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200 | {
"en": "A Breakthrough Against Hunger",
"zh": "突破饥饿危机"
} |
201 | {
"en": "Spain is taking global leadership in combating hunger by inviting world leaders to Madrid in late January to move beyond words to action. With Spain’s leadership and United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s partnership, several donor governments are proposing to pool their financial resources so that the world’s poorest farmers can grow more food and escape the poverty trap.",
"zh": "纽约—当今世界饥饿危机的严重程度前所未有,已是当务之急。近十亿人在忍受着长期饥饿的煎熬—这样的人口很可能比两年前增加了一亿。西班牙正在对抗饥饿方面起着全球性的领导作用。它将邀请世界各国领导人于一月底汇聚马德里,将言语付诸行动。在西班牙的领导和联合国秘书长潘基文的支持下,几个捐助国政府正协商着将他们的财政资源集中起来以便让世界上最贫困的农民能够种植更多的粮食,从而摆脱贫穷的陷阱。"
} |
202 | {
"en": "Peasant farmers in Africa, Haiti, and other impoverished regions currently plant their crops without the benefit of high-yield seed varieties and fertilizers. The result is a grain yield (for example, maize) that is roughly one-third less than what could be achieved with better farm inputs.",
"zh": "捐助国的支援所带来的好处是不言而喻的。非洲、海地和其他贫困地区目前都在没有高产种子和化肥的情况下种植作物。其结果就是粮食产量(例如玉米)比在有更好的农业投入的情况下大约要少三分之一。相较于大量施用化肥的中国农民每公顷四吨的产量,非洲农民每公顷的粮食产量只有约一吨。"
} |
203 | {
"en": "Not only do these farmers then feed their families, but they also can begin to earn market income and to save for the future. By building up savings over a few years, the farmers eventually become creditworthy, or have enough cash to purchase vitally necessary inputs on their own.",
"zh": "非洲农民知道他们需要化肥,只是买不起。有了捐助国的帮助,他们就能用上化肥了。到那时,这些农民不仅能养家糊口,还能开始赚取市场收入并为未来而储蓄。有了几年的积蓄,这些农民最终能够成为具有银行信用的人,或者有足够的现金自行购买必需的农业投入。"
} |
204 | {
"en": "There is now widespread agreement on the need for increased donor financing for small farmers (those with two hectares or less of land, or impoverished pastoralists), which is especially urgent in Africa. The UN Secretary General led a steering group last year that determined that African agriculture needs around $8 billion per year in donor financing – roughly four times the current total – with a heavy emphasis on improved seeds, fertilizer, irrigation systems, and extension training.",
"zh": "现今的一个广泛共识是捐助融资对非洲小农户(拥有两公顷或以下土地,或者是贫穷的畜牧业者)的必要性和急迫性。联合国秘书长领导的一个指导小组去年得出的结论是非洲农业每年需要约八十亿的捐助融资—大约是现有规模的四倍—而重中之重是改良的种子、化肥、灌溉系统和延伸培训。"
} |
205 | {
"en": "In addition to direct help for small farms, donors should provide more help for the research and development needed to identify new high-yielding seed varieties, especially to breed plants that can withstand temporary flooding, excess nitrogen, salty soils, crop pests, and other challenges to sustainable food production. Helping the poor with today’s technologies, while investing in future improved technologies, is the optimum division of labor.",
"zh": "除了对小农场的直接援助外,捐助方还应该在必需的研发方面给予更多的帮助,从而开发更多种类的新高产种子,特别是用以培育能够耐受暂时的洪涝、过量的氮、盐质土壤、害虫和其他可持续粮食生产所面临的挑战的作物。以当今的技术帮助穷人,同时投资于未来更好的技术是最佳的分工。"
} |
206 | {
"en": "These centers are not household names, but they deserve to be. Their scientific breakthroughs have helped to feed the world, and we’ll need more of them.",
"zh": "有了如国际水稻研究所和国际玉米及小麦研究所这些提供高产种子和创新农业战略,并共同引发了亚洲“绿色革命”的研究中心,这种投资的回报极为可观。这些中心并非人尽皆知,但它们的确是无名英雄。它们的科学突破帮助我们养活了全世界的人口,这样的机构应该更多一些。"
} |
207 | {
"en": "Dozens of low-income, food-deficit countries, perhaps as many as 40-50, have elaborated urgent programs for increased food production by small farms, but are currently held back by the lack of donor funding. These countries have appealed to the World Bank for financing, and the Bank made a valiant effort in 2008 to help through its new Global Food Crisis Response Program (GFCRP).",
"zh": "数十个低收入、粮食赤字的国家(可能有四十到五十个)已经宣布了旨在增加小农场粮食产量的紧急计划,但却由于缺少捐助方的资金支持而力不从心。这些国家向世界银行请求融资,而该行在2008年也不遗余力地通过其新的“全球粮食危机响应计划” (GFCRP) 提供了帮助。但世行资金在满足这些国家的紧急需求方面也是捉襟见肘,并不得不对援助资金进行配额限制,使得其数额相对于原本所需的可靠而有效资金量而言只是杯水车薪。同时,近十亿人则在饥饿中挣扎。"
} |
208 | {
"en": "Many individual donor countries have declared that they are now prepared to increase their financial support for smallholder agriculture, but are searching for the appropriate mechanisms to do so. The current aid structures are inadequate.",
"zh": "许多捐助国都各自宣称正准备增加对小型农业的资金支持,但现在正寻求一种合适的实施机制。目前的援助架构尚有欠缺。二十余家双边和多边的农业援助机构则高度分散,其规模不论个体还是集体都尚显不足。"
} |
209 | {
"en": "The 2008 planting seasons came and went with much too little additional help for impoverished small farmers. African countries search endlessly, and mostly fruitlessly, for the small amounts of funding needed for their purchases of fertilizer and improved seeds.",
"zh": "尽管许多专业人士付出了巨大的努力,但对饥饿危机的响应仍然远远不足。2008年的种植季节来了又去,贫穷的小农户们在此期间所获得的额外援助仍是少之又少。非洲国家无尽地,也几乎无果地寻求着购买化肥和良种所需的小额资金。"
} |
210 | {
"en": "My colleagues and I, serving on an advisory committee for the Spanish initiative, have recommended that donors pool their funds into a single international account, which we call the Financial Coordination Mechanism (FCM). These pooled funds would enable farmers in poor countries to obtain the fertilizer, improved seed varieties, and small-scale irrigation equipment that they urgently need.",
"zh": "作为西班牙政府此项计划的顾问委员会成员,我和我的同事们建议捐助方将他们的资金集中到同一个被我们称为“融资协调机制(FCM)”的国际账户。这些集中起来的资金能让贫穷国家的农民获得急需的化肥、良种和小型灌溉设备。"
} |
211 | {
"en": "Poor countries would receive prompt and predictable financing for agricultural inputs from a single account, rather than from dozens of distinct and fragmented donors. By pooling financial resources into a single-donor FCM, aid programs’ administrative costs could be kept low, the availability of aid flows could be assured, and poor countries would not have to negotiate 25 times in order to receive help.",
"zh": "穷国能从一个统一账户而不是数十个各自为政且高度分散的捐助方获得即时和可预见的农业投入融资。通过将财政资源集中到一个统一的捐助方FCM,可以保持较低的援助计划行政成本,援助资金流的持续性也能得到保证,而穷国也不必为了获得援助而进行二十五次谈判。"
} |
212 | {
"en": "The donors promised to double aid to Africa by 2010, but are still far off track. Indeed, during the past 20 years, they actually cut aid for agriculture programs, and only now are reversing course.",
"zh": "按部就班的时代一去不返。捐助方承诺到2010年将援助资金增加一倍,但现在仍是任重道远。的确,在过去的二十年里,他们实际上削减了农业计划的援助资金,直到现在才开始回到正轨。"
} |
213 | {
"en": "We need a breakthrough that is demonstrable, public, clear, and convincing, that can mobilize the public’s hearts and minds, and that can demonstrate success. History can be made in Madrid at the end of January, when the world’s richest and poorest countries converge to seek solutions to the global hunger crisis.",
"zh": "与此同时,十亿人却每天生活在饥饿的阴影之中。我需要一种突破,它具有示范效应,公开、明晰并具有说服力;它能激发公众的身心投入,并彰显成功。当世界上最富裕和最贫穷的国家在一月底齐心协力寻求全球饥饿危机的解决之道时,我们就能在马德里创造历史。十亿最贫穷人口的生命皆系于此。"
} |
214 | {
"en": "A Breakthrough Opportunity for Global Health",
"zh": "全球卫生状况的突破性机会"
} |
215 | {
"en": "In many cases, lifesaving medicines can be cheaply mass-produced, but are sold at prices that block access to those who need them. And many die simply because there are no cures or vaccines, because so little of the world’s valuable research talent and limited resources is devoted to addressing the diseases of the poor.",
"zh": "纽约—每年都有数百万人因可防可治的疾病而身亡,特别是在穷国。在很多情形中,救命药可以以低廉的成本大量生产,但售价却让需要者望而却步。更有许多人的死仅仅是因为缺少治疗或疫苗,而造成这种情况的原因是用于为穷人治病的世界宝贵研究人才和有限资源太少。"
} |
216 | {
"en": "This state of affairs represents a failure of economics and law that urgently needs to be corrected. The good news is that there are now opportunities for change, most promisingly through an international effort headed by the World Health Organization that would begin to fix the broken intellectual-property regime that is holding back the development and availability of cheap drugs.",
"zh": "如此状况反映了经济学和法律方面急需得到修正的失灵。好消息是现在改变的机会已现,主要是通过一项由世界卫生组织牵头的国际计划,该计划将开始修正造成廉价药品开发和难以获得问题的知识产权制度漏洞。"
} |
217 | {
"en": "Second, drug development is geared toward maximizing profit, not social benefit, which skews efforts directed at the creation of medicines that are essential to human welfare. Because the poor have so little money to spend, drug companies, under current arrangements, have little incentive to do research on the diseases that afflict them.",
"zh": "如今,药品之所以难以获得,主要是拜两大问题所赐。其中之一是药品成本太高;或者,更正确地说,是药品要价太高,而生产成本只是要价的一小部分。第二个问题是药品开发的着眼点是利润最大化,而不是社会效益最大化,这使得药品开发倾向于创造对人类福利至关重要的品种。而穷人根本没有多少钱可花,因此,在现有安排下,制药公司根本没什么激励研究折磨穷人的疾病。"
} |
218 | {
"en": "But, in the United States, it is actually the government that finances most health-related research and development – directly, through public support (National Institutes of Health, National Science Foundation), and indirectly, through public purchases of medicine, both in the Medicare and Medicaid programs. Even the part that is not government-financed is not a conventional market; most individuals’ purchases of prescription medicines are covered by insurance.",
"zh": "事情本不必如此。制药公司指出,要价高是必要的,这是为了给研发提供资金。但是,在美国,大部分卫生相关研发活动的实际出资者是政府——或是通过公共支持(美国国家卫生研究院、国家科学基金会等)直接提供资金,或是通过药品公共采购(如医疗保险和医疗补助计划)间接提供资金。不能获得政府融资的部分也不是传统市场;许多个人的处方药支出都能获得保险赔付。"
} |
219 | {
"en": "Government finances health-care research because improved medicines are a public good. The resulting knowledge benefits everyone by stopping epidemics and limiting the economic and human toll of widespread illness.",
"zh": "政府之所以为卫生研究提供融资,是因为改善药品是一种公共品。由此带来的知识进步能防止传染病、减轻常见病的经济和人身伤害,从而让每个人都受益。要获得高效,就必须在获得知识进步后尽可能快地共享之。托马斯·杰斐逊曾将知识比作蜡烛:用一根蜡烛点燃另一根蜡烛,并不会减弱前一根蜡烛的光辉。相反,这样能使所有东西都变得更亮。"
} |
220 | {
"en": "Yet, in America and most of the world, drug prices are still exorbitant and the spread of knowledge is tightly limited. That is because we have created a patent system that gives innovators a temporary monopoly over what they create, which encourages them to hoard their knowledge, lest they help a competitor.",
"zh": "但是,在美国以及世界大部分地区,药品价格依然高得离谱,知识的传播则受到了严格的制约。这是因为我们所创造的专利制度给了创新者对其所创之物的暂时垄断权,这促使创新者对知识敝帚自珍,唯恐助了竞争者一臂之力。"
} |
221 | {
"en": "While this system does provide incentives for certain kinds of research by making innovation profitable, it allows drug companies to drive up prices, and the incentives do not necessarily correspond to social returns. In the health-care sector, it may be more profitable to devote research to a “me-too” drug than to the development of a treatment that really makes a difference.",
"zh": "这一制度使得创新有利可图,从而确实为某些类型的研究提供了激励;但制药公司也因此得以坐地起价,它们获得的激励与社会回报不一定相容。在卫生领域,致力于研究“仿造”药可能比开发一种另辟蹊径的疗法更加有利可图。专利制度甚至可能对创新起到反作用,因为研究的最重要输入变量是领先的思想,而专利制度却在鼓励彼此保密。"
} |
222 | {
"en": "With a prize system, innovators are rewarded for new knowledge, but they do not retain a monopoly on its use. That way, the power of competitive markets can ensure that, once a drug is developed, it is made available at the lowest possible price – not at an inflated monopoly price.",
"zh": "要价高企和研究方向偏差问题的解决之道是用政府奖励基金代替现有模式。在奖励制度下,创新者将因新知识而受到奖赏,但不再获得新知识使用的垄断权。这样一来,竞争性市场的力量将能保证只要药品被开发出来,就能以尽可能低的价格(而不是大大膨胀的垄断价)为患者所获。"
} |
223 | {
"en": "The Prize Fund for HIV/AIDS Act, a congressional bill introduced by Senator Bernie Sanders, is just such an initiative. His bill also contains an important provision aimed at encouraging open-source research, which would move the current research model away from secrecy toward sharing.",
"zh": "幸运的是,一些美国立法者已对这一方法产生了浓厚兴趣。参议员桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)提出、并获得国会通过的艾滋病奖励基金法(Prize Fund for HIV/AIDS Act)只是一个开始。桑德斯的法案包括了一个旨在鼓励开源研究的重要部分,将促使现有研究模式从保密转向共享。"
} |
224 | {
"en": "The WHO’s efforts to encourage broad reforms at the international level are crucial. This spring, the WHO released a report that recommends solutions similar to those proposed in the US Senate bill, but on a global level.",
"zh": "但是,从全球角度看,我们的创新制度还需要做出大得多的变化。世界卫生组织旨在促进国际层面的广泛改革的努力非常关键。今年春天,世界卫生组织公布了一份报告,其中提出了一项类似于桑德斯法案的解决之道——只不过世卫组织的方案是全球水平的。"
} |
225 | {
"en": "Importantly, the report, “Research and Development to Meet Health Needs in Developing Countries,” recommends a comprehensive approach, including mandatory funding contributions from governments for research on developing countries’ health needs; international coordination of health-care priorities and implementation; and a global observatory that would monitor where needs are greatest. In late May, the international community will have a chance to begin implementing these ideas at the WHO World Health Assembly – a moment of hope for public health around the world.",
"zh": "有一点很重要,这份题为《用研发满足发展中国家的卫生需要》(“Research and Development to Meet Health Needs in Developing Countries)给出了一个完整的方法,包括来自政府的指令性发展中国家卫生研究资金分配;优先卫生项目和实施的国际合作;以及监测最紧迫需求的全球观察组。5月底,国际社会将由机会在世界卫生组织大会上开始实施这些想法,这将是世界公共卫生的希望时刻。"
} |
226 | {
"en": "It is, in many cases, a matter of life and death. It is therefore essential to de-link R&D incentives from drug prices, and to promote greater sharing of scientific knowledge.",
"zh": "改革创新制度并不仅仅是一个经济问题。在很多情况下,它是个事关生死的大问题。因此,将研发激励与药品价格脱钩、鼓励更多的科学知识分享至关重要。"
} |
227 | {
"en": "For America, the Sanders bill marks important progress. For the world, the WHO’s recommendations represent a once-in-a-generation opportunity to remedy a long-standing and egregious inequity in health care, and, more broadly, to set a model for governance of global public goods befitting an era of globalization.",
"zh": "对美国来说,桑德斯法案是一次重大进步。对全世界来说,世卫组织的建议可谓修正长期存在的卫生不平等性恶疾的千载难逢的良机(从更广的角度讲,也是设立与全球化时代相适应的全球公共品治理新模式的良机)。我们决不能坐视这个机会从手中白白溜走。"
} |
228 | {
"en": "Absent-Minded Killers",
"zh": "心不在焉的杀戮者"
} |
229 | {
"en": "We humans are now so aggressively fishing, hunting, logging, and growing crops in all parts of the world that we are literally chasing other species off the planet. Our intense desire to take all that we can from nature leaves precious little for other forms of life.",
"zh": "作为一个物种,人类存在很大的自我控制问题。我们人类现在全世界所有的地方如此大肆捕鱼、打猎、采伐和种植作物,乃至我们实际上在把其他物种从地球上驱赶出去。我们极度想要从大自然中索取所有我们可以索取的东西,留给其他生物种类的东西少之又少。"
} |
230 | {
"en": "The Convention on Biological Diversity, agreed at the Rio Earth Summit, established that “biological diversity is a common concern of humanity.” The signatories agreed to conserve biological diversity, by saving species and their habitats, and to use biological resources (e.g., forests) in a sustainable manner.",
"zh": "在1992年世界各国政府第一次保证解决人为全球气候变暖的时候,他们同时还誓言阻止由人类引发的其他物种的灭绝。在里约热内卢通过的生物多样性公约确认“生物多样性是人类的共同关切问题。”签署国们同意通过挽救物种及其栖息地来保全生物多样性,并且以可持续的方式使用生物资源(例如森林)。2002年,该公约的签署国们更进一步,承诺在2010年以前“大幅度削减目前的生物多样性损失”。"
} |
231 | {
"en": "For a very low cash outlay – and perhaps none at all on balance – we could conserve nature and thus protect the basis of our own lives and livelihoods. We kill other species not because we must, but because we are too negligent to do otherwise.",
"zh": "不幸的是,就像其他如此众多的国际公约一样,生物多样性公约基本上不为人所知,没有得到宣传促进,也没有得到落实。这一疏忽是人类的悲剧。只需要很少的现金投入,甚至在根本上不需要花钱,我们就本能够保全自然,并且进而保护人类自身生命和生计的基础。我们并非是出于必须才杀戮其他物种,而是我们过于疏忽,乃至不改弦更张。"
} |
232 | {
"en": "Complex and unique ecologies, most notably underground volcanoes known as seamounts, are ripped to shreds, because bottom trawling is the “low cost” way to catch a few deep sea fish species. One of these species, orange roughy, has been caught commercially for only around a quarter-century, but already is being fished to the point of collapse.",
"zh": "让我们来看一看几个臭名昭著的例子。像西班牙、葡萄牙、澳大利亚以及新西兰等富国拥有从事所谓“水底拖网”的捕鱼船队。水底拖网在海洋底部拖走很重的鱼网,从而在这一过程中摧毁大量没有探明并且受到威胁的海洋物种。因为水底拖网是捕捞某些深海鱼种的“低成本”办法,因此某些复杂而又独特的生态、最为主要的是被称为海底山的地下火山被切断。其中的一个物种叫做橙连鳍鲑,被用于商业捕捞不过大约25年的时间,但是已经被捕捞得处于崩溃的边缘。"
} |
233 | {
"en": "After cutting down a swath of rainforest, soils are often quickly leached of their nutrients so that they cannot sustain crops or nutritious grasses for livestock. As a result, the new pasture land or farmland is soon abandoned, with no prospect for regeneration of the original forest and its unique ecosystems.",
"zh": "同样在世界许多地方,热带雨林遭到砍伐来开辟牧场和粮食作物。结果就是栖息地的大量损失和物种的毁灭,所产生的微小的经济利益是以巨大的社会成本为代价的。在一片雨林被砍伐后,土壤通常马上就丧失了养分, 无法供养作物或者让家畜食用有营养的草地。结果,新的牧场或农田马上被放弃,没有机会再退耕还林,恢复其独特的生态系统。"
} |
234 | {
"en": "Simply restricting the practice of land clearing probably would not work, since farm families and communities would face a strong temptation to evade legal limits. On the other hand, financial incentives would probably succeed, because cutting down forest to create pastureland is not profitable enough to induce farmers to forego payments for protecting the land.",
"zh": "由于这些活动的代价高昂、收益低下,停止这些活动是容易的。水底拖网应当干脆被取缔;在捕鱼产业向其他活动转型期间予以补偿是容易做到而且也是费用不大的。另一方面,砍伐森林最好通过经济激励的方式辅之以管治限制予以制止。简单地限制开发土地的做法可能无法奏效,因为农业家庭和社区将会面临极大的躲避法律限制的诱惑。在另一方面,财政刺激可能会成功,因为砍伐森林来创造牧场土地并不有利可图,从而使得农民为了保护土地而放弃付款。"
} |
235 | {
"en": "Many rainforest countries have united in recent years to suggest the establishment of a rainforest conservation fund by the rich countries, to pay impoverished small farmers a small amount of money to preserve the forest. A well-designed fund would slow or stop deforestation, preserve biodiversity, and reduce emissions of carbon dioxide the burning of cleared forests.",
"zh": "许多雨林国家在最近几年中联合起来提议富有国家建立雨林储存基金,用来向贫困的小农场主支付少量金额来保护森林。一个设计合理的基金将会放缓或者停止森林采伐,保护生物多样性,并且减少燃烧砍伐后的森林所造成的二氧化碳排放。与此同时,小农场主将会得到稳定的收入,他们可以用这笔钱作小额投资用以改善家庭的财富、教育和健康。"
} |
236 | {
"en": "Aside from banning bottom trawling and establishing a global fund for avoided deforestation, we should designate a global network of protected marine areas, in which fishing, boating, polluting, dredging, drilling, and other damaging activities would be prohibited. Such areas not only permit the regeneration of species, but also provide ecological benefits that spill over to neighboring unprotected areas.",
"zh": "除了取缔水底拖网并且建立为避免森林砍伐的全球性基金外,我们应当指定一个全球性的海洋保护区域网络,在这些区域中禁止捕鱼、划船、污染、挖泥、钻探以及其他有害的活动。这些区域不仅可以重新恢复物种,而且还可以提供生态效益向邻近的未保护区域扩散。"
} |
237 | {
"en": "We also need a regular scientific process to present the world with the evidence on species abundance and extinction, just as we now have such a process for climate change. Politicians don’t listen very well to individual scientists, but they are forced to listen when hundreds of scientists speak with a united voice.",
"zh": "我们还需要定期的科学进程来向世界展示物种繁荣和灭绝的证据,正如有关气候变化的进程一样。政客们并不十分听取个别科学家的意见,但是当几百个科学家异口同声的时候他们就不得不听取了。"
} |
238 | {
"en": "As the planet warms, and rain and storm patterns change dramatically, many species will find themselves in climate zones that no longer support their survival. Some can migrate, but others (such as polar bears) are likely to be driven to extinction unless we take decisive action to head off climate change.",
"zh": "最后,各国应该在不迟于2010年谈判一项新的框架来减缓人为引起的气候变化。毫无疑问,气候变化是物种生存最大的威胁之一。当地球变暖、 降雨和风暴模式大幅度改变之际,许多物种都会处于不再支持其存活的气候区域内。某些物种可以迁徙,但是,除非我们采取决定性的行动来阻止气候变化,其他的物种(例如北极熊)就有可能遭到灭绝。"
} |
239 | {
"en": "Most importantly, they would allow us to follow through on a global promise. It is too painful to believe that humanity would destroy millions of other species – and jeopardize our own future – in a fit of absent-mindedness.",
"zh": "在2010年以前实现这些目标是可能的。它们在经济上是可以承担的,而且在各个情况下都最终会带来巨大的净效益。最为重要的是,这将会让我们实现全球性的许诺。人类在心不在焉之际会摧毁数以白万计的其他物种并威胁到我们自己的未来,要相信这一点是过于痛苦的。"
} |
240 | {
"en": "Making Do With More",
"zh": "多劳应多得"
} |
241 | {
"en": "BERKELEY – In the United States, just three out of ten workers are needed to produce and deliver the goods we consume. Everything we extract, grow, design, build, make, engineer, and transport – down to brewing a cup of coffee in a restaurant kitchen and carrying it to a customer's table – is done by roughly 30% of the country's workforce.",
"zh": "伯克利—在美国,生产和递送我们所消费的商品只需要十分之三的工人。我们提炼、种植、设计、建造、制作、打磨和运送的所有东西——一直到从饭店厨房泡一杯咖啡并送给餐桌前的顾客——是由大约30%的美国劳动力做的。"
} |
242 | {
"en": "The rest of us spend our time planning what to make, deciding where to install the things we have made, performing personal services, talking to each other, and keeping track of what is being done, so that we can figure out what needs to be done next. And yet, despite our obvious ability to produce much more than we need, we do not seem to be blessed with an embarrassment of riches.",
"zh": "我们其他人把时间花在规划制造什么、决定把我们造出来的东西摆在哪里、履行个人服务、彼此谈话、追踪正在制造什么上,以便我们能够发现我们下一步需要做什么。而尽管我们显然拥有制造比我们需要的多得多的东西的能力,但我们似乎并不会富得发慌。现时代的一大悖论正是工人和中产阶级家庭在前无古人的丰裕时代仍然要为生活奔波。"
} |
243 | {
"en": "We have enough organic carbon-hydrogen bonds to break to provide us with calories; enough vitamins and other nutrients to keep us healthy; enough shelter to keep us dry; enough clothing to keep us warm; enough capital to keep us, at least potentially, productive; and enough entertainment to keep us from being bored. And we produce all of it for an average of less than two hours a day of work outside the home.",
"zh": "我们发达国家的人要想满足基本需要易如反掌。我们有的是有机碳氢键,打破它们就能 给我们带来卡路里;我们有的是维生素和其他营养物质帮助我们保持健康;我们有的是居所让我们保持干燥;我们有的是衣服让我们保持温暖;我们有的是资本让我们(至少潜在地)拥有生产力;我们有的是娱乐项目让我们不至于无聊。我们生产所有这些,只需要平均每天花不到两小时走出家门去工作。"
} |
244 | {
"en": "John Maynard Keynes was not off by much when he famously predicted in 1930 that the human race's “economic problem, the struggle for subsistence,\" was likely to be “solved, or be at least within sight of solution, within a hundred years.\" It will take another generation, perhaps, before robots have completely taken over manufacturing, kitchen work, and construction; and the developing world looks to be 50 years behind.",
"zh": "1930年,当凯恩斯的著名预言预测人类的“经济问题,即生存斗争”有可能“在一百年内得到解决,或至少看到解决办法。”"
} |
245 | {
"en": "And yet there are few signs that working- and middle-class Americans are living any better than they did 35 years ago. Even stranger, productivity growth does not seem to be soaring, as one would expect; in fact, it seems to be decelerating, according to research by John Fernald and Bing Wang, economists in the Economic Research Department of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.",
"zh": "然而没有什么迹象表明美国工人和中产阶级比35年前生活得更好。更奇怪的是,生产率增长似乎没有如你预期的那样大幅加速;事实上,根据旧金山联邦储备银行经济研究部的约翰·费纳尔多(John Fernald)和王兵(音)的研究,生产率增长出现了减速。增长前景甚至更加糟糕,因为创新活动撞上了南墙。"
} |
246 | {
"en": "One way to reconcile the changes in the job market with our lived experience and statistics like these is to note that much of what we are producing is very different from what we have made in the past. For most of human experience, the bulk of what we produced could not be easily shared or used without permission.",
"zh": "一个协调就业市场变化与我们的生活经验和这些统计数字的办法是注意到我们生产的许多东西与我们过去所制造的东西区别很大。在人类历史的大部分时间里,我们生产出来的东西无法轻易地在未经允许的情况下共享或使用。我们以前制造的东西是经济学家所谓的“竞争性”或“排他性”商品。"
} |
247 | {
"en": "These two traits put a great deal of bargaining power in the hands of those who control production and distribution, making them ideal for a market economy based on private property. Money naturally flows to where utility and value are being provided – and those flows are easy to track in national accounts.",
"zh": "“竞争性”是指两个人无法在同时使用同一个产品。“排他性”是指产品的所有者可以轻易地阻止其他人使用这个产品。这两个特征让控制生产和分配的人拥有了巨大的议价权,成为基于私人产权的市场经济的理想之选。钱自然而然地流向了提供效用和价值的地方——并且这些资金流可以轻易地在国民账户中进行追踪。"
} |
248 | {
"en": "The result is an ever-growing discrepancy between what people would be willing to pay for a given service and growth as measured in national statistics. In other words, we are producing and consuming much more than our economic indicators suggest – and the creators of many of those products are not being adequately compensated.",
"zh": "但我们在信息时代所生产的许多东西既不具有竞争性,也不具有排他性——这改变了整个局面。信息时代商品的制造很难施加激励;它们的分配也难以货币化;我们也缺乏工具在国民账户中轻易地追踪它们。结果是人们愿意为给定服务所支付的数量与国民统计所测量的增长之间的差异越来越大。换句话说,我们生产和消费的数量比经济指标所显示的规模大得多——而许多这些产品的额制造者没有获得充分的报偿。"
} |
249 | {
"en": "To ensure that the workers of today and tomorrow are able to capture the benefits of the information age will require us to redesign our economic system to stimulate the creation of these new types of commodities. In addition to developing ways to account for this new type of wealth, we will have to develop channels through which demand for a product contributes to the income of its creator.",
"zh": "这就带来了一系列独特的问题。为了确保今天和明天的工人能够获得信息时代的好处,我们就必须重新设计经济制度以刺激这些新型商品的创造。除了找到记录这一新型财富的方法,我们还需要找到将让产品需求有利于创造者收入的渠道。"
} |
250 | {
"en": "Only by finding ways to put true value on the goods we produce will we be able to sustain a middle-class society, rather than one of techno-plutocrats and their service-sector serfs.",
"zh": "只有找到能准确衡量我们所制造的商品的额价值的方法,我们才能维持中产阶级社会,而不至于出现由技术大亨和他们的服务业农奴组成的社会。"
} |
251 | {
"en": "Polluters Must Pay",
"zh": "污染者必须负责"
} |
252 | {
"en": "NEW YORK – When BP and its drilling partners caused the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, the United States government demanded that BP finance the cleanup, compensate those who suffered damages, and pay criminal penalties for the violations that led to the disaster. BP has already committed more than $20 billion in remediation and penalties.",
"zh": "发自纽约——当英国石油公司及其搭档瑞士越洋钻探公司于2010年在墨西哥湾引发“深水地平线”漏油事故时,美国政府不但要求英国石油公司承担油污清理费用,赔偿受害者损失,还要为导致此次灾难的违规行为接受刑事处罚。英国石油公司已经为该事故调拨了200多亿美元用于善后补救工作和交纳罚金。根据上周达成的协议,英国石油公司将支付美国历史上最大的一 笔刑事罚款——45亿美元。"
} |
253 | {
"en": "The same standards for environmental cleanup need to be applied to global companies operating in poorer countries, where their power has typically been so great relative to that of governments that many act with impunity, wreaking havoc on the environment with little or no accountability. As we enter a new era of sustainable development, impunity must turn to responsibility.",
"zh": "同样的环境事故清理善后标准也应运用到那些在贫困国家经营的国际企业身上。这些大公司的势力相对当地政府来说通常极为巨大,以致许多公司都是在豁免权下活动,可以对环境造成严重破坏却极少或无需承担责任。随着我们进入一个可持续发展的新时代,豁免权应该转向责任制。不管是在富国还是穷国,污染者必须付出代价。大公司应该为它们的行为承担相应的责任。"
} |
254 | {
"en": "For decades, major oil companies, including Shell, ExxonMobil, and Chevron, have been producing oil in the Niger Delta, an ecologically fragile environment of freshwater swamp forests, mangroves, lowland rainforests, and coastal barrier islands. This rich habitat supports remarkable biodiversity – or did before the oil companies got there – and more than 30 million local inhabitants, who depend on the local ecosystems for their health and livelihoods.",
"zh": "尼日利亚就曾经是企业逍遥于环境污染惩罚之外的例子。几十年来,包括壳牌、埃克森美孚和雪弗龙在内的各大石油公司一直在尼日尔三角洲开采石油。尼日尔三角洲是一个拥有淡水沼泽森林、红树林、低地雨林和沿海屏障岛屿的脆弱生态环境。这片肥沃富饶的栖息地支撑着非凡的生物多样性——或者说在石油公司来破坏之前是这样的——而当地3000多万居民的健康和生计都依赖于该生态系统。"
} |
255 | {
"en": "Twenty years ago, the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources classified the Niger Delta as a region of high biodiversity of marine and coastal flora and fauna – tree species, fish, birds, and mammals, among other forms of life – and therefore rated it as a very high priority for conservation. Yet it also noted that the region’s biodiversity was under massive threat, with little or no protection.",
"zh": "二十年前,世界自然保护联盟把尼日尔三角洲分类为一个拥有极丰富海洋及沿海动植物多样性的地区——不同树种、鱼类、鸟类和哺乳类与其他形式的生命共处一地——因此将其列为极高的优先保护等级。然而该联盟也指出,由于这个地区极少或未被保护,其生物多样性正处于巨大的威胁之中。"
} |
256 | {
"en": "The global companies operating in the delta have spilled oil and flared natural gas for decades, without regard for the natural environment and the communities impoverished and poisoned by their actions. One estimate puts the cumulative spills over the past 50 years at approximately 10 million barrels – twice the size of the BP spill.",
"zh": "在尼日尔三角洲经营的跨国石油企业几十年来一直在该地区泄漏石油及燃烧天然气,根本不考虑自然环境和因其行为而变得贫困甚至遭受毒害的人类社区。一份研究估计宣称过去50年中这些公司累积泄漏的石油约为1000万桶——这是英国石油公司漏油量的2倍。"
} |
257 | {
"en": "The data are uncertain: there have been many thousands of spills during this period – often poorly documented and their magnitude hidden or simply unmeasured by either the companies or the government. Indeed, just as BP was being hit with new criminal penalties, ExxonMobil announced yet another pipeline leak in the Niger Delta.",
"zh": "该数据并不准确:过去的50年中有好几千次石油溢出事故——通常这些事故都未被详细记录,其石油泄漏量常常被掩盖甚至被公司及政府故意忽略。确实,正当英国石油公司遭受新的刑事处罚时,埃克森美孚又通报了一起位于尼日尔三角洲的石油管道泄漏事件。"
} |
258 | {
"en": "The companies routinely bribe officials to gain oil leases, lie about output, evade taxes, and dodge responsibility for the environmental damage that they cause. Nigerian officials have become fabulously wealthy, owing to decades of payoffs by international companies that have plundered the delta’s natural wealth.",
"zh": "三角洲的环境破坏只是一长串事件中的一部分:腐败的公司与腐败的政府官员相互勾结以牟取私利。公司通常贿赂政府官员以获取石油合同,它们谎报产量,偷税漏税,逃避由其经营活动引起的环境损害的责任。由于一直掠夺三角洲自然财富的跨国企业几十年来的贿赂,尼日利亚的政府官员变得惊人的富有。壳牌——尼日尔三角洲最大的国外营运商——就屡次因其恶名昭彰的行为及不愿承担责任的态度而遭到外界批评。"
} |
259 | {
"en": "Meanwhile, the local population has remained impoverished and beset by diseases caused by unsafe air, poisoned drinking water, and pollution in the food chain. Local lawlessness has led to gang warfare and persistent illegal tapping into the pipelines to steal oil, leading to further massive oil spills and frequent explosions that kill dozens, including innocent bystanders.",
"zh": "与此同时,当地居民却一直处于贫困状态,还被由不安全的空气、被污染的饮用水和食物链污染引起的疾病所困扰。当地违法行为已经引起了黑帮火拼以及层出不穷的管道偷油案件,这又进一步导致了大量石油泄漏事故并导致了造成大量人员死亡——包括许多无辜受殃者——的频繁爆炸事件。"
} |
260 | {
"en": "Don’t mess with the companies, they are told by the United States and Europe. Indeed, one of the largest bribes (a reputed $180 million) paid in recent times in Nigeria was by Halliburton, a company tightly intertwined with US political power.",
"zh": "在殖民时期,从殖民领地攫取财富是帝国主义的官方意图。而在后殖民时期,这种意图有了更好的伪装。当石油公司在尼日利亚或其他国家恣意妄为时,它们会受到母国政权保护。美国及欧洲国家警告那些石油原产国:别找石油公司的麻烦。确实,尼日利亚近期最大的一笔贿赂(外界普遍估计约1.8亿美元)是由美国哈利伯顿公司支付的,而该公司与美国政界则有着错综复杂的关系。(迪克·切尼就是从哈利伯顿的首席执行官摇身一变成为美国副总统的。)"
} |
261 | {
"en": "Last year, the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) issued a remarkable report on Ogoniland, a major ethnic homeland in the Niger Delta that has been at the epicenter of conflict between local communities and international oil. The report was as scathing as it was scientifically clear.",
"zh": "去年,联合国环境规划署发布了一份引人注目的奥贡尼兰报告,奥贡尼兰是一个曾经曾处于本地社区与跨国石油企业矛盾中心的尼日尔三角洲主要部族祖居地。这份报告措辞严厉证据清晰。尽管过去石油公司作过很多关于清理的承诺,奥贡尼兰依旧处于恶劣的环境状况之下,该地区已经被石油产业榨干了财富而且疾病肆虐。"
} |
262 | {
"en": "UNEP also offered clear and detailed recommendations, including emergency measures to ensure safe drinking water; cleanup activities targeting the mangroves and soils; public-health studies to identify and counteract the consequences of pollution; and a new regulatory framework.",
"zh": "联合国环境规划署同时还提供了清晰详细的建议,包括保证安全饮用水的紧急措施;针对红树木和土壤的清除活动;鉴定及消除污染后果的公共健康研究;还有一个新的监管框架。"
} |
263 | {
"en": "The world’s governments have recently agreed to move to a new framework for sustainable development, declaring their intention to adopt Sustainable Development Goals at the Rio+20 Summit in June. The SDGs offer a critical opportunity for the world to set clear, compelling standards for government and corporate behavior.",
"zh": "世界各国政府在六月的“里约+20峰会”上宣布他们打算采用可持续发展目标,并于近期同意为了可持续发展接受新的监管框架。可持续发展目标为全世界给政府及公司行为设定清晰强制的标准提供了一个关键的机会。包括石油产业在内的许多大公司都表达了他们支持可持续发展目标的意愿。"
} |
264 | {
"en": "Cleaning up the Niger Delta would provide the strongest possible example of a new age of accountability. Shell, Chevron, ExxonMobil, and other major oil companies should step forward and help to fund the necessary cleanup, ushering in a new era of responsibility.",
"zh": "清除尼日尔三角洲的石油污染将给新时代的问责制提供一个具备最大实施可能性的例子。壳牌、雪弗龙、埃克森美孚以及其他石油大公司应该站出来资助必要的石油污染清理,开创一个负责任的新时代。"
} |
265 | {
"en": "The Nigerian government’s own accountability is on the line as well. It is heartening that several Nigerian senators have recently been in the forefront of efforts to strengthen the rule of law in the oil sector.",
"zh": "尼日利亚政府本身也有不可推卸的责任。令人鼓舞的是已经有几位尼日利亚参议员最近一直站在致力加强石油产业法治化的最前沿。"
} |
266 | {
"en": "The cleanup of the Niger Delta provides an ideal opportunity for Nigeria, the oil industry, and the international community to show convincingly that a new age has dawned. From now on, sustainable development must not be a mere slogan, but rather an operational approach to global governance and well-being on a strained and crowded planet.",
"zh": "尼日尔三角洲的石油清理行动给尼日利亚、石油产业以及国际社会提供了一个理想的机会来向世界昭示——一个新的时代已经到来了。从现在开始,可持续发展不能纯粹只是一个口号,而应该是针对全球治理及在这个浮躁拥挤的星球上谋求幸福的运作方法。"
} |
267 | {
"en": "A Centerless Euro Cannot Hold",
"zh": "缺少集中的欧元无法生存"
} |
268 | {
"en": "CAMBRIDGE – With youth unemployment touching 50% in eurozone countries such as Spain and Greece, is a generation being sacrificed for the sake of a single currency that encompasses too diverse a group of countries to be sustainable? If so, does enlarging the euro’s membership really serve Europe’s apparent goal of maximizing economic integration without necessarily achieving full political union?",
"zh": "美国剑桥—在西班牙和希腊等欧元区国家,年轻人失业率达到了50%,这可以说是为了在覆盖彼此差异太大而根本不可能持续的多国实行单一货币而牺牲了一代人吗?如果答案是肯定的,扩大欧元区成员国范围真的有助于欧洲达到最大化经济一体化而又不必形成政治上的完全统一这一众人皆知的目标吗?"
} |
269 | {
"en": "The bad news is that it has become increasingly clear that, at least for large countries, currency areas will be highly unstable unless they follow national borders. At a minimum, currency unions require a confederation with far more centralized power over taxation and other policies than European leaders envision for the eurozone.",
"zh": "好消息是,经济研究确实对欧洲是否应该使用单一货币这一问题形成了一些成果。坏消息是,越来越明显的是,至少对于大国,货币区是非常不稳定的,除非其边界和国境线相同。不管怎样,货币联盟至少需要是一个邦联,拥有比欧洲领导人的欧元区愿景远为集中的税收和其他政策权力。"
} |
270 | {
"en": "In his provocative American Economic Review paper “A Theory of Optimum Currency Areas,” Mundell argued that as long as workers could move within a currency region to where the jobs were, the region could afford to forgo the equilibrating mechanism of exchange-rate adjustment. He credited another (future) Nobel Prize winner, James Meade, for having recognized the importance of labor mobility in earlier work, but criticized Meade for interpreting the idea too stringently, especially in the context of Europe’s nascent integration.",
"zh": "那么,如何看待诺贝尔奖获得者蒙代尔1961年的著名预言呢?蒙代尔说,国境线和货币边界并不需要大致重合。在他发表于《美国经济评论》(American Economic Review)的雄文《最优货币区理论》(A Theory of Optimum Currency Areas)中,蒙代尔指出,只要工人能在货币区内自由流动追逐工作,该货币区就可以形成一个汇率调整的均衡机制。蒙代尔将对劳动流动性的重要性的认识归功于另一位(未来)诺贝尔奖获得者米德,但也指出,米德对这一观点的解释太过严格,特别是在欧洲一体化刚刚出现萌芽的时候。"
} |
271 | {
"en": "Mundell did not emphasize financial crises, but presumably labor mobility is more important today than ever. Not surprisingly, workers are leaving the eurozone’s crisis countries, but not necessarily for its stronger northern region.",
"zh": "蒙代尔并未强调金融危机,但他推测劳动流动性在今日要比过去更重要。毫不奇怪,工人们正在离开欧元区危机国,但迁移目标并非一定是更坚挺的北欧地区。事实上,葡萄牙工人正在逃向繁荣的昔日殖民地,比如巴西和澳门。爱尔兰工人正在迁往加拿大、澳大利亚和美国。西班牙工人正在涌向罗马尼亚,而后者以前一直是西班牙农业劳动力的主要来源。"
} |
272 | {
"en": "Still, if intra-eurozone mobility were anything like Mundell’s ideal, today we would not be seeing 25% unemployment in Spain while Germany’s unemployment rate is below 7%.",
"zh": "尽管如此,如果欧元区内部流动性能够与蒙代尔的理想状况略有相似,那么如今我们就不会看到西班牙失业率高达25%而德国失业率低至不到7%的情况。"
} |
273 | {
"en": "Later writers came to recognize that there are other essential criteria for a successful currency union, which are difficult to achieve without deep political integration. Peter Kenen argued in the late 1960’s that without exchange-rate movements as a shock absorber, a currency union requires fiscal transfers as a way to share risk.",
"zh": "后来的研究者开始认识到成功的货币联盟还需要其他关键要素,而这些要素在没有深度政治一体化的情况下很难实现。柯南(Peter Kenen)在20世纪60年代末指出,如果没有汇率变动作为冲击吸收器,货币联盟就需要财政转移来作为分担风险的办法。"
} |
274 | {
"en": "In the US, when oil prices go up, incomes in Texas and Montana rise, which means that these states then contribute more tax revenue to the federal budget, thereby helping out the rest of the country. Europe, of course, has no significant centralized tax authority, so this key automatic stabilizer is essentially absent.",
"zh": "在平常国家,国民所得税嫡系便是一个巨型地区级自动稳定器。在美国,当油价上涨时,德克萨斯州和蒙大拿州的收入会上升,这意味着该两州将向联邦预算贡献更多的税收收入,从而帮助美国的其余地区走出困境。当然,欧洲不存在大型中央税收当局,因此这一重要自动稳定器也就不存在了。"
} |
275 | {
"en": "Some European academics tried to argue that there was no need for US-like fiscal transfers, because any desired degree of risk sharing can, in theory, be achieved through financial markets. This claim was hugely misguided.",
"zh": "一些欧洲学者试图论证像美国那样的财政转移并不是必须的,因为从理论上说,不管你想要多大程度的风险共担,都可以通过金融市场达到。这一论断大错特错。金融市场可能非常脆弱,所提供的分担劳动收入相关风险能力几乎为零,而劳动收入是发达国家收入的最大来源。"
} |
276 | {
"en": "But, in a currency union with huge differences in income and development levels, the short term can stretch out for a very long time. Many Germans today rightly feel that any system of fiscal transfers will morph into a permanent feeding tube, much the way that northern Italy has been propping up southern Italy for the last century.",
"zh": "柯南主要关心的是短期转移可以平滑周期性起伏。但是,在一个收入和发展水平差异巨大的货币联盟中,“短期”所经历的时间可能非常长。许多德国人如今正确地感受到,任何财政转移系统都有可能兑变为持久的饲管,正如上个世纪意大利北部对意大利南部的不断输血。事实上,德国统一20多年来,西德仍然看不到统一的成本什么时候才是个头。"
} |
277 | {
"en": "Otherwise, bank runs and debt panics will be rampant. Obstfeld had in mind a bailout mechanism for banks, but it is now abundantly clear that one also needs a lender of last resort and a bankruptcy mechanism for states and municipalities.",
"zh": "再后来,奥布斯菲尔德(Maurice Obstfeld)指出,除了财政转移,货币联盟还需要有明确定义的最后贷款人规则。否则的话,银行挤兑和债务恐慌将会泛滥。奥布斯菲尔德构想了一个银行救助机制,但现在,显而易见的是,国家和自治地区也需要最后贷款人和破产机制。"
} |
278 | {
"en": "A logical corollary of the criteria set forth by Kenen and Obstfeld, and even of Mundell’s labor-mobility criterion, is that currency unions cannot survive without political legitimacy, most likely involving region-wide popular elections. Europe’s leaders cannot carry out large transfers across countries indefinitely without a coherent European political framework.",
"zh": "从柯南和奥布斯菲尔德所提出的前提出发,甚至即使从蒙代尔的劳动流动性前提看,一个符合逻辑的推论是,货币联盟不可能在没有政治合法性——最有可能的形式是地区级的大选——的前提下生存。没有凝聚性的欧洲政治框架,欧洲领导人就不可能无限度地在各国间实现大规模转移。"
} |
279 | {
"en": "European policymakers today often complain that, were it not for the US financial crisis, the eurozone would be doing just fine. Perhaps they are right.",
"zh": "如今,欧洲决策者经常抱怨说,要不是美国金融危机,欧元区根本不会遭殃。也许这么说并不错。但金融体系必须能够抵御冲击,即使是剧烈冲击。"
} |
280 | {
"en": "Europe may never be an “optimum” currency area by any standard. But, without further profound political and economic integration – which may not end up including all current eurozone members – the euro may not make it even to the end of this decade.",
"zh": "欧洲也许从来都不是一个“最优”货币区,不管从什么角度看都是如此。但是,如果没有更加深远的政治和经济一体化——也许最终无法将所有当前欧元区成员国纳入进来——可能连这个十年都撑不过。"
} |
281 | {
"en": "Achieving a “Europe of Results”",
"zh": "建设“以成果为导向的欧洲”"
} |
282 | {
"en": "BRUSSELS – The tsunami that has swept across financial markets is a global catastrophe. If handled correctly, however, the crisis may yet raise the esteem of the European Union and its institutions.",
"zh": "发自布鲁塞尔——席卷全球的金融海啸无疑是场巨大的灾难。但如果处理得当的话,这场危机反而能为欧盟及其下属机构赢来人们的重视与敬重。"
} |
283 | {
"en": "The EU’s legitimacy problem has two different aspects: apathy, leading to a low turnout in the European parliamentary elections, and outright euro-skepticism. The voter-turnout problem partly reflects frustration about the present state of the EU, and also people’s impression that they can exert little influence by voting one way or the other.",
"zh": "毫无疑问,欧盟一直被其和合法性问题困扰着,而此问题则来自两方面:首先是人们的漠视,这导致了欧洲议会选举低下的投票率,还有就是那些彻底反对欧盟和欧元的怀疑论调。低投票率在某个侧面体现了民众对欧盟目前状况的挫折感,在他们看来无论选谁,自己这一票都微不足道。"
} |
284 | {
"en": "Euro-skepticism, on the other hand, and the looming threat of anti-European populism, is directly linked to the idea that the EU is not merely incapable of offering a solution to the crisis, but in fact is part of the problem. So, although the EU represents our best hope of ensuring that Europe is internationally competitive in today’s increasingly difficult environment, it is actually being blamed for globalization.",
"zh": "而在另一方面,欧盟怀疑论以及反欧盟民粹主义的兴起,则直接与另一种想法有关:那就是欧盟非但不能为危机提供解决方案,连其本身都是问题的始作俑者。因此即便欧盟体现了我们为确保欧洲在日渐艰难的时势中保持竞争力的良好愿望,它依然受到“为危机全球化推波助澜”的指责。"
} |
285 | {
"en": "Many people confuse these two aspects of the EU’s legitimacy problem, and believe that somehow turnout in European elections can be increased by pointing out to people how good and important the EU is. But in most cases, this is not possible.",
"zh": "许多人混淆了欧盟合法性的这两方面问题,并坚信只要能劝服民众说欧盟有多好、有多重要,就能让欧洲议会选举投票率有所提升。但在绝大多数情况下,这条路根本没行不通。"
} |
286 | {
"en": "At first sight, the easiest answer to the problem of low voter turnout is to give more power to the European Parliament. But if this was the solution, then we would not have had steadily declining turnouts since the high point of 63%, at the first elections to the European Parliament in 1979.",
"zh": "照“拍脑袋”简单一想的方法,提高投票率的最简单方法就是赋予欧洲议会更多的权力。但如果这也算解决方案的话,那就难以解释为什么欧洲议会的影响力和联合决策权在1979年第一次选举之后不断扩大,但投票率却在那次选举的63%高点上逐步下降的矛盾现实了。"
} |
287 | {
"en": "The trouble is that, EP elections must be “about” something if voters are to be interested, which means they must involve a real choice. And a real choice requires Europe-wide election campaigns by all parties.",
"zh": "问题在于,欧洲议会选举如果要吸引选民的话,那么它必须“言之有物”,让选民意识到自己确实在作出一个“实打实”的选择。而这样一个“实打实”的选择要求有全欧洲所有党派的竞选活动来共同组成,其中还包括让选民通过决定欧洲议会选举的结果来选定谁是欧盟委员会主席。"
} |
288 | {
"en": "But, in fact, both of these conditions have already been met; in 2004, Portuguese Prime Minister José Manuel Durão Barroso was appointed President of the Commission because he came from the political organization with the strongest election result, the European People’s Party. And this year’s elections saw a more intensive presence of party organizations at European level than ever before.",
"zh": "但其实上述这些条件其实早就达到了:在2004年,葡萄牙首相何塞·曼努埃尔·杜朗·巴罗佐就因其背后的政治组织“欧洲人民党团”在欧洲议会竞选中风头最劲而被任命为欧盟委员会主席。而今年欧洲议会选举中此类欧洲层面上的党团势力也比以往更加集中地出现在人们眼前。"
} |
289 | {
"en": "Instead, I believe that the most important way to reawaken voters’ interest in European elections will be to open up the election of the Commission’s President to them, and create a genuinely Europe-wide political debate during the next election campaign.",
"zh": "因此我相信,要唤起选民热情,最重要手段就是让他们直接选举欧盟委员会主席,还必须在下次欧洲议会竞选活动中,真正掀起一场覆盖全欧洲的政治大辩论。"
} |
290 | {
"en": "The Euro-skepticism problem can be tackled only if the Union itself starts to perform better, and is seen to be doing so. That is why in the aftermath of the failed referenda four years ago in France and the Netherlands on the Constitutional treaty, the Commission tried to emphasize the idea of a “Europe of Results” that would seek to convince citizens of its worth through concrete achievements.",
"zh": "而欧洲怀疑论的冰释,只能在欧盟开始表现得更好,并似乎能一直保持努力进步之后才能达到。这也是为什么在对4年前欧盟宪法公投在法国和荷兰惨遭滑铁卢的事实进行了检讨之后,欧盟委员会就开始强调“以成果为导向的欧洲”这一理念,并试图用看得见摸得着的政绩去让人们明白欧盟的价值。"
} |
291 | {
"en": "Given the gravity of the economic crisis, the time has come for the EU to demonstrate its strengths whenever possible. The aim must be not only to win back the hearts of Europeans who have become skeptical, but also to convince them that the Union is indispensable to meeting the challenges Europeans face.",
"zh": "考虑到经济危机的巨大影响力,是时候让欧盟尽可能地展现自己的力量了。而这些努力的目标不仅是赢回那些满腹狐疑的欧洲人的心,更要让他们确信:欧盟这个组织在应对当前挑战方面是不可或缺的。"
} |
292 | {
"en": "Europe’s citizens understand that the relatively small nation-states that make up the EU are no longer able to face these enormous challenges on their own. In Ireland, last autumn’s financial crisis provoked a turnaround in public opinion about the EU, and even in Iceland, although it lies on the periphery of our continent, membership of the EU and the euro have become a priority.",
"zh": "欧洲的公民们已经意识到,欧盟内部那些相对较小的国家早已无力独自应对这些巨大挑战。在爱尔兰,去年夏天的金融危机让人们对欧盟的态度发生了180度的转向,甚至连一向游离于欧洲大陆之外的冰岛,欧盟成员国资格和欧元也被放在了首位。欧洲国家的利益是如此盘根错节地交织在一起,以至于那些试图用孤立的国家政策来应对金融市场规管问题的手段都变得一无是处。"
} |
293 | {
"en": "A changing world in which new powers like China and India play an increasingly important role will not wait for Europe to make up its mind. The EU must instead show leadership through its efforts to solve the world’s current problems.",
"zh": "世界正在变化,中国和印度这类新兴强权正日渐扮演更重要的角色,它们可等不及欧洲去打自己的小算盘。因此欧盟必须通过解决当今世界问题的一系列努力来显示其领导地位。"
} |
294 | {
"en": "The economic crisis was caused by shortsightedness and a lack of control in the global financial system. Now we must redefine the role of regulators in financial markets and in the wider economy, for we cannot let the financial sector walk off with the profits and leave taxpayers bearing the losses.",
"zh": "而对于我所属的欧洲人民党团来说,经济体系的存在目的不是为自身谋利,而是服务大众。目前这场经济危机源自于目光短浅的行为以及全球金融系统的管制不力,因此我们必须重新定义在金融市场和更宏观经济中规管者所需扮演的角色,因为我们不能让金融部门一面把利润塞满自己的口袋,另一面却叫纳税人来承担损失。"
} |
295 | {
"en": "That doesn’t mean that we are advocating a move to socialism; we want better and smarter regulation, not regulation for its own sake. We see five keys to recovery:",
"zh": "这并不意味着我们鼓吹社会主义;监管必须更好和更明智,而不是为监管而监管。而下面五点则是经济复原的关键:"
} |
296 | {
"en": "A “Europe of Results” is achievable. It can strengthen the EU’s legitimacy, though, only if policy recommendations such as these, and the successes that result from implementing them, are communicated clearly and effectively to the general public.",
"zh": "一个“以成果为导向的欧洲”是可以实现的。只要我们能向公众清晰有效地说明上述政策建议,并在实际执行中取得成功,那么欧盟合法性的增强,就必然会得以实现。"
} |
297 | {
"en": "A Chinese Champion of Peace and Freedom",
"zh": "一位和平自由的中国先锋"
} |
298 | {
"en": "PRAGUE – On Christmas Day last year, one of China’s best-known human rights activists, the writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, was condemned to 11 years in prison. Liu is one of the main drafters of Charter 08, a petition inspired by Czechoslovakia’s Charter 77, calling on the Chinese government to adhere to its own laws and constitution, and demanding the open election of public officials, freedom of religion and expression, and the abolition of “subversion” laws.",
"zh": "布拉格 ——"
} |
299 | {
"en": "For his bravery and clarity of thought about China’s future, Liu deserves the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize. There are two reasons why we believe that Liu would be a worthy recipient of that prestigious award.",
"zh": "去年的圣诞节,刘晓波,作为中国最为知名的人权活动人士,作家和大学教授,被宣判入狱 11 年。刘先生是 08 宪章主要起草人之一, 08 宪章是受到 77 宪章的启发鼓舞而发起的,目的是呼吁中国政府兑现对宪法和法律的承诺,要求政府官员的公开选举,宗教自由和废除“颠覆国家罪”等。"
} |