to transform monologue into dialogue and subordination into solidarity, differing points of view regarding our present-day situation were expressed openly and with tolerance for the ideas of others. at that meeting many of us stated that the lack of harmonious relations was making the world in which we live increasingly perilous for rich countries and implacable and cruel for poor countries. we maintained that progress for all should be a condition for the progress of each individually. the tragedy of hunger was stressed, and strategies to increase food production and improve food distribution were discussed. the possibility of organizing a fair and balanced trade in raw materials and industrialized goods was set forth. it was not only petroleum markets and prices that were dealt with, but also ways of organizing the exploitation and use of energy sources and of alleviating the financial burden that oil purchases represent for developing countries. tragic paradoxes that we have been unable to resolve were examined in cancun recession in the countries of the north, due to, among other things, the lack of a market for goods which are needed by the south but which it cannot purchase because of inadequate financing liquid funds from the countries of the south that are placed in the north and then loaned to other countries of the south and the persistence, and even the worsening, of monetary and financial practices which have proven time and again to be inadequate and ineffective, both in the south and in the north. faced with such paradoxes, we maintained that financing the joint development of rich and poor countries was not only rational, but the only possible way to achieve a healthy world economy. we acknowledged, and we say again today, that many of the problems of the south are of the south's own making but there are other serious constraints that stem from its relations with the north. we see today that the likelihood of such constraints becoming fatal to the world economy has been rapidly increasing since we met at cancun. many things have changed since then. in recent years we have witnessed unprecedented hostility, rhetorical belligerence and lack of understanding between the super-powers. in [number] the world saw the outbreak and escalation of actual armed conflict in many areas. such conflicts are irrational in every case and should be of serious concern to us, both because of their very existence and because of the relative ease with which they are coming about. what most concerns and affects the majority of countries, however, is the extremely serious deterioration of the international economy, particularly in the poor countries, where three quarters of the world's population lives and where the consequences of the crisis are felt in tragic measure. steadily decreasing income due to the plunge in the prices of raw materials on the one hand, and higher interest rates and shorter terms of repayment on the other, are the two blades of the shears that threaten to slash the momentum achieved in some countries and to cut off the chances for progress in the others. in fact it is generally recognized that the world is now in the throes of the worst economic crisis since the great depression. growth rates, both in industrialized countries and in the developing world are at the lowest levels recorded in recent decades. rampant unemployment, endemic in poor countries, has now become widespread in the most powerful nations as well. all over the world, men and women who had jobs are losing them. the reduction of inflation achieved in certain countries through huge sacrifices in employment does not mean that the problem has been overcome. the brutal rise in interest rates over the last three years has not only created an intolerable burden for debtor nations, but has also given rise to speculation and a flight of capital which are uncontrollable and of unforeseen magnitude. the events of the past few years have more than confirmed the need to tackle energy problems in a comprehensive manner and in close co-ordination with the other areas of the world economy. petroleum sales abruptly shifted from a seller's to a buyer's market, which resulted in surpluses that have again caused prices to fall and have discouraged efforts to bring about a transition in the field of energy. the disarray has been detrimental to the oil- producing countries and has been a victory for no one, since it is but another factor in the crisis. the decline in available financial resources caused by lower petroleum prices has led us from an unresolved energy crisis to a financial crisis that is deepening the recession and threatening the stability of the international monetary system. spectres arise in this panorama, spectres which could seriously threaten the world if the present trend continues. the most dangerous of these threats is that the social pressures created by economic dislocations could reach the point of exploding. we should recall that developing countries have no so-called social- security and crisis-control systems such as those which exist in the developed world. we cannot afford, and therefore do not have, unemployment insurance or extensive public welfare programmes. a second spectre that appears to be dangerously near at hand is a north-south and north-north crisis in trade in both basic and industrial commodities. we all want to export more in order to solve our problems, and we all want to import less to avoid a drain on our foreign exchange reserves and our domestic markets. when the entire world is in the midst of a severe recession, the only exportable item is the crisis itself. if recession in industrialized countries continues to push down the prices of raw materials and to restrict the entry of manufactured goods from the south, both our problems and theirs will become more critical. the favourable trade balance of the industrialized countries as a whole has become the major feature of the international economic order, with the exception of a period of less than [number] years of positive balances for some oil-exporting countries. it is therefore inevitable that the vast majority of developing countries have a negative trade balance. to maintain the flow of trade in these circumstances necessarily implies the establishment of credit flows that would make it possible to pay the industrialized countries for goods and services. to sustain growth in the countries of the south and maintain employment in the countries of the north, the amount of such credit must continually increase this is even more the case if the cost of the accumulated debt increases as a result of higher interest rates. reduced availability of credit for the developing countries has serious implications not only for those countries but also for production and employment in the industrial countries. let us not continue in this vicious circle, since it could well be the start of a new dark ages, with no possibility of a renaissance. here we have a third threat. i refer to the serious problem of the lack of co-ordination in the international financial system. as everyone knows, several heavily indebted countries, among them mexico, have recently been obliged to begin renegotiating their foreign debt. this is a paradox that makes us reflect on the fact that the growth of many of the countries of the south is now being criticized by the very countries that made loans to them for that purpose and that are now haggling over extending the credit needed for continued growth, although only such growth will make it possible for the former countries to repay the latter and to buy from them. today, mexico and many other third world countries will be unable to comply with the payment schedule agreed upon in conditions quite different from those that now prevail. suspension of payments is to nobody's advantage and nobody wants it. but whether or not this will happen is beyond the will and, thus, the responsibility of the debtors. everyone must negotiate seriously, carefully and realistically. the international financial system consists of several parts lenders, borrowers and guarantors it is tied to those that produce and those that consume, those that buy and those that sell. it is everybody's responsibility and it must be shouldered by everybody. common situations produce similar positions, with no need for conspiracies or intrigues. we developing countries do not wish to become vassals. we cannot paralyse our economies or plunge our peoples into greater misery in order to pay debt, the servicing of which has tripled without our participation or responsibility and the conditions of which were imposed upon us. we countries of the south are about to run out of chips if we cannot stay in the game, it will end in defeat for everyone. i wish to be emphatic we countries of the south have not sinned against the world economy. our efforts to grow in order to conquer hunger, disease, ignorance and dependency have not caused the international crisis. a more immediate cause is the decision to arm, to fight force with force, dragging all the economies, directly or indirectly, towards this senseless objective. but we can overcome the crisis. it will be done more quickly if we can count on the rational support of the international financial community rather than reluctance or punishment for sins we have not committed. such support will be of benefit to both creditors and debtors, for we all belong to one world, in which, if we are all part of the problem, we are also part of the solution. we need foreign exchange to make payments and' purchases. our opposite numbers also need to buy in order to make collections and sales. this is a healthy relationship which is to everyone's advantage. it is that simple. mexico is a good illustration of various north- south problems because of its dual situation as a country on the threshold of development and in its geographical location and because of the domestic and international prospects as regards its petroleum resources. in recent years we have made every effort to meet the needs of our population by developing its great productive potential, in conjunction with the needs of the world economy and supported by substantial external financing. for four years we grew at a rate of over [number] per cent annually, we doubled our installed industrial capacity, we rose from eighteenth to fourth place among oil-producing countries, we tripled hydrocarbon production during that period and we undertook the urgent task of intensive social development, thereby generating more than [number] million jobs not only to absorb the existing unemployed but to provide work for new generations. the greatest growth in our history was dramatically interrupted in [number]. our plans, which had been programmed and budgeted for on the basis of four successive fiscal years, suddenly could no longer be financed because of a drop in the price of raw materials, including petroleum, and because of higher interest rates on the already contracted external debt, the cost of servicing which tripled. a pernicious sequence of inflation, devaluations and mounting prices and wages put a brake on our prosperity. in just three years the flight of capital became double the total of foreign investment in our country. thus, because of the financial system and free exchange, facilitated by our proximity to the wealthiest country in the world, our reserves were exhausted. it is easy to say that, but for [number] million mexicans who had begun to look forward to better times it is a brutal reality. our way of being, of acting and managing our affairs, has been distorted in the news media, which have made us appear to the eyes of the world a country incapable of shaping its destiny and incompetent in administering its resources, so that the alternative would have to be our subordination to the ruthless ambition of outside powers. developing countries like mexico have suffered countless such experiences. many of our problems are made worse by tendentious reports which bring on the results they announce. after major attempts to correct this economic situation, my government decided to attack the root of the evil and extirpate it once and for all. there was obviously an inconsistency between internal development policies and an erratic and restrictive international financial structure. a reasonable growth policy could not be reconciled with freedom to speculate in foreign exchange. we therefore established exchange control. given our [number], [number]-kilometre border with the united states, exchange control can only function through a banking system that operates on the basis of the policies of its country and government and not its own speculative interests and the fluctuations of international financial chaos. for that reason we have nationalized the banks. we have been a living example of what happens when that enormous, volatile and speculative mass of capital ranges over the world in search of high interest rates, tax havens and supposed political and exchange stability. it decapitalizes entire countries and leaves destruction in its wake. the world should be able to control this it is inconceivable that we cannot find a formula that, without limiting necessary movements and flows, would permit regulation of a phenomenon that damages everyone. it is imperative that the new international economic order establish a link between refinancing the development of countries that suffer from the flight of capital and the capital that has left those countries. at least they should have the crumbs from their own loaves. in the face of these dramatic realities, we are lectured about economic liberalism at all costs, which is not applied even in the countries that most passionately defend it. on the contrary, the danger of losing their national integrity has led many governments among them, our own to intensify their economic reforms and to strengthen the role of the state in directing their national economies these are cases of legitimate self-defence. mexico is open to negotiation in every sphere and every forum. we have the resources, tradition and historical background to reinforce the principles laid down by our social and popular revolution. we are sure that, as a country bordering both the north and the south, our fate is of concern not only to mexicans but to all developing countries. to all of them i say that we must hold our heads high and stand together, today and always, in dignity and with our shared endeavours and our shared hopes. never has the principle of sovereignty over natural resources and economic processes been more valid than now. the terms of the debased relations that we suffer could lead to the dissolution of sovereignty itself. the interference of transnational corporations, the growing concentration of financial facilities, the subordination of the banking systems to the great metropolitan cities, the massive outflow of capital and the imitation of models alien to our development endanger the very existence of states. although its formal links have been broken, dependency persists, and the pattern of domination on which the colonial regime was founded has even been reinforced. the concentration of wealth and power increases, while vast regions of the world become ever more impoverished. in the present situation the machinery of international co-operation that we have devised has been useful in soothing some troubled consciences, but it has proved altogether incapable of solving the serious everyday structural problems. the charges levelled by the countries of the south in this respect were accurate and far-sighted. in proposing a new order, we sought a profound institutional reform capable of rechanneling international economic relations. we should have liked to avoid the tremendous deterioration of recent years and to have eased the crisis. but it is never too late. throughout history, major transformations usually occurred when there was no other course to take, which accounts for the distance that separates prophets from revolutionaries. major ills call for major remedies. international economic relations should be reviewed judiciously and with a sense of commitment. let us not look for culprits but, rather, find people who will take responsibility for the future. the tracing of the ultimate cause of our ills is a task for historians and research workers, not for political leaders. the assumption of that immense task of political and economic integration requires a change in attitude. until now ideological manichaeism, which nurtures the hegemony of the great powers, has prevailed. there has been a tendency to impose the same system of the past, and in a tense dialectical relationship as yet unresolved, the doctrines and strategies of change have been in confrontation with vested interests, love of compromise for its own sake, and the conservative instincts of empires that never end. therefore, the global economic negotiations must provide the opportunity to reconcile these opposing views in approaches compatible with the needs of the present. the necessity to convene these negotiations is urgent they cannot be postponed. nor can the alleged dispute between the specialized agencies of the system and the sovereignty of the assembly be put forward as an excuse for delaying the dialogue. all the united nations bodies have been created by our sovereign decision all of them function within a given legal framework, and are to be respected. the justification for these international bodies is not to be found in the perpetuation of undesirable inequalities, but in the search for rational solutions to the crucial issues of our time disarmament, collective security and development. the united nations was created in a different era and the organization and its members now find themselves at the crossroads. we have the forum we deserve and there is no other. if we do not know how to use it to overcome the crisis and establish a more equitable order, and above all one compatible with our times, there will be no further opportunity. global negotiations should begin immediately, and they should be conducted thoroughly, with a serious intention of reaching agreement. world peace and security are threatened to an even greater extent today. we must safeguard them at all costs. any solution or concession is preferable to the alternative. we cannot afford to fail. something tremendous is at stake here, not only the heritage of civilization, but the very survival of our children, of future generations, of mankind itself. let us make what is reasonable possible. let us recall the tragic conditions in which the organization was created and the hopes that we placed in it. the place is here and the time is now. let us hope that the logical confrontations of pluralism, the understandable outbursts of dissidence, compounded by the frustration of impotence, and the unavoidable delays in negotiations do not nullify the highest good represented by the united nations. let us not resign ourselves to the united nations becoming bogged down in formal procedures, while outside pressures are brought to bear to satisfy selfish interests unable to withstand the test of inclusion in an international legal order. we are all part of this union. it is as strong as we wish to make it, particularly those who have the real power and therefore the ultimate responsibility. we have never created anything better or more efficient. again and again i shall repeat what i have said here. this is the time to decide whether mankind belongs to the powerful or the powerful to mankind. that has never been truer than now. we shall know the answer here, and in the centuries to come people will bear witness to it.

vanuatu is very pleased that we are meeting under your presidency, sir, and, on behalf of my government and of the pacific islands forum, i extend my warm congratulations to you, and we wish to assure you of our full confidence and cooperation. i should also like to take a moment to pay tribute to your predecessor, his excellency mr. ali abdussalam treki, for his exceptional service and leadership during the sixty-fourth session of the general assembly and for the considerable and important achievements of that session. [number] [number]-[number] in the same spirit, i take this opportunity also to commend the secretary-general for his vision, leadership and tireless efforts in working towards achievements in the common interest of all humanity. many innocent lives continue to be wasted, with good people killed or wounded and multitudes displaced by heinous acts designed to undermine and destabilize the collective efforts of the international community to achieve peace and security for our societies. these many unprecedented events continue to test the very foundation of our organization. as we prepare to enter the second decade of this twenty-first century, it is vital now more than ever that our membership affirms its confidence and faith in the purposes and principles of the united nations. it is important that we continue to assert our support for fundamental human rights and the peaceful coexistence of our nations. the range and urgency of the challenges that now confront the international community in our globalized and interdependent world demand, at the very least, our steadfast support for and commitment to peace and security for our communities and peoples, and for future generations. if we are to effectively guarantee human rights and achieve peace and security and social and economic justice for all, we need to be united in this endeavour, and our cooperation and multilateral joint efforts need to be durable and effective. my government and people of vanuatu are steadfast in our belief that the united nations remains uniquely suited to the pursuit and coordination of global initiatives to attain these objectives. vanuatu hosted the forty-first annual pacific islands forum in our capital, port vila, last month. as current chair, i wish to inform the assembly that the pacific islands leaders again noted that transnational crime remains a threat to national and regional stability, in particular the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and illicit drugs. consequently, the pacific islands forum has strengthened cooperation in counter-terrorism measures and emphasized national efforts and regional cooperation in combating transnational organized crime and in strengthening border control capacities. the pacific islands forum remains committed to collective arrangements and mechanisms to assist regional governments recovering from national conflicts and crises. the value of those efforts is evident in the positive results of the regional assistance mission to the solomon islands, created under the biketawa declaration with the assistance of contributing member states, which would not have been successful without the strong leadership and commitment of the solomon islands government. while many of our member countries have not ratified the united nations convention against corruption uncac , forum leaders recognize the important role that the convention offers in providing an internationally agreed framework for effective anti- corruption activities around the world. i am pleased to say that our regional organizations are working with the various united nations agencies to advance work to promote the convention. while known as a region characterized by oceanic isolation, smallness and general vulnerability, the pacific region is one of only a few in the world to have experienced nuclear weapons testing. therefore, advancing the cause of nuclear non-proliferation and the south pacific nuclear free zone treaty also known as the treaty of rarotonga remains critical and relevant to our signatory member states. the south pacific nuclear free zone treaty reflects our region s deep commitment not only to international peace and security but also to collective international action to ensure peace and security. in endorsing the successful outcome of the [number] non-proliferation treaty review conference, forum leaders also welcomed the announcement by the united states of america of its intention to ratify all protocols of the treaty of rarotonga. notwithstanding their size, national obligations and circumstances, our respective forum members value and are proud of their contributions to united nations peacekeeping efforts. my own country is proud to contribute to united nations peacekeeping missions in east timor, haiti, the sudan, bosnia, the peace monitoring group and the bougainville transition team in bougainville, and to the regional assistance mission to the solomon islands. terrorism is an offence to humanity and contrary to the core values of the united nations. we must be resolute in our national and collective efforts to combat terrorism in all its forms. for my own country, i reaffirm our strong support for the relevant security council resolutions against terrorism. those resolutions provide a clear signal of our determination [number]-[number] [number] to suppress terrorist activities, including training, international movement and financing. all of us present here today have described the various stages of our progress to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs . for our island countries, our increasing vulnerability to threats and challenges, underscored by the impacts of the global economic, financial, fuel and food crises, is exacerbated by the current and impending impacts of climate change, as well as our inherent limited capacity to respond. this is not to say, however, that we have not made progress in achieving any of those goals. with respect to goal [number], the primary education systems of the pacific region are characterized by high enrolment, with six of our countries currently displaying net enrolment ratios of over [number] per cent. most, if not all, of our pacific island countries are expected to meet the goal of gender equality in education by [number]. we have been able to achieve those goals because we have localized the global indicators by adjusting them to suit our local circumstances and priorities. while we remain concerned about the pace of our progress towards the millennium development goals, we are committed to accelerating progress towards achieving them by [number]. the port vila declaration on accelerating progress on the achievement of the millennium development goals, which was adopted by pacific forum leaders at their meeting in vanuatu last month, recognizes that the mdgs are extremely important, as is also the incremental path towards achieving those goals a path that should recognize and accommodate the special circumstances and challenges we face in the pacific. the port vila declaration also highlights the importance of mainstreaming the programme of support for the sustainable development of small island developing states which is captured in the barbados programme of action for the sustainable development of small island developing states and the mauritius strategy for the further implementation of the barbados programme of action as an accelerator for achieving the mdgs in the pacific and addressing the specific vulnerabilities that we face. to ensure the success of the port vila declaration, we call for the support, collaborative action and commitment of the international community and our development partners particularly an improved understanding of and ability to address our vulnerabilities and for improved coordination of efforts towards achieving the mdgs. advancing the pacific islands work with respect to the millennium development goals is closely and inextricably linked to the mauritius strategy. the development and endorsement of the pacific plan by the forum leaders in [number] underscored the critical need for creating stronger and deeper linkages between our countries and for identifying sectors where the region could gain the most by sharing resources in the area of governance and by aligning policies. while we believe that we have made some excellent progress in effectively implementing the mauritius strategy at the national and regional levels, we also acknowledge our shortcomings, some of which are beyond our control. the growing vulnerabilities of our pacific island countries are exacerbated by the impacts of the global economic crisis, climate change and natural disasters, and those factors affect our abilities to respond. climate change remains the greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and well-being of the peoples of the pacific. continuing and concerted efforts by forum members are being made at the national, regional and international levels to address the impacts of climate change on pacific communities and peoples. the degree of urgency for real commitments to emissions reduction must be commensurate with the science and with the associated impacts of climate change on the most vulnerable communities. this issue must not be viewed with an eye to short-term impacts on traditional industrial growth or political tenure, but rather with a longer-term consideration of the sustainability of economies, societies and peoples the world over. a meaningful, legally binding agreement on emissions reduction must be reached urgently and without delay. recognizing the importance of effective coordination and implementation of climate change adaptation and mitigation efforts at all levels and particularly at the national level forum leaders have endorsed a set of principles that will guide forum island countries and development partners in this regard, bearing in mind existing and ongoing efforts in the region. those principles are consistent with the cairns compact and the pacific islands framework for action on climate change, and they reflect recognition by forum leaders of the important role that regional and international arrangements play in supporting national adaptation and mitigation through the enhancement of capacity and access to resources. [number] [number]-[number] i am also pleased to say that, ahead of the canc n climate change meetings this november and december, the government of kiribati will be hosting the tarawa climate change conference in november. we anticipate bringing together representatives of countries vulnerable to the impact of climate change, as well as representatives of major economies. allow me at this juncture to make a few remarks pertinent to vanuatu s position on a number of issues. we are meeting here at this assembly session to once again renew our commitment to the united nations and to the principles enshrined in its charter. however, the need to reform the united nations to ensure that it effectively responds to the needs of its members remains imperative. in that regard, i wish to commend the secretary- general for advancing the work on the reform of the security council. we note the work done by the chair of the intergovernmental negotiations on the question of equitable representation and increase in the membership of the security council and other matters related to the council. so we join all like-minded states in encouraging the united nations to pursue equitable reforms in its institutions in order to minimize the democratic deficit in the multilateral arena. my government also joins all other heads of governments that are members of the united nations family in congratulating the secretary-general on bringing to a reality the efforts over four years to create the office of un women, a new entity formally established by the general assembly within the united nations created in july of this year. that decision gives more prominence to women and their place in our society. vanuatu celebrated [number] years of political freedom last july. this year marks the end of the second international decade of decolonization. my government wishes to question the progress on some important processes of self-determination. it is disturbing to think that we may legitimize practices that contravene the very principles on which this organization has been founded. are we to assume that decolonization issues may be ignored in the years to come so as not to unsettle the status quo? issues relating to decolonization and severe human rights violations must be effectively and impartially addressed. we call upon the united nations to strengthen its efforts in working towards full decolonization of territories that are still under the control of administrating powers. where there are serious reports of human rights violations, there must be a stronger united nations role in investigating all allegations of human atrocity. we are reminded that the noble task of our multilateral organization is to reaffirm our commitment to and respect for fundamental human rights and the dignity of the human person. we are encouraged to see emerging nations, such as kosovo, rising from the turmoil of restraint to take up their position in the midst of the independent nations of the world. it is in the spirit of democratic freedom that justice must prevail for those peoples whose right to political freedom continues to be suppressed by colonial and illegitimate administrating powers. that includes for those countries whose political freedom to claim their rights to territorial sovereignty under the united nations convention on the law of the sea and those whose political freedom to rightfully claim an extended continental shelf under the convention are suppressed by colonial administrative rule. as we applaud calls for a peaceful resolution of the conflict between israel and palestine, my country also calls for the lifting of the embargo on cuba, which will enable the good people of cuba to improve their lives. my country, together with other least developed countries in the pacific, has consistently argued in this forum that the mechanisms and criteria for assessing graduation eligibility must not be isolated from the permanent and inherent vulnerabilities of our countries. it is unrealistic for united nations agencies to look at the progress and make projections without taking into consideration the issues of permanent vulnerabilities and capacity to sustain growth in our countries. indicators for most millennium development goals clearly demonstrate little progress in human development. climate change, volcanic eruptions and other disasters will continue to be significant factors inhibiting human development in our islands. such factors are critical, and we therefore reiterate our position that they must be carefully weighed in the vulnerability graduation criteria. in the case of our very close neighbour, fiji, my government believes that all players are interested in [number]-[number] [number] seeing positive political progress there, which must continue to genuinely engage the good people of fiji. we have learned that multilateralism offers some constructive innovations in diplomatic practice, but it may also complicate conflict resolution by increasing tension between actors. finally, in the spirit of reconciliation through the pacific way, i call upon all international and regional diplomatic actors to assist in ways that will not polarize the region. instead, our diplomatic approaches should help to give genuine dialogue and engagement a more credible opportunity. there should be genuine and renewed commitment to fostering relations in the pacific region, commitment that promotes greater freedom, regional cooperation, friendship and integration, as envisaged in the pacific plan document. in conclusion, i take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all our development partners for the support that they are providing in building our economies. i believe more can be done to assist the pacific island countries in addressing the growing challenges confronting the region.

[number]. it is with great pleasure and satisfaction that i extend to the president of the general assembly the congratulations of austria on his election. we welcome him as the representative of a country with which we enjoy close neighborly human, cultural and historical ties. our two countries have demonstrated to the world in a clear and tangible manner that friendship and mutual tolerance can transcend ideological and political boundaries. [number]. his rich political and diplomatic experience, long involvement with the work of the united nations and well-known commitment to dialogue and compromise assure us that the general assembly will be guided in an objective and constructive manner. [number]. we should also like to thank his predecessor, mr. kittani, who presided over the general assembly with particular tact and skill under most trying circumstances. [number]. i further wish to seize this opportunity to express my gratitude to the secretary-general for his untiring work in his high office during a year fraught with tension, crises and conflicts. we are very grateful for his official visit to our country and for his support of vienna's status as one of the three main united nations centers. we sincerely admire the courage and frankness with which he has analyzed, in his first report on the work of the organization, the state of the world and of the united nations. we agree completely with his conclusion that we are perilously near to a new international anarchy . [number]. the thirty-seventh session of the general assembly has been convened against the background of severe crises in international relations. rarely before has world peace been threatened from so many sides. the conflicts in the middle east, the continuing armed interventions in afghanistan and kampuchea, the crises in central america and in various parts of africa, the falklands and the situation in poland are only a few examples. the confrontation between east and west continues, the disarmament process and the north-south dialogue are stagnating, human rights violations and acts of terror proliferate and every new day brings more bloodshed and human suffering. [number]. how can we break this vicious circle of violence and destruction? are we really condemned to impotence, passivity and frustration? [number]. the difficulty with the present situation lies in the fact that we are faced with three closely related global phenomena a world political crisis, a world economic crisis and a crisis of international organizations. [number]. today more and more voices speak of the'' irrelevance of the united nations. they denounce the organization's inability to live up to its mandate. the public continues to judge the united nations by its capacity to produce solutions to major conflicts. too often they overlook the fruitful work done by the united nations and the specialized agencies in all fields of international co-operation. all important world political issues can be discussed at the united nations. the united nations provides the framework for dealing with all major problems of mankind. furthermore, for smaller states not protected by alliances and dependent upon their own resources for their security, the united nations, despite all imperfections, remains the only global forum where they can seek and hope to find the support of the international community for their legitimate concerns. [number]. the united nations is no more than the collective will of its members. it is far from being a world government. therefore we must not be more critical of international organizations than we are of states. the responsibility for a solution to the three-fold global crisis lays not so much with international organizations as with each individual state. finally, political morality must also play a role in world politics. one of the most important missions of the united nations is to uphold ideas and principles, even when so-called realities stand in their way. we therefore firmly support all efforts to strengthen the authority of the united nations and that of the secretary-general, the security council and the general assembly. [number]. the secretary-general can count on the full support of austria in the implementation of his proposals, in particular those concerning the preventive intervention of the security council in the early stages of international crises and a more forthright role for the secretary-general. we also support his suggestions regarding the strengthening of peace-keeping operations. as a country with traditional ties to the united nations peace-keeping system more than [number], [number] austrian soldiers have so far served with the united nations peace-keeping forces we have a vital interest in this area. [number]. we feel that all the considerations submitted to us by the secretary-general are of great importance and crucial to the future of the organization. they should receive high priority and be pursued further, perhaps by a working group. austria would be very happy to participate in any such endeavor. [number]. the maintenance of peace is one of the major aims of our foreign policy. as president kirchschlager has repeatedly emphasized, peace begins at home. democracy and tolerance, human rights and social justice, conciliation and renunciation of the use of force are the principles that must be implemented to guarantee domestic peace. the austrian federal government's political program is based on these principles. [number]. peace at home is the prerequisite for peace among neighbors. at a time when international tension is increasing, austria attributes particular importance to a good-neighbor policy to improve and deepen relations with its neighbors irrespective of their social' and political systems. we hope therefore to contribute also to security and stability in europe and in the world. our good-neighborly relations with switzerland, liechtenstein, italy and the federal republic of germany, which are all committed to a pluralistic and democratic system, as well as with yugoslavia and hungary, have developed along very positive lines. as a result of pragmatic efforts on both sides, there is now also reason to hope for continuous improvement in our relations with czechoslovakia, which in [number] were overshadowed by a number of problems. [number]. with regard to italy, our policy of establishing good-neighborly relations with all countries has been actively supported by the united nation. general assembly resolutions [number] xv of [number] october [number] and [number] xvi of [number] november [number] on the question of south tyrol brought about negotiations which in [number] led to a new framework of autonomy for south tyrol. [number]. since that time south tyrol has undoubtedly obtained a significant amount of autonomy. nevertheless certain problems remain unresolved. some of these are of particular significance for the preservation of the south tyrolean ethnic group in particular, the language question and the autonomous section in bozen of the administrative court. last year prime minister spadolini gave assurances that have not yet been carried out. the austrian federal government wishes to express its firm expectation that the measures already agreed upon in [number] and not yet implemented will be carried out as early as possible and in close consultation with the south tyroleans. we do so in view of the quality of austro-italian relations, the positive outcome of my talks with foreign minister colombo on [number] july of this year in venice and the latest statement of the italian government, which has declared its determination to seek solutions acceptable to the ethnic minorities and to bring the entire matter to an early conclusion. we hope that this will not remain a dead letter and that a settlement will be achieved in the very near future. we cannot ignore the fact that such a settlement has also become urgent considering the increasing anxiety among the south tyrolean population. [number]. good-neighborly relations are essential, but they are not enough. we must see the world as a whole. austria is therefore making every effort to restore the policy which has been described by the term detente and was so beneficial to austria, europe and the world. of course, when we speak of detente we do not mean a policy of appeasement but rather continuous efforts to achieve a modus vivendi for coexistence and co-operation. [number]. in this connection the success of the madrid follow-up conference to the conference on security and co-operation in europe would be of great importance. austria, together with other neutral and non- aligned countries of europe, has submitted a substantial and balanced draft final document which provides inter alia for the convening of a conference on confidence-building and security-building measures in europe. we believe that a positive result in madrid on the basis of these proposals would be in the interest not only of detente in general but also of poland, whose people have suffered such deplorable set-backs in their development as a result of the imposition of martial law. austria understands the difficulty of poland's problems today. together we must find a way to revive poland's economy. federal chancellor kreisky has expressed ideas for comprehensive action by east and west to help poland overcome its enormous economic difficulties. [number]. efforts to achieve detente cannot and must not be limited to one continent, detente must be universal. in the age of interdependence and given the global dimensions of international politics, austria cannot and does not want to content itself with the role of a mere observer of world events. every country's security depends on the security of others. security cannot be achieved against one another but only with one another. [number]. austria's position on the middle east question is well known and has been repeatedly presented in detail before the assembly. we continue to believe that the core of the problem is a just settlement of the palestinian question we see some encouraging signs the joint declaration of the arab states in fez based on the concept of mutual recognition the statement of president reagan of the united states and the growing perception that the palestinian question demands a just settlement which respects the rights and interests of both sides. austria welcomes the united states president's initiative as an historic move. it also recognizes the importance of the results of the fez summit conference and mr. brezhnev's statement of [number] september [number]. we hope that a negotiating process will now be initiated and will finally lead to a balanced and lasting solution. [number]. austria has followed the tragic events in lebanon with great concern. we deeply regret and condemn the use of force, which has claimed thousands of human lives. we have strongly condemned the continuing israeli invasion of lebanon, which is causing inconceivable suffering among the civilian population and giving rise to new misery and new streams of refugees. another proof of the indiscriminate nature of the attacks of the israeli army in lebanon is the shelling of the austrian embassy, which is located outside military target zones. [number]. austria learned with horror and consternation of the recent massacres of palestinian men, women and children in the area of beirut. we are deeply shocked by these atrocities. at the seventh emergency special session on palestine. austria had an opportunity to condemn this crime. nevertheless, i would like to stress once again the necessity and the responsibility of the united nations to ensure a ml investigation and clarification of these criminal acts. in a letter addressed to the president of the security council on [number] september, proposed on behalf of the austrian government the establishment of an impartial and objective investigation commission. we expect that this proposal, which in the meantime has found general support in the general assembly in the adoption of resolution es-[number] [number], will be implemented as early as possible. [number]. austria feels strong solidarity with lebanon and its severely tried people. the withdrawal of all foreign troops and the restoration of the full sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country is an absolute necessity. we hope that national reconciliation will be achieved in lebanon, which will make possible the reconstruction of that war-torn country. we will contribute as much as we can to the attainment of this goal. [number]. austria continues to be concerned about the fate of the cambodian people, which has suffered both tremendous human rights violations and foreign intervention. as president of the international conference on kampuchea, i feel a special responsibility in this regard. i had the opportunity to talk with the parties involved in the conflict and to obtain a first-hand picture of the present situation in cambodia. i see the initiation of a dialogue between viet nam and the members of the association of south-east asian nations as a positive development. i have always been convinced that the cambodian problem can be solved only by a dialogue involving all parties. dialogue is important, but tangible results must follow. the international conference on kampuchea has created the framework for a comprehensive political settlement. the declaration and resolution of the conference should be viewed as a package incorporating two key elements the complete withdrawal of foreign troops from cambodia and a guaranteed the cambodian people's right to self-determination. this implies the possibility freely to elect a government. therefore, no faction should receive any advantage in those elections or be placed at any disadvantage, and all outside influences must definitely be excluded. internationally controlled elections alone must determine the composition of the future government. this should be the basis for the reconstruction of a free and independent cambodia, free from outside intervention from any side and assured of its place in a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in south-east asia. i appeal to all parties involved to make every effort to support the goals of the international conference on kampuchea in order to build a better future for this long-suffering country. [number]. apart from all the political problems of cambodia, there is another issue of particular concern the gradual decay of the latest temple city in the world, angkor wat. the present political situation must not prevent urgently needed international rescue measures. the splendid structures of angkor wat are part of the common heritage of mankind. new ways must be found to rescue them. granting unesco the right to intervene to save endangered cultural monuments would be an appropriate approach. unesco's role in protecting the cultural heritage of mankind could be similar to that of the red cress in the area of humanitarian protection. [number]. austria remains convinced that the world economic crisis, which particularly affects the developing countries, can be overcome only by a major cooperative effort by industrial and raw-material- producing states to alleviate poverty in the third world. i am referring here to the proposal wade by federal chancellor kreisky at the international meeting on co-operation aid development, held in october 198i in cancun. as one of the initiators of that meeting, we hope that agreement can soon be reached to revive the north-south dialogue. [number]. our commitment to human rights needs no reiteration. the figures creak for themselves. in [number] alone [number], [number] refugees came to austria. this year, [number], our expenditures on assistance to refugees are expected to amount to about [number] million. on behalf of the austrian federal government, i should like to thank sincerely those countries which have helped by offering a new home to many of these refugees. austria will continue to care for people seeking assistance in desperation. despite economic difficulties, we consider it a moral obligation, an essential element of our humanitarian policy, to continue to offer a haven of freedom and a source of hope. [number]. disarmament is a topic of the greatest interest to the austrian public and to me personally. austria, which is constitutionally committed to permanent neutrality, cannot remain indifferent in the face of the accelerating arms race between east and west and in the third world. in [number] alone military expenditures totaled [number] billion to [number] billion. and there is a trend towards these expenditures continuing to increase in the future. we are deeply convinced that this tendency has to be reversed and that the vicious circle of mistrust and arms build-up must be broken our goal must be common security, as stated in the palme report international security must rest on a commitment to joint survival rather than on a threat of mutual destruction. [number]. if we agree that military strength is no way to guarantee genuine and lasting security, the alternative can only be closer international co-operation. cooperation creates confidence and mutual dependence, and both, in turn, strengthen security. developments in western europe since the second world war are proof of that fact. traditional enemies have been brought together into a comprehensive system of cooperation which transcends the economic sphere and creates manifold ties between peoples. as a consequence of western european co-operation, shaped around institutions such as the european community and the council of europe, war among these nations has become inconceivable today. [number]. the final act of helsinki constitutes a new basis for co-operation and peaceful coexistence. the historical experience of one continent is not necessarily transferable to others, but i am convinced that the methods and instruments of co-operation developed in europe could serve as models for other regions also. [number]. another threatening feature of the present arms race is the fact that it is no longer confined to earth alone it is increasingly being carried into outer space. during the last decade more than [number], [number] military satellites have been put into orbit. at least three quarters of all the satellites in space are being used for military purposes. in view of the growing concern of the international community, the second united nations conference on the exploration and peaceful uses of outer space unispace [number], which took place under my chairmanship in vienna in august, recommended that the general assembly and the committee on disarmament give high priority to measures for the prevention of an arms race in space. [number]. i appeal to all states to conclude agreements aimed at banning all weapons from outer space. i have already presented austria's position on all major aspects of this vital issue at the twelfth special session, the second special session on disarmament. today i wish to emphasize just one point which, in our view, can be of great significance for the reduction of mistrust, namely, the development of internationally recognized mechanisms for the objective establishment and evaluation of the state of armaments at the regional, interregional and global levels. austria has submitted a memorandum on this matter to all member states. i should like to ask delegations to work with us on the further development and elaboration of this proposal. [number]. let us be frank the second special session on disarmament was a failure. we note this with great disappointment. however, the dangerous world situation, the commitment to the survival of all and the increased awareness of world public opinion force us to continue our efforts to achieve disarmament as a matter of absolute priority. the goal of these efforts must remain a genuine balance at the lowest level, taking into account all weapon systems and regions. in this connection we welcome the resumption of the soviet-american negotiations in geneva on intermediate-range nuclear forces and strategic arms reductions. [number]. world crisis, the absence of peace and justice and the progressive militarization of international relations are the breeding ground for new violence and terrorism. terrorism, which we condemn most firmly and for which there is no justification, must be repressed but it must also be prevented. we must strike at the roots of terrorism wherever human rights are constantly violated, wherever social injustice is perpetuated and wherever political convictions cannot be expressed in a democratic manner, the seeds of violence will grow. violence breeds violence and injustice breeds injustice. [number]. what can we do to prevent it? every citizen and every government in the world bears direct responsibility for peace at home and abroad. our good example is the prerequisite for peaceful coexistence between individuals and peoples and for fruitful cooperation. it is only through co-operation that we shall be able to meet the great challenges of our time peace, disarmament, respect for human rights, development, social justice and the elimination of violence and terrorism. we welcome all activities, and particularly those of the peace movements which aim to translate into reality the principles and goals of the charter. [number]. pope john paul ii in his address at the 17th meeting of the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly said i would like to express the wish that, in view of its universal character, the united nations will never cease to be the forum, the high tribune, from which all man's problems are appraised in trust and justice. in the spirit of that statement, i should like to express my earnest hope that the united nations, to which there is no alternative, will play an ever more important role in achieving a just and lasting system of world peace.

mr. president, the canadian delegation looks forward with hope and determination to the proceedings of the twenty-seventh session, over which you will preside. we count upon you for that same wisdom and judgment which characterized your distinguished predecessor's term of office. your election is a mark of our high regard for you and for your country. poland symbolizes for the world the unquenchable flame of national will blazing out after centuries of darkness. we remember that the terrible war which brought this organization into existence began in the defense of poland's national independence. we remember, too, the debt every country in the world not least my own owes to the polish people in all the arts of civilization. how fitting it is, mr. president, that the year of your election should be the five hundredth anniversary of the birth of that towering genius, nicolaus copernicus, to whom all mankind stands debtor. [number]. may i welcome you also, mr. secretary-general, to the indispensable duties upon which you have embarked so vigorously. with the whole world as your province, you have already traveled widely. canada was honored by one of your first visits as secretary-general, as it was some years ago by your first appointment as ambassador of your country. [number]. your concern for both the authority and the efficiency of the united nations has been evident from the outset in the measures you have taken to assert the one and enhance the other. you have our admiration and our support. it is a current commonplace to take a dark view of the performance and prospects of the united nations. one respected international commentator observed just the other day that "the united nations has never been weaker than it is now", while your predecessor, mr. secretary- general, has called the phase through which the organization is now passing "a time of trials". [number]. there is ample evidence to justify a sense of defeatism. the international community often seems incapable of preventing war, powerless in the face of acts of terrorism, apathetic at the spectacle of starvation and misery, and irresponsible in its willingness to risk permanent damage to the environment. we seek to explain this by observing that in a world of sovereign nation-states, the united nations is bound to reflect the weaknesses of the international society which produced it. time and again, national egotism seems to be the ruling principle of that society. [number]. this is at the root of the world's deep anxiety. for the better part of this century, we have known that nationalism has imperfections. yet mankind is not about to do away with sovereign states. indeed, the events of the century, by breaking up old empires and multiplying new sovereignties, have acted as a stimulus to nationalism. new states are not willing to deny themselves the advantages they believe older states have gained from national independence. certain great tasks of social and economic construction are indeed impossible except in conditions of independence and, while some advantages of independence may prove illusory, even this is irrelevant since the charter establishes national sovereignty as a fundamental principle. [number]. those are powerful considerations. in the face of them, it is unrealistic to plan for an international order in which the system based upon sovereign national units has been replaced. instead, it is more hopeful and more sensible to work to transform the existing system, encouraging it when necessary to produce the antidote to its own poisons. [number] there have been encouraging developments in this sense recently. even in the brief space of time since last we met, relationships between the great powers have undergone' a remarkable transformation. earlier this year, the two nuclear super-powers signed a declaration on basic principles governing their relations, an agreement limiting anti-ballistic missile systems, and an interim agreement on the limitation of strategic arms. furthermore, the soviet union and the united states have reaffirmed the undertaking in the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons resolution [number] xxii , annex to pursue their negotiations to end the nuclear arms race and bring about actual measures of nuclear disarmament. [number] the nuclear sponsors of the non-proliferation treaty have a particular responsibility to adopt measures to curtail the nuclear arms race and thereby prevent further nuclear proliferation. one such measure would be a ban on all nuclear testing. surely it is time for the two super-powers to end underground tests, for the two states which continue to test in the atmosphere to cease their testing, and for a complete test ban to be concluded. [number]. the international community has a right to expect that the agreements concluded in moscow will open the way to more far-reaching nuclear arms control and disarmament measures. but it by no means under-estimates the historic significance of what has already been accomplished. surely this amounts to a recognition that the search for a one-sided strategic advantage has become self-defeating and illusory and that the way ahead lies through a stabilized nuclear balance to nuclear disarmament itself. [number]. in this same brief space of time to which i have referred, the people's republic of china has, to canada's great satisfaction, taken its rightful place in the united nations. relations between china and the united states and between china and japan have witnessed a dramatic improvement. in europe, breeding-ground of two world wars, the most significant steps in this generation have been taken to reconstruct relations between the federal republic of germany on the one hand and the german democratic republic, poland and the soviet union on the other. the first general negotiations on co-operation and security in europe since before the second world war, as well as negotiations to bring about a mutual and balanced reduction of forces in europe, will soon begin. [number]. caution says of course that all these developments are only beginnings. but they could mark the greatest change in the international order since the united nations was founded. if we are right to say that the united nations reflects the international order on which it is based, can we be wrong to hope that these beginnings will sooner or later transform the united nations as well? there are other hopeful developments. dialogs have now begun between the two halves of germany and korea. these face enormous difficulties. but we can expect that in the not-too- distant future the universality of the united nations will be strengthened through the extension of membership to the peoples of the divided countries. it will be strengthened also as self-determination brings the era of colonial empires to its final end, especially in africa, where the most intractable problems of securing human dignity and freedom are posed. although the recent proceedings of the security council give little support to the view, surely it is no longer visionary to conceive of situations in which the council will function as was originally intended, by consensus of the permanent members and of the united nations as a whole, through co-operation rather than through confrontation. [number]. we founded the united nations, as the charter says, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". more has been accomplished in this past year to remove that danger than in any year since this organization was created. certainly so far as the risk of a general nuclear war is concerned, the hopeful evolution of great-power relationships evokes deep feelings of relief, gratitude and satisfaction from us all. [number]. it would be a bitter irony if the safer, saner world which seems at last a possibility rather than a dream should turn instead into a world in which the stream of violence simply cuts new channels. [number]. time and again, the smaller countries have called for an end to the nuclear arms race, an end to nuclear confrontation. we have sought an international order in which the great powers conceived it neither as to their interest nor as their obligation to police the world. now the great powers, in their own interest and in the interest of us all, are moving in this direction. is the new security and freedom which will thereby be available to all countries, large and small, to be dissipated in new forms of violence? must we admit that only the fear of nuclear escalation has allowed us some limited success in the past generation in controlling recourse to force? yet the international community still has no answer to the dilemma of deciding at what point local violence has such wide and obvious international implications that it can no longer be accepted as a purely domestic matter. we struggled with this problem last year during the crisis in bangladesh. even where violence is plainly international from the outset, our means of dealing with it are often pitifully weak. there are those in the world who appear to believe that the norms of civilized international life are not for them. they consider that they have a right to pursue their grievances by kidnapping, piracy, murder and wholesale terror and violence. [number]. the problem is growing. it has become world-wide. my own country has had its tragic experience of violence of this sort. canadians instinctively share the horror and shock which these acts produce wherever in the world they may occur. the canadian government understands only too well the agonizing choices governments face when called upon to deal with a sudden nightmare of violence. [number]. terrorism takes many forms. it is called forth by a wide range of complex situations. the rights and wrongs of these situations are bitterly contested. it is simple realism to recognize all this. but the problem cannot be ignored because it is difficult. there must be no truce with terror. some acts of terror are the work of deluded and demented criminals, others of frustrated and desperate men willing to sacrifice their own lives and the lives of innocent people in what they regard as a noble cause. when we agree that the cause is noble, we are tempted to condone the terror. but are we wise to do so? the act we condone today may be the one we regret tomorrow, when it is turned against us, for terrorism in the end affects everyone it is an attack on civilization at large. violence breeds violence, murder answers murder, and order dissolves in chaos. [number]. therefore, we approve the secretary-general's initiative in seeking to have the subject placed on the agenda a [number] and add. lj. a number of delegations have reservations about the debate upon which the assembly is to enter. some fear it will be too diffuse to be useful others that it will be too narrow to be constructive. it need be neither. the canadian delegation looks upon the debate as a way to focus international concern upon the whole range of acts of terror and to stimulate action both by international bodies such as the international civil aviation organization and the international red cross and by governments acting within their o vn powers or under bilateral agreements. [number]. the means of dealing with the problem will be as varied as its forms. some international legal instruments already exist for the purpose. those should be quickly strengthened through ratification by as many states as possible. perhaps new international machinery and new international legal instruments will be necessary as well. then let us create them. how can the world, which has declared slavery, piracy and the drug traffic beyond the pale of civilized life, fail to outlaw terrorism? the canadian government, which has already amended its domestic law, entered into bilateral negotiations to limit terrorism in the form of hijacking and ratified the international conventions concerned, stands ready to contribute to the strengthening of international law to outlaw terror. [number]. the task is formidable. but the united nations has responded to challenges of equal difficulty in the past. since we cannot expect national loyalties to disappear, we must work to temper those loyalties by a growing sense of responsibility on the part of individuals and governments to the international community at large. i suggest that a consciousness of this responsibility is growing in ways unknown to previous generations. [number]. consider the field of human rights. it would be easy to multiply examples of violations of human rights throughout the world. the task of creating and ensuring respect for agreed international standards ha been daunting. deep historic and cultural differences have produced widely differing views of the true source and proper extent of individual rights. those differences are profound. how can we legislate them out of existence? yet and i would draw this to the assembly's attention the international community has successfully legislated the international covenant on civil and political rights and the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights resolution [number] a xxi , annex . in doing so, it has recognized that there are limits to the exercise of state sovereignty and that certain rights attach to individuals among others, the rights to life and freedom, to liberty and personal security, to fair and prompt justice, to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and the right to leave any country, including one's own. [number]. the task now is to ensure that these rights are honored in practice. so far as my country is concerned, i am glad to say that the constitutional difficulties which have delayed canadian ratification of the human rights covenants are well on the way to being overcome. through national experience and international example, canadians have come to appreciate that the field of human rights is another sphere in which national and international obligations reinforce each other. [number]. among the most serious challenges to the honoring of human rights today are those that lie in africa. in south africa the very system of apartheid does violence to the concepts embodied by the international community in the two covenants on human rights. in rhodesia an illegal regime continues to deny the majority of its citizens even the hope of the basic rights to which they are entitled, and now, in uganda, a new form of danger has arisen. i do not wish to enter into the substance of the question. obviously, however, the situation in uganda requires the exercise of the greatest restraint on the part of the ugandan government if the asian community is to be allowed to leave in conditions of reasonable dignity and security. humanity on the part of other governments is required as well, so that the tens of thousands who may ultimately be affected by enforced expulsion may have a generous reception in the many countries of the world where their talents could find new and useful expression. [number]. the great programs for economic co-operation' between the developing and the industrialized world are another instance in which a growing sense of obligation to the international community has become an expression of enlightened nationalism. the whole notion that this world venture should be undertaken at all has become part of general public consciousness only in the last [number] years. and once again those who are looking for reasons to be discouraged after a relatively brief effort find their case ready made. from the statistics of the first united nations development decade we know that per capita incomes in the developed countries-already far higher than in the third world have been growing at not much less than twice the rate of incomes in the developing countries. we know that in the developed countries the consumption of energy per capita is [number] to [number] times the world average and that, quite apart from the difference in protein content, the intake of food in calories is almost twice as much per capita as in the developing world. [number]. those gaps are great. some of them are growing. meanwhile, the efforts of the developing countries to strengthen their economies are partially absorbed in supporting populations which in asia, africa and latin america are growing at the rate of between [number] and [number] per cent a year-double or more the rate for europe and north america. [number]. the resources devoted to attacking these problems of development and disparity are undeniably inadequate. if they are to be increased in quantity and quality the developing countries must continue their heroic efforts while the developed world finds ways of increasing the measure of its participation. the attack must focus equally on social issues, given the interdependence of social progress and economic growth. [number]. in canada, i am glad to say, sustained public consciousness of these problems has permitted the government to make steadily increasing resources available for programs of economic co-operation. i expect this trend to continue. it will be combined with an intensified search to ensure that the co-operation is extended in the forms we are best fitted to provide and our partners are best fitted to use. hand in hand with this will go measures to improve the terms on which the developing countries have access to our markets. [number]. in economic relations generally, discouragement at some current tendencies would be justified. there is will an inadequate international framework within which to adjust the trading relations of the developed with the developing economies, and the market with the socialist economies. among the major trading nations there are distressing tendencies towards protectionism, associated in part with the growth of trading blocs. [number]. international monetary machinery labors under extra-ordinary strains and urgently requires strengthening. yet all these problems are recognized. they are under repeated attack in the economic and social council, the united nations conference on trade and development, the international monetary fund, the general agreement on tariffs and trade, the regional economic commissions and elsewhere, and not without success. in the last analysis a sense of common purpose leads gradually to overcoming national differences. [number]. if we wish to measure our progress we have only to recall the economic chaos of the period between the two world wars. then rampant nationalism combined with economic ignorance to bring the world economic system down in ruins. how many of the political failures of that period can be traced to economic failures? for all their faults, the present world economic structure and the institutional framework for economic co-operation which has grown up under the united nations are an infinite improvement. [number]. but perhaps the most dramatic example of the rapid development of an international conscience and a sense of international responsibility concerns the protection of the environment. even [number] years ago threats to the balance of nature were a matter for specialists. the public generally, and governments generally, were hardly aware that problems existed. in a matter of a few years we have awakened to the risk that we may be doing irreversible harm to the natural order which sustains life upon the planet. [number]. the united nations conference on the human environment was the world community's first response to that challenge. it will undoubtedly take its place as one of the major conferences in united nations history. through its declaration the conference has established a kind of "environment charter", providing a sound basis for the development of international environmental law and other co-operative measures for the protection and enhancement of the human environment. the recommendations for action agreed to by the conference demonstrate the willingness of governments to work towards that goal. the endorsement of those recommendations consistent with the spirit and sense of purpose displayed in the declaration will, in the canadian view, be one of the major achievements of this assembly, for the stockholm conference enunciated'. fundamental principles of international environ-mental law. [number]. the international community now has an opportunity to make a further advance in strengthening the international legal regime as it affects the environment. this is in relation to the law of the sea. canada, like many other countries, is in favor of convening the third law of the sea conference in [number], but only if preparations are adequate. this will be possible if the sea-bed committee is able to hold two further sessions during [number]. then the conference could be formally launched with an organizational meeting in the fall of [number]. [number]. those who wrote the charter of the united nations had certain clear ideas about what was needed to preserve international peace and security. they inherited some social, economic and legal machinery, and devised more. but the most foreseeing of them could not have anticipated many of the problems that have preoccupied the united nations since. the whole range of exercises in peacekeeping the transition to the post-colonial world the machinery for economic co-operation between the developed and the developing countries the extended protection of human rights the work accomplished in relation to the environment, the sea-bed and outer space all these endeavors have called forth activity unimaginable in [number]. [number]. in a remarkable way this organization has risen to these demands. it has done so by creating a large and complex family of agencies-so large and complex, indeed, that strong administrative leadership is as crucial to the continued authority of the united nations as political leadership itself. to ensure that the machinery functions at maximum effectiveness on a sound and equitable financial basis is a problem of the first order. the canadian delegation will work to ensure that this problem receives the steady attention it deserves. considerations of cost and complexity are, however, a reminder that a price has to be paid if the united nations is to be flexible and dynamic. [number]. i contend that it has displayed these qualities. the successive challenges of the last generation have been met with only two changes in the charter the increase in the membership of both the security council and of the economic and social council. apart from this, we have built upon the charter machinery, giving a living interpretation to the charter itself. while it has been difficult in practice to secure the required degree of agreement to amend the charter, this does not seem to have prevented the united nations from keeping up with the times. canada is ready to look seriously at any specific proposals to amend the charter or make it work better if these have broad support among member states. but i am not convinced that a new charter that could be agreed upon would be better than the charter written in [number]. [number]. i have struck a hopeful note, and i may be criticized for that, but i am convinced that this is the right perspective. we have to concentrate on the problems of the day. this assembly will have to concentrate on measures to prevent terrorism, consolidate our first advance in the environmental field, secure administrative and budgetary reform, protect human rights in africa and elsewhere, and develop international law, especially the law of the sea and the law governing air piracy. meanwhile the security council may well be obliged to deal with threats to peace-for example, if the current tension in the middle east rises dangerously. all these matters are sources of deep concern. to deal with them successfully to deal with them at all-will, we know, lead us at times into anger, frustration and despair. [number]. it is therefore a healthy corrective to lift our heads above these problems on occasion, to remind ourselves of the great work the united nations has accomplished in the past and to seek to trace those currents in human affairs which give hope chat its greatest accomplishments lie ahead.

i wish at the outset, on behalf of my government and my delegation, to extend to ambassador salim, a great son of africa, my warm congratulations on his election as president of the thirty-fourth session of the general assembly. owing to his long experience in the many facets of united nations affairs, i am confident that our deliberations during the current session will produce fruitful results under his wise guidance. the delegation of thailand pledges its full co-operation and support in making this session of the general assembly a successful one. [number]. i should also like to express my sincere appreciation to the outgoing president, ambassador lievano of columbia, for his contribution to the success of the last session. [number]. we should also like to thank the secretary- general for his dedicated efforts towards the maintenance of peace and the promotion of international understanding and co-operation. [number]. the african continent remains in the forefront of the struggle for just and equal treatment of all peoples, regardless of race or colour. my delegation maintains its steadfast support of this historic struggle and is firmly opposed to the racist policies and practices being employed against the black majority in southern africa, particularly the abominable crime of apartheid. we are following the london meeting on zimbabwe with close attention, and are more than ever convinced that the right of self-determination of peoples, in accordance with the principles of the united nations charter and with relevant resolutions, must ultimately prevail. thailand's position in this regard applies to other areas of the world as well. [number]. in the middle east, my delegation fully recognizes the legitimate and inalienable rights of the palestinian people that have repeatedly been upheld by the united nations. israel must relinquish its illegal occupation of arab territory forthwith and, in the meantime, it must respect the rights of the arab people in the occupied territories. thailand thus joins the overwhelming majority of world public opinion in deploring the establishment of israeli settlements, as well as all efforts to transfer ownership of arab lands in such territories. at the same time, my delegation is convinced that all states in the area have the right to exist in security and with freedom from external aggression or armed intervention. [number]. in south-east asia, as a result of . vietnamese armed intervention the government of democratic kampuchea was toppled and replaced by the so-called united front for the national salvation of kampuchea. the members of the association of south east asian nations asean , concerned by this turn of events, and in particular by its security implications and its possible impact on the delicate political equilibrium in the region, quickly convened a meeting of their foreign ministers at bangkok. in the joint statement issued at bangkok on [number] january [number], the asean foreign ministers strongly deplored the armed intervention against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of kampuchea and called for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign forces from kampuchean territory. further, they reaffirmed the right of the kampuchean people to determine their own future, free from interference or influence by outside powers. these points were later incorporated into the draft resolution presented to the security council several days later by all of its non-aligned members. unhappily, despite the support of [number] of the [number] members of the council, this draft resolution was not adopted because of the negative vote cast by a permanent member. [number]. the prospects for peace and stability in southeast asia were further dimmed when, on [number] february [number], chinese troops made an armed incursion into vietnamese territory. the asean countries were gravely concerned that the fighting would escalate into a larger conflagration involving other powers from outside the region. they therefore sought yet again to end the fighting by making their appeals to the parties concerned in the united nations. their efforts were finally expressed in the form of a draft resolution submitted for consideration by the security council on [number] march of this year. the operative paragraphs of that draft resolution called on the parties to the conflicts to cease all hostilities forthwith, to withdraw their forces to their own countries and to settle their disputes by peaceful means. the draft also appealed to powers outside the region to exercise the utmost restraint and to refrain from any acts that might lead to a further escalation of the conflicts in indo-china. when it was put to the vote it again received the support of [number] member countries, but failed to be adopted owing to the negative vote of the same permanent member. the fact that the asean countries chose to deplore both the chinese incursion into viet nam and the vietnamese intervention in kampuchea fully and clearly demonstrated their earnest desire to remain neutral in the conflicts, from which position they hoped to be able to exert a stabilizing influence on the developments in the region. [number]. as a result of the inability of the security council to take any action on the kampuchean issue, the fighting in kampuchea raged on and, indeed, expanded westward. many divisions of vietnamese forces deployed along the thai-kampuchean border have created tension and the situation there is fraught with grave danger, any renewed fighting and the fighting is most likely to escalate with the end of the rainy season could have serious repercussions on regional and international peace and security. [number]. it has nevertheless been and will continue to be my government's unswerving policy to remain neutral and not involved in the conflict between the two socialist states, with both of which thailand maintains diplomatic relations. however, we are also determined to protect our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. in this regard, thailand is most gratified that our asean partners, as well as many other friendly countries, have shown their willingness to support us. this was evident in the communiqu and statements of the twelfth asean ministers meeting held on [number] june [number] in bali, indonesia. [number]. the decision taken by a vast majority of the membership of this assembly on [number] september to maintain the status quo on the question of the kampuchean seat very clearly reflected the following facts. [number]. first, the majority felt that to alter the status quo at this point and in the present circumstances would imply a sanctioning of international behaviour not in conformity with the provisions of the united nations charter, [number]. secondly, although a country may disagree with the internal conduct of another sovereign state, that by no means gives it a justification for resorting to armed intervention against that state an act which is in flagrant violation of the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. [number]. thirdly, the right of self-determination must be upheld and all states, whether large or small, should be able to continue to look to the united nations as an organization based on internationally recognized legal and moral principles. [number]. for thailand's part, our firm position on this question of the kampuchean seat was motivated neither by any outside power nor by animosity towards any country. however, we strongly believe that principles governing peaceful relations among states and the self-determination of nations must be strictly adhered to. this is vital, not only for thailand but also for the future of the south-east asian region and the world as a whole. [number]. our overriding desire is for the people of kampuchea to be given the opportunity to determine their own future in the exercise of their inalienable right to choose their own government, free from outside interference or coercion. furthermore, we in thailand have a sincere desire to continue to develop good bilateral relations with all three indo-chinese states, including viet nam, and to co-operate with all in the interests of peace and stability in the region of south-east asia. [number]. one of the unfortunate results of the conflict in kampuchea is the prevailing large-scale famine and starvation in that war-torn country. that is a serious humanitarian issue which requires urgent attention by and immediate assistance from the world community. if nothing is done to alleviate the situation, it will produce a new exodus of kampuchean people into neighbouring countries, thus creating further tension as well as threatening regional peace and stability. [number]. in this regard, the thai government welcomes the efforts being made by international organizations and interested donor countries to send food relief to kampuchea and will continue to render its full co-operation in those relief efforts. it is only logical to expect that the food should reach the kampuchean civilian population, for whom it is intended, directly on a non-discriminatory basis, and that such relief aid should not serve to prolong the fighting and bloodshed in kampuchea. [number]. the effort at this assembly of thailand and other countries members of asean with regard to the kampuchean situation is to call for continued world efforts to arrive at a political and not a military solution to this problem. continuation of a military solution will only add to the untold misery and deprivation already suffered by the kampuchean people and it could lead to grave consequences for the region and for the world as a whole. we therefore continue to support any peaceful political solution to the conflict that is acceptable to the kampuchean people themselves and that will ensure the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that war-ravaged country. in pursuit of these aims, we believe that this world organization would be in a unique position to make a lasting contribution if it were entrusted with a peace-keeping role in the area of conflict. furthermore, under the auspices of the united nations or of its secretary-general, an appropriate opportunity could be found and facilities provided for the parties concerned to engage in a dialogue with a view to finding a durable peaceful solution to the conflict. in any event, the demands of the situation require that all peace-loving nations here in this assembly should work together for the cause of peace in south-east asia, as well as for the right to self-determination for kampucheans and all peoples in the region. a positive solution to the kampuchean problem will no doubt contribute significantly to the efforts of south-east asian countries in the realization of the concept of the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in the region. [number]. the establishment of a zone of peace in south-east asia remains one of the goals to which the asean countries are committed. we continue to look forward to the day when that region will be free from major power rivalry and interference, and all the nations in the area can live in peaceful coexistence with one another. although it is the main responsibility of the south-eastern asian countries themselves to create the necessary conditions for the establishment of such a zone, it will nevertheless require the active cooperation and support of the international community, particularly the major powers. [number]. let me now turn to one of the grave problems facing mankind today, a problem closely linked to the conflicts in indo-china, that is, the indo-chinese refugees. [number]. since the end of the tragic viet nam war in [number], hundreds of thousands of displaced persons have left laos, kampuchea and vietnam for new opportunities elsewhere. recently the plight of the boat people from viet nam has attracted much publicity and captured the world's attention. however, from [number] on displaced persons from laos and kampuchea have trekked over- and into thailand and the influx continues unabated. today there are approximately [number], [number] such "land cases'' in thailand who are being given temporary shelter, food, clothing and medical care in additional to another [number], [number] boat cases from viet nam and kampuchea. my country, purely for humanitarian reasons, has agreed to give temporary refuge to them, pending permanent resettlement in third countries. but this large and continuing influx has created a multitude of security, political and socio-economic problems for thailand and has imposed on the thai government and people a heavy financial and administrative burden, which is only partially alleviated by assistance from the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, as well as from other international sources. many of these displaced persons have been in thailand for over three years, and so far only one in every [number] displaced laotians and kampucheans has been repatriated for resettlement elsewhere. we in thailand became convinced that the heavy burden involving the indo-chinese refugees, both the land and the boat cases, must be shouldered by the whole international community, and not just left to the transit countries in south-east asia alone. this conviction of ours was further reinforced when over [number], [number] kampucheans came over into thailand by land in the aftermath of vietnamese armed intervention against kampuchea, thus imposing an extraordinary burden on thailand and creating grave dangers to its security and stability. [number]. when the prime minister of the united kingdom, mrs. margaret thatcher, proposed that an international conference be convened under the auspices of the secretary-general of the united nations to consider the problem of refugees and displaced persons in south-east asia, my government strongly supported it. the thai delegation subsequently took an active part in the meeting on refugees and displaced persons convened by the secretary-general in geneva on [number] to [number] july of this year. the international community at long last showed a greater willingness to share the heavy humanitarian burden with countries of first transit in concrete and meaningful ways. the resettlement places offered by third countries increased to [number], [number] and us [number] million in cash and kind were pledged. the government of japan generously offered to cover half of the budget for the high commissioner's operations in south-east asia. my delegation would like to express once again our deep appreciation to the secretary- general for his personal efforts in convening the geneva meeting to deal with the humanitarian aspects of the problem. while the results were encouraging, we believe they fell short of providing an over-all and lasting solution to the problem, because the question of the "land cases", which constitute the bulk of indo- chinese displaced persons, was not sufficiently dealt with. [number]. i wish to reiterate here the principles which the thai delegation submitted at the geneva meeting. these principles must be strictly adhered to if we are to have an equitable and successful humanitarian solution to the problem of indo-chinese refugees and displaced persons. they are first, in any effort to solve the problem, equality must be given to both land and boat cases secondly, more processing centres must be established, particularly in viet nam and other countries of origin, with international assistance and under the high commissioner's auspices, for both land and boat cases thirdly, those who have been the longest in temporary camps or processing centres must be given prior opportunities for resettlement in third countries. [number]. at geneva, regrettably, it was deemed politically advantageous not to examine the root-cause of the departure of so many refugees and displaced persons from the three indo-chinese states. it was pointed out that this was better left to another appropriate meeting at a later stage. subsequently, however, political considerations seemed to paralyse further initiatives, and the idea of a follow-up meeting dissipated. in this connexion, the thai government is of the opinion that no durable solution of the land cases emanating from kampuchea and laos is possible unless and until we tackle the problem at its root. during the geneva meeting, viet nam undertook "for a reasonable period of time" to stem the illegal outflow of "boat people". thailand and its partners in asean welcomed this commitment on the part of viet nam. in this respect, it is the fervent hope of the thai government that a similar agreement reached recently between thailand and laos will help stem the illegal flow of people from laos into thailand. in kampuchea, the root-cause of the problem is the foreign armed intervention and the continued fighting there. another factor is the widespread famine in that war-ravaged country. unless fighting stops and a peaceful condition returns, with due recognition of the political and other rights of the kampuchean people, there will be no lasting solution to the refugee problem. [number]. as for the future, my government would support the convening of an appropriate international forum to deal comprehensively with the land cases in south-east asia in order to find effective solutions to this serious problem confronting all of us in the international community. [number]. another grave problem confronting the international community, especially the youth of today, is that of narcotics. thailand has been engaged in major efforts with the united nations and like-minded nations to eradicate the illegal production of narcotics and to disrupt drug trafficking via thailand. the many significant seizures of opium and heroin in thailand during the past year, as well as the arrest of major drug traffickers, testify to the strong determination of my government to expurgate this evil. meanwhile, the united nations fund for drug abuse control has, for the past five years, been performing commendable services through its programme to encourage hill-tribe farmers in my country to change from poppy cultivation to other crops. it has, furthermore, been helping to develop crop substitutes, such as coffee, vegetables and fruits, which would bring these hill-tribe fanners equivalent or even higher incomes. at present, the thai authorities are working with members of the fund to extend these successful projects to a wider area. [number]. i turn now to economic problems. during the past [number] months the world has been faced with increasingly grave economic difficulties. inflation and unemployment have reached a new high in many countries. protectionism has unfortunately increased, foreign trade has slowed down and the rate of economic growth has been slow and erratic. the developing countries have found it more and more difficult to finance reasonable rates of development. this universal problem has been further exacerbated by recent substantial increases in the prices of energy-related products. there have been some improvements here and there, such as the recent trade negotiations undertaken by parties to gatt and the agreement on the fundamental elements of a common fund for commodities, the employment of quotas and the increase in special drawing rights in september [number]. but, on the whole, those ongoing multilateral negotiations have failed to achieve adequate results commensurate with the existing magnitude of the need. [number]. a new impetus in the north-south negotiations is needed. this could be achieved only through the exhibition by all parties concerned of a real political will to reach practical solutions. the international community needs to move vigorously in two areas specifically. first, negotiations on the implementation of the new international economic order need to be stimulated and brought out of the present stalemate. secondly, the world energy problem needs to be solved by a coordinated and imaginative effort on the part of the whole international community. thailand supports the view of the group of [number] that the international energy problem should be discussed in the context of global negotiations within the united nations, with the participation of all countries and in relation to such other issues as the problems of development, financial and monetary reforms and international trade and commodities, all of which have an important bearing on the establishment of the new international economic order. my delegation believes that the united nations, which is well equipped with machinery for intergovernmental discussions and negotiations, is the ideal forum where all these efforts could best be carried out. [number]. i should also like to take this opportunity to offer my delegation's warm welcome to saint lucia, the newest and one hundred fifty-second member of our world organization, admitted at the beginning of this session. [number]. lastly, i turn to the role of the united nations itself. to the oft-heard question whether this world organization is in a position today to contribute effectively to the solution of the problems confronting the international community, in my delegation's opinion the answer is an unreserved "yes". one of the principal roles of this organization, through its various organs, is to help form world opinion on some of the most pressing issues, to create an awareness of the problems confronting individual countries or the world community as a whole and then to find constructive and durable solutions for them. it is with such faith in the continuing usefulness of the united nations that my country attaches great importance to it and pledges its full support for the further success of this world organization.

allow me, on behalf of the bulgarian delegation, to congratulate mr. opertti on his election to the presidency of the fifty-third session of the general assembly and to wish him every success in guiding this important session to tangible results. i would like also to express our appreciation to mr. udovenko for the proficiency and insight with which he presided over the fifty-second session. the republic of bulgaria, as an associated country, has aligned itself with the statement on behalf of the european union, delivered by mr. wolfgang sch ssel, vice-chancellor and minister for foreign affairs of austria. while the search for new approaches and responses to the processes of globalization confronts humanity with new challenges, existing cases of conflict, unrest and underdevelopment bear the mark of the divisions and confrontations of past decades. the question we have to address now is whether the next millennium will be one of continued unrest and confrontation or one of peace and prosperity for all united nations member states, big or small. globalization and interdependence are bringing profound changes to the world we live in. an increasing number of issues, such as the economic and financial crisis, organized crime, terrorism and regional conflicts, cannot be effectively resolved by individual countries. therefore, international cooperation is more necessary than ever. today we are combining our efforts against the new global threat, terrorism. but we must not forget that terrorism appears mainly in unstable regions or weak countries, and from there spreads to the rest of the world. that is why the problems of such unstable countries can neither remain their own responsibility, nor even problems of their regions. the problems seem to be much more global. the question today is how to combat the criminal world, how to manage crisis and regional conflicts, how to feed and shelter refugees. tomorrow the question will be how to guarantee democratic stability through long-term engagements. the other approach is only to react to the consequences, thus adding new problems. such an approach does not solve the problem, but becomes part of it moreover the problem is multiplied through its negative influence on neighbouring countries. we also believe that economic security is an essential part of the framework in which our efforts to make a better world are made. we are convinced that security can be guaranteed not by hot money , but only through real, long-term investments, which are crucial for a successful economic restructuring. [number] bulgaria has managed to gain some knowledge and experience in handling the problems of the reform process. in the past year and a half the government has managed to achieve first, economic stability as a basis for moving forward with structural reform and sustainable economic growth secondly, modernization of the public administration and, thirdly, efficient enforcement of the rule of law in civil society. resolute steps have been taken, in compliance with the government programme bulgaria [number] , to translate into practice the new foreign policy priorities. at its core are the integration of bulgaria into the european and transatlantic political, economic and defence structures, and the creation of a climate of confidence, stability and cooperation in south-eastern europe. we are now engaged in active diplomatic efforts aimed at promoting the principles of democracy and stability in the region of south-eastern europe in order to contribute to the peaceful settlement of conflicts. i would also like to stress that my country has already achieved significant progress in another important area, combating organized crime and corruption and promoting regional cooperation in this field. let me now address the complex situation in the balkans. i would like to note the progress made in the implementation of the dayton agreement. we consider that the extended presence of the stabilization force sfor would contribute to the consolidation of peace and stability in this region. bulgaria is particularly concerned about the continuing tension in kosovo. the crisis has reached a point where there is no more room for general statements and palliative solutions. the conflict in kosovo has resulted in thousands of civilian casualties. there is a serious threat of deepening the crisis and a substantial risk of spillover to other parts of south-eastern europe. we are convinced that the only credible instrument for solving the problem is negotiations between the parties involved, which have to examine in a responsible manner all proposals for a peaceful settlement. we support security council resolution [number] [number] adopted yesterday. it is worth pointing out that as early as last february bulgaria proposed that the countries generating stability in the region should unite their efforts in search of a peaceful solution to this problem. the joint declarations of the foreign ministers of countries of south-eastern europe, adopted on the initiative of bulgaria, reflect the will of these countries to make their contribution to the efforts of the contact group. they also illustrate the new spirit in relations between the states in the region and their responsible approach to security and stability. for the first time in many years our countries managed to put aside their differences so as to elaborate and express a common position on a problem of immediate concern. this approach sets the groundwork for the establishment of a politico-diplomatic mechanism for crisis management and prevention. in our view, those states which would like to contribute to stability and security in the region have to take into consideration the interests and positions of the countries situated there. a common understanding has been expressed that any measures aimed at settling the problems of the region, sanctions included, should take into account the political and economic stability of south- eastern europe. they should not infringe upon the interests of the countries involved. therefore, we believe that efficient measures should be of a political, and not of an economic, character. [number] an issue of special relevance for bulgaria and also, i believe, for other countries of the region, is the negative impact on the national economy of the strict implementation of the economic sanctions imposed until recently by the security council on the federal republic of yugoslavia. as is well known, bulgaria strictly abided by the council? s decisions, suffering as a result economic losses which have almost been equal to bulgaria? s foreign debt for three years. given the continued relevance of that issue internationally, bulgaria supports the view that since all provisions of the charter are of equal importance, assistance to third states affected by sanctions has to be taken into consideration together with the imposition of sanctions. the elaboration of a concrete united nations mechanism for this purpose is therefore of the utmost importance. it is incumbent upon the united nations to find ways and means of alleviating the negative consequences of sanctions with regard to third states. it is our view that closer and more direct participation in the whole process by all third states which could be adversely affected by the imposition of sanctions is necessary. we are confident that discussion of this issue at the present session will yield more concrete results in accordance with the decisions already adopted and the report of the secretary-general to be submitted under resolution [number] [number]. we are convinced that lasting stability in south- eastern europe is possible only through multilateral security cooperation coupled with effective economic, infrastructural, cultural, information and other integrated links to other parts of europe. in this regard, the expansion of the european and transatlantic organizations to south- eastern europe will create a belt of security in the area and prevent possible regional crises in the future. as an integral part of europe, bulgaria regards our accelerated accession to the european union and full membership in the north atlantic treaty organization nato as an expression of our political choice based on broad public support. these priorities are embedded in the national security concept approved by the bulgarian parliament last april. since bulgaria is determined to promote and enhance the values of democracy, we are certainly interested in ensuring that these values become widely accepted throughout south-eastern europe. the republic of bulgaria welcomes its inclusion in the process of enlargement of the european union, together with other associated countries of central and eastern europe and cyprus. the bulgarian government is fully aware that our accession aspirations are contingent on the success of the domestic, economic and legislative reforms. it is against this background that a national strategy for accession to the european union, outlining the main activities of the country from a long-term perspective, was adopted last march. the bulgarian government has developed a clear-cut national strategy to meet the criteria for nato membership, based on a comprehensive national programme of preparation which is being constantly updated and optimized. bulgaria has the political will and is undertaking concrete steps to fulfil in regional terms the objectives of the euro-atlantic partnership council and the enhanced partnership for peace. our positive attitude is reflected in the ongoing regional political dialogue and the practical follow-up measures to enhance regional security and defence cooperation in south- eastern europe. we consider multilateral confidence and security- building measures to be an important aspect of political cooperation in the region. an important example of this cooperation is the initiative to create a multinational peace force in south-eastern europe. in the course of the negotiations on this project, bulgaria proposed hosting the joint headquarters of the force in the bulgarian city of plovdiv. the establishment of the force will strengthen the spirit of confidence and cooperation in the region. another key aspect of regional cooperation is the process of good-neighbourly relations, stability, security and cooperation in south-eastern europe initiated at the meeting of the ministers for foreign affairs of the countries of south-eastern europe in sofia in [number]. annual ministerial meetings have been held since then, as well as a number of specialized expert meetings devoted to issues of common interest in various fields, including transport, energy, transborder cooperation, combating organized crime and drug-trafficking. closely linked to the maintenance of international peace and security is the fight against terrorism and international crime. we condemn all terrorist acts and lament the loss of life and the destruction inflicted by them. the most recent deplorable examples of such acts were the horrible bomb attacks in some african countries. we share the view that the threat of terrorism requires a decisive and joint response by the whole international community. bulgaria supports the activities of the united nations aimed at setting norms and standards for the fight against terrorism and international crime through [number] negotiating various legal instruments and creating the appropriate institutions for this purpose. we consider that successfully combating terrorism and organized crime in some countries cannot be achieved through the efforts of their governments alone. it requires the effective involvement of other states, which have the means and the experience in this field. bulgaria fully supports the recent initiative by france and great britain to convene a high-level conference in london this autumn aimed at depriving terrorists of their support. we note with appreciation that on [number] july this year, the diplomatic conference in rome adopted the statute of the international criminal court. i would like to reiterate my country? s confidence that the establishment in the foreseeable future of the international criminal court will be an efficient step towards deterring possible perpetrators from committing terrorist acts. the broadening of the human aspect of development through democracy and participation has been widely accepted and has become one of the priorities of united nations activities. this year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights and the fifth anniversary of the vienna declaration and programme of action. the principle of the indivisibility of universally recognized civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights continues to be a key element of today? s system for the promotion and protection of human rights and freedoms. the designation of [number] as the international year for human rights could stimulate a further restructuring of united nations human rights activities, strengthening the staff of and securing adequate financial resources for the office of the united nations high commissioner for human rights. in this respect we would like to commend the relevant measures taken by the high commissioner, mrs. mary robinson, and to reiterate our support for her efforts to this end. better implementation of international standards could be achieved by improving the existing mechanisms and by open dialogue on most sensitive issues, including those related to human rights in individual states. accordingly, the bulgarian government attaches great importance to the enjoyment of all human rights by bulgarians living abroad and considers respect for their rights to be an essential element for the enhancement of bilateral relations. bulgaria supports the ongoing process of reform pursued consistently by the secretary-general, kofi annan, and aimed at the streamlining and strengthening of the organization and at making it more efficient and responsive to the new realities. one of the substantial issues of overall united nations reform is the question of representation on and increase in the membership of the security council. bulgaria reiterates its willingness to support such an enlargement of the council, which could guarantee its effectiveness and enhance its capacity to maintain international peace and security. in our view the enlargement should envisage the preservation of the balance between the permanent and non-permanent members, as well as among regional groups. as the membership of the group of eastern european states has doubled in the last decade, an additional non-permanent seat for this group should be secured. a decision on the enlargement of the council and on its working methods should be supported by the broadest possible consensus, including all the council? s permanent members. bulgaria attaches great importance to the activities of the united nations in the field of sustainable development and is closely following the united nations dialogue and the activities of united nations bodies and agencies on the issues of demography, social development, women and narcotic drugs. the special session of the general assembly on narcotic drugs, held in june of this year, merits particular mention in this regard. that session reflected the determination of member states to combine their efforts in the fight against drugs, and its results contributed to the common effort to achieve sustainable development. as a country with an economy in transition, bulgaria cooperates actively with the united nations system of specialized agencies and programmes. our interest is to develop this cooperation further. we are looking forward to more streamlined activities thanks to the potential of the united nations development programme undp for capacity-building and assistance in the development and execution of joint projects. at the same time, the basic principles of universality and primary responsibility of governments for the process should be preserved. in this regard the system of resident coordinators and the effort to make this more operational will play an important role. here i would like to express our satisfaction with the performance of the undp office in sofia. for bulgaria, development and economic growth will be impossible without full participation in world economic and financial exchanges. in our opinion, the united nations and its institutions could be more strongly involved in the solution of the specific problems of economic transition and reforms. disarmament issues continue to have an important place in overall efforts to secure a better world for future generations. we agree with the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, that disarmament is at the centre of our mission of peace and development, and we welcome his decision to re- establish the department for disarmament affairs. the bulgarian government attaches high priority to international efforts to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation regime. we call for an early entry into force of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty ctbt as an important step in that direction, and support the decision of the conference on disarmament to establish an ad hoc committee to conduct negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty. in this context, we were deeply concerned by the nuclear tests conducted by india and by pakistan earlier this year. bulgaria has associated itself with statements by the presidency of the european union calling on india and pakistan to accede to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt and to sign the ctbt, as well as to participate in negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty with the aim of maintaining a strong global non- proliferation regime. we favour the strengthening of the convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological biological and toxin weapons and on their destruction, and believe that further acceleration of the negotiations and an early conclusion of the protocol to the convention is required. as a state party to the convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, bulgaria would like to contribute to enlarging the number of accessions to the convention in order to achieve recognition of the prohibition of chemical weapons as a universal norm of international law. as a concrete effort to this end, bulgaria will host a regional seminar on the issue later this month. with regard to conventional arms, anti-personnel landmines are widely recognized as a pernicious weapon which indiscriminately kills and maims hundreds of thousands of people worldwide. convinced of the need for a total prohibition of anti-personnel mines, on [number] july this year the bulgarian parliament ratified the convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction, thus contributing to its early entry into force. we are also ready to contribute to the efforts of the international community to reduce conventional weapons, including small arms, and especially their excessive and destabilizing accumulation in areas of conflict. we regard universal participation in the united nations register of conventional arms as an important step towards effective transparency, both on a regional and a global scale. in the context of the new challenges in the field of international peace and security, united nations peacekeeping operations continue to be an essential element in the organization? s activities. my country appreciates the efforts of the secretary-general to ensure wide support for these and to put in place the necessary arrangements that will enable the united nations to deploy peacekeeping forces rapidly and effectively in areas of conflict. we are convinced that the new generation of peacekeeping operations should include in their mandates a proportional combination of political, military, humanitarian, reconstruction and other relevant activities. in this regard, we believe that there are still unused opportunities to strengthen united nations cooperation with regional organizations in the field of preventive diplomacy, crisis management and peacekeeping. in conclusion, i would like once again to declare my country? s readiness to cooperate actively with all other member states in the successful implementation of the lofty goals of the present session of the general assembly. we are confident that our discussions on the important agenda items before us will be translated into practical measures.

today s world offers one clear lesson to survive and prosper, we have to work together better. that much is clear. we share a global environment. we depend on each other for development and prosperity. regional conflicts affect us all. our peoples suffer together under the shadows of drugs and terrorism. we can no longer separate what we want to achieve within our own borders from what we face across our borders. rapid change of the sort we have seen recently can inspire fear. but we must face and conquer that fear together. and if our finance, our trade, media, communications and even our culture are, day by day, more and more transnational, it would be strange and potentially dangerous if our politics remained locked in the old compartments built just after the second world war. if the challenge is international, then the response must be international too. we must launch a new era of international partnership in which we modernize those institutions that allow us to cooperate and to work together. the united nations has a real record of achievement. that is true. but it is true also that it has had its failures. it has stood by or intervened ineffectively when brutality was abroad. it has sometimes delivered words when action was needed. but the united nations is no more than its member states. its failures are our failures. the values of the united nations charter are as valid now as when they were written. but we have to find new ways of applying them. so i believe in the united nations, but i also believe it must modernize, and do so urgently. all parts of the united nations need proper accountability to go with secure funding, better management and more effective coordination in all their activities. our secretary-general has given us a lead. but it is now up to us, the member states, to give him our full support. we must not allow reform in the united nations to falter. and let me emphasize today that we need to strengthen too the authority of the security council. this means broadening its composition new permanent seats for the developing world as well as for germany and japan. more non-permanent seats alone would be an unacceptable compromise. we have been talking about this now for five years. it is time for decisions. [number] we face many challenges, but none more immediate than the contagion of recession spreading from those countries currently in difficulty to affect the wider world economy. the solutions do not lie in misguided attempts to impose new panoplies of controls on international capital movements, or in a retreat from open trade. rather, we must all recognize that the absence of proper financial structures and disciplines in individual countries, coupled with a lack of transparency, will be punished by the markets sooner or later. however, we can act. we can devise new mechanisms to support a process of change rules to encourage greater transparency in international and national financial dealings better supervision and regulation of financial operators adequate resources for the international financial institutions to deal with short-term liquidity problems structural reform programmes for countries in difficulty, programmes that take account of the social effects of the restructuring we are asking for. the only way to tackle such complex problems is a new, high-level, international collaborative effort. global problems will require global solutions. as chairman of the g-[number], britain will play our full part in ensuring the necessary look at the international financial architecture and how it can be improved for a new age. this is a priority, i believe, for us all. however, we know that, unlike in the 1950s, this cannot be left simply to a few developed countries. getting the financial framework right is only a start. we must create the conditions for sustainable development in all our countries. the international community has set itself exacting targets. most important is the target to halve the proportion of people living in abject poverty by the year [number]. our own development effort is now geared to the eradication of poverty. i told last year s special session that we would reverse the decline in our development assistance. recently we have announced that we are raising our development budget by [number]. [number] billion, and our support for health, education and water projects in africa by [number] per cent. we have helped pay for the world health organization s campaign to roll back malaria. we are trying to put our money where our mouth is. of course, however, these development programmes only work if the conditions are right, and too much money has been wasted over the years. that is again why the work the united nations is doing to create strong development partnerships is so important and must be given our full backing. i call today on all parts of the united nations system, including the bretton woods institutions and the world trade organization, to give top priority to effective coordination of their development efforts. the poor of this world will otherwise be the losers. if we want to eradicate poverty, we also need to ensure that the least developed countries benefit from this global economy. that means, for example, letting them sell their goods without imposing tariffs on them. it means actively helping them benefit from globalization. and it means rejecting any false allure of protectionism. the european union is committed to zero tariffs for these countries by the year [number]. and i would urge all developed countries to follow suit. we also have to ease the debt burden on the poorest countries. britain has proposed the mauritius mandate to speed up assistance for those in the debt trap who are genuinely ready to help themselves out of it. by the year [number] all qualifying highly indebted countries should have embarked on a systematic process of debt reduction, with the aim of a permanent exit from their debt problems. but we need to make sure it happens. again, a huge collaborative effort between the countries represented here today will be needed. development must not be at the expense of the environment. we all know this. but, again, this is a challenge to us. the success of kyoto was a close-run thing. buenos aires will be hard work, but it has to work. countries with the biggest emissions must come forward quickly with credible plans to meet their kyoto commitments. we in britain will shortly publish a consultation paper on how we will meet our obligations. and i hope that others will come forward and do the same. the world has high expectations of the united nations as the guardian of global peace and security. the united nations should not get involved if regional organizations are better able to tackle a local conflict. but sometimes we must demonstrate collective global will. and if we act, we must act decisively. clear principles must be our guiding hand. let me set some out briefly. first, prevention is always better than cure. the resources spent on averting conflict are tiny compared to the expense of peacekeeping once the guns start to fire. the united nations is building up its capacity in this [number] area, but it needs more support and again britain pledges to play its part. secondly, where we do have to send in the blue helmets, they should be given a clear and achievable task. there must be no repeat of bosnia, where peacekeepers were inserted into a live conflict and told to make safe areas safe. but they were not given the means to do so. united nations peacekeepers need a way out as well as a way in. they must have the tools to do the job, and clear and effective command. thirdly, the united nations needs to be able to act and respond fast. fast action can prevent a conflict escalating, underpin a fragile truce, save lives. again, we in britain are trying to play our part. the reshaping of britain s armed forces following our strategic defence review is transforming our ability to contribute to peacekeeping and humanitarian operations more and better equipped rapid- reaction forces, additional strategic lift and better logistics capability. i can announce today that within six months we will conclude a specific agreement with the united nations to ensure that it can make rapid use of what we have to offer when it is needed the first such agreement by a permanent member. fourthly, peacekeeping has to be accompanied from the start by peace-building, to restore justice, democratic institutions, prosperity and human rights. the security council has to deal with the symptoms of conflict, not simply with its causes. it needs to work with the rest of the united nations, the world bank and the international monetary fund if it is to have lasting impact. again, i will be asking the secretary-general to put to us new proposals dealing with the consequences and the causes of conflict to make this a reality. too many of those conflicts sill abound. there are few higher priorities than restoring peace to the great lakes region. the middle east peace process remains an apparent deadlock. we have managed to make progress in northern ireland, and the support of the world community in our doing so has given us great strength and courage to carry on. we owe a debt of gratitude for that support, and i hope that the world will continue it. i believe now is the time for a further move forward in the middle east, too. again, we in britain are ready to play our part in bringing this about. i want to focus, however, on one other area of urgent concern kosovo. it almost defies belief that, yet again, the security forces of president milosevic are ignoring the clear will of the international community and inflicting brutality and repression on those they claim to see as fellow citizens. of course, we recognize that the unacceptable actions of the so-called kosovo liberation army have contributed to the present appalling situation. but nothing can justify scorched-earth tactics and forcible creation of hundreds of thousands of refugees. we have some clear responsibilities in this situation as an international community. first, we must make it clear that our patience with broken promises phoney assurances that are not honoured is exhausted. continuation of military repression will inevitably lead to a new kind of response. secondly, we must impress on both sides the need to negotiate, with a realistic appreciation of what is possible, and point the way to a mutually acceptable solution. thirdly, we must make it clear that we have to meet the immediate humanitarian needs of the refugees in kosovo and prevent, by any means necessary, the humanitarian disaster which we can see just over the horizon as winter approaches. we propose a new security council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire and demanding an urgent end to the trampling of the rights of the inhabitants of kosovo. it should be adopted this week, and president milosevic would ignore such a resolution at his peril. the international community faces another serious challenge in iraq. the security council is unanimous in insisting that iraq resume cooperation with the united nations, and kofi annan courageously reached an important agreement with the iraqi leadership about the united nations special commission earlier this year. again, this agreement has to be honoured, and we will play our part in ensuring that it is. finally, we face two global scourges which can undermine our institutions and, indeed, our way of life drugs and terrorism. we all know the growing links between drugs and crime and instability in so many countries. the insidiously corrupting effect drugs have on all who come near them growers, smugglers, pushers and users alike. we have, as we know, to tackle every link of the drugs chain, but we are in danger of losing sight of the size of the mountain we have to climb. if we are honest with ourselves, this is a war that we are risking losing, but we must win. britain, again, is spending a [number] further [number] million at the national level on our priorities, but our collective efforts need a much stronger focus. we are not short of organizations looking at this problem indeed, there may well be too many. but we are desperately short of results cutting supply lines, eliminating illicit crop cultivation and stopping the profits of the drug dealers. we have a new instrument, the convention against organized crime. too many countries still provide sanctuary for the proceeds of crime. we must demand together that those countries root out the traffickers and their dirty money hit the drug barons where it hurts. the convention will provide practical means to achieve this, but the negotiations are dragging. let us set ourselves the task of completing them by the millennium, at the latest. the fight against terrorism has also taken on a new urgency. the past year s global roll-call of terror includes luxor, dar-es-salaam, nairobi, omagh and many others. each one is a reminder that terrorism is a uniquely barbaric and cowardly crime. each one is a reminder that terrorists are no respecters of borders. each one is a reminder that terrorism should have no hiding place and no opportunity to raise funds, and that there should be no let-up in our determination to bring its perpetrators justice. this applies to the new phenomenon of stateless terrorism as much as to its more familiar forms. as a start, it is surely vital that all countries sign up to the [number] international conventions to ensure that terrorists have no safe haven. we have ourselves, again, in britain, just passed new legislation to ensure we can tackle terrorist conspiracies aimed at third countries. but we must go further. we can hope to defeat terrorism only if we all devote ourselves to doing so. so i welcome the recent initiative by the president of france to tackle fund- raising for terrorism on an international basis. as chairman of the g-[number], i again offer today to host a high- level conference in london this autumn to deny the terrorists this means of support. effective new measures on an agreed international basis could make a real difference. i have covered many points in my speech to the assembly, but my main point is really a very simple one. we face multiple new challenges as we approach the new century. our only hope, as we all know, of tackling these challenges successfully is tackling them together. we need effective international cooperation and modern institutions to deal with our political problems and our economic problems. we need the united nations system pulling together as never before. we need to revitalize and modernize our international institutions to deal with the crisis in the global economy. but, above all, we need political will and a sense of urgency. the problems of our modern world are too pressing, their consequences too immediate, their impact too far-reaching for us to hesitate or to look away any longer. we are being given a warning to act, to give purpose and direction in resolving these challenges we face together, or pay the price. and the time to do it to respond to that warning is now.

i am happy to join previous speakers in congratulating mr. ismat kittani on his election as president of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. his personal qualities augur well for his success in performing the important functions entrusted to him by the assembly. [number]. i should also like to pay a tribute of admiration and appreciation to his predecessor, mr. rudiger von wechmar, for his leadership of the thirty-fifth session, which all previous speakers have acknowledged to have been dynamic and decisive. [number]. finally, i should like to express the admiration of the delegation of costa rica for the consummate skill with which the secretary-general has carried out his important duties. [number]. it is an honor and a privilege for me to be able to welcome to the united nations a sovereign and independent belize. we share the great emotion which its representatives must feel today. their presence will lend renewed vigor to the united nations, which with each day that passes represents all the peoples of the earth with greater enthusiasm. we welcome belize's entry into the united nations, where common struggles await us. after [number] years we are witnessing the collapse of colonialism all over the world. this is one of the great achievements of the united nations and the fulfillment of one of the fundamental principles of its charter. [number]. i have great pleasure in welcoming the republic of vanuatu as a member of the united nations. costa rica was most gratified when vanuatu became independent on [number] july [number] and wishes this new member state a happy, peaceful and prosperous future for its people, trusting that its newfound freedom and self-determination will be preserved and strengthened. [number]. as the secretary-general so clearly says in his report a [number] , the picture of international risks and dangers which he described to us a year ago, far from disappearing, has become more disturbing than ever. [number]. there has not been the necessary will in international affairs to permit the major changes which might enable peoples to live together in harmony. there has been no change in the politics of domination which continue to block the possibilities of progress towards a better world for all mankind. [number]. the political and ideological struggles between the great powers have intensified, while in some regions new sources of armed conflict have arisen. the competition for spheres of influence continues unabated, thwarting the aspiration of peoples to a world order in which weak and powerful nations alike would organize their relations and tackle their common problems with the full participation of all. [number]. in the light of this disturbing situation, the purposes and principles of the united nations acquire greater relevance. costa rica believes in international organizations. we believe that within this organization and under its auspices we can reconcile extreme positions and settle the conflicts which threaten peace and justice. we can develop a feeling of human solidarity despite the incomprehension and intransigence of a handful of states. if we are tenacious and persevering we shall be able to achieve these goals through concerted political, social and economic action. [number]. as the assembly begins its work this year, the government of costa rica would like to place on record its position on some of the serious problems confronting the international community. [number]. central america today is an erupting volcano. it is the battlefield for the struggle of peoples for freedom and dignity, and it roust suffer all the unhappy consequences of that struggle. the peoples of central america are demanding greater social justice, complete freedom and respect for human dignity. various forces and interests oppose these legitimate demands the selfishness of those who wish to maintain the status quo for the benefit of the few, in total disregard of the vast majority the direct damage caused to our countries by the international economic situation, particularly inflation, the drop in international market prices for our commodity exports and the inordinate rise in the price of energy-related products, all of which affect our region particularly, because of its geographical, economic, social and political situation and, finally, the manipulation by extremist ideologies which, taking advantage of these circumstances, are trying to subvert the people's legitimate ideals and steer our nations towards the fateful goal of left-wing or right-wing extremism. [number]. we are confident that the countries of central america will manage to emerge from this titanic struggle as democratic nations committed to peace, freedom and justice. [number]. it is with sorrow that we witness the bloodbath suffered by the fraternal people of el salvador. costa rica has given its backing to the government of president duarte, as a viable transitional formula by which the country can move towards institutionalization, and is grateful for the latter's efforts to achieve a peaceful and lasting solution by means of a political dialog leading to the expression of the popular will in free and democratic elections. [number]. the problems facing central america do not concern that region alone. our success or failure in resolving the crisis has a direct bearing on the future of democracy not only in the region but throughout the world. [number]. the geographical, economic and social constraints suffered by the countries of the region prevent them from resolving the crisis without the support of the community of nations. the international community knows this and is willing to help, for such is the duty of every country in the world that believes in democracy and whose system of government is based on freedom, justice and peace. the industrialized countries have a special responsibility, for they are in the best position to help and cooperate in the defense of democracy and of these fundamental principles. [number]. in this context, we have promoted the central american dialog, and we have acknowledged with enthusiasm the interest expressed by the foreign ministers of canada, mexico, the united states and venezuela to assist the region in the search for solutions to its economic problems. also, we support the proposal of the foreign minister of peru to set up a trust fund that would serve as a basis for an aid program of horizontal cooperation 6th meeting, para. [number] , [number]. notwithstanding the serious crisis in the region, my country has continued to conduct its affairs in a peaceful and orderly fashion, respecting the electoral decisions of its people, solving its problems within a state of law and trusting in god and man. we have been the calm eye in the middle of the cyclone that buffets our suffering neighbors. [number]. in the struggle between spiritual and purely material values, between freedom without bread and bread without freedom, we costa ricans have achieved the ideal goal of bread and freedom. for [number] years we have upheld the ideals of economic and social justice, freedom, respect for human rights and representative government, [number]. but all this can change if we are not careful. there can be no doubt that our peaceful way of life and our love of freedom are threatened by the critical situation facing the world today. this is why, in the interests of the very survival of democracy, intelligent and close collaboration is needed now more than ever before between the industrialized and developing countries. it is only by unity of action that we can move forward, preserving system that affords man the best opportunities in his search for happiness and his enjoyment of peace, freedom and justice, [number]. i wish to reiterate that my country is aware of the historic role that the stability of its democratic system demands that it play in the central american region. consequently, we desire the establishment in central america of governments that are a true expression of the popular will, the product of an electoral process, a democratic manifestation in the true sense of the word governments that will lead their peoples to economic and social progress in peace and freedom. [number]. the latin american countries form a group of re publics with ties unmatched anywhere in the world. latin. american unity is an historical necessity if our countries are to be able to play their part in the community of nations and develop their potential to the full. today, despite its difficult economic situation, its precarious social stability and its slow progress towards democracy, latin america is part of the developing world that shows a greater identity of aims, a greater convergence towards those aims and a greater possibility of managing to achieve them. [number]. latin americans must be alive to the tremendous historical importance of the present moment and of our responsibility towards the future, which calls for wisdom and courage in the decisions which our peoples expect and demand of us. by striving for a latin american consensus free of intolerance and exclusivity, we shall be helping to strengthen the united nations. [number]. my country has been a staunch supporter of all the efforts and actions to change the present international order and lay the bases for genuine cooperation among' all states. we are convinced of the effectiveness and the necessity of common action in this era of determined opposition to domination and exploitation. the unity and solidarity of the third world are the new alternative for securing recognition for the common aspirations for justice and equity. [number]. we realize that it will be difficult for our countries to move ahead with their development programs until the foundations have been laid of a new international economic order which places the same value on our raw materials and our labor as it does on the labor, manufactured goods and technologies of the industrialized' countries. in this connection, the northsouth and south south dialogs and the global negotiations on international economic cooperation for development are especially significant. [number]. my delegation notes with regret that, [number] years after the assembly first considered the question of apartheid, the government of south africa continues to repress that country's black population. the united nations cannot continue to be a passive witness to events in southern africa. costa rica supports the measures taken by the united nations in the struggle against apartheid. [number]. i should like to emphasize once again that there is a tradition of antiracism in costa rica, one that has its roots in our history. all the ethnic groups in our country have mixed spontaneously, and we are proud to be a nation with a democratic system that allows every costa rican without distinction to develop his skills. [number]. my delegation hopes that more decisive steps will be taken at this session to put an end to this form of totalitarianism, and, on behalf of our government, we shall vote in favour of and join in any action that might further the struggle against apartheid and contribute to its final eradication. [number]. the government of costa rica condemns south africa's illegal occupation of namibia. south africa has an obligation to withdraw its administration from that territory so that the people of namibia can achieve a genuine independence that respects their territorial integrity, including walvis bay and the coastal islands. we support the legitimate struggle of the namibian people for self determination. [number]. we strongly condemn the invasion of angola recently committed by south africa from namibia. my delegation considers the situation in namibia to be a threat to international peace and security and therefore urges all member states to strengthen the comprehensive sanctions against south africa in order to compel it to comply immediately with united nations resolutions on namibia. [number]. with respect to the situation in afghanistan, the delegation of costa rica stated its position at the security council's emergency meeting called in response to requests by numerous states members of the united nations, costa rica among them, which believed that what was happening in afghanistan then, and is still happening there today, constitutes a serious violation of the fundamental principles of international law by one of the permanent members of the security council and hence a grave threat to international peace and security. [number]. the position taken then remains the same today. like most of the countries of the third world, my country relies on the enforcement of international law for its external security and is above any suspicion of seeking to interfere in the internal affairs of its neighbors or of any other nation. we are concerned therefore that treaties of friendship, cooperation and good-neighborliness can overnight become tools of aggression, invasion and intervention in the affairs of a sovereign state. we are also concerned over what happens in any other part of the world, especially when the good faith and friendly intentions that inspire international law are violated. [number]. for years, costa rica has followed developments in cyprus with keen attention and interest. we attach the greatest importance to the preservation of that country's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with relevant united nations resolutions, and we hope that the sense of responsibility of the states and communities directly involved in the conflict will prevail. [number]. the government of costa rica maintains the position it has taken at previous sessions of the general assembly with regard to the serious situation in the middle east. there are several difficult elements in that conflict, some of them deeply painful, such as the useless bloodbath inflicted on the communities of lebanon, for whom the international community should be able to guarantee the right and the real possibility for finding peace and harmony, without the outside interference that makes that impossible. other elements, besides being painful, seriously threaten the peace of the world among them is the arabisraeli conflict. we believe that the problem could be solved if the parties to the conflict were truly determined to put an end to it and if all involved accepted that both an israeli and a palestinian state have a right to existence, that dialog is the best means of relaxing the tensions between the parties and is a prerequisite to formal negotiations, and that the israeli and palestinian states have a right to live within definite, secure borders guaranteed by the united nations. [number]. were the parties to the conflict to agree to those principles, the problem could be solved and the borders of the states could be fixed in a universally satisfactory manner. the government of costa rica has a very clear picture of what the middle east could be if all the states there were to put an end to hostilities and launch a program of cooperation among themselves, thereby heeding the call for peace that we have so often made in this forum. [number]. we have always added costa rica's voice to those of many other member states and have joined in the efforts to achieve peace, justice, freedom and respect for human rights in kampuchea. like all peace-loving peoples, we believe that the people of kampuchea deserves to be allowed to live in peace and fully to exercise its rights as a sovereign and independent state. [number]. strategic interests cannot take precedence over the longing of peoples for freedom nor usurp their right to genuine self-determination, territorial integrity and independence. that is why my delegation supported general assembly resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] and believes we must continue to insist on fulfillment of the requirements outlined in paragraph [number] of resolution [number] [number]. i should like to reiterate our hope that the difficult and serious situation in kampuchea will be resolved by means of the necessary political will and a manifestation of the spirit of justice. [number]. faithful to the fundamental principles of the united nations, my country believes that the process of decolonization resulting from the effective exercise by peoples of their right to self-determination is now almost complete. [number]. my government supports and will continue to support all legitimate struggles for the effective exercise of the right to self-determination in accordance with resolutions [number] xv and [number] xv , which were adopted by the general assembly [number] years ago and which have since been both guide and foundation of the decolonization process. that is why we have supported the just aspirations of the polisario front" and have recognized the sovereign and independent sahraoui arab democratic republic. [number]. in all the years that the question of korea has been before the general assembly, costa rica has advocated direct contacts between the two parties at the highest level with a view to arriving at an understanding that would put an end once and for all to a tense situation which affects not only the korean peninsula but also the entire region of northeast asia. despite the repeated initiatives of the republic of korea, as put forward by president chun on [number] january [number] and again on [number] june, and despite the support of members of this organization for direct dialog as a means of achieving the peaceful reunification of korea, no such contacts have been possible. [number]. my country further believes that both koreas should be admitted as full members of the organization, as a first step towards creating an international climate of reconciliation and, ultimately, peaceful democratic reunification, that is, by means of free elections, thereby enhancing the principle of the universality of the united nations. [number]. my delegation once again appeals to member states to make their positive contribution towards creating a favourable climate for the resumption of the dialog between north korea and south korea and for the peaceful resolution of the question of korea. [number]. it has become a frustrating ritual for those of us who come to the assembly year after year to draw attention to the grave risks presented by the arms race, to speak in the debate on that subject. the military forces of the great powers and the tremendous destructive power of their weapons cast the darkest of shadows over the world. the arms race is a fierce competition to acquire more and better weapons. not only do nuclear weapons pose an intolerable threat because of the unspeakable devastation that they cause, but the theories about their use and the prospects of their spread to other states magnify that threat and can make disarmament ever more difficult to achieve. [number]. in this connection, i should like also to emphasize the importance my country attaches to all efforts to prevent the militarization of outer space and to reiterate once again costa rica's pacifist vocation and its conviction that it is only through conciliation and peace that our peoples can move forward. [number]. we are convinced that the problems of disarmament, although difficult and complex, can be solved if weak and powerful together are determined to solve them. the future of mankind depends to a large extent on how we solve those problems, and in that process the united nations will continue to be the most appropriate body for pooling our efforts and freeing mankind from the threat of destruction. [number]. the question of the university for peace was first brought before the assembly at its thirty-fourth session, when the idea of establishing the university was approved and an international commission created to prepare its organization, structure and setting in motion resolution [number] [number] . the commission's report" was presented to the general assembly at its thirty-fifth session. on the commission's recommendation, on [number] december [number], the assembly decided by consensus to establish the university for peace and approved the university's charter and the international agreement for the establishment of the university for peace. since that time [number] countries have signed the agreement. [number]. the university is conceived as an international institution created with the intellectual and material cooperation of all countries, as a melting pot where different cultures can make their contribution to peace, as an international forum where the theoretical and practical problems of peace and war can be studied and explained, and as a house of learning which can create alternatives for peaceful coexistence among all the peoples of the earth. [number]. on behalf of the government of costa rica, i should like to thank the general assembly for its clear and resolute support for this venture. we are especially grateful to the secretariat and above all to the secretary general, who made his own decisive contribution to the new institution's promising future by appointing such an eminent and representative council, which will no doubt convince the world, and the united nations in particular, of the immense challenge facing the university and help ensure that its objectives are achieved and even surpassed. [number]. i make a fervent appeal to all governments to make their decisive contribution to this new venture, designed to strengthen the foundations needed for establishing an increasingly just and, hence, increasingly peaceful world. [number]. costa rica is confident that the third united nations conference on the law of the sea will finally complete its work in spring [number] in new york. we are ready to take final decisions at that last session and then to go to caracas with all the other participating states to adopt the convention on the law of the sea so long awaited by the international community. it is in this spirit that we urge those nations which appear to have problems with the text of a convention which was forged with the assistance and understanding of all participants to join in working towards a consensus with the greatest good will. failure to adopt a convention like that embodied in what is now the conference's official text would seriously damage the relations between rich and poor nations and would no doubt become a further source of international tension. [number]. human rights constitutes one of the issues to which the organization has devoted time, effort and determination. as it is one of the cornerstones of our foreign policy which we have reaffirmed in numerous declarations, we shall support any initiatives which might help to strengthen human rights and promote their strict observance and protection wherever there is an attempt to violate or lessen them. [number]. the question of human rights is becoming more relevant every day, which makes it increasingly vital and indispensable that the international community join jn efforts to protect them. we believe that human rights are a matter of universal importance. costa rica believes that it must pursue its efforts in support of the creation of a post of united nations high commissioner for human rights. [number]. i should like to draw attention to the concern expressed by the secretary-general in his report to the general assembly at the lack of appropriate ways and means of filling the vacuum that exists in the field of the promotion of and respect for human rights. costa rica, a staunch defender of human rights and fundamental freedoms, is seeking to strengthen the international machinery for the protection and promotion of human rights, so as to guarantee or improve the conditions in which such rights are exercised internationally. [number]. the government of costa rica is deeply concerned at the serious refugee problem, which often threatens the political and social stability and economic development of the states and regions concerned, especially developing regions. that is why it cosponsored resolution [number] [number] on the subject, adopted on [number] december [number]. that resolution represented an important step in the search for a solution to this problem at the present session of the general assembly. at future sessions the international community will be called upon to consider not only the humanitarian aspects of the problem but also the adoption of preventive measures to prevent new flows of refugees. [number]. the government of costa rica supports the ideas and suggestions formulated by the government of the federal republic of germany in the security council and wishes to express the hope that other members will participate and help in ensuring that these ideas and suggestions are discussed fully so that we can proceed in this direction in close cooperation. [number]. costa rica has requested the inclusion in the agenda of a new item entitled "declaration of a peace year, a peace month and a peace day" see a [number] not only because it is committed to the cause of peace but also because it acted as host to the sixth triennial conference of the international association of university presidents held at san jose from [number] june to [number] july [number], which proposed such an initiative. my government welcomed the proposal and had the honor of submitting it to the general assembly at the thirty-sixth session. i shall not go into the details of the draft resolution here, its text will be submitted to delegations in the hope that this initiative will receive the general assembly's broad support. [number]. i should like to end by reiterating my country's faith in the validity and vitality of the organization. we are firm believers in the decisive role that the united nations must play in shaping the future of mankind in an environment of peace, freedom and universal justice.

on behalf of the eastern republic of uruguay, i would like to congratulate my friend ambassador vuk jeremi on his election to preside over the work of the general assembly during its sixty-seventh session. his experience, competence and reliability will be crucial in ensuring that the most representative body of the united nations effectively fulfils its duties. we assure him of the full support of uruguay. the focus of the general assembly this year on the promotion of the rule of law at national and international levels is extremely relevant, and i take this opportunity to welcome the declaration adopted by the general assembly on monday on that matter resolution [number] [number] . respect for and promotion of the rule of law at the national and international levels are two sides of the same coin, which has the well-being of the individual as its raison d tre. it means also that neither individuals nor states are above the law, but are subject to it. uruguay considers rule of law a constitutive element of the social contract that sustains its democratic system and that stands out as a pillar of its foreign policy. it is important to stress that this was not motivated by foreign influence, nor did it come through the adoption of an abstract political model from outside. rather, it was the result of a profound internal process of building and organizing the free coexistence of our people. the principle of juridical equality of states, like equality among individual people, is one of the fundamental principles of our organization, guaranteeing to all the same right to participate in the responsibilities of the international community, independent of the power possessed by each nation. it is precisely in respect of this principle that our country rejects any coercive unilateral or extraterritorial measure that contravenes the rules of international law and the principles of the charter of the united nations. the clearest contemporary example of such a measure is the embargo unfairly set against the republic of cuba. the principle of the self-determination of peoples understood as a collective right that must be observed in a manner analogous to respect for freedom of the individual at the domestic level is also an essential pillar of the rule of law. that freedom, which includes freedom of expression and other fundamental freedoms, is closely related to the effective operation of democratic institutions. in that respect, and without prejudice to reaffirming that any attempt at the partial or total disruption of the national unity or territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations, uruguay has always defended the right to self-determination of peoples as a key principle for the international coexistence of states. it reiterates its desire for a peaceful, just, sustainable and mutually accepted solution of the question of western sahara, based on international law and resolutions of the general assembly and security council and respectful of the human rights and the will of the saharan people. an independent judicial system, to which all persons have access on the basis of the principle of equality before the law, is necessary for the genuine rule of law. projecting this concept of the state and of the law beyond our borders is a vocation for peace and the peaceful settlement of disputes, of which my country was an early promoter. my country showed its firm commitment to those values and principles already at the hague conference of [number], where it tried to introduce compulsory international arbitration, and also in [number], when it became the first country to legally accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the permanent court of international justice, under only the condition of reciprocity. the strenuous efforts of the international community to build a fair system and to achieve greater balance among countries and greater well-being for their societies have not yet achieved the necessary ethical and policy solutions. recently we have seen what appears to be an era of change in some regions of the world. peoples are seeking their freedom with the means they have at hand, with a legitimate desire to achieve democracy and greater well-being. political actions of peoples seeking new alternatives of power have come up against those who are better organized politically and who thus will prevail, as they have always prevailed. those who have now assumed power must be aware of their responsibilities towards those peoples. eradicating tyranny, consolidating peace and making social benefits available to everyone are enormous challenges. the task is to build real democracies, and to build them with all of the contradictions, differences and difficulties that exist within a society. even in our region we have received threats with a major ideological component. the attempted coup d tat in ecuador and the breakdown of the democratic order in paraguay have shown that governments of change have been affected in the development of their policies. the rule of law and democracy are not acquired values rather, they must be defended each day as precious goods. recent events such as what happened in paraguay demonstrate that the rule of law is still threatened and that despite progress in terms of democratic institutions in all our nations, threats to the full exercise of fundamental rights and democratic values persist. that represents a great challenge to our aspiration to strengthen the integration and development of our countries, making the defence of the rule of law and the democratic order a necessary and unavoidable condition. despite the great changes that have afflicted humanity, the international system continues to work hard, yet it does not resolve the problems, or resolves them unfairly. it has been unable to create equal financial or commercial opportunities. even today, it is not a priority to invest in countries human resources according to their specific needs. the political system has acted to control or decide political destinies, rather than to ensure the security or well-being of the people. those who suffered before are suffering now. powerful countries still threaten or intervene in other countries. we have written about values and principles and have incorporated them in our constitutions. we have preached in many ways about what is good for everyone. but we have not succeeded in meeting the basic needs of billions of poor people, nor have we guaranteed them programmes for health, education, housing or employment. the basis of social justice has not changed. it is peace, it is freedom, because without that we cannot be actively aware of noble causes that require that one not be dominated or oppressed and without that, there is nothing. it is dignified housing that protects a family, work with dignity at a fair wage, the right to education and the responsibility of each individual. it is the health care that can save the [number] million children under [number] years of age who die each year around the world and that cares for the elderly, for women and for the destitute. what is truly revolutionary is to change the conditions of life for those who cannot fully enjoy their rights, because our political ideal must be, essentially, the human dimension. the solution requires that the system provide each person the greatest guarantees of his political rights and that it be fair with regard to the obligations and responsibilities in that respect. the greatest freedom implies the greatest responsibility. each person, as both an individual and part of the community, must receive, possess and enjoy the rights that are fundamental to ensuring the well-being of all as a way to transform solutions into reality. the struggle for transformation determines the struggle of each person to find a solution for his problems. resolving the issues inherent in poverty, lack of freedom or impediments to the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights requires concrete, urgent and immediate action. almost [number] years ago, someone declared that the most unfortunate would be the most privileged. his thinking was truly revolutionary, but there was something in it even more revolutionary, because he took on the task of orchestrating and executing the changes that would provoke the redistribution of resources. he took his solutions to the most needy widows with children, children, and poor blacks, zambos and creoles. development requires change. the present day has given us, as a fundamental condition of our projects, insoluble problems such as poverty, malnutrition, overcrowding, unemployment, child mortality and other socioeconomic scourges that still afflict most of humanity. therefore, this system requires a change, and the only way to carry it out is to transform reality. our responsibilities as a community of nations cannot be avoided, as some of those problems occur as a natural result of the conditions and characteristics of relations among states. the international context tends to concentrate wealth, efficiency and competitiveness and has no mechanisms to redistribute the resources in a fair and efficient manner that would provide a roof to every homeless person, a plate of food to every hungry person or break the chains of the oppressed. the international system is based on the struggle of national interests for a more powerful position, and that means that the concentration of power becomes ever greater. everyone is aware that countries such as ours operate within highly competitive international markets, that we do not determine prices, that commodity prices f luctuate thus altering our national export matrix, and that we are exposed to successive financial crises. continuing with this line of thought, it is essential to prioritize uruguay s involvement in the international community, integrating international aspects of the country s issues in the areas of agriculture, industry, commercialization and financing, all with the purpose of eliminating poverty, achieving social justice and firmly establishing primary education. among other things, this requires reducing or eliminating the distortions that pose obstacles to commercial exchange, particularly agriculture subsidies, internal supports and other protectionist measures that prevent international trade from becoming a factor that contributes to solving the financial crisis that is currently affecting the global economy. economic and social development requires the stability and predictability that the rule of law ensures. the united nations has grasped that reality, and it is encouraging to see that strengthening the rule of law, and the institutions whose job it is to implement that rule of law, is central to the tasks of the organization s various peacekeeping, peacebuilding and special political missions, including the united nations stabilization mission in haiti, to which uruguay is a principal contributor. our historical belief that a national society must be ruled by law means that we believe that the community of sovereign nations should regulate itself in conformity with international law. in that context, it is uruguay s hope that the international community can take effective steps towards eliminating nuclear weapons and focus its efforts on eliminating this terrible threat still hanging over humankind. similarly, we call for redoubled efforts to enable us finally to conclude a treaty regulating the arms trade, which has a serious impact on latin american and caribbean countries and other developing regions of the world. regarding the promotion and protection of human rights, uruguay s coordination with the international system has reached a very high level. our country is party to all legal instruments relating to human rights and international humanitarian law. it offers an open invitation to all universal and inter-american special procedures to visit the country and recognizes the binding jurisdiction of all monitoring committees for receiving individual complaints and communications. at the same time, uruguay has expressed its preference for establishing international jurisdictional bodies and institutions. our country s longtime goal in this area was realized at the regional level through the establishment in [number] of the inter-american court of human rights under the san jos de costa rica pact. uruguay has been a member of the human rights council since its creation in [number] and is its president for the period [number]-[number]. during our mandate, we have advocated for a new culture of dialogue, for the progressive and incremental utilization of special procedures and other instruments for action before resorting to coercive or confrontational measures, for a two-way cooperative model between states and the united nations system, for greater regional coordination and for the importance of civil society s participation. we have promptly, clearly and constructively expressed our position on situations involving serious violations of human rights, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes. uruguay has been a party to the rome statute since [number] and has enacted a law that can be seen as a model of cooperation with the international criminal court. seven years ago, when the assembly was considering the concept of the responsibility to protect, we committed to ending mass atrocities, giving priority to prevention and aiding states that so requested to comply fully with their responsibilities to protect their peoples from such scourges and to respond speedily and decisively in accordance with the provisions of the united nations charter. we firmly condemn the serious violations of human rights that are taking place in syria. the situation has deteriorated and the suffering of the civilian population has become intolerable. we support the work of the independent international commission of inquiry established by the human rights council, which in its most recent report a hrc [number] [number] states that there is reason to believe that government forces are committing crimes against humanity. all violence in syria must cease immediately it is essential that we establish a process of dialogue aimed at reaching a peaceful solution. uruguay supports the mediator role of the united nations within a framework of a strict respect for international law and the principles of the charter. the protection of civilians is a multifaceted task, of which the most sensitive and important aspect is protecting those facing imminent danger of physical violence. through its firm commitment to peacekeeping operations, uruguay has played and will continue to play a proactive and constructive role both at headquarters and on the ground. nevertheless, we must make greater efforts and work for better coherence among all the actors involved in order to eliminate or minimize as far as possible the numbers of civilian victims of armed conflicts. human rights are universal, interdependent and indivisible. ensuring that they are enforced, protected and promoted is possible only through a firmly established rule of law and well-functioning democratic institutions, democracy, good governance and a more effective multilateral system. it is essential that the united nations adapt to global challenges, guarantee its presence on the ground and respond to all the challenges faced by developing countries in accordance with their priorities and needs. it is thus imperative that development processes emphasize one of the greatest threats to the rule of law and democracy poverty, particularly extreme poverty, which causes instability and insecurity. our country has given absolute priority to combating that scourge purposefully and head on. in the past year alone, uruguay was able to reduce the percentage of people living in poverty from [number]. [number] to [number]. [number] per cent, and of those in extreme poverty from [number]. [number] to [number]. [number] per cent. combating the adverse effects of climate change, a key challenge to achieving sustainable development, is also one of our priorities. now more than ever, we must revitalize our global alliance for development and increase international cooperation. finally, if the strength and sustainability of the rule of law at the national level depend on the active participation of citizens in defending the standards that ensure every society s continued coexistence and development, at the international level it requires full compliance with the principles of international law and the provisions of the charter of the united nations and strong commitment to the causes of peace, the peaceful settlement of disputes and multilateralism. that is the main goal that uruguay has pursued during the process of building the united nations, both as a founding member and through its participation in the activities of the general assembly. it is our ambition to continue those efforts from within the security council should our country be elected, as we hope, to that body as a non-permanent member for the period [number]-[number].

this thirty-fourth session of the general assembly will have the singular privilege tomorrow of receiving his holiness john paul ii and hearing his solemn statement in this forum dedicated to achieving peace and to maintaining and strengthening it among all peoples of the earth, whatever the political, ethnic or religious characteristics of the nations which constitute the organization. [number]. therefore, on the eve of such a solemn and exceptional event, the delegation of paraguay associates itself with the expectations and hopes aroused among us all by the presence of the supreme pontiff. on behalf of the people and government of my country, we offer to the pope the respectful tribute of paraguay, which remains faithful to the traditions of christianity and its doctrines as an expression of a way of life which is in accordance with the innermost requirements of our national entity. [number]. it is true that the panorama offered by today's world is not encouraging, for it is engaged as never before in confrontations of every kind and on different scales both within and outside national boundaries. in spite of that, our inescapable mission is to preserve peace, going beyond its purely intangible moral values to the dialogue that is necessary to ensure at least a minimum of civilized coexistence. we wish for a peace built on the dignity of man, and we therefore categorically reject any system which constitutes a barrier to freedom. [number]. thus, paraguay does not admit the communist philosophy of life, nor does it allow it to be preached within our territory. we are combating the marxist doctrine, exercising the right of our own national self- preservation, and we repudiate its atheistic and materialistic concept of human life. [number]. in this respect, my country maintains a single and unswerving line of conduct. after many decades of political anarchy, of destruction of the public and private economy and of the downgrading of our civil and democratic values, paraguay, under the serene and patriotic guidance of president alfredo stroessner, and with the support of the powerful political force of the colorado party, has succeeded in channelling the march of the nation of paraguay along the paths of stability and prosperity. [number]. we practise a form of government which is in accordance with the temperament, the vocation and the very nature of the people of paraguay and we believe that every political community has not only the right but the duty to provide itself with the institutions suited to its particular characteristics. [number]. in accordance with this line of thinking, we view with concern the attitude of certain governments which practise interference in internal affairs which are exclusively within the competence and responsibility of other states. the affirmation, management and solution of its own national problems are matters exclusively within the sovereignty of the nation itself. however, it so happens that, invoking the principle of the defence of human rights, some would from abroad dictate to other governments rules of conduct in specific cases, even going so far as to invade the area of order and internal security. some even make so bold as to pass judgements and express opinions regarding measures or solutions which should be adopted only by those who are vested with the authority of the will of the people, by those who have acquired the necessary experience to confront local situations and by those who have taken on the unavoidable responsibility of preserving the principles and the substantive assets of each nation. [number]. paraguay does not accept, nor will it accept, such interference, which at the level of bilateral relations is at variance with the mutual respect which members of the great international family owe one another. [number]. the pluralistic political regime of paraguay is a living and permanent reality. both in the national parliament, consisting of the chamber of senators and the chamber of deputies, and in the municipal councils of all the main municipalities of the country, the opposition is represented by political parties. [number]. we are absolutely true to the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of states, and we strictly respect the self-determination of peoples. this attitude is not new, nor is it due to circumstances of the moment. it derives from our distant past, and has its unshakeable roots in the very history of paraguay, which in the last century fought heroically in an exhausting five-year war to maintain intact the principle of what was then called the "policy of balance", and which in modern terminology is exactly what we now call the self-determination of peoples. [number]. the government of paraguay does not judge, either publicly or through diplomatic channels, the internal policies of other states. nor does it by either of those means allow itself to give its views on matters or events which are related to the sovereignty of or political leadership displayed by other governments. [number]. nor do we acknowledge didactic leadership ac-cording to which other governments, or those who arrogate their representation to themselves, dictate rules to us for exercising public authority. it must be known that for us the only sovereign in this matter is the people of paraguay. by the only valid means, namely the ballot box, and by an overwhelming majority, that people has placed its destiny in the hands of those who now legitimately represent them. i am proud to say that paraguay can boast of its people, who are dignified and noble, and who from the very first hours of their existence have given exceptional proof of their qualities as well as of their courage in defending the values for which the fearless struggle goes on in what we call "western civilization". [number]. since it is impossible, because of the time available, to dwell on other items which also offer much food for thought, and which are on the agenda of this session, i should like to report on the situation of my country with regard to a subject which is of general interest and concern. [number]. there is no doubt that shadows will loom over the future of the world because of a growing difficulty in obtaining two essentials for the well-being and progress of mankind energy and food. with almost absolute certainty, this difficulty will bring about a substantial change in the economy of many countries by reversing relations which today seem to be logical and even unchangeable. i am pleased to point out, in view of this prospect, which in one way or another will affect the vast majority of the community of nations, that my country, paraguay, will certainly be an exception. [number]. at this time, paraguay lacks known sources of hydrocarbons or mineral carbon, but, on the other hand, we have an abundant source of water power with special characteristics, such as its considerable magnitude, and the fact that the ownership of this source is shared by two of our neighbours, argentina and brazil. this singular circumstance, far from having placed us at a disadvantage, has, on the contrary, become a factor in our favour, since the difference in the volume of the economies of my country and those of the neighbours i have mentioned, will for some time be converted into profits from the export of energy, until paraguay, which is in a process of accelerated development, can, in turn, make capital investments to use its share of the potential energy. [number]. i believe it would be of interest to this assembly to know of the guiding ideas which inspired the building of the hydroelectric stations which my country has undertaken with the federative republic of brazil, and with the republic of argentina on the river parana, on a mixed or binational enterprise basis, with full parity in their co-ownership. with brazil, we are building the hydroelectric station at itaipu, which will produce [number] billion kilowatt-hours, thus placing it at the head of the largest enterprises in the world in this field. and, likewise with argentina, we are already in the initial phase of complete execution of another hydroelectric station, yacyreta. that station will produce [number] billion kilowatt-hours per year, which, likewise, places it in the forefront among the major world utilities. furthermore, an understanding between my country, argentina and brazil, which has just been concluded, will make it possible on that selfsame parana river to build another hydroelectric station with a yearly production of the same order as the one at yacyreta to which i have referred. [number]. the political and economic philosophy underlying these undertakings is based on the assumption that the energy produced will be distributed equally between the two partners paraguay and brazil, or paraguay and argentina as the case may be. in exchange for the difference between our energy consumption and half the total energy produced to which initially each of the partners is entitled my country will receive an adequate compensation until we ourselves find it necessary to review this difference. [number]. i wish to emphasize, as a tribute to the spirit of understanding and perfect equality which prevails over the technical and diplomatic negotiations between my country and argentina and brazil, that the paraguayan firms participating in the realization of these monumental construction tasks have demonstrated a high degree of efficiency which made it possible for countries at different economic levels to associate for enterprises of mutual benefit in conditions of reasonable equity. there has also been a sense of balance which fully reflects the atmosphere of peace and friendship which prevails in the region in which we live the vast area of the basin of the river plate, one of the prime areas of the world because of its social and political configuration as an inexhaustible source of economic possibilities. [number]. i would like to stress that, in addition to the vast volume of energy from renewable resources, such as hydroelectric energy, which does not have the problems connected with mineral or atomic production and its technology, and which very shortly will be available to paraguay, we have the privileged condition of a fertile territory, which in my country can produce food over almost its entire area. [number]. in turn, the possibility of using electric power to produce fertilizers will raise the capacity of paraguay to produce food-stuffs to a high level, thus transforming my country into a major centre of world interest in view of the acute and anxious problem of world food. [number]. aware of its historic responsibility and its commitment to the present generation, the government of president stroessner is devoting all its efforts to place my country in the privileged situation it occupied in its early history and which it earned through the dignity of its people and because of its brilliant history. [number]. we have suffered much misfortune, due mainly to- international wars and attacks against our sovereignty and independence. the hard lesson of the past has strengthened us in our resolve to be steadfast in the face of any attempt at foreign interference, under whatever emblem by whatever method, from whatever origin or whatever arguments may be made use of to try to justify it. [number]. my country is open to all men of goodwill who wish to see with their own eyes and with an open mind the atmosphere of peace, democracy and freedom in which we are developing our republican institutions, which are the basis of our confidence in a brilliant future which we wish to share with the sister nations of america and with the other nations which, with us, profess their faith in better days for mankind. [number]. i wish to end this statement by reiterating the pleasure with which paraguay, its people and government, note today, [number] october, the celebration of an auspicious event the coming into force of the panama canal treaty. i congratulate you, mr. president, your noble country of panama and its government, for defending the rights of your country so tenaciously and with such dignity. [number]. this is an obvious and happy sign of a better understanding among the americas, the one in the north and the one in the south, called upon to agree on the level of absolute unqualified respect and without blameworthy ignorance. [number]. paraguay would not wish america to succumb to a suicidal confusion of concepts, but would rather that, with god's help, "government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth".

on behalf of the government and people of a fellow commonwealth nation, i have the honor to congratulate you, sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-first session. the fact that our governments are closely linked through several agreements makes it all the more pleasurable for me to express ray delegation's willingness to assist you in your onerous task. i wish to pay a tribute, mr. president, to your predecessor, don jaime de pinies, who performed admirably under very difficult circumstances. it is no exaggeration to say that from one of the most experienced, skillful and affable diplomats the general assembly expected, and received nothing less than, expert leadership. last year, during the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the united nations, an earnest reassessment of the organization was made. its notable achievements were highlighted and many of its shortcomings were emphasized. it cannot be disputed that the organization has played a significant role in promoting interdependence and has been a stabilizing influence in a turbulent world. yet a higher level of international co-operation is vital if we are to settle our problems. hence, all countries have a stake in strengthening the organization's capability to meet the needs of mankind. the achievement of peace is in the best interest of all states. it is timely, therefore, that the united nations has proclaimed [number], the year after its fortieth anniversary, the international year of peace. the dedication of this year to peace underlines the foremost purpose enshrined in the united nations charter to maintain international peace and security. it is only in a peaceful environment, whether local, regional or global, that we can hope to implement the significant and lasting improvements in the quality of life that are so desperately needed around the world. regrettably, the growing trend towards unilateral action tends to undermine the organization's central role in dealing with pressing global problems. further, progress is urgently needed in coping with the financial crisis of the united nations, arresting the erosion of multilateral -as, particularly in the area of international trade and debt, halting escalation of the arms race, combating terrorism, reducing international tensions, interdicting the trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, and ending the racist policies of the government of south africa. we are all acutely aware of the financial problems which threaten to cause the united nations to disintegrate. earlier this year the crisis not only intensified but threatened the ability of the organization to protect the principles for which it was founded. a disastrous end was averted owing to creative and determined responses promoted by the dedication and determination of the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar. his forthright decisions and tireless efforts have been instrumental in persuading member states to keep the organization intact and its high principles alive. it is evident that there is much more to be done, but i sense that the uncertainty which surrounded the survival of the united nations has abated to some degree. we, as member states, oust co-operate more than ever before in carrying out the necessary recommendations to ensure the continued existence and effectiveness of the united nations. one of the organization's most pressing responsibilities concerns the issue of disarmament. in [number], at the first special session devoted to disarmament, the general assembly unanimously reaffirmed the goal of the united nations totally to eliminate atomic weapons and to ensure that atomic energy would be used solely for peaceful purposes. in the ensuing years various measures have been proposed to achieve this goal, including the destruction of and cessation of the prediction of nuclear weapons, a cut-off in the production of weapon-grade fissionable material and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones. in essence, even the super-powers and other militarily significant states agree with the view that any further escalation of the arms race would pose untold dangers for the survival of mankind. however, there seems to be an attitude of indifference and inflexibility until an actual disaster occurs. certainly history supports the maxim that prevention is better than cure. the bahamas is heartened by the very strong universal public opposition to the escalation of the arms race. we note the growing number of non-governmental organizations and church and civic groups, which are extremely active in this regard and should be given as much encouragement as possible. international peace and security have been endangered by acts of terrorism and hostage-taking. an alarming number of human lives have already been lost. the bahamas emphasizes that our times call for multilateral co-operation to find solutions to the underlying problems that give rise to terrorism. efforts must also be made to apply and strengthen the various mechanisms and instruments available to the international community as safeguards against this ongoing menace. the bahamas is also a party to the international convention against the taking of hostages and has recently introduced legislation implementing the convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents. we also firmly support the recommendations of the international civil aviation organization icao , and other relevant instruments. when we look around we observe conflicts in several regions of the world which have increased the level of international tension. the iran-iraq war is still ominous despite the many efforts of the secretary-general, the security council and other mediators to persuade the opponents to end a costly and destructive war. multilateral efforts to end the war must be intensified if the danger it poses to the security of the region is to be averted. the middle east continues to be a hotbed of tension and, besides the mounting death toll and devastation of property and of the environment, thousands of people are homeless and nomadic. the obstacles to peace and stability must be realistically confronted. the conflict in western sahara continues to escalate despite the appeals and efforts of the international community. also, turning to south west africa, there is no clear sign that namibia will become a sovereign nation in the near future. the question of cyprus remains unsettled, despite the occasions when a solution seemed imminent. in afghanistan, the international community must strive relentlessly to end a conflict which has taken a grim toll of lives and which continues to exacerbate the world refugee situation and to destroy families. we should not be deterred by the absence of visible signs of movement by opposing sides to resolve this smoldering conflict. in our region of latin america and the caribbean we have pockets of conflict mid confrontation which require a greater measure of peace and stability. the bahamas commands the efforts of the contadora group as a realistic approach to quelling the conflict in central america. we would appeal to all parties involved to give the process a reasonable chance. the bahamas is pleased to note that the issue of the security of snail states is being addressed increasingly and more meaningfully in such international forums as the general assembly, the commonwealth, the oorganization of american states the non-aligned movement and the united rations conference on trade and development. at the regional level, the ministers for foreign affairs of the caribbean community , at their annual meeting in belize last june, repeated their call to the international community to respect the right of every state, regardless of size, to a peaceful, secure and sovereign existence and urged the multilateral financial institutions to respond to the special needs of small, developing countries. it is widely accepted that small states are particularly vulnerable. they are dependent on multilateralism to promote a stable environment in which development can take place and to erect barriers against the arbitrary use and abuse of military, economic or political power. too often, instability results from external influences of an economic or military nature and from the deployment of mercenaries against national governments. the participants in a commonwealth colloquium on the special needs of small states held in nassau last year recognized the need for the international community to continue to consider the constraints placed on small states and to consider special measures to assist island developing countries to maintain and improve their economic, political and social security. small states do not deserve less simply because of their size and they, too, have a significant part to play in the process of strengthening international peace and collective security. drug trafficking and drug abuse are aggravating an already unsettled world climate. the destructive effects of that international phenomenon are undermining the security, stability and socio-economic viability of a growing number of states. the intense multilateral response to drug trafficking and drug abuse offers good prospects for stemming the expansion of this menace. the bahamas is endeavoring to participate actively in bringing to fruition notable international initiatives, including the new convention against the illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, the meeting of the heads of narcotic law enforcement agencies held in vienna earlier this year and the international conference on drug abuse and illicit trafficking that is to be held in vienna in [number]. the success of these and other initiatives is vital to the strengthening of a comprehensive regime for drug control. accommodation, balance and general agreement, particularly among the producer countries, the consumer countries and these countries in the chain of illicit traffic, are being encouraged in all endeavors. in that way, new and creative responses, including the forfeiture of the proceeds of drug crimes, measures to alleviate the special problems of transit states and the comprehensive multidisciplinary framework for drug control to be adopted at the conference on drug abuse next year, can provide an impetus to international efforts. at the regional level, the bahamas is pleased to be associated with the decisive step taken by the americas in the establishment of the inter-american commission on narcotic drugs. in our own subregion, the caribbean community is resolute in its support for the promotion and development of a coherent strategy for drug control. this is concomitant with our critical concern to counteract the organized and sophisticated international drug trafficking organizations which continue to exploit the vulnerability and strategic location of the area for the trans-shipment of narcotic drugs to north america and europe. those initiatives are in keeping with the goals and objectives of the community. bilaterally, the bahamas - a transit state which produces no narcotic drugs -is co-operating very closely and successfully with the united states of america in joint air, land and sea operations in the war against drug traffickers who would use bahamian territory to transfer their cargoes to the united states of america. in the bahamas, our national policy is to eradicate drug trafficking and drug abuse. in response to the nefarious practice of drug trafficking, ray government will soon present to parliament a bill on drug-trafficking offenses. the bill provides new powers for tracing and freezing the proceeds of drug trafficking and for the imposition of a confiscation order on persons convicted of a drug offense. it also provides for increased maximum periods of imprisonment in default, in situations where the amount of the confiscation order is not paid in full, and it defines new offenses consisting of assisting another person to retain the proceeds of drug trafficking and of disclosing information likely to prejudice a drug-trafficking investigation. bahamian organizations and the general public have become sensitized to the seriousness of the problem of drug abuse and are giving positive assistance to the national effort. the bahamas believes in the ability of the international community to find lasting solutions to the problems of drug trafficking and drug abuse, and we are committed to international drug control efforts, particularly the work of the commission on narcotic drugs and the forthcoming world conference. it is therefore our earnest hope that the international community will support our candidature for those bodies. the recovery and expansion in the industrial and developed countries and economies have not for the most part been mirrored in the developing countries. many developing countries are obliged to adopt a policy of structural adjustment necessitating reductions in imports and in domestic investment. the prospects for recovery are further dimmed by the heavy debt burden. economic interdependence is a reality. where possible, it is in the interests of all states to facilitate the flew of resources from private and public sources to the developing countries and to grant free access to the trade of those countries. protectionist measures adopted by the developed countries that are detrimental to the economic recovery of the developing countries should be reviewed and repealed. in this regard, the bahamas was heartened by the united nations response to a critical situation. by its convening of a special session of the general assembly on the serious economic situation in africa earlier this year, the organization underlined the efficacy of the multilateral approach to issues of developmental assistance and support. that historic session demonstrated that the united nations is ready to consider the economic problems of any region of the world comprehensively and effectively. the five-year program of action for africa's economic recovery and development has the full support of the government and people of the commonwealth of the bahamas. the bahamas concurs with the view of the secretary-general that tapping the resources of africa, a continent rich in physical and human resources, would go a long way towards meeting the aspirations of its people and at the same time contributing to the economic and social well-being of the region and of the whole worid. the bahamas is impressed by the determination and commitment of the african countries themselves to launch programs for their economic development and to take upon themselves the bulk of the burden of the estimated [number] billion required to implement the five-year program of action. the racist policy of apartheid of the government of south africa has as its foundation discrimination and denationalization and brutal repression of the blade majority. the rising tide of black resistance to apartheid is evidence that the black majority will no longer be patient. it is undaunted by the brutal and savage repression and by the frequent and lengthy states of emergency, and it has courageously defied the state of emergency imposed in june of this year, the tenth anniversary of the soweto uprising. racial desegregation, social justice and the abolition of apartheid are now considered by many as life-and-death issues. the racist south african regime is obstinately determined to maintain white supremacy at all costs. it has failed to heed the appeals of the international community, including the united nations and the commonwealth, to undertake fundamental changes in the system of apartheid. it has discredited the call for peaceful change by itself resorting to repression and brutality, , it has refused to negotiate with credible black leaders within south africa. at a meeting in london last august, seven heads of government of the commonwealth determined that no concrete progress had been made in dismantling apartheid since the nassau meeting of commonwealth heads of government. the seven leaders re-examined the situation as mandated in the nassau accord on southern africa and were disappointed that pretoria had taken none of the substantive suggestions put forward in the nassau accord. in fact, the report of the commonwealth eminent persons group concluded that the absence of effective economic pressure on south africa and the belief that pressure need not be feared were delaying change. the commonwealth eminent persons group contended that the worst blood-bath since the second world war might occur in south africa if the government there felt that it did not have to fear effective economic measures. the only way to deal with pretoria is severely to increase economic sanctions. regrettably, the south african government is not interested in negotiations at this time, and has consciously moved away free any realistic negotiating process. hence, the international community has no meaningful alternative to adopting economic sanctions against south africa. otherwise, the only logical projection is that south africa is headed into an increasingly violent and bloody struggle, after which power-scaring will for all practical purposes be out of the question. the bahamas concurs with the secretary-general's admonition to the world conference on sanctions against racist south africa, held last june, that "it is high time for the south african government to realize that time is running out for a negotiated settlement aid to understand that its defiance of the international community as a whole cannot be tolerated indefinitely. " since south africa does not intend to abandon its apartheid policy voluntarily, what is required is a range of economic sanctions sufficiently costly to compel south africa to initiate the process of dialog with representatives of the african national congress of south africa and other legitimate organizations of the black population with a view to establishing a non-racial representative government. there is no need to add that the immediate release of nelson mandela would be essential to the process. further, the sovereign states, neighbors of south africa, ought to be protected from the incursions and boatings by the south african military, which murders innocent civilians and wreaks costly damage on their national health and strength. in this international year of peace, a united nations presence in strategically related areas of africa would go a long way towards saving the front-line states from the force and injustices imposed on them by south africa's economic and military might. a just and non-racial society in south africa would enhance the peace and stability of the whole southern african region, for the front-line states would no longer be the victims of a strategy of destabilization, direct military incursion and economic coercion. accordingly, the bahamas encourages the united nations and all its menber states, especially those with significant economic relations with south africa, to implement effective economic sanctions with a view to abolishing apartheid. we believe too that resolute measures ought to be taken by all states that support self-determination, democracy and human rights to persuade south africa to implement the plan for namibian independence adopted in the framework of security council resolution [number] [number] . economic considerations and appeasement of south africa will further delay the independence of namibia. in this international year of peace it is difficult for this august body to rationalize the continued subjugation of the people of namibia. we are confident, however, that international commitment to the decolonization process will ensure that namibia takes its seat in this organization at an early date. to be effective, the the broad objectives of the charter of this organization require the fullest measure of support from as many sovereign nations as possible. the purposes set forth in the charter are universal in scope, and to our minds can best be achieved by an organization with a universal membership. it would therefore seem to be advantageous, especially in this international year of peace, for all sovereign states that express their willingness to subscribe to the charter to be allowed membership of this organization, universality of membership would, i submit, not only increase the opportunities for dialog, but also make a positive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. it augurs well for the organization that throughout the 1380s many resolutions relating to the social issues on its agenda have been adopted by consensus. in particular, the bahamas has followed with interest matters related to youth, as per ens under the age of [number] constitute nearly three quarters of our population. the bahamas was pleased to participate in the united nations world conference for the international youth year, held during the fortieth session of the general assembly. the guide-lines for follow-up action to the international youth year are given due attention in the formulation of policies and programs of the ministry of youth, the national youth advisory council and other relevant organizations. in closing, allow me to emphasize that the international community should not be thwarted by any conflict or tragedy which might mar the international year of peace. this body was organized at the close of the "war to end all wars". its objective is to maintain international peace and security and to make military conflicts obsolete by entrenching the process of dialog and negotiation as the valid means of solving differences between nations, regardless of size, political influence and military or economic strength. the challenge, then, is to demonstrate through renewed determination and commitment that the goals of universal peace and security can be achieved. the international community nay be assured that the bahamas remains committed to the fundamental principles enshrined in the charter. the bahamas stands firm in its conviction that the multilateral process must be maintained and strengthened if stability, order and justice are to prevail.

i should like, before making my statement, to express the deepest condolences of the people and the government of the islamic republic of iran to the people and the government of india on the catastrophic earthquake that has caused untold human suffering. allow me, at the outset, to express sincere congratulations to ambassador insanally of guyana on his well-deserved election as president of the general assembly at its forty-eighth session. his personal qualifications and diplomatic experience are valuable assets, which must be utilized fully and seriously to further the purposes of the united nations. i wish to assure the president of my delegation s unreserved cooperation in this common endeavour. i should like also to welcome the new members of the organization and to express the hope that their participation in this body will enhance its universality and strengthen the spirit of universality and international cooperation. as international relations are currently undergoing tumultuous and decisive change, the presence here of representatives of the overwhelming majority of nation states provides the general assembly at this session with a unique opportunity [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session to shape a better future and an international environment more in keeping with the purposes and principles of the united nations. of course, such a rare opportunity is accompanied by a grave and historic responsibility for every one of us. we must acquire a full understanding of the transitional nature of international relations in the world of today, and, relying on our vast collective resources and potential, we must prevent the resurgence and prevalence of the crises, wars, injustices and human misery that have marred the first [number] years of the united nations. if, on the eve of its fiftieth anniversary, we are to ensure a more dynamic and successful future for the organization, we must undertake a sober reassessment of our record and identify our achievements as well as our shortcomings and obstacles. regrettably, five years after the end of the cold war, some of that era s most negative characteristics are still evident in international relations. expansionism and the urge to dominate, disregard for the material, cultural and moral values of nations, the suppression of democracy and of democratic institutions, and the triumph of the short-sighted interests of the dominant few over the interests and aspirations of the majority and over human rights and the united nations charter and international law continue to impede international affairs and, most regrettably, international organizations. this has presented the united nations with a historic challenge to maintain and enhance its perceived role and its credibility following the persian gulf crisis. moreover, despite the cessation of military rivalry between major powers, many complex and grave threats - including those arising from ethnic tensions, the lack of development, poverty, economic and social inequality and degradation of the environment - have taken humanity to the edge of the abyss. during the era of the cold war, relations between east and west - and, consequently, international relations in general - were founded on misconceptions, mutual mistrust and a total lack of confidence. these factors played a central role in the creation of an unsafe world, in which the united nations was deprived of any opportunity to realize its vast potential for the maintenance of international peace and security. therefore, our first and foremost obligation is to identify and root out the causes of crisis and mistrust inherited from the cold war and to take appropriate steps to create the conditions necessary to the promotion of understanding and the fostering of mutual confidence at the international level. this should begin with an all-out campaign of steps to restore world confidence in the united nations. a balanced, objective and far-sighted approach to various international political, economic and cultural crises and challenges, based on justice and on the common principles and objectives enshrined in the charter, is the most fundamental requirement for the restoration and enhancement of the credibility of the organization, and can also play a significant role in securing long-term stability and trust. in this context, the identification, definition and deepening of shared values and common interests will facilitate understanding and ensure international cooperation. should we fail in adopting such an approach, countries will be forced into a security dilemma created by unacceptable survival options namely, either to strengthen their military capabilities and thus precipitate an arms race or to succumb to expansionist powers and their whims. in either case, the world will plunge into a new era of insecurity and turbulence. the security council plays a determining role in either heightening such a dilemma or reversing it. in other words, the council may either exacerbate tension and distrust or encourage understanding, confidence and respect for the rule of law in inter-state relations. if the behaviour of the security council signifies an unequivocal commitment to uphold justice and the principles of the charter, to combat aggression and to come to the help of the victims, and if the council exhibits the political will to cease the application of double standards, then we can hope that potential aggressors will be deterred, international instability and insecurity will be curtailed, and the immense human cost of wars and hostilities will be avoided. on the other hand, when, owing to political calculations, some aggressions and international crimes meet with the indifference and acquiescence of the security council when the criteria for resort to forcible measures envisaged in chapter vii of the charter are the short-lived political interests of powers when aggressions and attempts to annihilate an entire nation do not receive a forcible, resolute response, while in other cases there is a rush to resort to force before attempting to understand and deal with the root causes of a conflict and, finally, when some decisions of the council are enforced with vigour and determination while others remain dead letters for years then no one can expect potential aggressors or possible forty-eighth session - [number] october [number] [number] victims of foreign expansionism to form a reliable expectation with regard to the reaction of the security council. thus, having removed the credibility of the deterrence factor, we should expect nothing but the persistence of aggression and expansionism and the exacerbation of the ensuing horrific human tragedies, inevitably leading to undesirable implications for the authority and credibility of the united nations. the failure of the security council squarely to face the palestinian crisis and the constant aggressions against the palestinian people, lebanon and syria, not to mention its intentional failure to enforce its own resolutions, are a sad illustration of the prevailing preference of political interests over peace, security, international law and equity. relying on the support of a number of powerful states, israel has with impunity totally disregarded pertinent security council resolutions, unabatedly pursued a militaristic policy, persisted in aggression and expansionism and avoided any commitment to international nuclear non-proliferation regimes. it is the only possessor of nuclear weapons in the region. it has systematically and grossly violated the most elemental human rights of the palestinian people and employed terrorism in all its forms as an official policy. these are facts, borne out by history and solidly based on objective international observations and internationally documented evidence. israel s well orchestrated misinformation campaign against others and its attempts to fan the flames of discord, distrust and division among states in the region cannot conceal these facts, nor should they legitimize the unrealistic, short-sighted and imposed plans as solutions or mechanisms to return peace and stability to the region. in our view, peace, stability and mutual confidence can return to the middle east and to the holy land of peace and revelation only through a serious and even-handed treatment of these realities and the full restoration of the inalienable rights of the palestinian people. based on these objective historical realities, the recent accord, notwithstanding the international fanfare, does not present a realistic solution to the root causes of the conflict, does not promise restoration of palestinian rights, and thus cannot establish justice, which is the only foundation of a lasting peace. and no one can cede palestine on behalf of the palestinian people or al-quds al-sharif on behalf of the muslims. we consider the signing of this accord as a conspiracy against islam and palestine, and we disagree with it. the unfolding human tragedy in bosnia and herzegovina is yet further disturbing evidence of the consequences of the security council s acquiescence in aggression, and failure resolutely to tackle the causes of the abhorrent attempt to annihilate an entire nation. in the face of aggression, genocide, rape and indiscriminate murder in bosnia and herzegovina, the security council, ignoring repeated calls by the general assembly, has failed to fulfil its international responsibility and has even deprived the victims of the means to defend themselves. the council, prevented from action by the illusions and imaginary interests of a number of its permanent members, can certainly not justify this approach by hiding behind the convenient excuse of the existence of civil war. that excuse is unacceptable, at the least because of the fact that the very same council, in a much more complex situation of civil strife in somalia - where the identification of victim and culprit is far more difficult - has not only acted but has practically given total management of a united nations operation to a single country, which, motivated by its own perceived interests, has undertaken massive operations whose main victims are, ironically, the same innocent and deprived people for whose help and protection the operation ostensibly started. now that, owing to the lack of serious action by the international community, the bosnian muslims have been forced into unbalanced negotiations under military and, unfortunately, diplomatic duress, it is imperative for the assembly and the security council to take appropriate measures to guarantee the viability of the government and muslim people of bosnia. the lifting of the arms embargo against the bosnian government and strengthening the defensive capabilities of the bosnian muslims are, in our view, the most effective guarantees for the durability of any peaceful settlement and the prevention of future aggressions. furthermore, reiteration of the principles which should underlie any peaceful settlement in bosnia and herzegovina is necessary to induce or, if necessary, to compel the aggressors to participate seriously in negotiations for a lasting and acceptable solution. they include, most particularly, the establishment of a durable cease-fire the lifting of the siege of cities unhindered access to humanitarian assistance the rejection of acquisition of territory by force or ethnic cleansing the necessity for the evacuation of territories thus occupied the recognition of the right of the people and government of bosnia to seek and receive compensation and reparations the honourable and safe repatriation of refugees and individual responsibility for war crimes. in the light of these recent unfortunate experiences and in order to enhance the credibility of the united nations, particularly in the crucial area of peace and security, it is imperative to review and reconsider the behaviour, [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session operational framework and rules of procedure of the security council. there should be no room for undemocratic practices, hidden agendas, a lack of transparency or indifference to the views of the international community, as reflected in the general assembly. it should never be forgotten that it is the entire membership - represented only in the general assembly - which, to quote article [number] of the charter, "in order to ensure prompt and effective action by the united nations . . . has conferred on the security council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security". the council acts, in the words of article [number], on "behalf" of the membership. its powers emanate from that role and not from any inherent right. therefore, it is accountable to the entire membership gathered in the general assembly. in today s international climate, the primacy of political interests and their tendency to overshadow the interests of the public has generated grave concerns about the council s ability to take "prompt and effective action". the general assembly must therefore fully and deliberately exercise its prerogatives in this regard as the highest organ of the united nations. confidence-building measures by the united nations should not be limited only to the realm of international peace and security. indeed, a multi-dimensional approach is necessary to root out the seeds of tension and mistrust sown in the previous era. in this context, it is most important to take positive, comprehensive and objective steps for international promotion and protection of human rights and democratic institutions, for controlling and reducing armaments, for combating the drug menace, for protecting the environment, for eradicating poverty, for improving the deteriorating economic plight of the south and for engendering sustainable development. success in these areas would not only enhance the credibility and authority of the organization, but would also remove the most tangible causes of mistrust and tension in the world at large. in spite of significant achievements in the international campaign to promote respect for the exalted worth of the human person and the realization and attainment of the moral and material rights of that masterpiece of creation, formidable challenges continue to persist in the task of ensuring respect for the most basic rights of millions of human beings the right to life and the right to a minimum of moral and material welfare. the world conference on human rights, recently held in vienna, provided a valuable opportunity for the world community to take stock of its achievements and shortcomings in the quarter of a century following the first such conference, held in tehran in [number]. the conference addressed vital issues, such as respect for the moral, cultural and religious values of all nations, the indivisibility of all human rights, and the rejection of selectivity, application of double-standards and the political manipulation of human rights. while not ideal, the work of the conference can play a constructive role in enhancing international protection and promotion of human rights and the progressive development of human-rights norms. in the logic of the divine religions - and particularly islam, which pioneered the campaign to respect and value the exalted worth of the human being as god s vice-regent on earth - human rights are vested in the human nature bestowed upon mankind by the almighty creator. hence, not only are they universal and independent of geographical and temporal boundaries, but they do not have their origin in conventions. therefore, their definition, codification, implementation and international promotion and protection cannot be considered the private domain of the few who enjoy temporary political and military superiority. that is particularly true as those states do not have a shining record in internal or external protection of human rights and do not offer in their own social experience a suitable moral and material environment for the welfare of human beings. if violence and crime, which deprive the most vulnerable segments of society of their right to life and dignity - i refer here to the drug menace, prostitution, pornography, rape, violence and other forms of abuse of women, the disintegration of families, profanity and vulgarity as well as debasing of social relations - are at least the byproducts of the human-rights model advocated, or indeed imposed, by that group, then others certainly have the right to examine the prototype critically before importing it. the universality of human rights is the very opposite of arrogating to oneself the task of setting the standards for human rights and of judging their observance by others, particularly since even these standards are not promoted universally and across the board, but are, rather, resorted to when and if the exigencies of foreign policy and economic and security interests require it. human rights and the inherent worth of the human person are too important to be subjugated to short-lived political considerations and interests or used as a lever for political or cultural pressure or for maintaining the inequity between the south and the north. that can only erode their credibility and universal acceptance. we hope that political will and responsible behaviour by all countries, specifically the countries of the north, will preclude a selective approach forty-eighth session - [number] october [number] [number] to the vienna declaration and enable the international community to employ its collective potential to reach common understanding in this area and initiate a truly universal campaign for the promotion and protection of human rights. another vestige of the cold-war era, which constitutes an elemental cause of international mistrust and a general lack of confidence, is the arms race and the development, production, build-up and use of weapons, particularly weapons of mass destruction - all in the misplaced hope of enhancing national security. the conclusion of the comprehensive convention on chemical weapons, notwithstanding its shortcomings, was a historic achievement. iran, the most recent victim of the large-scale use of chemical weapons, actively contributed in the drafting process, was among the sponsors of the relevant resolution in the general assembly, and was among the first signatories of this important international instrument. the effectiveness and universality of the convention will be a function of the way in which it is implemented and of the degree of commitment of its signatories. naturally, with the conclusion of this convention, the existing informal regimes which impose discriminatory barriers on free trade in the chemical industry have lost their raison d tre and must be dismantled. the lingering of these regimes not only violates the spirit of the convention and the understandings reached during the process of its finalization, but also nullifies the positive incentives for acceding to that instrument. the same applies to unilateral and illegal measures such as the disruption of the free navigation of the chinese vessel yinhe, in the persian gulf, on the pretext - subsequently proven false - that it was carrying prohibited chemical substances. such actions can only lead to the erosion of the authority and credibility of the convention. international efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons face a similar danger. politically motivated and unfounded accusations against signatory states which are committed to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons simply undermine that important instrument and lead to international mistrust and the escalation of the arms race. before any decision on the extension of the nonproliferation treaty in [number], the process leading to the review conference should be fully utilized in order seriously to assess the treaty s record during the past two decades in the light of its overall objective of totally eliminating nuclear weapons. the shortcomings and obstacles hindering progress towards this goal should be identified and dealt with during the conference in [number]. among the most essential and useful strategies for attaining global disarmament and strengthening the non-proliferation regime is the creation of zones free from nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in various parts of the world. in the light of the constant support of the united nations for the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the middle east, an idea initiated by iran in [number], it is necessary to take constructive and practical measures towards establishing such a zone. the institutionalization of regional confidence-building measures, including placement of all facilities and installations under the safeguards mechanism of the international atomic energy agency and accession by all regional states to all international disarmament instruments, particularly the non-proliferation treaty and the chemical weapons convention, constitute the most important elements for the establishment of a zone free from nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the middle east. furthermore, the reckless build-up of conventional weapons has not only devoured much needed resources, but also reinforced the atmosphere of mistrust and anxiety. different areas have, as a result, become fair ground for political, economic and commercial exploitation by countries and companies that manufacture weapons. the decision of the general assembly to establish a register of conventional arms transfers constitutes a positive first step which should be strengthened and further refined. however, it is evident that transparency in armaments cannot by itself control horizontal or vertical proliferation of conventional weapons in the world. therefore, what is really necessary, globally and particularly in the middle east, is serious and genuine international cooperation for the comprehensive, non-selective, non-discriminatory, balanced and effective reduction of conventional arms. this may be realized, inter alia, through the reduction of military budgets, of weapons procurement and of the presence of foreign forces in different regions. the islamic republic of iran has been cited by impartial international sources as the country with the lowest defence budget in the region and the fewest weapons purchases. as such, iran is naturally prepared to engage constructively in any serious, practical and non-sensational collective effort in this regard. above and beyond all these steps, it is most essential to generate the necessary political will to formulate and direct national policies geared towards fostering an international atmosphere of mutual confidence. this can be [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session realized only by basing national policies on a commitment to the rules and principles of international law, particularly respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of others the inviolability of internationally recognized boundaries rejection of the threat or use of force for the settlement of disputes non-interference in the internal affairs of others and refraining from advancing unfounded claims against the territory of other states. the positive impact of such an approach on promoting good-neighbourly relations, encouraging regional cooperation and the enhancement of security is self-evident. consistent with its national and strategic interests, and cognizant of its heavy responsibility in this region, the islamic republic of iran has historically acted as the force for stability in the persian gulf region. domestically, the greatest part of the national budget has been allocated to economic, social and cultural development projects and reconstruction. the policy of converting military industries to civilian use and employing the armed forces in the reconstruction sector has been vigorously pursued. thus, despite serious obstacles, fundamental progress has been achieved in across-the-board development of the country and reconstruction of war-damaged property. similarly, in order to help foster regional confidence and trust, and in spite of sensitive regional conditions and the bitter experience of a recent foreign aggression against the islamic republic of iran, we have allocated a mere [number]. [number] per cent of the national budget for defence and have had the lowest military purchases in the entire region. externally, iran has formulated its policy with a view to encouraging and promoting security and stability in the region, as well as expanding political, economic, cultural and scientific cooperation between the countries of the area. the position of principle adopted by iran in the course of the persian gulf crisis our constant effort to prevent the spread of violence in the region our even-handed and consistent emphasis on international understanding and compromise in afghanistan and tajikistan our attempts to secure a peaceful settlement in the caucasus our being host to the highest number of refugees in the world and the humanitarian assistance extended by iran to victims of crisis in the region these are all consistent with our policy of strengthening stability, preventing tension and mitigating the human suffering of the crisis victims in the region. we firmly believe that the pursuit of these efforts, along with consultations and cooperation between concerned states and international organizations, is required to contain and settle these conflicts and alleviate their ensuing human tragedies. to ensure peace and stability in central asia and the transcaucasus, it is necessary to encourage trade with the countries of central asia and the caucasus, create the right conditions for economic development in each country, reinforce regional commonalities and complementarities, and improve the opportunities for these countries to participate more profitably in world trade. the efforts of the members of the economic cooperation organization eco to achieve these goals and to overcome obstacles to regional development by consolidating mutual cooperation and fostering cooperation with other countries and international organizations will contribute positively to regional and international peace and security. formal collaboration between eco and the united nations, which requires approval by the assembly of eco s request for observer status, will also expedite the realization of these objectives. the vital importance of the persian gulf for the security and economic development of the islamic republic of iran is self-evident. iran, with the longest coast on the persian gulf and the gulf of oman, has historically equated its own national security and economic prosperity with security, stability, tranquillity and the free flow of oil and international commerce in the persian gulf area. it has thereby acted as a force for stability. in this context, we have also proposed the establishment of regional security and cooperation arrangements in the persian gulf, whose outline i presented to the forty-fifth session of the general assembly. the experience of two devastating wars in the persian gulf region within one decade clearly illustrates the fact that baseless territorial claims lead to the erosion of understanding and confidence, only furthering the interest of foreign powers. forty-eighth session - [number] october [number] [number] the common religious, cultural, historical and commercial heritage of the countries of this region provide a good and solid foundation on which initiatives to reinforce mutual trust and develop multilateral cooperation between these states can be founded. the islamic republic of iran has taken the initiative by manifesting its political will and adopting practical measures in order to strengthen political ties and further develop and consolidate commercial, economic and cultural cooperation with our neighbours in the persian gulf. in turn, we would welcome and respond accordingly to any positive step from our neighbours. let me conclude by reiterating that recent international developments and emerging challenges have placed the united nations at a critical and historic crossroads. success, in our view, will depend on a sober understanding of the causes of tension and mistrust during the cold war, followed by resolute steps to root them out. joint effort is also needed to develop and put into motion multidimensional confidence-building measures and techniques, consolidate and expand international cooperation, and bring about conditions conducive to the attainment of common aspirations of humanity, particularly justice, security and balanced development. the islamic republic of iran is fully prepared to intensify its efforts in cooperation with other states in this assembly and in other bilateral and multilateral environments for the attainment of these objectives.

we meet today while the world is in the grip of intertwined crises from which we must break free if we are to ensure our long- term survival. the most urgent of these is the economic and financial crisis. it has put scores of millions out of jobs, shut down tens of thousands of factories, and pushed more than [number] million people below the poverty line. a few days ago, at the group of twenty g-[number] summit in pittsburgh, the [number] largest economies of the world, both developed and developing, addressed this crisis by agreeing to reform the global financial architecture to meet the needs of the twenty-first century. no longer will we depend on just a few industrialized nations to solve the world s economic problems. the developing world is now part of the solution to those problems. through the g-[number], the voice of the developing world will be heard in international economic and financial decision-making. thus, we are building today a new and constructive power equation, increasing the sharing of responsibilities and contributions and widening participation in decision-making. this redistribution of power constitutes fundamental reform that should be replicated in other bodies, such as the security council. and no more will our economies be left to the mercy of the market. financial institutions and instruments will have to be regulated and closely supervised. there will be close consultations and mutual assessments of national economic strategies in order to ensure coordination at the global level and to identify potential risks to financial stability. for our part in indonesia we are working hard in the g-[number] to reform the mandate, mission and governance of the international monetary fund and our multilateral development banks. these banks must deliver accelerated and concessional financing without conditionalities to the low-income countries so as to cushion the impact of the crisis on the most vulnerable and the poorest. all of this has set refreshing precedents in terms of access to financial resources for developing countries and in terms of transparency, and most importantly, it reflects current global realities rather than the world of [number] years ago. as such, it represents a democratization of the global economy and the international financial architecture. it has also given us a remarkable insight that it is not an array of disparate crises that is confronting us. we are actually in the grip of one systemic crisis. the economic and financial crisis, the challenge of climate change, the food security crisis and the energy security crisis are problems that fed on one another and thus grew to critical proportions. that reality materialized because the international community failed to form an effective global partnership to address the large bundle of challenges that have ultimately affected all humankind. in that sense, the root cause of this overarching crisis is the failure to achieve multilateralism and forge a system of democratic governance at the global level. but we can rectify that failure through an all- encompassing reform of the relationships between nations in the world today. in december in copenhagen we can strive to reach a new consensus on climate change that is more effective in averting climate disaster by forging an equitable and transparent partnership between [number] [number]-[number] developed and developing nations. as the host country to the united nations climate change conference in bali, which adopted the bali road map by consensus, indonesia fervently desires that the copenhagen meeting will yield a new commitment to a framework to strengthen the kyoto protocol in [number]. this framework must stipulate deep cuts in greenhouse gas emissions and sufficient financing for adaptation to and mitigation of climate change. we would like to see the role of forests given the top priority that it deserves. we look forward to ocean issues being mainstreamed into the new climate regime. and we cannot allow the negotiation process to be derailed the stakes are too high. we need not even wait for a consensus. we are ready to forge partnerships to carry out concrete projects like the indonesia forest carbon partnership facility, which by itself is already a contribution to climate stability. in the same spirit, indonesia is hosting the forest-[number] ministerial meeting in jakarta next month. by the same token, we can launch a more successful and durable green revolution that is based on the same kind of partnership and gives developing countries sorely needed access to resources and technology. that partnership can and must provide for the massive investments required for agricultural production and building agricultural infrastructures. when sufficient investment is channelled to agriculture, the result is the productivity that indonesia has enjoyed in the past several years. we have a surplus production of rice and part of that surplus will become a buffer stock for our national food security. part of it will be allotted as our contribution to global food security. through similar reform we can involve more nations in a coordinated quest for new sources of renewable and clean energy, without compromising food security. a global partnership for energy security rather than a scattering of individual efforts will have a much better chance of achieving a technological breakthrough that will enormously increase the efficiency of current fuel-burning mechanisms. with this new spirit of reform and multilateralism, we will be able in [number] to break the impasse in the doha round negotiations, which will lead to an outcome that is pro-development. in that same spirit we can tear down the barriers of protectionism that are rising again out of fear of the economic crisis. with trade revitalized, world gross domestic product gdp could be bolstered by [number] billion a year. a global partnership that reforms the international financial architecture, works for climate stability, food security and energy security and brings a successful conclusion to the doha development round should also bring about the fulfilment of the monterrey consensus. this will ensure the attainment of the millennium development goals. if this new spirit of multilateralism and reform can pervade international socio-economic affairs, there is no reason why it should not also find its way into the politico-security field. it can resuscitate the disarmament agenda especially nuclear disarmament, which has been lying moribund for decades. in a truly democratic world order, the nuclear powers would fulfil their commitment to the non-proliferation treaty by slashing their nuclear arsenals and abiding by the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. in turn, we non-nuclear countries will continue to refrain from developing nuclear weapons. this is no longer an impossible dream. a window of opportunity has been opened with the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] on the maintenance of international peace and security leading to a nuclear-weapon-free world, and with the current process between the united states and the russian federation towards deeper cuts in their respective nuclear arsenals. thus, the disarmament agenda is being revived. even the persistent middle east conflict, with the question of palestine at its core, could be more expeditiously resolved, if the task of promoting the peace process involved a wider base of stakeholders. the main problem in reviving the peace process at the moment is the intransigence of israel on the issue of illegal settlements. but the early engagement of the obama administration in the peace effort and its even- handed multilateral approach to the problem brings hope for an eventual two-state solution. let us therefore respond to president obama s call for partnering for peace. likewise, the challenge of terrorism demands the broadest possible coalition of nations to put an end to it not only through sheer force of arms but also and mainly through a dialogue of faiths, cultures and civilizations that will put the merchants of hate out of business. [number]-[number] [number] every major problem in the world today calls for the concerted efforts of many nations to work out its solution. this includes transnational challenges like piracy, irregular migration, money-laundering, human rights violations, the threat of a pandemic and natural disasters. all these problems demand reform and strengthening of international cooperation. a clamour for reform that must be heeded now is the call for the overhaul of the composition and workings of the security council. for by no means does the council reflect the realities of our time it is a throwback to the world at the end of the second world war. in the same way that the group of eight can no longer solve the economic problems of the world, a security council paralysed by its undemocratic composition and the veto system can no longer guarantee our collective security. it needs to be more democratic, transparent and accountable. it needs new sources of strength that the developing world and their ancient civilizations can help provide in the same manner as the inclusivity of the g-[number]. we in indonesia are great believers in democratic reform, because that is what saved us from being totally crushed by the asian financial crisis of [number]. over the years until then, we had focused too much on the market and on our gdp growth and thus neglected our political development. the only way out of the crisis was reform reform of every aspect of our national life. and so we made the transition from a highly centralized authoritarian regime to a decentralized, more fully democratic system. we reformed our military, our bureaucracy and our justice system. we modernized our economic infrastructure. and since october [number], the administration of president susilo bambang yudhoyono has been consolidating and fine-tuning earlier reforms. now, having won re-election in only the second direct presidential election in our history, he is ready to launch a second wave of reform, which will lay the foundations for indonesia s becoming a developed country by [number]. meanwhile, we have come to be known as the world s third largest democracy, the land where democracy, islam and modernization not only go hand in hand but thrive together. we intend to keep on earning and deserving that recognition by, among other ways, learning from others and sharing with them our experiences in political development. that is why, last december, we organized the bali democracy forum, asia s first intergovernmental forum on democracy. we are making this an annual affair. and it is our hope that the world, as it reforms its economic governance, will learn a truth that we came upon during our crisis some [number] years ago that prosperity without democracy is but a bubble. and democracy that does not deliver development will not endure. economic and political development must march hand in hand. as it is with a country such as indonesia, so it is with the world. it is not enough for the world to get its economics right. it must also get its politics right. for man does not live by bread alone. he must also have his freedom.

it is with great pleasure, sir, that i congratulate you on your election to the presidency of this general assembly. this is an expression of esteem for you as well as for the federal republic of nigeria, a country which has assumed a significant role in regional and international affairs. may i wish you every success in carrying out your important task. i also wish to convey our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, mr. dante caputo, former minister for foreign affairs of argentina, for the skilful leadership of our deliberations during the forty-third session of the general assembly. permit me to pay a special tribute to the secretary-general for his sacrificing and tireless service to the community of nations. the progress achieved towards peaceful solutions to many of the regional issues testifies to the manifold efforts and accomplishments of the secretary-general and his dedicated staff. this is once more an age of profound changes. never before in history has our civilization faced such challenges. during the past [number] years the society of nations has moved from international relations to international cooperation, to ever more international administration and management. a system originally based on the use of force has become increasingly characterized by the use of diplomacy, with an ever-more-important role for international law. in fact, the changes in the role of law in international relations have been impressive. originally limited to regulating how and when to use force for pursuing a country's legitimate claims, it has increasingly introduced other and more peaceful means of settling international conflicts. three and a half centuries after hugo grotius, the famous dutch philosopher, founded the modern concept of international law, the united nations charter now outlaws the use of military force in international relations. however, the use of force has not remained the exclusive domain of states. today, the international community must therefore strengthen its efforts to combat new forms of violence such as terrorism. the adoption of conventions against terrorism by the international civil aviation organization icao, and the international maritime organization imo as well as the various general assembly and security council resolutions, are steps in the right direction. international law has reacted to the steadily advancing weapons technology, for instance by outlawing certain categories of weapons or by reducing the availability of particularly harmful arms. we fully support initiatives related to the limitation or prohibition of nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons. the fundamentally positive changes in east-west relations, as reflected in the recent talks between president bush, secretary of state baker and foreign minister shevardnadze, give rise to expectations that disarmament diplomacy has entered a new phase, a phase in which further concrete results are within reach. accepting the supremacy of law in international relations must lead also to the strengthening of international judiciary bodies. the attention of the members of the international community must therefore be focused on the possibilities for dispute settlement offered by the international court of justice and the need for states to accept its compulsory jurisdiction. international peace and security, the most noble aim of the charter, cannot be achieved if internal peace in member states is in jeopardy. wherever basic human rights and fundamental freedoms are denied to the individual human being, peace is in danger. all endeavours to strengthen the role of international law with regard to human rights rely on the recognition of the principle that human rights are obligations under international law, a principle that can now be considered as universally recognized. today, therefore, no state can any longer claim that international concern regarding its human rights situation is an interference in internal affairs. on the basis of that principle an important step has been taken within the european framework by including further humanitarian commitments in the vienna concluding document of the conference on security and cooperation in europe csce . the adoption of the so-called mechanism of the human dimension of the c5cs might be regarded as the starting point for an all-european system for the promotion of human rights. however, the deteriorating situation of ethnic and religious minorities in certain european states since the adoption of the vienna concluding document clearly shows the wide gap between commitments and realities in this field, as history has amply demonstrated, citizens will identify with their governments only to the extent that basic rights and freedoms are guaranteed. may i suggest that the competent united nations bodies study the relevant csce procedures with a view to their possible application on a universal level. i also wish to appeal to the government of romania fully to apply the mechanism in the field of human rights provided by the vienna concluding document. the paris meeting of the conference on the human dimension of the csce in may of this year offered a welcome opportunity to review progress regarding the implementation by the participating states of their human rights commitments. on that occasion i made reference, inter alia, to the question of the islamic community in bulgaria. let me express the hope that a negotiated solution of that problem can be found in the near future. we wholeheartedly welcome the emphasis placed on human rights and fundamental freedoms by the members of the non-aligned movement at their recent summit conference in belgrade. a new and significant field of international law relates to regional and global environmental resource systems, such as international river basins, the oceans, outer space, the polar regions and the atmosphere. regulating the use and preservation of the global commons has widened the scope of international law in an unprecedented way. our generation becomes accountable to future generations for this common heritage. the report of the world commission on environment and development provides us with an excellent conceptual framework in this regard both for national policies and for future work on the international level. we are convinced that the united nations conference on environment and development to be held in [number] must be based on the concept of sustainable development that has been elaborated in the report. austria is faced with the problems of a precarious alpine environment. austrians have therefore developed a relatively high degree of environmental awareness reflected in the high standard of austria's environmental legislation. hence it is only natural that austria actively participates in international co-operation on environment, hosting international conferences on such important issues as climatic changes, the use of tropical forests and the protection of the ozone layer. the latter conference has led to the respective vienna convention. we are prepared to play a similarly active role in the elaboration of an international convention on climatic change. we also fully share the concerns of many with regard to the control of trans-boundary movements of hazardous wastes and their disposal. the basel convention adopted earlier this year will be an important instrument for protecting human health and environment. there can be little doubt that the current international institutional framework for environment decision-making and enforcement mechanisms requires strengthening. austria therefore strongly supports all efforts aimed at reinforcing such existing un structures as the un environment programme. we believe that the hague declaration will give strong impetus to internal endeavours in this direction. new legal instruments with regional and global scope may be required. we should review the possibility of drawing up an international environment charter that would set clear guidelines for action. as the economic use of transnational environmental system becomes more competitive, appropriate procedures for dispute settlement will become indispensable. just as we have become accustomed to blue helmets, which have become so useful in peace-keeping, we may express the firm hope that, in the foreseeable future, united nations "green helmets" may engage in the protection of the environment. solving regional conflict, is a priority task for the community of nations. we are very pleased to see how the united nations has effectively contributed to peace-making and peacekeeping over the years. in this context, we pay special tribute to the secretary-general and to the members of the security council, where timely decisions on appropriate measures have been taken. they have greatly facilitated the progress made during the past year. at the same time, international peace-building efforts through programmes of reconstruction, humanitarian aid and decent cooperation are rightly considered a elementary element to the settles of conflicts, such as "operation life-line" in sudan. austria has a long tradition of actively supporting the united nations in its peace-keeping efforts. more than [number], [number] austrians, roughly every eighth austrian soldier, have served with united nations peace-keeping forces during the past30 years. austria currently participates in seven of the ten united nations peace-keeping operations. on the basis of our long-term experience in peace-keeping and peacemaking efforts we know that every issue has to be settled on the specific merits and conditions of each region. nevertheless, we believe that the progress achieved in confidence- and security-building measures within the conference on security and co-operation in europe csce may also be of interest to other regions. austria is prepared to organize, in co-operation with the united nations, an international seminar on this subject for which it will also draw on the experience of experts from participating states of the csce process. such a seminar could be held in austria in [number]. the crisis in lebanon. with its tragic consequences of continuing bloodshed and victimization of innocent individuals and the civilian population, is a matter of outmost concern to us. we firmly believe that a lasting solution can only he found on the basis of respect for the national unity, territorial integrity and full independence of lebanon. we support the peace plan of the tripartite high arab committee and welcome the results so far achieved. let me express the hope that this agreement will pave the way at last for a final peaceful settlement. with regard to the arab-israeli conflict, we continue to support the idea of an international peace conference under the auspices of the united nations with the participation of all parties to the conflict, including the palestinian people. that conference would be the most appropriate instrument for a comprehensive settlement of the conflict. we regret any escalation of violence. the excessive use of force and the continued violations of human rights in the occupied territories have become increasingly intolerable for the international community, which strives more and more for universal respect of human rights. we welcome the recent peace proposal of president mubarak of egypt and firmly hope his initiative will be successful. the process towards namibia's independence for which the un has accepted special responsibility, together with the un peace-keeping efforts in areas which have been prey to conflict and bloodshed, exemplify the major role of the un in settlement of highly sensitive international issues. this process could be a source of inspiration in the search for solution to the middle east problem. independence for namibia in on its way. special care and vigilance will be necessary to assure that elections in november can take place in an atmosphere and under conditions which will allow for a plebiscite free from intimidation. , austria has provided a contingent of police officers to participate in the work of the united nations transition assistance group untag . untag deserves our full appreciation of its accomplishes under most difficult conditions. we look forward to welcoming namibia as an independent nation at next year's session of the general assembly. the recent elections in south africa without the participation of the black majority have shown one more that the inhumane system of apartheid must be abolished, we hope that the new south african president will undertake the necessary steps without further delay, it is to be emphasized, however, that all steps taken by south africa must lead to the complete eradication of apartheid, avoiding bloodshed and confrontation. austria's position with regard to cambodia has remained unchanged over the years. we have always condemned the abhorrent violation of the most fundamental human rights, but we have also repeatedly stressed that military interventions cannot resolve conflicts. the withdrawal of the vietnamese troops, which is presently under way, will significantly enhance the chances for a settlement. we regret that the endeavours towards reaching a negotiated solution, including the most recent paris conference, so far remain without concrete results. having recently been entrusted with the presidency of the international conference on kampuchea, i shall spare no effort to contribute to the peace process in the region. i look forward to the moment when all cambodians, in full sovereignty and independence, can open a new chapter in their nation's history. as in cambodia, in afghanistan the ongoing hostilities have brought immense suffering upon the population. we strongly support the endeavours of the secretary-general to initiate a peaceful settlement and the necessary international co-operation for the recovery of that war-torn country. in line with our traditional commitment to the principle of universality, austria has always welcomed the admission of sovereign countries to the world organisation. it is only logical, therefore, that we also support the aspirations of korea to become a un member. we are impressed by the efforts of the central american nations to cope with their regional difficulties. in particular, we welcome the results of the tela summit, which constitute a concrete step. the linkage between the effective employment of regional responsibilities and of the authority of the un may become an exemplary case of regional peace-making. the continued imbalances in the world economy remain a source of world-wide preoccupation. austria is committed to far-reaching trade liberalization because it believes that this will contribute to stable growth and prosperity among nations. we consider that the successful conclusion of the uruguay round could mark the beginning of a new era of global cooperation with increased awareness of mutual interest and shared responsibilities among all nations. the problems connected with the debt burden figure prominently on the international agenda. their repercussions on the political and social stability of many debtor countries have now become even more visible. extreme poverty and hunger remain rampant in many countries and regions, in the long term they have to be considered as a serious threat to peace and security. the international development strategy for the fourth united nations development decade must respond to these issues, which are at the centre of our development efforts. while the interrelationship between economic and social development has to be adequately taken into account, a more thorough look at the world social condition, particularly in developing countries, has become necessary. drug abuse is not only a social problem. it also affects the political and economic stability of nations. this is corroborated by the fact that the annual turn-over of illicit drug trafficking has reached the staggering amount of us [number] billion. recent tragic events in several countries constitute a proof of the global character of this problem. we welcome the determination of the president of the united states to fight this cancer of mankind and fully support his recent proposals. as a visible symbol of our commitment to this noble cause i shall today sign the [number] vienna convention on illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. any society will command as much cohesion and stability as its constituent parts, social changes and transformations have affected, and in some cases even threatened, the basic unit of society. - the family. while family structures greatly vary in different national cultures, there is a general need to strengthen national programmes and international cooperation regarding protection of and support for the family. austria therefore welcomes the decision of the forty-third session of the general assembly, based on a proposal by poland and other countries, to observe an international year of the family. such a year could help to highlight the central function of the family in society. peace and stability ultimately begin in the home. while in some societies families still provide social and economic security to its members, in others families require public financial support in order successfully to perform their functions, which ultimately benefit everyone. the equality of men and women generally enshrined in international as well as in national legal instruments still needs better translation into the reality of society. family structures sometimes mask violence against women and children, a fact which requires decisive measures at all levels. the continuous dialogue between the united states and the ussr has facilitated further progress in the area of disarmament and arms control. it presents an unprecedented chance for cooperation in the economic, scientific, cultural and humanitarian fields. a sentiment of mutual interdependence and common responsibility is growing. we welcome the reform process generated by perestroika, which provides a historic opportunity for a new quality in east-west relations. the strengthening of human rights, -the democratisation of public life and the introduction of a socially-oriented market economy constitute essential elements of this reform process. the era of confrontation should be replaced by an era of co-operation. the vienna concluding document of the conference on security and co-operation in europe has strongly promoted cooperation among european nations. austria's relations with the other countries of western europe are characterized by common values and close economic ties. austria is a member of the council of europe. as a member of the european free trade association we intensified our relationship with the european community by concluding a free trade agreement in [number]. in july of this year austria applied for membership in the european community. we are firmly convinced that participation in the process of european integration is compatible with our status of permanent neutrality. in conclusion, permit me briefly to touch upon the implementation of the austro-italian accord on south tyrol of [number] september [number], which has been the subject of general assembly resolutions [number] xv , the basis of these resolutions agreement was reached in [number], between austria and italy concerning the regulation of regional autonomy by means of [number] concrete measures. full implementation of these measures is the precondition for a complete settlement of this dispute. last year i was able to report to the assembly for the first time, after years of stagnation, that significant and substantive progress had been made and that relations between austria and italy had reached excellent levels. this positive trend continued during the past [number] months. we are particularly satisfied with the formal implementation of measures aiming at the equality of the italian and german languages. this is of fundamental importance for the protection of the german-speaking population. the major part of the measures still to be implemented concerns issues where the government of italy has already been active on the basis of the [number] agreement. however, in view of certain developments in the legal field in italy, additional commentary measures are now necessary in order to assure the protection of the german-speaking population of south tyrol in a way agreed upon with austria. austria is convinced that the present italian government is fully aware of the problems and dangers inherent in a further delay in the full implementation of the [number] agreement. we are confident that on the basis of the implementation of all remaining measures we shall soon be able to make a declaration to the united nations stating that we consider the dispute with italy settled. the recent developments in the relationship between the two super-powers, the success achieved in solving several regional conflicts, the progress in the implementation of human rights and the general trend towards more openness in international relations, whatever the shortcomings of the existing world order may be, give us reason to be optimistic and encourage us to make further active contributions towards achieving a better world.

i should like to start by extending our warmest congratulations to you, mr. president, on your election as president of the general assembly at its fifty-eighth session, as well as our full support. i also wish to pay tribute to mr. jan kavan, the president of the general assembly at its fifty- seventh session. the memory of the many innocent people who lost their lives during the horrors of [number] september, and that of many other victims of terror all over the world, including in my country, are still very fresh in our minds today. we also mourn the painful loss of our united nations colleagues. they were working in the service of the international community to secure peace and to uphold human dignity in baghdad. the loss of sergio vieira de mello was particularly tragic for us, as his visit to ankara two weeks before his tragic death unfortunately turned out to be his last. terrorism is a crime against humanity. we are duty-bound to eradicate that evil from the face of the earth, and soon. we must also not forget that there are other major challenges that remain to be addressed, namely, poverty, illiteracy, organized crime, the problem of narcotics, ecological disasters, epidemics such as aids, the issue of refugees, the illegal trade in human beings, gender inequality, corruption, racism and xenophobia, among others. in the new global security environment, there is a clear and pressing need to strengthen international organizations and institutions. the united nations is at the top of that list. the many challenges facing the world today underline the central role of the united nations, as has been highlighted so eloquently by the secretary-general. the efforts to adapt this unique organization to the realities of today s international life should be resolutely pursued. the world needs a more representative, effective and efficient united nations. in close cooperation with the united nations, turkey has accumulated vast experience over the years in the areas of regional cooperation, peacekeeping and conflict prevention. we have also shown a strong will to solve our bilateral foreign policy problems. today we have very good relations with some neighbouring countries with which we experienced difficulties in the recent past. we are also doing our best to contribute to the solution of problems in the middle east, the balkans and the caucasus. in order to promote harmony among civilizations, we convened a meeting last year in istanbul between the european union and the countries of the organization of the islamic conference oic . next year, both the nato summit and the oic s ministerial meeting will be held in that city. my government s reforms at home reflect a sustained effort to promote democracy, human rights, [number] the rule of law, civil society, good governance, accountability and gender equality to the highest standards set by the united nations and the european union. the results show that national and spiritual values can be in perfect harmony with contemporary living standards. integration with the world is not possible without bringing our values and traditions into harmony with modernity. it is on the strength of that increasingly relevant turkish experience and on the strength of the richness of our ties with the international community that turkey has decided to present its candidature for a seat in the security council for the years [number]-[number]. the situation in the middle east will remain of crucial significance for the evolution of the international environment for some time to come. we do not believe that the middle east is condemned to eternal strife and suffering. this is one cradle of civilization that had enjoyed peace and prosperity for centuries. that is why we believe that it is feasible today to transform the middle east into a region of security, cooperation and prosperity. there is an urgent need today for a fresh start in the region. the situation in iraq and the arab-israeli conflict are at the core of efforts to bring stability to the region. the events of this year have brought iraq to the beginning of a new era. all of us need to help the iraqi nation in its formidable task of building a united, free, democratic and prosperous future. it is therefore highly important for the security council to agree on a mandate responsive to the needs of stabilization and reconstruction. iraq is our close neighbour. that country s future and the future of the region s stability are inter-linked. in the middle east we are again witnessing a cycle of terror and violence that is taking hostage all efforts towards peace. we view the restoration of the channels of communication and dialogue between palestinians and israelis as the most urgent task at hand. we believe that sending the elected president of the palestinian national authority into exile cannot serve any good purpose. we call upon the israeli government to review its position. at the same time, we urge the palestinian side to make every effort to prevent further terrorist attacks. turkey has close ties with both israelis and palestinians. we remain ready to contribute to the implementation of the road map, to which we believe there is no alternative. we are also willing to contribute to the improvement of the security environment as needed, and to the alleviation of the harsh living conditions of palestinians. in order to achieve progress, resources have to be utilized rationally and to the benefit of the people, as the iraqi case has shown. the need for reform is not a novelty in the middle east. what may be new is the growing recognition that progress is dependent on political and social factors, as well as on economic ones. gradual steps towards more representative and accountable structures are being taken by a number of countries in the middle east. they deserve the encouragement of the international community. the world needs the elimination of weapons of mass destruction. it does not need them to proliferate. the inherent logic of that argument has been recognized by the community of nations that have adhered to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. we strongly support the efforts aimed at increasing membership in non-proliferation agreements and regimes. my country s regional policies are shaped by our desire to achieve durable peace and greater cooperation in our neighbourhood. i have already outlined our approach with regard to the middle east. the balkans, which is to our west, was in turmoil until recently. that region has come to enjoy relative peace and stability in the past two years. international organizations, notably nato, the european union, the united nations and the organization for security and cooperation in europe, played a major role in that turnaround. however, the situation in certain parts of the region should continue to be monitored on an ongoing basis, as it is a potential source of destabilization. we are determined to further enhance our relations with greece within the current process of constructive dialogue. we are pleased with the progress achieved so far, as highlighted by my greek colleague, mr. papandreou, in the statement he made this morning. we have already covered considerable ground. we are convinced that the ongoing dialogue and the resulting atmosphere of mutual confidence will serve the interests of both turkey and greece. turkey sincerely desires a lasting political settlement establishing a new partnership in cyprus. this issue has been with us since [number]. attempts to distort the facts in the island will not help efforts aimed [number] at a comprehensive settlement. we continue to support the good offices mission of the secretary-general. a new partnership in cyprus should be based on a compromise between turkish and greek cypriots and on equal status. furthermore, a settlement should preserve the bizonal character of the island and ensure the security of the turkish cypriot people. at the present stage of the situation in cyprus it is necessary to create a basis for substantive negotiations. the opportunity created by president denktas latest proposals, which are designed to overcome the lack of confidence between the two sides, should be seized. indeed, the greek cypriot side, instead of trying to take advantage of the prospect of its unilateral accession to the european union, should act in a spirit of goodwill and contribute to the negotiating process. all embargoes and restrictions imposed upon the turkish republic of northern cyprus should be lifted as a matter of priority. the caucasus is another strategically important area of great interest to turkey. the long-standing conflicts there must end, and good-neighbourly relations and regional cooperation should be given a real chance to flourish. the problems of nagorny karabakh and abkhazia still endanger peace and stability in the entire region. turkey expects armenia to fully comply with the relevant united nations resolutions in order to find a prompt and just solution to the nagorny karabakh conflict. the peaceful settlement of this conflict will contribute to the normalization of turkish-armenian relations and to regional cooperation. as regards the abkhazian conflict, turkey believes that a peaceful settlement should be reached within the context of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political unity of georgia. close historical and cultural bonds with central asia constitute one of the pillars of our eurasian vision. we have developed mutually beneficial bilateral relations with the central asian states since their independence. we should make substantial efforts to improve regional stability and security and continue to support those states with a view to their further integration into the international community. we all know that the security of central asia is inseparable from global security. traditionally a close friend of afghanistan, turkey has contributed for many years to the rehabilitation of that country. we are pleased that the bonn process has so far been implemented successfully, despite numerous difficulties. we commend the performance of the transitional administration in this respect. the success of the bonn process will depend to a large extent on greater support from the international community. we firmly believe that it will not be possible to establish global stability unless peace, security, democracy and sustainable development are promoted in africa. recent trends in the management of crises in africa, as well as the new partnership for africa s development, give us fresh hope in this regard. in conclusion, i should like to stress that turkey is determined to remain a major contributor to peace, security and stability in our region and beyond. turkey pursues a multidimensional foreign policy that is active in various regions. we believe in the vital role of the united nations and its increased relevance in the present international environment, and we are committed to promoting the effectiveness of our organization.

in [number], i had the privilege of addressing this assembly at its forty-second session and i took the opportunity at that time to apprise members of this body of our struggles in uganda. this time i have come wearing two hats, so to speak. today, i speak on behalf of the states members of the organization of african unity oau , as its current chairman, for which i feel greatly honoured, and also as president of my country, uganda. we in africa enter this decade with a deep sense of history. we vividly remember that the nineteenth century vas characterised by the climax of the partition and colonisation of our continent. despite our problems, which i shall address presently, the twentieth century is closing just as africa has recovered its political freedom. we brace ourselves as we look forward to making the twenty-first century one of memorable progress, when africa becomes a continent of modern states. this calls for the confronting of all the problems of under-development - a task that is surely a global responsibility, a responsibility of all the countries in the united nations. today, i should like to focus on the strategies for the economic and political emancipation of our continent and on the role that the international community can play in resolving these problems. in this regard, i see five fundamental obstacles to africa's economic and political advancements first, human-resource under-development, particularly under-development in science and technical training secondly, the excessive and unbearable debt burden of the world's poorest nations thirdly, rigidity and distortions in africa's external trade, especially with the industrial countries fourthly, rigidity and distortions in the influence of fiscal and monetary policy, especially in relation to multilateral financial institutions fifthly, rigidity and corruption in the political and economic institutions of african states. on the question of the under-development of human resources, it is important to note that the role of scientific discovery, invention and innovation in economic development has been fully recognized in recent economic history. few would dispute the catalytic role of the steam engine, the aeroplane, the telephone and, more recently, the computer, in advancing the economic and social welfare of vast communities world-wide. less well recognised, however, are the infrastructures that make these inventions possible. there is no doubt that active and sustained participation in scientific and technical work requires a well organised and adequately funded educational establishment. technology cannot be meaningfully advanced by, or transferred to people who can neither read nor write. fundamentally, africa recognizes that economic production is conceived, planned and implemented by people acting in their capacities as farmers, processors, traders, engineers and managers. while the various roles that individuals play in a production process require varying levels of literacy and technical training, there is no doubt that improvements in production require improvements in the knowledge and skills of human beings. attempts to increase the utilisation of tractors, for example, will not succeed where a country lacks trained mechanics to maintain them. thus, expensive machines lie idle because skilled manpower is lacking. similarly, technology transfers from industrial countries to developing countries necessitate the poorer countries' maintaining a progressive and sustained educational effort so that the population may acquire the capacity to receive, absorb and improve upon the technologies. this is an essential component of the development process in african countries and in other nations of the world. such training inevitably necessitates the commitment of real resources in the immediate term. there is no doubt whatsoever that africa's fundamental development predicament today is the desperate lack of real resources to support the level of educational effort that is needed if the continent is to reach the development threshold. the most fundamental change in the economies of europe - the industrial revolution - was essentially a revolution of the middle class, the bourgeoisie. it was a self-sustaining process of economic growth whereby each succeeding generation expected to enjoy, and did enjoy, higher levels of production and consumption. no genuine, indigenous middle class - no captains of industry, as they were called in another continent and in another century - has emerged in africa. instead, we behold the spectacle of a class of middlemen who act as commission agents for foreign manufacturers. these are the people we call africa's middle class. no economy will transform itself without the emergence of an indigenous class of industrialists and entrepreneurs. the cause of development will be best served by the deliberate encouragement, from within and from without, of the emergence of an african force to equal the industrial middle class, such as the one that accomplished the transformation of the economies of western europe and the rest of the developed northern hemisphere. there is no doubt in my mind that if africa is to develop, it must devote a greater share of its current income to the education of its people. africa should also solicit and welcome substantial concessionary loans and grants to aid the education sector. above all, what africa must not do - can no longer afford to do - is continue to substitute debt servicing for education. in uganda, for example, the proportion of the government's recurrent budget that will go to debt servicing this year is more than twice that which is earmarked for education. this debt servicing, moreover, will use up more than [number] per cent of our foreign-exchange earnings. by any standard, such a burden on an economy whose disintegration over the past [number] years is well known illustrates that the international arrangements that have so far been devised to assist the world's poor nations to reach levels of self-sustained development continue to be grossly inadequate. we believe that the objective of self-sustaining growth and development should not be sacrificed at the altar of debt servicing. we appeal to all members of this organization to give their full support to debt-forgiveness and debt-rescheduling proposals, to ensure that the necessary resources are available to educate africa's populations so that they may be enabled to attain higher productive capacity. i understand, from current data, that there are [number] severely indebted low-income countries, of which [number] are in sub-saharan africa. am further informed that in [number] the debts of these low-income countries amounted to [number] per cent of their gross national product. it is evident that they cannot pay such debts. at best they will service them by undermining their own economies, thus becoming less capable, in each successive year, of repaying debts. it is clearly in the interests of both debtors and creditors to reverse such an absurd and dangerous situation. in the light of these problems, i commend the initiatives that have been advanced for the writing-off of debts. i must point out, however, that, so far the actual relief resulting from these programmes is extremely small. for example, until recently the cash-flow savings for [number] sub-saharan countries in the special programme of assistance in [number] were about [number] million, or [number] per cent of their debt-service burden. however, the recent announcement by the british chancellor of the exchequer in trinidad is most welcome. it is evident that a great deal more must be done to break the grip of debt on africa's economic progress. i turn now to the subject of international trade. for africa, as for all the world, free and fair trade is vital to economic progress. it is well known that our countries have suffered greatly from deteriorating terms of trade as well as from protectionism in the developed countries. the values of coffee and cocoa have plummeted to unprecedented levels, causing many african countries to totter on the brink of chaos, which can be avoided only by abdicating independence to external institutions and donor countries. our protests against imperfect and distorted markets which consistently raise the prices of the products of industrial countries while invariably reducing the value of our products, manufactured as well as primary, have fallen on deaf ears. we are now at a point where the value of our products has deteriorated to a fraction of what it was a few years ago, and tariff barriers on our processed products make it extremely difficult for us to penetrate the markets of the industrialised countries. it is clear that the industrialized countries need to pay more than lip service to the doctrines of market economics. the advocacy of the market economy so generously preferred by the media and vigorously reinforced by the multilateral institutions would be more easily accepted if the international markets for our products were actually free and fair. it is incredibly insensitive to insist that we should obey the laws of the market when the only sure result so far is that these markets have consistently devalued our products. we therefore urge this organization to inquire yet more actively into the conduct of world markets and to reduce the rigidities and distortions which operate against developing countries products. it is not at all inconceivable that the illegal practices which have recently been found in some stock exchanges and commodity markets may be more widespread than is generally believed. i do not wish to blame the international situation for all of africa's problems. i do recognize that there has also been a failure of policy in african countries. overvalued exchange rates, large fiscal deficits, hyperinflation and negative interest rates have often led to instability and deterioration in many african economies. while we acknowledge these problems, we also wish to urge the multilateral institutions to recognize africa's need for long-term structural change as opposed to lop-sided, rigid emphasis on short-term stabilization. recent pronouncements from the world bank indicate that they are beginning to orient future lending towards long-term development. we welcome this shift, and urge both the international monetary fund imf and the world bank to complement each other's policies in order to promote genuine structural change in the african economies. i wish to take this opportunity to clarify and reiterate our stand on political freedom. as the twentieth century draws to a close, africans look back on it as the century in which most african countries regained political freedom from the colonial masters. for many of our countries - for example, namibia angola, mozambique and zimbabwe - the wounds are still raw. as for south africa, we are living through a continuous wake for the victims of apartheid. therefore, africans know what freedom means. there have been various aborted ' democratic processes. this is because management of the democratic process itself was new to the continent. what previous experience did africans have of managing a democratic process? it was during precisely those centuries in which europe and north america were emerging from feudalism towards - for some of them at least - liberal democracy that africa was being ravaged by the slave trade and, later on, lost its sovereignty altogether. because of colonial rule and the plunder of africa in the preceding period, social forces which could sustain democracy had not emerged by the time of independence. in europe, liberal democracy was and is the ideology of the industrial middle class and of the small, independent artisans before them. where was the industrial middle class of africa [number] years ago, during the twilight of colonialism? despite these impediments, the democratic movement in africa is on the forward march. an authentic democratic movement is being consolidated by internal, social dynamic? external sermonising and pressure will not bring democracy to africa. in this regard, however, we take exception to the view that the mode of democracy practised in a select group of countries is the only legitimate democracy. we find considerable danger and paradox in the attempt to prescribe, in a virtually dictatorial, intolerant fashion, a brand of democracy which is ready-made and presumed to be the only correct one. i wish to urge the people of the world to agree that the cause of democracy would be better served by accepting pluralism, not only within the borders of a given state but also throughout the world. in this way, international democracy will emerge as an acceptance of multiple approaches to political freedom by the various peoples of the world. if the fundamental basis of democracy is the tolerance of alternative views within a given economy, then the logical extension of this concept to the international level is the tolerance of alternative perceptions of democratic freedom by different cultures. the acceptance of cultural variety is, in our view, not inconsistent with the yearning for universal human freedom, nor is it an escape mechanism by which tyrants can impose dictatorships on their peoples. it is simply a recognition of the fundamental forces at work in different parts of the world at different times. nevertheless, the principles that form the essence of democracy are not negotiable. these are accountability to the population regular elections a free press universal suffrage and unrestricted entry into the political process by those seeking election to leadership roles. these form the essence of democracy the forms, however, may differ, and this is legitimate. africa is faced with a special challenge in the remainder of this century. that challenge is the conquest of economic underdevelopment and the emancipation of all african peoples from political servitude. in my remarks to the assembly today, i have touched on some of the major obstacles to the attainment of these objectives. we believe that this organization has a role to play in their realization. let me therefore take this opportunity to reaffirm our support for the united nations, and our confidence in the capacity and willingness of the world community to assist africa's quest for economic and political freedom. in this connection, i would recall the special session of the general assembly on [number] june [number] at which the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development [number]-[number] was unanimously adopted. that historic session witnessed the forging of a unique compact and coalition between africa aid the international community to accelerate socio-economic recovery and development in africa. unfortunately, that global coalition has not been sustained as the crisis in africa, rather than abating, has become worse. a final review of the implementation of the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development [number]-[number] will be conducted at the forty-sixth session of the united nations general assembly. searching questions must be asked and an in-depth assessment must be conducted at that session on the fate of the [number] consensus, the impact it has had on bringing about economic recovery and development, and the extent to which all parties to this historic alliance have honoured the commitments contained in the united nations programme of action for african economic recovery and development [number]-[number]. based on that final review and evaluation the general assembly will also need to pronounce itself on the measures that need to be undertaken to support a process of sustained growth and transformation in africa in the post-programme period. it is therefore imperative that the final review of the implementation of the united nations programme and support for african development and transformation endeavours in the 1990s should be conducted. the conference of ministers of the economic commission for africa eca has recommended that mechanisms for the final review and appraisal of the implementation of the programme should be similar to those of the mid-term review of the programme, and that for this purpose an ad hoc committee of the whole of the general assembly should be established to appraise the programme and to propose measures for sustained development in africa beyond [number]. the organisation of african unity endorses this recommendation and hopes that the necessary resources will be made available to the eca to carry out the review exercise. the current session of the general assembly has been entrusted with the task of establishing the mechanism for the final review of the programme. it is my sincere hope that the assembly will concur in the proposals that have been put to it by africa. in conclusion, first i request that, a special effort be mounted by the world community, through this organization, to increase resources for investment in education in africa. that is one of the surest ways to lay the foundation for the scientific and technical revolution which africa must now accomplish in order to bring about self-sustaining development. secondly, i call upon africa's creditors, including the multilateral institutions, to adopt realistic attitudes that are effectively compatible with africa's long-term development and growth. thirdly, i must make a special appeal to all members of this organisation to re-examine the conduct of international trade, so that it is free and fair to all participating countries. the time is long overdue for reversing the decline in the terms of trade of the developing countries. fourthly, i urge the multilateral institutions to adopt more flexible macro-economic policies which recognise the limits of current economic knowledge and which emphasise long-term development and not merely short-term stabilization. fifthly, i reiterate that the organisation of african unity fully accepts the objectives of popular democracy. our organization will continue to encourage its members to create an environment for freedom and democracy in every african country. we recognize that there are too many - and in some cases protracted - internecine struggles in africa today. liberia is a recent and very tragic example. these conflicts are also, more often than not, funded by outside interests. our continent cannot prosper if these struggles continue. we appeal to the international community to support peace and to eschew destabilisation in africa, a peaceful africa will ultimately serve and enhance the cause of global peace. in this regard i must emphasize the obligation of all member countries to intensify pressure upon the apartheid regime in south africa to hasten the end of that affront to humanity. the sanctions against south africa are being felt by the racist regime. they should therefore be tightened in order to force south africa to abandon apartheid at once. the africans in south africa itself have expressed support for sanctions as a means of forcing the racists to abandon apartheid. it is therefore incorrect to maintain the view that sanctions are wrong because presumably they hurt the black majority. the view of the black majority is that they want the sanctions. if we are truly interested in assisting them we should respect their views on this important matter. those who doubt the efficacy of sanctions must now reassess their positions in the light of the current position elsewhere in the world. if sanctions can work in iraq they can work in south africa. finally, i should like to call on the united nations system to implement the united nations resolutions on the middle east and the gulf. we cannot talk about freedom in the rest of the world and forget the people of kuwait and the people of palestine. we reaffirm the right of all countries to determine, in all sovereignty, their system of democracy on the basis of their socio-cultural values, taking into account the realities of our countries, the necessity to ensure development and to satisfy the basic needs of our peoples. we therefore assert that democracy and development should go together and should be mutually reinforcing.

the government of saint kitts and nevis has looked forward to this sixty-fifth session of the general assembly with much anticipation. we welcome the opportunity to share in the usual rich general debate, to strengthen existing relationships and to build new ones. this environment, we believe, facilitates the exchange of views on issues of common interest. we look forward, particularly, to the views on the work still ahead in tackling the insidious global challenges. the tasks i have in mind are mitigating the negative impact of the ongoing economic crisis on our countries and peoples, and dealing with its many implications for vulnerable small economies like ours tackling the prolonged tightening of credit markets protecting the environment from degradation promoting human security and redressing the global epidemic of interpersonal violence. these are but a few of the problems with which governments across the globe must grapple. and we must do this against a backdrop of uncertainty, while established centres of power are shifting. governments must now reconcile the pursuit of statecraft and national interests with rapidly changing and less predictable relations among states. additionally, the [number] economic and financial crises, whose effects are still very real today, have undermined confidence in our financial market systems and in what we had hitherto hailed as sound economic models. similarly, since the global recession, poverty ranks across the world have been swelling. the [number]-[number] [number] percentage of working poor has reached unprecedented levels, and millions more, now unemployed, see little prospect for hope or relief. as a consequence, many have lost faith in governance methods and in our long- established financial systems. we have all become painfully aware that environmental degradation is not country-specific and that the actions of individuals and enterprises in one country ultimately harm ecosystems and threaten livelihoods in others. hence, as countries pursue national agendas, we need to be mindful of the common interests and ties that connect our societies and peoples, and we must use every opportunity to work towards a realistic convergence of our respective interests. there can be little doubt that we have established a solid foundation that allows us to envision new and exciting horizons. reaching these horizons, however, requires that, as we contemplate bold initiatives appropriate for the challenges confronting us, the united nations must itself be prepared to further deepen its engagement with member states, regional and national systems, and international financial institutions. my delegation believes that this is one way to help provide new opportunities, to facilitate greater access to the resources needed to implement national policies and meet international obligations. the united nations, created out of the ruins of war, has over the past six and a half decades, been providentially guided by an unfaltering spirit of partnership and prevailing common sense. despite countless challenges, that spirit is alive and well today. we must therefore work even harder to fulfil the dream of its architects and to live out their vision. the united nations, then, must remain that vital nexus, fostering the necessary partnerships for the greater good. perhaps that would provide us with a more visible presence on the global stage, furthering the effort to build a better future for us all. we have seen this partnership in action on the millennium development goals mdgs . we saw it as we worked to address the global financial crisis, which threatened large economies and almost crippled the economies of small island states. we saw it when governments and peoples across the globe came to the assistance of our brothers and sisters in disaster-stricken haiti, the magnitude of whose tragedy we had not experienced before in this hemisphere. in the context of repositioning the united nations, we began, earlier this month, a process of review. it is through improved partnerships that the united nations has an opportunity to bring international business communities and civil society together with member states in a more structured way, allowing for the practical exchange of ideas, the sharing of expertise and best practices, and the promotion of development and prosperity. saint kitts and nevis welcomes such a dialogue and partnership and recognizes the extent and reach of the united nations in helping to build capacity, in the face of challenges such as the brain drain, which robs developing countries of their invaluable human resources. through such advocacy, the united nations can help also to safeguard gains in social and economic development. saint kitts and nevis encourages member states to embrace this idea of a multipronged partnership as a way to bolster development processes and strengthen global governance and accountability. cognizant of the spirit of cooperation, the government of saint kitts and nevis thanks the government and people of taiwan for their continued outstanding support, international cooperation and development assistance over several decades. i welcome the recent passage in that country s parliament of their international cooperation and development law, which incorporates the essence and principles of the paris declaration on aid effectiveness and the united nations mdgs. we owe them a debt of gratitude for their efforts and for sharing their development experience through public projects and social, agricultural and private sector development. we note that, despite being successful before the world trade organization dispute settlement body, antigua and barbuda, a fellow caricom member state, has yet to benefit therefrom. in the spirit of cooperation, we urge the parties involved to seek quickly to resolve the situation and to arrive at a negotiation settlement that is fair and just to antigua and barbuda and its nationals. [number] has so far been a year of epic global natural disasters. the regularity and ferocity of floods, hurricanes, typhoons, sea-level rises and other catastrophic events are stark reminders of the consequences of climate change. this is of particular [number] [number]-[number] concern to us, as small island developing states are hardest hit by the consequences of climate change. in the light of the facts, it should be a matter of some importance to develop a proactive coordinated approach, in collaboration with financial institutions, insurance companies and other catastrophic-event- mitigation stakeholders. it is clear that the disaster preparedness, mitigation and response paradigms incorporated into our national development strategies are in need of urgent strengthening. indeed, my country is committed to a comprehensive approach in disaster- risk abatement and mitigation, through capacity- building and through the creation of internal mechanisms that would ensure more effective responses. i urge member states to continue exploiting and exploring technology and best practices, as we work in partnership to find sustainable solutions to this problem. we believe that stronger political commitment, greater cooperation and less apportioning of blame are required if we are to succeed in this endeavour. therefore we hope that the global partnership and solidarity evidenced in the aftermath of this year s many disasters will continue to prevail. four months ago, in may [number], the general assembly adopted resolution [number] [number] on the prevention and control of non-communicable diseases. that resolution seeks to halt the growing trend of premature deaths from these diseases mainly, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, cancers and chronic respiratory diseases. saint kitts and nevis applauds that resolution. at the same time, however, we seize the opportunity to remind this assembly of another public health and public security issue that begs attention and resolution. many will recall our efforts last year to focus attention on the issue of the global epidemic of interpersonal violence and its implications for development, health, security and governance. the data reveal that interpersonal violence accounts for about [number], [number] deaths per day, one every [number] seconds, one half of them being due to homicide. in some countries homicide rates are as high as [number] to [number] per [number], [number]. the human, social and financial costs of violence are unacceptably high and are escalating. the world health organization has been playing a key role in this field through its milestones of a global campaign for violence prevention programme, and the general assembly has adopted individual resolutions on violence against children, violence against women and armed violence. there is still, however, no general assembly resolution that calls for an integrated approach to all forms of interpersonal violence there is no resolution that speaks to youth violence, one of the major contributors to high murder rates and social breakdown and there is no resolution that emphasizes the necessity of a multisectoral response to this problem. saint kitts and nevis is therefore once again soliciting your support for such a resolution. we are calling for an integrated and multisectoral response to all forms of interpersonal violence and recognition of the causes, with a view to its placement on the general assembly agenda for debate next year, [number]. as we celebrate the international year of youth, i can think of no better time to introduce such a resolution. saint kitts and nevis guards zealously the effective management and care of our resources. our primary resource is our people, particularly our youth our future. in preparing them for the promises and the potential perils of tomorrow, we have been investing strategically in education education with relevance. i applaud the establishment of the united nations entity for gender equality and the empowerment of women un women . the occupying of high office and decision-making roles by women has been the norm in saint kitts and nevis, and we remain committed to gender-equal opportunities at home and abroad. we look forward to participating actively in un women in the coming years and would be most pleased to share our experiences. as we move forward through this sixty-fifth session of the general assembly, i encourage us to remain committed to the ideals that have brought us to this point. let us marshal the courage to do the things that ought to be done if this indispensable global institution is to be able to deliver at its very best. in conclusion, permit me to congratulate you, mr. president, and the government of switzerland, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its sixty-fifth session. i thank you, sir, for your readiness to preside over this general assembly at a time of great challenge. we feel confident that you will rise to the occasion with great fortitude and determination. permit me also to thank mr. ali abdussalam treki, president of the general assembly at its sixty- [number]-[number] [number] fourth session, for his leadership and commitment during the past year. i trust that under your leadership, mr. president, we will seize the moment for change this compelling moment for reform and one that is reflected in the deliberations of the recent meeting on the millennium development goals as we draw closer to the [number] target. i assure you, sir, of my government s full support for your stewardship.

allow me, on behalf of the government of the kyrgyz republic and its people, to congratulate my colleague the minister for foreign affairs of ukraine, mr. udovenko, on his election to the high office of president of the fifty-second session of the general assembly, and to wish him success in his endeavours. may i also express our feelings of respect for his country, which is playing an important role in resolving regional and global issues. i would also like to express our heartfelt gratitude to the previous president of the general assembly, the representative of the friendly malaysian people, ambassador razali ismail, for his active and dynamic efforts in establishing constructive dialogue on ways to reform the united nations. like the entire international community, kyrgyzstan expects genuine progress regarding the complex issue of the reform of the united nations to come out of the present session. we are confident that the session will be able to cope with the problems facing the organization today during this difficult and complicated period. the president and the government of my country fully support the efforts of the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, to enhance the efficiency of the united nations, and his ability to respond sensitively and adequately to the challenges of a rapidly changing world. we are confident that a renewed united nations will truly embody the principles and purposes proclaimed in its charter, ensuring the harmony of the interests of all its members in the name of peace and progress. we are ready to support all proposals that promote that goal. regarding the reform of the security council, the issue of improving its methods of work is no less important than the question of enlarging its membership. kyrgyzstan believes that these questions must be considered together. we continue to support the proposal for permanent membership in the council for japan and germany. however, in our view, the permanent members of the security council should also include one representative each from africa, asia and latin america. mankind is now on the eve of a new millennium, and the changes taking place are altering the image of mankind and shifting the emphasis in the models for understanding and explaining our world. the collapse of a bipolar world has provided us an opportunity to focus efforts on resolving the issues of poverty, health care, education, economic development and democracy. we are all, however, still facing the threat of local and regional conflicts, international terrorism, organized crime, illegal trafficking in drugs and weapons, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the deterioration of the state of the environment. all these negative aspects of human activity threaten the global trend towards strengthening peace and progress, undermine the fragile new democracies, wear down the strength of the developing countries and generally threaten all our efforts focused on building a safer and better world. the period after the achievement of independence was decisive for kyrgyzstan, in the context of the formation of national statehood and of new social and economic ties. the country is actively seeking ways and means to harmoniously integrate itself into the international community. clear successes have already been achieved on this thorny path in strengthening [number] democratic institutions, radical reform of the economy of the country, improving the means for achieving inter-ethnic agreement, enhancing tolerance and ensuring human rights. the leadership of the country is also concentrating on those domestic and international issues which must be developed on a permanent and positive basis for the well- being of the population of kyrgyzstan. our country was the first of the newly independent states to draw up and adopt a national plan of action for environmental protection. in the light of the implementation of the decisions of the rio conference, kyrgyzstan is now carrying out a country project, capacity [number], which consists of three major components coordination of and carrying out ecological studies, stable management of water resources and economic growth and social development. through an edict of president akayev, a national strategy has been adopted for sustainable human development which recognizes man, and his harmonious existence with nature, as the highest priority. kyrgyzstan was the first country in the region to draw up a concept for ecological security . the declaration adopted by the conference in rio ranks mountainous ecological systems among those particularly vulnerable to natural and man-made impacts. it is universally recognized that peoples living in mountainous regions bear far heavier social and economic burdens than those who live in plains. in the light of these factors and circumstances and also on the basis of the decisions of the global environment facility, our country held an international conference on problems of mountain ecosystems. the participants in the conference put forward a proposal to proclaim an international year of the mountains, a proposal which was actively supported by president akayev in his message to the delegates to the mountain forum and in his letter to the secretary-general of the united nations. at the regular session of the economic and social council in july this year, in geneva, a resolution proclaiming international year of mountains, sponsored by [number] countries, was adopted by consensus. the resolution contains a request to the secretary-general to present to the regular session of the economic and social council in [number], after consultations with governments and with the relevant international, regional and non-governmental organizations, a report on the desirability of proclaiming the international year of mountains and other measures to ensure the sustainable development of mountainous countries. i would like to take this opportunity to appeal to governments and, above all, to the other sponsors to submit the relevant information for incorporation into a complete and comprehensive report on this question by the secretary-general. i hope the general assembly will in turn adopt a consensus decision on this initiative. at the same time, we believe that it is possible, with support from governments, to raise the question of drawing up a global programme of action to ensure the sustainable development of countries with mountainous regions, similar to the programme being carried out for small island developing countries. there can be no doubt that the economic gap between the rich developed countries and the developing world has widened over recent years. the poorest countries are not in a position to take off economically or socially and are continuing to lose the ties that enable them to participate in the world economy. we can assume that if this trend continues, their numbers will continue to grow, and this represents a serious threat to all human development. we need to halt that trend. in this context, in the view of the experts, the most promising approaches are to increase investments in human resources to encourage the implementation of ecologically clean and effective technologies and to reform price structures. in our view, it is precisely in these areas that united nations activities, in new conditions, should be stepped up in order to promote economic and social progress. we support the efforts of the secretary-general to promote stable and sustainable development. supporting peace and security is the highest priority task of the united nations. we place great store by the united nations peacekeeping activities and pay due tribute to the courage and selflessness of united nations personnel working in regions of conflict. the efforts of the united nations mission of observers in tajikistan, headed by the special representative of the secretary- general, mr. gerd merrem, and the collective peacekeeping forces of the commonwealth of independent states cis , culminated successfully in moscow on [number] june [number] with the signing of the general agreement on the establishment of peace and national accord in tajikistan, which opened the way for the country s transition from war to reconstruction and rehabilitation. as a representative of one of the states that is a guarantor of peace in tajikistan, i am gratified to note my [number] country s involvement in this event. the mediation efforts of kyrgyzstan, and of president akayev himself, helped bring about the important agreement in may this year that laid the way for the general agreement, namely, the signing of the protocol on political questions. however, as the events in august demonstrated, peace in tajikistan is still extremely fragile and its survival depends, first and foremost, on the tajik parties themselves and how faithful they are to the commitments they have made. we are convinced that our tajik friends will be able to see this through. the prospects for peace-building in tajikistan depend to a significant extent on the situation along the tajik- afghan border. the armed conflict in afghanistan is of the greatest concern to the states of the central asian region it fosters the illegal production and trafficking of drugs and is prompting the massive flow of refugees to neighbouring countries. the president and government of kyrgyzstan are firmly convinced that there can be only one solution to the afghan conflict, namely, a political solution. the problem can be solved with the political will of the afghan parties above all and assistance from neighbouring states that have an influence in the region. we have not abandoned hope regarding the organization of direct inter-afghan negotiations under the auspices of the united nations to discuss conditions for a ceasefire and subsequent measures to bring about national reconciliation. in november [number], president akayev put forward an initiative to hold these negotiations in bishkek. subsequently, this proposal was repeated at meetings in new york of top officials and experts on afghanistan. building on this initiative, in august the president of kyrgyzstan appealed to the parties to the conflict and heads of state and government concerned. kyrgyzstan, which does not share a border with afghanistan and has no interest aside from ensuring regional security, considers the organization of inter-afghan negotiations under united nations auspices an integral part of its peaceful policy of good-neighbourly relations and cooperation. kyrgyzstan is ready to play the impartial role of mediator and make its good offices available to ensure a peaceful settlement of this problem. pursuant to its peaceful policy, kyrgyzstan has been actively promoting in the united nations since [number] the idea of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in central asia, as reflected in a number of working papers of the [number] review and extension conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the preparatory committee of the conference of parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to be held in the year [number] and the disarmament commission. we are firmly convinced that the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones, which is an important confidence-building measure and a positive backdrop to the disarmament process, is helping strengthen peace and security in the region and, in the final analysis, throughout the world. with the entry into force of the treaties of pelindaba and bangkok, more than [number]. [number] billion people will be living in zones free of nuclear weapons. together with antarctica, this territory will cover practically the entire southern hemisphere. it is essential that we do all we can to support and promote the establishment of nuclear- weapon-free zones. here, above all, we are hoping for the understanding and support of nuclear-weapon states. at the international conference this september on the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, held in tashkent, kyrgyzstan proposed the convening of an advisory meeting of the five central asian states, the five nuclear-weapon states that are permanent members of the security council, and representatives of the united nations to discuss practical measures to make this idea a reality. the conference approved the proposal. kyrgyzstan is actively participating in peacekeeping activities. the collective peacekeeping forces of cis in tajikistan includes one of our battalions. kyrgyz military personnel in the central asian peacekeeping battalion took part in the joint exercises held within the framework of the north atlantic treaty organization nato programme partnership for peace. kyrgyzstan is also a member of the united nations special committee on peacekeeping operations. we are also interested in training an international peace force, military observers and civilian personnel so that they can participate in peacekeeping operations. i would like to take advantage of this opportunity to ask the united nations and the donor countries to give us as much assistance as possible in this area. in conclusion, i should like to say that this is a decisive session for the united nations. i should like to express the hope that the interests of individual countries and regions can be reconciled and that they will not prevail over responsibility for the fate of our common organization. on this positive note, i should like to end my statement. [number]

i congratulate the president on his election to preside over this session of the general assembly. i respectfully offer him the support of the panamanian delegation during his tenure. we welcome his proposal to focus this high level debate on the theme bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means . that theme is based on chapter vi of the united nations charter, which addresses the peaceful settlement of disputes. since its establishment, the united nations has played an essential role in the prevention and resolution of international conflicts. the commitment of the united nations continues to be to protect future generations from the scourge of war and to ensure that peace and respect among nations are the permanent conditions for global coexistence. international conflicts have always been and will remain a challenge for the international community and a grave threat to freedom and the right to enjoy a peaceful coexistence among all the nations and peoples of the world. that is why all the countries of the world have the responsibility to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security. the panamanian people possess the strong conviction and the commitment to use all existing peaceful means to solve international conflicts on the basis of the united nations charter and international law. those are simple truths that are easily forgotten, but which we all must defend. they are the basic condition for our existence in full peace, freedom and independence. panama advocates for the solution of all international conflicts by peaceful means. we support the promotion and defence of multilateralism and of all multilateral organizations as ideal frameworks for solving, through dialogue and cooperation, the problems that afflict humankind so that we may thereby maintain peace and international peace and security. the search for mediation and dialogue has been the stance that panama has historically always maintained with regard to the conflicts that disturb peace and international political stability. that search must include legitimate representatives of the parties in conflict, who must make efforts to recognize the rights of their counterparts and comply with their own obligations, with sincerity and a generous spirit, to reach just and permanent solutions. for that reason, the government of the republic of panama considers that palestine has the right to be recognized as a nation-state. however, it must resolve its differences with its neighbour, israel, recognizing that israel has the right to a peaceful and safe existence within its national territory a right that has already been recognized historically and legally by the international community. panama expresses its concern at the escalating violence that has been developing in the middle east and calls upon the international community to propose and attempt to enforce plans and solutions oriented towards peace, contributing to ending violent acts that affect the most vulnerable populations. the government of the republic of panama expresses is concerned about the severe crisis that has affected the fraternal syrian arab republic for over a year. we therefore respectfully remind all parties involved that peaceably resolving conflicts is the only means acceptable to the community of nations and peoples of the world for achieving a just and permanent solution. the panamanian people deeply deplore the murder of his excellecy mr. j. christopher stevens, ambassador of the united states of america to libya, as well as the foreign service personnel who were victims of the nefarious attack against the american consulate in benghazi. our prayers and thoughts are with their families. panama energetically condemns such actions, which cause sorrow and grief to a friendly nation and which violate the fundamental principles of international law, particularly the charter of the united nations and the vienna conventions on diplomatic and consular relations. the recent attacks on the diplomatic missions of the united states, germany, the united kingdom, saudi arabia, turkey, israel and france are absolutely unjustifiable. we reiterate that host states have an obligation to ensure the principle of the inviolability of the diplomatic and consular missions of the world and to safeguard international peace and security, as they are the source of communication and understanding. we call loudly and clearly for tolerance, dialogue and peaceful coexistence, the republic of panama is convinced that all international conflicts should be settled by peaceful means, using the instruments and mechanisms that have been created for those purposes. for that reason, panama formally joined the group of friends of mediation, demonstrating its historic commitment to the peaceful solution of conflicts, which is the central topic of this debate at the current session of the general assembly. as a firm believer that dialogue is a powerful tool for facilitating peace and the international political stability so necessary to ensure economic and social development for our peoples, panama wishes to reiterate its call, as it has done on other occasions, to support the chinese people in taiwan so that they may have greater participation as observers in international forums, organizations and initiatives and may cooperate and support the development and maintenance of peace both in asia and other parts of the world. panama is a multicultural country where people of diverse ethnicities, cultures and religions coexist in peace and harmony and which has historically maintained friendly relations with states of different political and ideological orientations. i am speaking of a demilitarized country, one that by virtue of its domestic law adheres to the doctrine of human security and that possesses a canal that is neutral. in addition, panama has tradition and experience as a participant in efforts for the peaceful solution of international controversies. those conditions are our guarantee and asset in advocating for a world that is peaceful and respectful of international law. panama continues to be committed to multilateralism, dialogue and negotiation among states as the only way to seek and achieve just solutions in global affairs. as a part of this commitment, in [number] we will host a series of important international meetings at the global and regional levels. panama will welcome the international congress of the spanish language, an event of a universal character and a forum for the ref lection on the status of the spanish tongue, which shapes our identity as a nation and unites the peoples of hispanic america. in [number], panama will also host the conference of the states parties to the united nations convention against corruption. that demonstrates that the fight against corruption and the promotion of transparency are essential elements of the modern rule of law to which my government is fully committed. we will also host the fifty-fourth annual meeting of the board of governors of the inter-american development bank, at which ministers of economy and finance, central bank presidents and representatives of various multilateral financial institutions will discuss topics related to their financial appointments. in addition, we will host the americas competitiveness forum, which will address the issue of the development of the region s competitiveness agenda on the basis of the [number] general competitiveness principles of the americas. we will also host the ibero-american summit, which will bring together the [number] states of latin america and those of the iberian peninsula. that summit represents an effort, involving dialogue and cooperation, to foster the development of our countries by opening up new markets and new opportunities for trade and cooperation with the peoples and the countries of europe. the international meetings set to take place in [number] will be held in the context of the celebration of a historic event that marks panamians to this day. i note that today is the anniversary of that event the discovery of a passage, through our country, to the pacific ocean. today [number] september marks almost [number] years since the so-called discovery of the south sea, later known as the pacific ocean, a feat that changed the geography of world navigation and the history of humanity. with the discovery of a passage from the atlantic to the pacific, we saw the beginning of a process of economic and demographic globalization around the world. from that moment on, panama began to play an important role in global navigation and trade that continues today. since then, panama has become the primary hub of the americas. indeed, it is one of the most important telecommunications and navigation routes in the world. we continue to make good progress in the expansion of the panama canal and tocumen international airport, which will become the largest airport in latin america. both of those projects will make it possible to further develop the panama canal route and will have a tremendous impact on international trade and on tourism. the feat accomplished by vasco n ez de balboa on [number] september [number] helped to forge panama s character as a country dedicated to the global transit of goods, and, with the construction of the canal, it was consolidated as the hub of worldwide maritime trade. there is no magic formula for the resolution of conflicts. nor do the global conditions exist for the complete fulfilment of chapter vi of the charter of the united nations, on the peaceful settlement of disputes. the world still has some important steps to take in order to ensure that dialogue is always the means of adjudicating differences. there must be a commitment at the state level for meeting that goal. one of the major steps forward we must take is in the area of education. education not only sets us free it makes us free thinkers. it helps us understand and respect different ideas. it provides us with an opportunity to be dreamers. through education we can learn to value cultures that might seem strange to us being different does not make us enemies. but in order to understand this in an all-encompassing way, we need a good and objective education. access to information through the internet and social networks is an indispensable tool to raise the level of knowledge and discernment among all peoples. while i advocate for the responsible use of those tools, i think that we have to go further. i believe that we must also address the issues of equality and self- esteem, which help distance us from resentment and violence. once again, education is the answer. such intangible wealth leads us to honest competition. the substitution of competition for violence can be achieved only through a modernization process in which our principles are preserved. a good education is one that is built upon a foundation of ethics and values. money is not the best type of assistance we can give our children. the best assistance we can give them is an education that is divorced from politics, passions and paradigms. that is the only way to achieve excellence. we must focus our educational efforts on young children. good, balanced primary education is the base of a solid pyramid. educating our children properly today is the best guarantee of a better future for all tomorrow. without education, there is no possibility of dialogue and vice versa. that is the reason for my government s focus on the well-being of panamanian children through the improvement of our schools and classrooms the creation of a free national internet network the provision of free computers the implementation of a universal scholarship, without any distinction on the basis of class or politics and, finally, the transformation of our educational curriculum. however, access to information must be provided to children in keeping with their developmental stage, respecting the fact that they are children and requiring that they do the best they can for their age. to respect children is to harvest peace. as i stated at the recent connect americas summit, held in our country in july, we must continue to harness our respective wills to reduce the digital divide and to maximize internet access around the world. every step in that direction will be key to the achievement of the millennium development goals by [number]. nevertheless, i remain uneasy about the risks posed by the misuse of cyberspace for boys, girls and adolescents. our job will not be finished if we do not assume the responsibility of facing up to one of the most significant ethical and moral challenges of our time the protection of children and young people from the threat posed to them by the misuse of cyberspace. for that reason, we support the initiative promoted by the international telecommunications union in that respect. i also invite all states represented here to share their experiences in order to establish and harmonize, on the basis of international telecommunications criteria, norms that will allow us to ensure that minors are no longer exposed to the risks and dangers disseminated through cyberspace. that should in no way be interpreted as a means of limiting or distorting freedom of expression or the universal use of the internet, which we defend firmly and with great conviction. panama is preparing draft legislation in order to establish minimum regulations geared towards protecting our children and adolescents from the dangerous content spread through the internet and other electronic media. we are currently working to pass that legislation based on consensus with all of panamanian society. we must become allies and close ranks against internet sites that promote child pornography and pornography in general, obscene and lascivious conduct, and physical, sexual and emotional violence. let us combine efforts and take concerted action against sites that facilitate the making of weapons or explosives, that incite illegal drug use, and that promote racism, xenophobia or any other type of discrimination that runs contrary to human dignity. let us take measures against those who dedicate themselves to making public, using and disseminating minors personal information and to making threats of all kinds against our boys, girls and adolescents. let us harness information and communications technology for the benefit of development and to ensure a better quality of life for our children, and let us not allow the benefits of accessing the internet to put them at risk. the government of the republic of panama supports the international community and the united nations through two large-scale projects. the first is the united nations regional centre for latin america and the caribbean in panama, which will host the [number] united nations subregional offices already established in our country. that centre will contribute to greater coordination and synergy within the united nations system, thereby contributing to its operational process, as outlined in the report of the high-level pannel on united nations system-wide coherence, delivering as one see a [number] [number] . we invite friendly nations who are committed to those reforms to financially contribute to that project, which will soon be open to international bidding. the other project is the regional humanitarian assistance logistics centre for the americas for the delivery of humanitarian aid in the event of disasters in the region. panama is committed to being a responsible humanitarian actor in the region, and we place our advantages as an international logistical platform at the disposal of the international community. panama s economic growth is widely recognized throughout our region. from [number] to [number], panama moved up nine places from [number] to [number] in the global competitiveness index, which represents our biggest jump in that ranking since [number], when our country began to be monitored by the world economic forum. such an increase indicates we are doing things well. panama s economic growth is the greatest in latin america. it is based on free market principles, is respectful of the environment, social standards and free enterprise initiatives, and is strongly committed to social inclusion. that has made it possible for us to significantly reduce unemployment in our country to [number]. [number] per cent and to reduce poverty, including extreme poverty, from [number]. [number] per cent to [number]. [number] in just three years, without compromising the riches of our environment. at the same time, our economic growth allows us to allocate resources to confront the threats of climate change, which is affecting and will continue to affect large and small nations without regard for their level of development. we all need to be more responsible in that regard. panama will continue to advocate for the international community to work on an institutional and multilateral structure that would reinforce the rights of all people to a planet with an environment suitable for the development of a healthful and peaceful life. we will insist on a new high-level discussion forum on the protection of the environment in the context of the general assembly. finally, panama reaffirms that it is a country that favours peaceful and respectful coexistence among all the peoples and governments of the world. we panamanians believe that humankind will always be capable of fighting for that cause, united by the hope that we can all build a better tomorrow. there is still time to share, as brothers, in the feast of existence on a peaceful planet that truly belongs to all.

mr. president, i should like, at the outset, to express to you my heartfelt congratulations on your unanimous election as president of this session. i am convinced that your wide knowledge and wisdom and the invaluable role played by your country, sri lanka, in strengthening international co-operation and understanding, will help this session to achieve more victories for this organization in the fields of peace, understanding and co-operation among the different nations of the world. us. i should also like to express the gratitude of my delegation to your predecessor, mr. gaston thorn, the prime minister of luxembourg, for his remarkable contribution to last year's assembly. our gratitude goes also to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, for his tireless efforts and wise guidance in molding this organization so as to comply with the aspirations of its members, as enshrined in its charter. [number]. it also gives my delegation great pleasure to welcome the presence among us today of the delegation of the republic of seychelles, now a full member of this organization. and while extending our congratulations, i have no doubt that the republic of seychelles will positively contribute to our efforts in the' international arena to realize our lofty goals. in this respect my delegation looks forward with great eagerness to seeing the delegations of both angola and viet nam taking their rightful place among the independent nations, in accordance with the proper application of the principle of universality of this organization. [number]. before reviewing the issues on the agenda, allow me, mr. president, to express the deep sorrow of the people and government of the democratic republic of the sudan on the passing away of the great leader of china, chairman mao tsetung, one of the giants of our century, whose unmatched, ingenious achievements made possible the reconstruction of modern china. [number]. there is no doubt that one of the key issues of utmost interest to our continent and to the whole world is south africa and the events which are currently taking place there. our organization is, especially at this session, expected to reach a formula that will fully guarantee the application of the principles of human rights in that part of our continent, ensure the dignity of the african and stop the bloodshed that now stains the streets of valiant soweto-a formula that will also condemn the murderers of africans and the advocates of racial discrimination, that serious malady introduced by those abhorrent regimes into the spirit of modem civilization. if we fail to eradicate that malady, it will be a disgrace for our generation and generations to come. [number]. racial discrimination is the root-cause of the present deteriorating situation in south africa, encouraged and supported by the existing racist regimes so as to enable them to use brutal power against the black majority in southern africa. it is, therefore, evident that the elimination of apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination will constitute a basic positive contribution towards resolving african problems. [number]. vorster stated last september that the policy of apartheid is the appropriate system of government for south africa in saying so he has shown that he is consistently acting in contravention of the resolutions of this organization, the universal declaration of human rights, and world conscience. [number]. i would, therefore, call from this rostrum for the complete isolation of the racist regime in south africa and for the implementation of the relevant united nations resolutions on this matter. i would also appeal to the international community to refrain from economic investment in south africa, which strengthens and consolidates the system of racial discrimination and its power base, and instead to give financial, military and political support to the people of south africa and help them to liberate their country. in so doing, the international community would prove its genuine desire to redress the injustices which beset lie people of that unfortunate country. [number]. it does appear that vorster is deliberately failing to recognize the capabilities of the present generation of south africans, which has no illusions about the apartheid regime the events at soweto, johannesburg, cape town, pretoria and port elizabeth are only examples which will either bring vorster to his senses or compel him to pack and leave. [number]. the present situation in south africa constitutes a real test for those countries which. ostensibly advocate international peace, civilization and progress and condemn killing and terrorism, while at the same time reacting differently towards the injustice, humiliation and denial of human rights to which the black peoples of africa are being subjected. the same applies to those countries which provide illegal minority and racist regimes with financial support and technical, know-how, thereby causing more suffering to the african people, while denying the same assistance other countries under the pretext of preserving international peace and security. our criterion should remain coherent in this respect. we africans are able to distinguish our friends from our enemies. those who seek the friendship of africa should link arms with africa today in order to uphold the dignity, liberty and independence of the african. [number]. undoubtedly the presence of the racist regime in south africa is the crucial factor that created the problem of namibia, on the one hand, and on the other, consolidated the white minority regime that is illegally ruling zimbabwe. the overwhelming hegemony of the ruling white minority, together with its unwarranted exploitation of those parts of the african continent are, no doubt, the natural outcome of the failure of the international community to combat the racist regime in south africa long before its encroachment spread westwards into namibia and northwards into zimbabwe and at a time when this organization was adopting successive resolutions designed to solve that problem. [number]. the' question of namibia is and will continue to be the responsibility of the united nations. south africa tab failed to carry out the responsibilities of the mandate entrusted to it to administer the region on behalf of this organization. it is therefore the duty of this world body seriously and decisively to take appropriate measures for the implementation of its resolutions and to secure the independence of namibia. in this respect, the negotiations between swapo-the only authentic representative of the people of namibia and the only body my recognized by the united nations and oau as such-and the government of south africa should be conducted at the earliest possible time. in this connexion we would like to state emphatically that we reject the maneuvers pursued by the racist regime pertaining to negotiations and conducted in a manner that would cast doubts and negative shadows on the genuine will of the people of namibia to achieve their full and prompt independence, with no strings attached, or any further continuation of hegemony or racist influence in the region. [number]. we salute the armed struggle launched by the people of zimbabwe, who have lived for so long under the oppression and domination of the illegal white minority regime. this armed struggle, marked by sacrifice and blood on the soil of zimbabwe, is imposing a very important turn in the development of events. the will of the people is undefeatable and armed struggle is the only path left to ensure majority rule as long as the smith regime does not heed the voice of reason. indeed, he has drifted in the opposite direction-the direction of brutal oppression. [number]. we welcome all attempts towards negotiations earnestly and seriously pursued to establish majority rule in zimbabwe. at this juncture i wish to mention the full support of president nimeiri for the decisions adopted at the meeting of the presidents of the front-line african states. on the other hand, we reject all proposals aiming at the establishment of a transitional government in zimbabwe, as conceived by ian smith, that would allow the white minority to retain power. past experience and repeated tactics and maneuver only confirm our reservations. in this connexion, we quote smith's famous saying "there will never be majority rule in rhodesia as long as i live. ' there is a great opportunity for a final and just solution in front of mr. smith, and he should not let this chance slide by, otherwise he will dance on his own grave. [number]. any settlement reached in zimbabwe must, in the first place, be acceptable to the freedom fighters, the sole representatives of the people of zimbabwe. such a settlement must not be at the expense of the unity of the zimbabwean people in their concerted efforts and armed struggle for independence. such a struggle, we believe, will continue until complete independence is achieved. [number]. the democratic republic of the sudan has condemned in the strongest terms and categorically rejected the illegal minority regime in zimbabwe. in order to compel this illegal and racist regime to abide by the united nations resolutions it is imperative that the international community tighten its mandatory economic, military and political sanctions. my country appeals to all members of this organization to extend all possible assistance to the liberation movements of zimbabwe in their struggle against the racist power. [number]. free africa is deeply concerned with the inflammable situation in so-called french somaliland djibouti . notwithstanding the persistent efforts of oau and the united nations, the situation in that part of the continent remains tense and grave. we deem it necessary that the territory be granted the right of self-determination in an atmosphere free from external pressures with a view to achieving complete independence in accordance with the resolutions of oau and the united nations. [number]. with the same concern, we follow the situation in the comoros. it is our firm belief that the island of mayotte is an inseparable part of the comoros. africa seeks and needs national unity, not partition or fragmentation. [number]. notwithstanding all the resolutions adopted by this organization, the situation in the middle east is still more explosive than ever and will continue to be so unless israel completely withdraws from all occupied arab territories. israel still continues to establish colonies on the west bank, it still continues to exercise the most abhorrent types of brutality and oppression against the arabs in the occupied territories, trampling underfoot the universal declaration of human rights and international laws and practice. it went even further by applying the rule of the jungle to desecrate the sacred spiritual and religious beliefs and places in the occupied arab lands, and perhaps its most recent aggression on the sacred ibrahimi mosque in hebron stands as the most striking example. [number]. therefore it is no surprise to us that this assembly adopted its historic resolution [number] xxx of [number] november [number] considering zionism as a form of racial discrimination. it is again no surprise that we witness the warmth of relations and the tight racial alliance between the governments of tel aviv and pretoria, which actually represent two faces of one coin in exercising racial discrimination in all its forms of ugliness and brutality, in all its forms of the suppression against the arab people in palestine and the occupied territories and occupied territories and the african people in south africa, namibia and zimbabwe, unmoved by the voice of conscience and in spite of the great opposition of the modern world and the disgust of human conscience, clearly represented in the resolutions of this organization and other international and regional organizations. [number]. real peace in the middle east will not be achieved progress in implementing decisions of the sixth and seventh before the complete withdrawal of israel from all occupied special sessions. arab territories and the full recognition of the inalienable right of the palestinian people to return to their homes. it is also evident that, if israel does not absorb fully the lesson given to it during the october war of [number], the second lesson will undoubtedly follow. [number]. the democratic republic of the sudan believes in the necessity of establishing international zones of peace, which in turn will greatly contribute to the, easing of tension and will further, lead to the diminution of the danger that threatens peace and security in the world. in that connexion sudan has announced its firm support of all the resolutions adopted by this organization and by the group of non-aligned countries calling for the declaration of lite indian ocean as a zone of peace. we also support all the united nations resolutions aimed at the establishment of a zone of peace in africa, as this will primarily lead to the elimination of the threat of war there and will provide the favorable conditions that will enable development in africa to take place, and will accordingly mean the betterment of the african people. [number]. the democratic republic of the sudan welcomes international co-operation in tile utilization of outer space for peaceful purposes, and calls at the same time for a reduction of military budgets, for the ceasing of production of chemical and bacteriological weapons, as well as for putting an end to all sorts of nuclear-weapon tests. thus we state in this forum sudan's for stand, beside other states, in favor of the conclusion of a treaty for the complete prohibition of nuclear tests, as well as its full support of all efforts exerted to accomplish total disarmament in this decade of remarkable global detente. [number]. the democratic republic of the sudan follows with great concern the deteriorating situation in the eastern mediterranean, particularly in view of its friendly relations with the parties involved in the question of cyprus. our, intention for the preservation of peace and security in this region, which is so close to our country, does dictate our rum stand on the problem of cyprus. therefore we believe in the independence, national unity and territorial integrity of cyprus together with the preservation of neutrality and sovereignty of the people of cyprus, being of greek or turkish origin. [number]. at this forum we call upon all the parties concerned to exert maximum efforts, and to exhaust all peaceful and diplomatic means, to formulate an acceptable and lasting solution to the problem. in this regard we commend the tireless peace efforts of the secretary-general and his special representatives in cyprus and we hope that they bear fruit in the near future in order to restore peace and tranquility to the people of the island. [number]. the international community has embarked irreversibly on the road to the establishment of the new international economic order, which represents an important element in the continuing process of the democratization of international economic relations on the basis of equality, justice, and respect of the interests of all states. our principal task at present is, therefore, to proceed on the basis we have laid down, to the adoption of such measures and actions that will enable us to achieve further progress in implementing decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions. [number]. the present international economic situation reflects a gloomy image and unless urgent measures are taken to alleviate the economic problems besetting developing countries, the already growing economic disparities will further add to prevailing complexity. [number]. the establishment of the new world economic order for self-sustaining growth and a stable and equitable world economy is a common cause for all countries and, further, an imperative necessity for the advancement of the entire international community. the existence of a few rich and affluent countries and a large number of poor ones will not help speed the advancement of humanity. poverty and affluence cannot coexist endlessly. structural changes are essential prerequisites if we are to avert potentially dangerous conflicts that have a direct bearing on the stability of world peace and security. [number]. the complex problem of crippling debts and debt servicing constitutes a serious impediment to development and requires an immediate solution. developing countries have come up with several proposals in manual i, and colomboi [number] with regard to urgent measures for cancellation, rescheduling of payments and the declaration of moratoriums on debts. it is our duty to frustrate all divergent and divisive attempts to delay action on this urgent issue. we cannot mortgage the future of our coming generations with these debts, whose repayment lays a heavy burden on our people. we believe the time has come for an urgent solution to this pressing problem. furthermore, developing countries need to receive accelerated concessionary development assistance and fair terms of trade in order to help build their industries and develop their economies. [number]. my delegation attaches considerable importance to the work of the ad hoc committee on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the united nations system so as to make it more responsive to the implementation of the declaration and program of action on the establishment of a new international economic order resolutions [number] svi and [number] svi . in this context we consider the restructuring process to be an essential pre-condition for the initiation of action oriented measures designed to translate the international economic order into tangible action. consequently, my delegation calls upon the ad hoc committee to discharge its mandate expeditiously by submitting detailed and specific action proposals to this assembly during its current session. that would enable our assembly to initiate urgent steps that would enhance the central coordinating capability of the united nations in the economic and social field. [number]. humanity had a hard time combating poverty, disease and illiteracy. now we witness the emergence of food scarcity as a new plague. the world has continued to suffer in the past few years from an acute scarcity of food. as we have already declared on this rostrum, the international food crisis is an artificial one and the democratic republic of the sudan can provide us with the helping tool. our enormous agricultural resources are yet to be tapped and utilized for the production of more food to alleviate the deteriorating crisis. and i am glad to reiterate that the sudan is willing to make these resources available for the benefit of mankind. [number]. we continue to place great hopes in this organization. let us take care to promote its performance so that we can successfully establish a sound international community on well-founded pomiical, social and economic bases, under an umbrella of permanent peace for us and our coming generations.

owing to professional chance and our convergent interests, i have had the good fortune to know ambassador de pinies for many years. it is with rare pleasure that i convey to him the heartfelt congratulations of the government of the democratic republic of madagascar on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fortieth session. i am certain that his rich experience in international affairs and his qualities as a statesman will help to ensure that our work meets with the success that we all desire. to our brother, his excellency mr. paul lusaka, we renew our expressions of pride and satisfaction at the ability, effectiveness and calmness with which he presided over the work of the thirty-ninth session. we pay a tribute also to the secretary-general for the many initiatives he has taken in the cause of peace and on behalf of countries which by nature or fate has not favored. z wish also, on behalf of ray delegation, to request the delegation of mexico to convey our sympathy and support to its government and our condolences to the families which have suffered so greatly as a result of the earthquakes which recently ravaged mexico. it has often been said that the vision of the founders of our organization and their attitude to our collective future were not basically different from our own. their philosophy was based on two premises the wisdom of nations and the balanced division of responsibilities in the moral and material reconstruction of a world plunged into indescribable chaos by the ravages of war and fascist totalitarian ideologies. they had to restructure international relations in order to safeguard a peace which had been won through enormous sacrifices, to ensure economic recovery, to promote the social progress of peoples and to guarantee human rights. finally, to crown it all, an international authority was to see to it that the actions of nations in furtherance of the purposes of the charter would be co-ordinated and harmonized. that was the scenario for a better world, in which all peoples would feel safe and states would undertake to subordinate the promotion of their own interests to the quest for the common good. once the facts had been established, the norms promulgated and the means defined, it was our job to build upon them. but [number] years later we are still wondering whether the vision of our predecessors was not too idealistic, whether our organization is still relevant and whether we have failed in the mission bequeathed to us. the principles remain valid, while priorities have been rearranged and the perception of our goals has changed in the light of positive and negative developments in the world situation. nevertheless, our heritage has not been excessively compromised, and we must undertake a periodic evaluation, which will form the framework for our discussions as we commemorate the fortieth anniversary of our organization. this anniversary coincides with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, to the drafting of which all contributed, in particular the afro-asian, latin american and socialist countries. since [number], more than [number] of us have achieved sovereignty or recovered it. thus, our full participation in international affairs has been directly or indirectly fostered by the adoption of that declaration, which represents the culmination of the struggle waged by the democratic forces and the expression of the solidarity among peoples. some would say that decolonization, which is an inevitable, irreversible historical process, would have come about even had the united nations not existed. it is sufficient to list the cases of decolonization between the two world wars and recall the insistence with which we invoked the charter during the anti-colonial struggle to be convinced of the opposite. certainly, it is in the field of decolonization that the united nations has succeeded in playing its role as a center for the co-ordination of efforts, to the extent that preconditions, hesitations and ambiguities have given way to reason. the same could have been said of namibia, where so many hopes have always been pinned on the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] and the joint action of the united nations council for namibia, the united nations commissioner for namibia and the special committee of [number], to all of which we pay a tribute. we have identified the obstacles and they are all the fault of the pretoria regime the continued illegal occupation of an international territory the absurd linkage between the withdrawal of cuban troops from angola and the obligation of a usurper regime to give back what does not belong to it the continued acts of aggression against the front-line states the installation of a so-called interim administration and the authorization given to national and transnational corporations to engage in excessive exploitation of the resources of the territory. all the means prescribed in chapter vi of the charter have been exhausted, and implementation of article [number]. has even begun. it is time for us seriously to consider binding sanctions and recourse to article [number] if we wish to establish the authority of the organization and prove to international public opinion and the south west africa people's organization swapo , which is recognized as the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the namibian people, that we want, and are able, to fulfill our responsibilities. recently there has been talk of the adverse effects of sanctions and reference has been made to history and to economic and humanitarian considerations. until total independence is won, the namibian people, like any other struggling people, is ready to make sacrifices. it would be scandalous if, through our omissions and procrastination and the absence of true solidarity on the part of some of us, those sacrifices were in vain and the pretoria regime managed to impose its own solution. another act of decolonization to be achieved relates to western sahara. the organization of african unity oau and the movement of non-aligned countries have recognized that the united nations can make a major contribution to establishing a process and a mechanism which will make possible the effective exercise by the sahraoui people of their legitimate sovereign rights. direct negotiations between the two parties, the kingdom of morocco and the eolisario front, would eliminate the threats to peace, stability and security in the region. the united nations can be proud of its work in the field of decolonization and can commit itself to continuing that work until the colonial phenomenon has been totally eradicated, but can the same be said about development and the elimination of economic and social inequality? the network of institutions and organizations dealing with international economic, social and cultural co-operation is widespread and interlinked. we agreed, after arduous negotiations, to focus our action on integrated national development, the restructuring of economic relations among nations and the development of world economic security. none of those provisions violates the purposes or principles of the charter, in particular those set forth in chapter ix. yet the results are mixed, not to say disappointing, mainly because of the changes that successive crises have imposed on priorities. thus, the idea of world economic security, which logically should have been our prime concern, has not always been supported by some among us. it has sometimes been ill -defined, sometimes complex, sometimes controversial, and often, on various pretexts, it has been reduced to some of its aspects that have been wisely referred to as instances of the interdependence of nations and problems. this could lead to excessive subordination or to conflicts of interest and that, when considered from the viewpoint of individual or collective selfishness, is inevitably reflected in a general imbalance and a gradual erosion of international economic co-operation - a phenomenon that in its turn has brought about marginalization, backwardness and the increasing impoverishment of the majority of the nations of the world. it is therefore natural that the struggle of the third world to reverse this trend continues. it started with our demand for a new international economic order and the adoption of the charter of economic rights and duties of states. it will go on until we are sure that the international negotiations will lead to acceptance of the idea of economic security for all, because, if we accept the axiom that there is no development without security and no security without development, we must acknowledge that our actions must be simultaneous and not consecutive. in any case, what security or development, whether integrated or not, can we boast of when we face inextricable, nightmarish debt problems? is it not true that in the majority of cases the debt was incurred to ensure for our peoples more rapid development, more equitable at the international level and better distributed at the national level? is it not true that we continue to be the victims of the erratic prices of raw materials, unfavorable terms of trade, fluctuations in interest and exchange rates and, recently, the too high priority accorded by banks and financial institutions to ideas of profitability? since the first united nations conference on trade and development, held in new delhi [number] years ago, it could be said that we have enjoyed rehashing the same arguments, we could reply that we have not always found the necessary understanding in our partners to remove obstacles in situations whose urgency and acuteness might have escaped them, we do not wish to dwell at length on missed opportunities. we assume it is agreed that the present discussion falls within the framework of a continuing significant consensus that the united nations cannot tolerate any further fragmentation of negotiations and of the decision-making system. two major challenges remain to be met the critical economic situation in africa and the problems of indebtedness and financing for development. in africa, disease, famine, malnutrition and poverty remain widespread. twenty-one countries and [number] million inhabitants re still affected by drought. domestic production and rates of growth have continually fallen since [number]. serious balance-of-payments difficulties still exist and debt servicing alone, evaluated at [number] billion in [number], is jeopardizing development and stability. over and above emergency assistance, the co-ordination of which is fortunately handled by the united nations office for emergency operations in africa, the seriousness of these problems makes joint action by africa and the international community necessary to revive, inter alia, long-term development and economic growth and to ensure appropriate structural reforms. african heads of state and government have made specific proposals in this connection, such as the convening of a united nations conference on the economic situation in africa, the organization of a conference on african debt and the establishment of special funds for africa. the negative development of the economic situation has compelled us to call for the speedy convening of an international conference on money and finance for development. a process of consultation would be established between debtors and creditors to agree on more flexible measures for rescheduling and the adjustment of modalities for granting official development assistance. but, despite the moratoriums, rescheduling and structural adjustments, questions of development and financing will not be satisfactorily resolved until the problem of indebtedness is resolved. we are shocked and overwhelmed by what we do not hesitate to call the scandal of the century - the fact that the net transfer of capital to the developing countries was [number] billion from [number] to [number], but became negative in [number] and that the world debt amounts to approximately [number] billion, whereas military expenditures amounted to [number] billion for [number] alone. the figures speak for themselves, and it is difficult to resist simplistic equations, particularly since few nations would agree to sacrifice their security for the development of others. but it would be wrong for us not to stress the link between development and disarmament. the study requested by the united nations on the allocation to development purposes of funds released by disarmament was published [number] years ago, and where are we now? in times of political crisis, development is relegated to second place and that concept has been overshadowed by the emphasis nations place on strengthening their military security either individually or in the framework of existing alliances, which naturally implies recognition of the failure of the collective security system envisaged in the charter. development, disarmament and security are for us aspects o the same situation. they must be the concern of us all, not merely of some powers or of the the two blocs. that is why we have always advocated that the right place for finding a solution to these problems must be the united nations. according to article [number] of the charter ". . . the security council shall be responsible for formulating. . . plans to be submitted to the members of the united nations for the establishment of a system for the regulation of armaments", and article [number] says that "the general assembly may consider. . . the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments, and may make recommendations with regard to such principles to the members or to the security council or to both". the constitutional provisions and the relevant machinery exist, but in practice two powers take care of everything with, from time to time, consultation of the members of the two alliances, and the united nations is reduced to a marginal role. this marginalization cannot continue because at some point it will challenge the consensus we achieved with regard to the limitation, control, reduction and elimination of nuclear weapons. we cannot avoid the complexity of the problem, given the conditions inherent to each stage and the transition from one stage to another. as soon as some progress is made in limitation, difficulties arise at the level of verification, research and development bring about a revision of the ceiling of limitation and of the list of types of weapons concerned, and reduction is seen in the context of political criteria and, therefore, subordinated to the evolution of the relationship between the military or nuclear powers. uncertainty is the rule, and we cannot blame propaganda alone for the favorable reactions of international public opinion when we talk of zones of peace, such as the indian ocean and the mediterranean, a freeze in the deployment of new weapons, moratoriums, zones free from chemical or nuclear weapons and the non-militarization of environments considered to be the common heritage of mankind, that is, the sea-bed, the ocean floor and outer space. disarmament is too important to be left in the hands of technicians alone. more than ever before, political action is necessary and urgent. it is time for the united nations to play the role of initiator and prime mover in establishing mutual trust among the nuclear powers and for it to be included in bilateral discussions, directly and through providing it with appropriate information. he base ourselves on the same mutual trust when we speak of the non-proliferation treaty. already certain powers - and major ones at that - are allowed to escape the constraints of that treaty, but distrust persists vis-a-vis the signatories, who intend to place nuclear energy at the service of development, and no mention is made of article vi of the treaty, whereby the nuclear powers have undertaken to conduct negotiations in good faith in order to eliminate nuclear weapons. if everyone fulfilled their obligations, the treaty would be more fully respected. in the field of conventional disarmament, what we have just said about the role of the united nations is valid here too. however, we must bear in mind the new dimensions - namely, the existence and continuation of conflicts and tensions, as well as the responsibility and the ability of the united nations to prevent them and resolve them. in principle, if the conditions of military, political and economic security were met, and if at all times in all places and at all times there was a spirit of amity, tolerance and good neighborliness, peaceful coexistence and principles relating to international sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference, respect and mutual advantage, we could then say that conflicts and tensions would disappear. but the facts have produced a different situation. national interest has not yet managed to blend with general interest. our society although claiming universality, is still human with all its strengths weaknesses. the states concerned themselves hesitate to bring their disputes t n international forum, while the united nations is not sure of its authority and of the adequacy of the means made available to it by the member states. we are devoted to the cardinal principle of peaceful negotiated settlement of disputes. although everything hinges on the kind of dispute and on the readiness of the states concerned, we must provide for a certain measure of flexibility and not stick blindly to the order in which the means are enumerated in the charter. hence we continue to believe that, in the context of the development of international law, it is desirable that some categories of conflicts be submitted to binding arbitration. it is not unreasonable to think that such a procedure would have a positive effect on a peaceful and independent reunification of the korean homeland, without foreign interference on the war between iran and iraq, which might be settled round a conference table even after all efforts at conciliation and mediation had unfortunately failed on the search for a political solution to the deadlocks in south-east asia, central america, the. caribbean and south america and on the situation in cyprus, where a solution entails respect for the relevant united nations resolutions and for the sovereignty, unity and non-alignment of the republic of cyprus. some seek shelter behind the provisions of the charter in order to entrust the task of settling some of these conflicts to regional and sub-regional bodies but sooner or later there will be leveled against us the accusation that we are more likely to generate and maintain crises than to defuse then. the experience of the past [number] years has put us to the test with regard to the question of the middle east and the situation in south africa, matters on which world public opinion has judged and continues to judge us rather harshly. in the middle east, the context, the conditions and the machinery for a settlement do exist. despite our efforts, the cycle of violence continues, to such an extent that the very existence of lebanon is threatened. the rights of a people for which we have a special responsibility are being negotiated at the whim of alliances and of strategic or ideological interests, under the cover of various plans which leave us somewhat skeptical. are we from now on to understand that the united nations plan for the final settlement of the palestinian problem is doomed to oblivion in the security council? are we to be satisfied with expediency which, because of its very nature and its inoperative character, merely strengthens israeli intransigence? were this to be so, we would be creating an irreversible situation to the benefit of hegemonism and exclusivism. the fortieth anniversary of the organization affords us an opportunity to reconsider the overall question of the middle east and in particular the question of palestine, and to relaunch the international conference in which the palestinians must participate on an equal footing with the other parties, in keeping with resolution [number] xxx of [number] november [number]. we are convinced that a settlement of the question of palestine founded on the legitimate aspirations of the palestinian people is the key element of an overall political settlement of the conflict in the middle east - the establishment of which cannot be realized without removing the ostracism in which some have placed the palestine liberation organization. the situation is no different in south africa, for we have allowed it to deteriorate through our indecision and our . jppsaseeent of the apartheid regime, we are witnessing a real political and social revolution, involving the african national congress of south africa, the forces of liberation and of the struggle against apartheid, students, young people, trade unionists and religious circles. some see foreign intervention there. others, such as we ourselves, are convinced that it is a revolution above all african-inspired for the advent of a just and democratic society. it was to be expected that reactionary circles would rush to support certain reforms and half-measures to turn the south african revolution away from its objectives and preserve the established order. it would have been more logical, however little some may be faithful to our principles, to return to the spirit of [number] and to recognize that the creation of our organization was also a revolution, born of the determination to put an end for ever to the new order that fascism and nazism wanted to impose upon us. we have noticed that, as in every general debate, we have been unable to resist the temptation to get out old files, to go through them, add what we believe to be new elements and remove what seems to be no longer relevant. that exercise, which lawyers entrust to their clerks, sometimes allows us to obtain information whose wise and timely use permits us to draw conclusions supporting our argument and then to regard the file as closed. but we have not come here mainly to make demands, argue our case or pass judgment. our approach continues to be political our desire is to find solutions, and therefore one can well understand our frustration when at the en. of the session, or even during the course of it, the files are put away and closed, only to be reopened for use in other debates. however, the current session to some extent lades the sense of futility to which unfortunately we have become accustomed. indeed, we are convinced that our thoughts should be devoted to defining the conditions for the creation of a better world for future generations. it might be wondered whether there exists a better world than that in which we live, which, after all, has been free of world war for two generations, a world which, we are told, enjoys globally a prosperity unmatched in human history, a world in which science and technology are at our service - but also unfortunately a world where there are more shadows than rays of light. however, it is quite natural for a given society at each stage of its development to regard itself as the best. here it is sufficient to recall the age of enlightenment. but, just as a nation is dedicated to striving to develop and flourish, the destiny of the international society is to surpass its previous achievements. in that context, we say yes, there will always be a better world than that which it suggested to us, and better than the one we leave behind. that is our vision. it is not merely wishful thinking, but will be the outcome of the dynamic of history. it is our hope that present and future realities will reflect it better. i wish to conclude by reading out to the assembly a few extracts from the message sent by mr. didier ratsiraka, president of the democratic republic of madagascar, to the secretary-general on [number] may, as follows "when the international community is commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the victory over nazism and fascism at the end of the second world war, the struggle waged against them, the people and the government of the democratic republic of madagascar once again reaffirm their firm adherence to the purposes and principles of the united nations charter and recognize the need to support and strengthen the united nations in order to make it an effective instrument which can play its crucial role in the maintenance of international peace and security. . . the struggle against all forms of injustice, racial discrimination and fascist ideologies and practices is one madagascar. the people and the government of madagascar have always been opposed to fascism and all other forms of totalitarian ideologies and practices based on intolerance, hatred and racial terror, and all forms of domination and hegemony. "he are convinced that, despite all the difficulties it encounters, the united nations will develop between nations friendly relations based on respect for the principle of equality of the rights of peoples and their right to self-determination, and will achieve international co-operation by developing and fostering respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and will be able to preserve peace for mankind as a whole. "