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Language Technology Research Group at the University of Helsinki 331

{ "en": "The first two arrows of Abenomics were aimed at stimulating demand – and they were extremely effective. The consumption-tax hike was needed to sustain them in flight.", "zh": "安倍经济学的头两支箭都旨在刺激需求——而且也极为有效。同时也需要提升消费税来维持这两支箭的顺利飞行，但不幸的是，此次提升的幅度过大，反而对这两项政策造成了阻碍。" }

{ "en": "Soon, it will begin to taper off, and industrial output will approach full capacity. When demand begins to exceed supply, demand-side stimulus policies will become increasingly ineffective, and it will be time to launch the third arrow of Abenomics: growth-enhancing structural reforms.", "zh": "好消息是增税的影响只是暂时的，并将很快开始逐渐消失，而工业产量则会接近满负荷。当需求开始超过供给的时候，需求端的刺激政策将逐渐变得无效，是时候射出安倍经济学的第三支箭：强化增长的结构性改革。" }

{ "en": "Such reforms are essential to raise productivity growth and improve the Japanese economy’s competitiveness. Four imperatives stand out.", "zh": "为了提升生产力增长并改善日本的经济竞争力，这类改革极有必要。而其中则凸显出四项要点：" }

{ "en": "The first task should be to eliminate – or, at least, reduce – the thicket of government regulations that is stifling economic dynamism. The current system is so convoluted and complex that it took more than three decades to open a new medical school in Tokyo.", "zh": "首要任务应当是消除——或至少要减少——遏制经济活力的一大堆政府管制。现行的系统是如此的繁琐复杂，以致在东京开设一所新医学院需要花费超过30年时间。同样，飞往羽田机场这个通往东京市区的便利转接点的航班也受到限制。这显然不是一个促进长期经济繁荣的做法。" }

{ "en": "Furthermore, Japan’s government should push to complete negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which is currently being negotiated among 12 countries, from Mexico to the United States to Vietnam. The TPP would improve Japan’s trade prospects considerably, including in sensitive sectors like agriculture, where exports of fast-moving consumer goods like flowers and vegetables would benefit.", "zh": "此外，日本政府应当加紧完成跨太平洋伙伴计划的谈判。目前已经有十二个国家参与该项谈判，涵盖从墨西哥到美国再到越南的广大区域。这一伙伴计划极大提升日本的贸易前景，包括像在农业这样的敏感部门，因为像鲜花和蔬菜之类快速消费品的出口将因此而受益。" }

{ "en": "In the absence of large-scale immigration, to which Japanese remain unamenable, one relatively simple solution would be to integrate more women into the labor force. A 10% increase in Japan’s female labor-force participation rate – an entirely attainable goal – would translate into an almost 5% gain in total labor-force participation.", "zh": "日本领导人也必须扩大由于本国的快速老龄化而面临严重制约的劳动力队伍。在缺乏大规模移民，日本又不准备开放移民的情况下，一个相对简单的解决方案将是把更多的女性融入劳动力大军。如果日本的女性劳动力参与率能提升10%——这是一个完全可以实现的目标——那就将把整体的劳动力参与率提升近5%。" }

{ "en": "Finally, Abe’s government must reduce the corporate-tax rate to align it more closely with international standards. Amid increasingly intense international competition to attract foreign investment, reducing the corporate tax would actually increase Japan’s tax revenues, by spurring companies to invest their vast cash stockpiles in more productive activities.", "zh": "最后安倍政府必须削减企业税率，使其与国际标准接轨。在国际间日渐激烈的外国投资争夺战中，通过驱使企业将自身的巨额现金储备投入到更具生产力的活动当中，减少企业税率将在事实上增加日本的税收收入。" }

{ "en": "Now that Abe’s government has a renewed mandate from Japanese voters, it must deliver on its promises – and that means decisive and comprehensive implementation of structural reforms. Of course, this will require some sacrifices.", "zh": "如今安倍政府已经获得了日本选民的新一轮授权，也必须兑现自己的承诺——这意味着坚定而全面地实施结构改革。这当然需要作出某些牺牲。事实上日本家庭已经在承受着因为消费税提升而带来的艰难状况。" }

{ "en": "The next step is for Abe’s government to use its political capital to overcome vested interests, both in the bureaucracy and the business community. This means compelling businesses to give up some of the special tax benefits they now enjoy.", "zh": "而安倍政府的下一步则是利用自身的政治资本去制服既得利益阶层——包括政界与商界。这意味着迫使企业放弃某些目前享有的特殊税务优惠。政治家则必须参与到纳税人识别体系中来。而政府官员们则要放弃路管制所赋予他们的某些权利。" }

{ "en": "If all of these groups join the Japanese public in accepting reasonable sacrifices, Abe’s government can fulfill its promise and build a thriving economy. For the sake of all Japanese – not to mention a world economy in need of a new source of dynamism – that promise deserves to be met.", "zh": "如果上述这些团体能和日本民众一道接受和承担合理的牺牲，安倍政府就能兑现自身的承诺并建立一个兴旺繁荣的经济。为了日本的整体利益——不要说一个需要新动力来源的世界经济——这个承诺值得去兑现。" }

{ "en": "A Berlin Consensus?", "zh": "柏林共识?" }

{ "en": "HONG KONG – A recent trip to Berlin brought back memories of an earlier visit in the summer of 1967, when I was a poor student who marveled at the Wall that would divide and devastate an entire society for another two decades. Berlin today is vibrant and rejuvenated, rebuilt by the German peoples' hard work and sacrifice to unify the country, and an apt setting for the conference of the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET), which I was there to attend.", "zh": "发自香港——最近的柏林之行令我回想起了自己的上一次到访，那是1967年的夏天，作为一个穷学生的我，在那堵还将继续分割和压抑整个德国社会20多年的高墙前震惊不已。如今在德国人民的艰苦努力以及为统一做出的牺牲之下，柏林早已生机勃勃，重现往日活力，此外新经济思维研究中心（Institute for New Economic Thinking）会议适当的议题设置对此也有贡献，而本人正是来参加这场会议的。" }

{ "en": "The conference’s theme was “Paradigm Lost,” with more than 300 economists, political scientists, systems analysts, and ecologists gathering to rethink economic and political theory for the challenges and uncertainty posed by growing inequality, rising unemployment, global financial disarray, and climate change. Almost everyone agreed that the old paradigm of neoclassical economics was broken, but there was no agreement on what can replace it.", "zh": "会议的主题是“范式的失落”，超过300位经济学家，政治科学家，系统分析者和生态学者齐聚一堂，讨论当今日渐恶化的不平等状况、失业率升高，全球金融紊乱和气候变化等问题所引发的挑战以及不确定性，并重新思考与之对应的经济和政治理论。几乎所有与会代表都赞同一点，那就是新古典主义经济学的旧有范式已经失效，但在何种范式可以取而代之这一点上却未能达成共识。" }

{ "en": "The global financial crisis, which began in 2007 as a crisis of US subprime lending and has broadened into a European sovereign-debt (and banking) crisis, has raised questions that we cannot answer, owing to over-specialization and fragmentation of knowledge. And yet there is no denying that the world has become too intricate for any simple, overarching theory to explain complex economic, technological, demographic, and environmental shifts.", "zh": "诺贝尔经济学奖得主阿马蒂亚·森（Amartya Sen）在会上指出，欧洲的危机源自于四个方面的失效——政治、经济，社会和智力层面。这场全球金融危机——始于2007年美国次级贷危机并最终扩大成为欧洲主权债务（及银行）危机——提出了一些我们无法回答的问题，而其原因则是知识的过度专业化和碎片化。同时也无可否认，我们的世界已经变得极端复杂，以致无法用任何简单且高度概括性的理论去解释在经济、技术，人口构成以及环境方面的所发生的复杂转变。" }

{ "en": "In particular, the rise of emerging markets has challenged traditional Western deductive and inductive logic. Deductive inference enables us to predict effects if we know the principles (the rule) and the cause.", "zh": "尤其重要的是，新兴市场的崛起使西方的演绎和归纳逻辑遭到了挑战。演绎推理使我们在知道原理（法则）和起因的情况下可以预测出结果。而通过使用归纳法，我们则可以在知道前因后果的情况下推断出中间的原理。" }

{ "en": "Eastern thinking, by contrast, has been abductive, moving from pragmatism to guessing the next steps. Abductive inference is pragmatic, looking only at outcomes, guessing at the rule, and identifying the cause.", "zh": "相比之下，东方的思考方式则是溯因式的，从实用主义出发去猜测下一步该如何行动。溯因推理注重实效，只关注结果，通过结果来猜想原理，再由此确定原因。" }

{ "en": "Free-market thinking evolved from Anglo-Saxon theorists (many from Scotland), who migrated and colonized territories, allowing fortunate individuals to assume that there were no limits to consumption. European continental thinking, responding to urbanization and the need for social order, emphasized institutional analysis of political economy.", "zh": "以历史为例，社会-科学理论是由胜利者撰写的，同时也受到特定时代背景和当时（社会主要）矛盾的影响。自由市场理念演化自盎格鲁-撒克逊理论家（其中许多来自苏格兰），他们不断移居和殖民新的地域，让那些拥有财富的个人觉得消费是会无限增长的。而欧洲大陆的思想则主要服务于城市化以及对社会秩序的追求，因此强调对政治经济的体制性分析。" }

{ "en": "Thus, the emergence of neoclassical economics in the nineteenth century was very much influenced by Newtonian and Cartesian physics, moving from qualitative analysis to quantifying human behavior by assuming rational behavior and excluding uncertainty. This “predetermined equilibrium” thinking – reflected in the view that markets always self-correct – led to policy paralysis until the Great Depression, when John Maynard Keynes’s argument for government intervention to address unemployment and output gaps gained traction.", "zh": "因此，新古典主义经济学在19世纪的崛起在很大程度上都是受到了牛顿和笛卡尔流派物理学的影响，从定性分析转向对人类行为的定量分析，假设这些行为都是理性的同时不断对不确定性加以排除。这一“预先设定的均衡”理念——认为市场总能自我纠正——导致了政策瘫痪，直到大萧条来袭，而约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯（John Maynard Keynes）则因此提出政府应当出手干涉失业问题，而产出与消费之间的差距问题也得到了重视。" }

{ "en": "By the 1970’s, the neoclassical general-equilibrium school captured Keynesian economics through real-sector models that assumed that “finance is a veil,” thereby becoming blind to financial markets’ destabilizing effects. Economists like Hyman Minsky, who tried to correct this, were largely ignored as Milton Friedman and others led the profession’s push for free markets and minimal government intervention.", "zh": "到了1970年代，新古典主义总体均衡学派通过一个假设“金融只是一张包装纸”的实体部门模型说服了凯恩斯主义者，并因此令他们对金融市场的不稳定作用一无所知。海曼·明斯基（Hyman Minsky）这样的经济学家尝试去纠正这一错误，但当时领导经济学界的是米尔顿·弗里德曼等自由市场和最小政府的鼓吹者，于是明斯基之辈也只能默默无闻了。" }

{ "en": "But then technology, demographics, and globalization brought dramatic new challenges that the neoclassical approach could not foresee. Even as the world’s advanced countries over-consumed through leveraging from derivative finance, four billion of the world’s seven billion people began moving to middle-income status, making huge demands on global resources and raising the issue of ecological sustainability.", "zh": "但随后出现的科技，人口分布特征和全球化则令新古典经济学派迎来了意料之外的挑战。随着全球发达国家通过金融衍生品提供的杠杆来实现过度消费，世界70亿人口中有40亿开始进入中等收入状态，不但对全球资源造成了巨大需求，也催生了环境生态的可持续发展问题。" }

{ "en": "New thinking is required to manage these massive and systemic changes, as well as the integration of giants like China and India into the modern world. A change of mindset is needed not just in the West, but also in the East.", "zh": "我们需要新的思维来应对这些大规模且系统性的变革需要，同时也需要把中国和印度这样的大国整合进入现代世界。不但西方需要转换思维，东方也是如此。为此历史学家黄仁宇早在1987年就针对中国进行了论述：" }

{ "en": "“As the world enters the modern era, most countries under internal and external pressure need to reconstruct themselves by substituting the mode of governance rooted in agrarian experience with a new set of rules based on commerce.…This is easier said than done. The renewal process could affect the top and bottom layers, and inevitably it is necessary to recondition the institutional links between them.", "zh": " “随着世界进入现代时期，大多数承受着内部和外部压力的国家都必须对自身进行重建，用基于商业的一套法则来取代原本构建于农业经验之上的管治模式……但这是件知易行难的事。整个更新过程将影响到上下两个阶层，并不可避免地需要重新修复两者之间的体制联系。全面破坏将成为常态；而且往往需要数十年来完成这项工作。" }

{ "en": "Using this macro-historical framework, we can see Japanese deflation, European debt, and even the Arab Spring as phases of systemic changes within complex structures that are interacting with one another in a new, multipolar global system. We are witnessing simultaneous global convergence (the narrowing of income, wealth, and knowledge gaps between countries) and local divergence (widening income, wealth, and knowledge gaps within countries).", "zh": "利用微历史的框架，我们可以看到一个新的，多极化全球体系之中存在着许多不断产生互动的复杂结构，而日本通胀，欧洲债务甚至阿拉伯之春则可被视为这些结构内部某一阶段的系统性变革。我们正见证着各种同时进行中的全球收敛现象（各国之间收入，财富和知识差距的不断收窄）以及本地分化现象（各国内部收入，财富和知识差距的不断加大）。" }

{ "en": "As the philosopher Bertrand Russell presciently put it: “Security and justice require centralized governmental control, which must extend to the creation of a world government if it is to be effective. Progress, on the contrary, requires the utmost scope for personal initiative that is compatible with social order.”", "zh": "适应性系统在演化的过程中会不断在秩序和创新性之间左右摇摆。正如英国哲学家伯特兰·罗素（Bertrand Russell）所预见的那样：“安全与正义要求集权化的政府控制，而这个系统如果要达到有效的话就势必要扩张成为一个全球政府。相反，进步则要求实现一个与社会秩序相容的，最大范围的个人主动性。”" }

{ "en": "A new wave of what the economist Joseph Schumpeter famously called “creative destruction” is under way: even as central banks struggle to maintain stability by flooding markets with liquidity, credit to business and households is shrinking. We live in an age of simultaneous fear of inflation and deflation; of unprecedented prosperity amid growing inequality; and of technological advancement and resource depletion.", "zh": "一个被经济学家约瑟夫·熊彼得（Joseph Schumpeter）称之为“创造性破坏”的新浪潮已经涌现：即便中央银行奋力通过向市场注入大量流动性来保持稳定，对企业和家庭的信贷依然不断紧缩。我们生活在一个对通胀和通缩的两大恐惧同时并存的时代；既有前所未有的繁荣，又有不断扩大的不平等；一方面科技进步，另一方面则存在资源枯竭。" }

{ "en": "Meanwhile, existing political systems promise good jobs, sound governance, a sustainable environment, and social harmony without sacrifice – a paradise of self-interested free riders that can be sustained only by sacrificing the natural environment and the welfare of future generations.", "zh": "与此同时，现有的政治系统既不愿意做出牺牲，却又承诺会提供好工作，优秀管治，可持续环境和社会和谐——这是一个自私自利的搭便车者梦想的天堂，但代价则是牺牲了自然环境以及子孙后代的福祉。" }

{ "en": "We cannot postpone the pain of adjustment forever by printing money. Sustainability can be achieved only when the haves become willing to sacrifice for the have-nots.", "zh": "我们不能通过印钞的方式永远推迟承担适应变革所带来的阵痛。只有当既得利益者愿意为非既得利益者做出牺牲的时候，可持续性才可能实现。" }

{ "en": "The Washington Consensus of free-market reforms for developing countries ended more than two decades ago. The INET conference in Berlin showed the need for a new one – a consensus that supports sacrifice in the interest of unity.", "zh": "针对发展中国国家自由市场改革的华盛顿共识已经在20年前达成。而柏林新经济思维研究中心会议则显示我们需要一个新的共识——为了团结统一而做出牺牲。欧洲当采用之。" }

{ "en": "Accepting Japan at Its Word", "zh": "接受日本的用词" }

{ "en": "TOKYO – In recent years, the number of tourists visiting Japan has been increasing rapidly, reaching a record 13.4 million last year, a 29% increase from 2013. Japan seems to be making great strides toward its goal of recapturing the position as an Asian cultural center that it held a century ago, when the Indian Nobel laureate poet Rabindranath Tagore lived in Tokyo.", "zh": "东京—近几年来，访日游客数量迅速增长，去年创出1,340万人次新高，比2013年增加29%。日本似乎正在大踏步向重新成为亚洲文化中心的目标迈进。一百年前，也就是印度诺贝尔奖诗人泰戈尔生活在东京的时候，日本曾经是亚洲文化中心。中国革命领袖孙中山和蒋介石以及其他诸多亚洲名人也纷纷来到日本。" }

{ "en": "Anyone visiting Japan today would do well to learn two key words: domo, meaning “hello,” “thanks,” or “well,” and sumimasen, which can carry any of the meanings of domo, as well as “sorry” or “excuse me.” Ordinary Japanese say sumimasen countless times each day, to apologize to friends or strangers for even the most trivial accident or mistake.", "zh": "如今，所有来日旅客都会学会两个关键词：“多末”，意思是“你好”、“谢谢”或“很好”；以及“斯米马赛”，它包括了domo的全部含义，还可以表达“对不起”和“劳驾”。普通日本人每天都要说无数次“斯米马赛”，有一点点事情或犯一点点错误就用这个词向朋友或陌生人致歉。但是，自二战以来，日本领导人真切地感受到，向其他国家表达悔恨之情并不那么简单。" }

{ "en": "Yet that is precisely what Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must do in his upcoming statement marking the 70th anniversary of the end of the war. The statement will be based on consultations with many of Japan’s, and the world’s, leading WWII historians, as well as – and more important – with himself, his conscience, and his heart, because he understands the significance of his words on this highly fraught topic.", "zh": "但这正是首相安倍晋三在即将到来的二战结束70周年纪念讲话中所要做的。该讲话将以诸多日本乃至全球著名二战史家的意见为基础，但更重要的是安倍本人、他的良知和他的用心，因为他明白，在这个高度敏感的话题上，他的用语意义重大。" }

{ "en": "His statement will follow a long line of declarations by prime ministers and chief cabinet secretaries expressing sincere remorse over the events of WWII. Twenty years ago, Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, the head of the Socialist Party, acknowledged that “Japan, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries,” particularly in Asia.", "zh": "当然，安倍绝非首位面临如此挑战的日本领导人。在他以前，无数首相和内阁官方长官都对二战中所发生的事件表达了诚挚的忏悔。二十年前，时任首相、社会党党首村山富市承认“日本的殖民统治和侵略给许多国家的人民造成了严重伤害和苦难，”特别是亚洲国家。他接着表示“感到深深的忏悔”，向受害者致以“衷心的歉意”。" }

{ "en": "Ten years later, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi reiterated Murayama’s words, adding that since the war, Japan had been “manifesting its remorse for the war through actions,” especially development assistance and humanitarian activities. Koizumi also pledged that “Japan, as a peace-loving nation, will work to achieve peace and prosperity for all humankind with all its resources.”", "zh": "十年后，小泉纯一郎首相重申了村山的歉词，并说二战结束以来日本一直在“用行动表达对战争的忏悔，”特别是发展援助和人道主义行动。小泉还承诺“日本是热爱和平的国家，将尽其所能致力于实现全人类的和平与繁荣。”" }

{ "en": "Despite these straightforward declarations of regret, some governments and citizens continue to demand more, giving the impression that nothing a Japanese leader says or does will convince them of the country’s remorse. This intractability is, in some cases, understandable; the pain of survivors and their descendants remains acute.", "zh": "尽管日本做出了这些直白的忏悔，但一些政府和人民仍不满足，给人们一种日本领导人的所作所为并没有让他们感到日本的悔意的印象。从某种程度上，这个棘手问题不难理解；幸存者及其后代的痛苦依然剧烈。但在某些情形中，不愿抛弃历史恩怨是因为政治利益。" }

{ "en": "Indeed, political motivations are behind claims that Abe does not agree with past official apologies, despite his repeated assurances that he does, as well as suggestions that he is seeking to revise history, even though he has never denied Japan’s colonial aggression. Moreover, some have produced portrayals of Japan, as a whole, as an unrepentant country – or, worse, as one that is hell-bent on remilitarization.", "zh": "事实上，声称安倍不同意此前的官方道歉（尽管他一再保证他同意此前的道歉），其背后便是政治动机；同样，认为安倍试图推翻历史（尽管他从未否认日本的殖民侵略），其背后也是政治动机。此外，一些人将日本的整体形象刻画为一个冥顽不灵的国家——更有甚者，说日本铁了心要重走军国主义老路。" }

{ "en": "Such depictions are breathtaking in their audacity, given Japan’s seven-decade record as a peaceful and constructive member of the international community. This is not lost on those in Japan who ask for how long their country will have to apologize, with some even suggesting that after 70 years, a “tweet” on the subject should amount to adequate acknowledgement by Abe.", "zh": "这样的描述不可不谓厚颜无耻，因为七十年来日本一直是国际社会和平而具有建设性的成员。对于一些质问祖国究竟需要道歉多长时间的日本人来说，这一点很重要，有人甚至认为，70年后，关于该主题的一条“推特”应该足以让安倍认识到这一点。" }

{ "en": "The prime minister, however, remains committed to issuing a strong and sincere statement on the subject. Early this year, Abe announced his intention to use the 70th anniversary statement to communicate Japan’s remorse for the war, describe the progress the country has made in upholding peace, and describe the contributions that Japan can make to Asia and the rest of the world in the coming decades.", "zh": "但是，首相仍决定就该主题发表强烈而诚挚的讲话。今年年初，安倍宣布他将在70周年讲话中表达日本对战争的忏悔，描述日本在支持和平方面所取得的进步，并表达日本可以在未来几十年对亚洲和世界其他地区的和平所做的贡献。" }

{ "en": "In fact, it is the third component of the announcement that inspires fear in some observers: By helping to build a strong security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, Japan could undermine the ability of some actors to advance their own interests. That is why they launched a whisper campaign against Abe’s statement months before he even began to write it.", "zh": "事实上，第三部分引起了一些观察者的担忧：通过帮助亚太地区构建强大的安全结构，日本可能破坏某些行动方主张自身利益的能力。因此，它们用谣言攻击安倍的讲话，哪怕距离讲话时间还有几个月之久、演讲词都没有开始撰写。" }

{ "en": "Given this, not even the language of Abe’s statement is particularly important; what matters is the determination he expresses, and the actions he takes to follow through – with appropriate humility – on his pledges. And it seems that Abe is, indeed, determined to make real contributions to peace, based on effective cooperation with Japan’s friends and allies.", "zh": "但是，亚洲的安全与繁荣当然事关所有人的利益。因此，即便安倍讲话的用词并非十分重要，重要的是他所表达的决心，以及他（以合适的谦逊态度）拿出怎样的行动。事实上，安倍似乎决心要在与日本友邦和盟国进行有效合作的基础上为和平做出真正的贡献。" }

{ "en": "But if Asia is to move beyond its past, the victims of Japan’s wartime aggression must recognize that the Japan of 2015 is not the Japan of 1931, 1941, or even 1945, and that, as many Asian leaders have realized over the years, forgiveness benefits everyone. In 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae-jung responded positively to a statement by former Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi.", "zh": "但如果亚洲要超越历史恩怨，日本战时侵略的受害者就必须承认2015年的日本不是1931、1941乃至1945年的日本，并且，如许多亚洲领导人在过去几年中所认识到的，原谅可以给所有人带来好处。1998年，韩国总统金大中对前日本首相小渊惠三的讲话予以积极回应。印度尼西亚、菲律宾、越南和其他国家也是如此，现在它们都欢迎日本与盟国携手保护地区安全的承诺。" }

{ "en": "These countries’ openness to reconciliation have enabled Japan to recast itself as a key arbiter of regional peace and prosperity, not to mention an increasingly dynamic cultural hub. It is time for the rest of the region to follow suit, accepting at face value Japan’s sincere apologies and working with the country to build a better future.", "zh": "这些国家对和解的开放态度让日本重新铸造其地区和平与繁荣重要仲裁者的形象，更不用说活力日盛的文化枢纽了。该地区其他国家也应该效而仿之，按字面意思接受日本诚挚的道歉，与日本共同建设更美好的未来。在亚洲面临严重安全挑战的当下，这一立场无比紧要。" }

{ "en": "A Big Chance for Small Farmers", "zh": "小农迎来大机遇" }

{ "en": "NEW YORK – The G-8’s $20 billion initiative on smallholder agriculture, launched at the group’s recent summit in L’Aquila, Italy, is a potentially historic breakthrough in the fight against hunger and extreme poverty. With serious management of the new funds, food production in Africa will soar.", "zh": "纽约——八国集团不久前在意大利拉奎拉峰会上启动的200亿美元小农援助计划或许是战胜饥饿和极端贫困的一次历史性的突破。如果这笔新资金能得到认真的管理，非洲的粮食生产将会大幅度增加。实际上，这项新计划和其他医疗、教育、基础设施计划一起，有可能成为迄今为止实现千年发展目标的最有效举措，千年发展目标国际协议规定到2015年将极端贫困、疾病和饥饿人口减少到原来的半数。" }

{ "en": "During 2002-2006, I led the United Nations Millennium Project, which aimed to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, for then-UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. One cornerstone of the project was “smallholder farmers,” meaning peasant farm families in Africa, Latin America, and Asia – working farms of around one hectare (2.5 acres) or less.", "zh": "2002至2006年，我为实现千年发展目标，在时任联合国秘书长科菲·安南管理下领导联合国千年发展项目。“小农”是这个项目的基础，“小农”一词是非洲、拉美和亚洲耕种土地不超过1公顷（合2.5英亩）的农民家庭的代名词。颇具讽刺意味的是，尽管自身也生产粮食，但他们却隶属于世界最贫困、最饥饿家庭的行列。" }

{ "en": "They are hungry because they lack the ability to buy high-yield seeds, fertilizer, irrigation equipment, and other tools needed to increase productivity. As a result, their output is meager and insufficient for their subsistence.", "zh": "他们饥饿，是因为无力购买提高产量所需的高产种子、化肥、灌溉设备和其他工具。这导致农作物产量匮乏，根本不够维持生计。他们的贫困造成农业生产率低下，而农业生产率低下又反过来加剧了贫困。这形成了恶性循环，技术上被称为贫困陷阱。" }

{ "en": "The UN Millennium Project’s Hunger Task Force, led by two world-leading scientists, M. S. Swaminathan and Pedro Sanchez, examined how to break this vicious circle. The Hunger Task Force determined that Africa could substantially increase its food production if help was given to smallholder farmers, in the form of agricultural inputs. The Millennium Project recommended a big increase in global funding for this purpose.  Drawing on that work and related scientific findings, Annan launched a call in 2004 for an African Green Revolution, based on an expanded partnership between Africa and donor countries.", "zh": "在两位世界著名科学家斯瓦米纳坦和佩德罗·桑切斯的领导下，联合国千年发展项目反饥饿工作组研究这种恶性循环应该如何打破。工作组的结论是，如果以农业投入的方式向小农提供帮助，可能会大幅增加非洲粮食产量。千年计划建议大幅度增加对这方面的全球资助。根据此项成果及相关的科学发现，安南在扩大非洲和捐助国合作规模的基础上，在2004年呼吁启动非洲绿色革命。" }

{ "en": "Many of us, notably current UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, have worked hard to make this possible, with Ban repeatedly emphasizing the special emergency arising from the global food, financial, and energy crises of the past two years. The G-8 announcement reflects these years of effort, and of course the boost from the leadership of US President Barack Obama, Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Zapatero, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, World Bank President Robert Zoellick, European Commissioner Louis Michel, European Parliamentarian Thijs Berman, and others.", "zh": "我们很多人，特别是现任联合国秘书长潘基文，为实现这一目标付出了艰苦的努力。潘秘书长反复强调过去两年中全球粮食、金融和能源危机引发的特别问题。八国集团声明反映了这些年的努力，其中当然离不开美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马、西班牙总理何塞·路易斯·萨帕特罗、澳大利亚总理陆克文、世界银行行长罗伯特·佐立克、欧盟专员路易·米歇尔、欧洲议会议员蒂伊斯·伯曼、还有其他人的领导作用。" }

{ "en": "Getting seed and fertilizer to smallholder farmers at highly subsidized prices (or even free in some cases) will make a lasting difference. Not only will food yields rise in the short term, but farm households will use their higher incomes and better health to accumulate all sorts of assets: cash balances, soil nutrients, farm animals, and their children’s health and education.", "zh": "现在的关键是要收到实效。历史的教训显而易见。向小农家庭发放含有大量补贴的种子和化肥（有时甚至是免费发放）将产生持续性效果。不仅能在短期内提高粮食产量，而且能使农户利用高收入和更好的医疗积累各种财富：现金盈余、土壤养分、家畜、及其子女的医疗和教育。" }

{ "en": "That boost in assets will, in turn, enable local credit markets, such as micro-finance, to begin operating. Farmers will be able to buy inputs, either out of their own cash, or by borrowing against their improved creditworthiness.", "zh": "资产的积累反过来会启动小额融资公司等当地信贷市场。农户可以依靠自有资金或资信改善来以贷款的方式购买农用物资。" }

{ "en": "Perhaps the main risk is that the “aid bureaucracies” now trip over each other to try to get their hands on the $20 billion, so that much of it gets taken up by meetings, expert consultations, overhead, reports, and further meetings. “Partnerships” of donors can become an expensive end in themselves, merely delaying real action.", "zh": "目前已经就援助小农的必要性达成了一致，但在实际操作中还存在问题。现在主要的风险或许是“官僚援助体系”竭力争夺这200亿美元的经费，想把尽可能多的部分用于会议、专家咨询、管理费用、报告撰写以及组织更多的会议。捐助国的“伙伴关系”自身又可能代价昂贵，而且除推迟实际行动外起不到任何作用。" }

{ "en": "If donor governments really want results, they should take the money out of the hands of thirty or more separate aid bureaucracies and pool it in one or two places, the most logical being the World Bank in Washington and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in Rome. One or both of these agencies would then have an account with several billion dollars.", "zh": "如果捐助国政府真的看重结果，就应该从30家或者更多的独立官僚援助机构中把款项收回，集中交给一两家机构管理。最顺理成章的管理机构是华盛顿世界银行和罗马联合国国际农业发展基金。这样这一两家机构就会拥有数十亿美元的扶贫账户。" }

{ "en": "An independent expert panel would review the national plans to verify their scientific and managerial coherence. Assuming that a plan passes muster, the money to support it would quickly be disbursed.", "zh": "饥荒地区，特别是非洲的政府，则需提交国家行动计划，提供他们打算如何利用捐助款项为贫困农民提供高产种子、化肥、灌溉、农机、仓库和咨询建议的细节。将由独立的专家小组对国家计划的科学性和管理的连贯性进行评估。如果计划通过了检验，支持计划的资金将迅速拨付到位。而后，将对每项国家计划进行监督、审计和评估。" }

{ "en": "Two major recent success stories in aid have used this approach: the Global Alliance on Vaccines and Immunizations, which successfully gets immunizations to young children, and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB, and Malaria, which supports national action plans to battle these killer diseases. Both have saved millions of lives during the past decade, and have paved the way to a new more efficient and scientifically sound method of development assistance.", "zh": "这种方法直接、有效、负责、有着不错的科学基础。最近两个成功的捐助案例就是使用的这种方法：其一是全球疫苗免疫联盟成功为儿童提供免疫服务，还有就是全球艾滋病、肺结核和疟疾基金为战胜上述致命疾病的国家计划提供了支持。过去10年来这两家机构都挽救了数百万人的生命，并为更高效、更科学合理的新的发展援助方法铺平了道路。" }

{ "en": "Obama, Rudd, Zapatero, and other forward-thinking leaders can therefore make a huge difference by following up on their pledges at the G-8 and insisting that the aid really works. The bureaucracies must be bypassed to get help to where it is needed: in the soil tilled by the world’s poorest farm families.", "zh": "很多联合国和富裕国家援助机构为此展开争夺，这并不值得大惊小怪。但这种争夺常常是为了争权夺利，而不是以最有效的方法向贫困人口提供援助。奥巴马、陆克文、萨帕特罗和其他有远见的领导人因此可以通过兑现在八国峰会上的承诺、坚持要求实际援助效果带来巨大的变化。必须绕过官僚机构为由世界最贫困的农民家庭所耕种的土地提供援助。" }

{ "en": "A Black and White Question", "zh": "黑白人种问题" }

{ "en": "The man, still refusing to step out, said he was a Harvard professor, showed his ID, and warned the cop not to mess with him. He said something about black men in America being singled out, and asked the cop, who was white, for his name and identification.", "zh": "纽约——7月16日下午两名男子看似正试图闯入位于马萨诸塞州坎布里奇高尚住宅区的一栋豪宅。接到电话报警后，一名警察立即赶到了现场。他看到一名黑人男子在房间里，就要求他出来。那个人拒绝了。警察要求他说明身份。该男子仍然拒绝走出房门，但说自己是一位哈佛教授，出示了证件，并警告警察不要打扰他。他说美国黑人遭到歧视，并要求那位白人警察报名并出示警官证。此时该警察的几名同事赶到，他们以妨害治安为由逮捕了这位教授。" }

{ "en": "We now know that the professor had broken into his own home, with the help of his chauffeur, because the door was jammed.", "zh": "我们现在知道这位教授在司机的帮助下闯入了自家的房门，因为门被卡住了。" }

{ "en": "Most people in the US know that if you talk back to the police, they will get nasty very fast. The fact that the man was black might or might not have made the cop go for his handcuffs even sooner than he might normally have done.", "zh": "这次事件中不同寻常的并不是警察的暴虐。多数美国人都知道如果跟警察顶嘴，他们很快就会变得气急败坏。这位教授是黑人的事实可能有也可能没有导致警察更快地掏出手铐。这一点也没有什么不同寻常。" }

{ "en": "What made this case special was that Henry Louis “Skip” Gates is one of the most celebrated professors in the country, famous for his books, his articles, and numerous television appearances. He is a grandee, a mover and shaker in the academic and media world, a friend of President Barack Obama.", "zh": "这个案件的特殊性在于亨利·路易斯·盖茨是美国最著名的教授之一，著作等身，文章充栋，并多次在电视上露面。他称得上是位显贵，在学术和媒体圈中一呼百应，还与巴拉克·奥巴马总统私交甚笃。他因此警告詹姆斯·克劳利中士，这位坎布里奇的老资格警官不要招惹他。" }

{ "en": "Gates, deeply conscious, indeed a specialist of the terrible history of race relations in his country, instinctively assumed that he was a victim of prejudice. From his words it appears that he was equally conscious of not getting the proper respect due to a distinguished Harvard professor and media celebrity.", "zh": "美国的阶级和种族问题错综复杂。在这个案件中，不可能将它们区分清楚。盖茨非常了解美国糟糕的种族关系史，甚至可以说是这方面的专家，因此他本能地认为自己成了种族歧视的受害者。从他的话中还可以看出他因未能获得一位哈佛教授兼媒体名人应有的尊重而耿耿于怀。他在网上公布的一次采访中对自己的女儿说：“[克劳利]当时应该对我说，‘对不起，先生，祝您好运。我喜欢您的[电视]系列片——回头见！’说完后立即离开。”" }

{ "en": "Alas, Sgt.Crowley had never heard of Professor Gates. A local man whose brothers all serve in the police force, a sports fan, and an amateur basketball coach, Crowley does not move in the same social circles as Gates.", "zh": "唉，克劳利中士从来没有听说过盖茨教授的大名。作为一名兄弟都在警方供职的当地男性，一名体育爱好者，和一名业余篮球教练，克劳利和盖茨根本不属于同一个的社交圈。" }

{ "en": "As it happens, the charges were duly dropped, and there the case might have rested if President Obama, tired and frustrated after weeks of fighting for his healthcare bill, had not weighed in on behalf of his “friend” Gates, and called the police “stupid.” Both he and Gates then spoke of “learning” from the incident.", "zh": "实际上，对盖茨的指控已被及时取消，如果不是奥巴马总统在因连续几周争取通过医疗法案未果而感到厌倦和沮丧时去替“老友”盖茨说话，将警方斥之为“愚不可及”的话，这个案件可能已经烟消云散了。然后他和盖茨都谈到了这次事件的“教训”。盖茨甚至可能正在筹划拍摄一部有关粗暴执法的电视纪录片。" }

{ "en": "One thing to be learned, if we didn’t know this already, is how close racial sensitivities are to the surface of US life, despite the election of a black president. The complexities of black anger, white guilt, and of black, and white fear, are so vexed that most Americans prefer not to talk about race at all.", "zh": "如果我们还没有吸取这样的教训，那么这件事的教训之一就是告诉我们尽管选出了一位黑人总统，但种族敏感问题多么容易在美国生活中浮出水面。黑人的愤怒、白人的负疚、还有黑人和白人的恐惧是如此错综复杂，以致于多数美国人选择逃避种族话题。这片领域里有着太多的地雷。奥巴马最大的成就之一是他通过自己智慧巧妙的措辞，对绝大多数人讳莫如深的种族问题进行了严肃的探讨。" }

{ "en": "And there remains plenty to talk about: the grotesquely disproportionate number of black men in US prisons; the lack of educational opportunities in poor, mostly black areas; the appalling healthcare system; and the very real brutality used by police officers against blacks, who don’t have the privilege of a Harvard ID. It is probably true that many white policemen, even if they are trained to avoid racial profiling, as Sgt. Crowley was, need to be convinced that a black man can be at home in one of the finer houses of Cambridge, or any other American city.", "zh": "可以谈论的话题还有很多：包括美国监狱中比例畸高的黑人在押犯、穷人聚居区、绝大部分是黑人聚居区教育机会的匮乏、可怕的医疗体制、以及警官对没有哈佛身份的黑人所采用的真实的暴力行径。也许的确需要说服像克劳利中士这样的许多白人警官，即便他们曾经接受过避免暴力执法的训练，黑人也可以居住在位于坎布里奇、或者其他任何美国城市的高尚住宅区的家中。" }

{ "en": "But is the Gates affair the right way to enter into this discussion? One might argue that it", "zh": "但盖茨事件是否是参与讨论的恰当方式？您也许会说是。如果不是盖茨教授，谁还能够引起关注？正因为他是名人显贵，才能吸引全国民众关注这一严重的问题。如果同样的事情发生在哈莱姆区，或另外一个主要由黑人构成的穷人聚居区内一个无名小卒的身上，那么也许根本就不会有人知道。这次事件发生在坎布里奇教授身上才吸引了人们的注意力。" }

{ "en": "There is, however, a danger that it will have an adverse affect on the necessary national discussion about race. By having made such a big issue out of what was in fact a relatively minor event Gates could be accused of trivializing much worse instances of abuse.", "zh": "但这个案件的确也存在着对有关种族的全国讨论产生负面影响的危险性。因为把实际上不那么重要的问题过分夸大，盖茨可能受到将比这恶劣很多的滥用职权事件琐碎化的指责。" }

{ "en": "There were just very raw nerves and hypersensitivity to hints of disrespect, on the part of the professor, and of the cop. Outrage about a professor who is not to be messed with is not the best way to discuss the plight of countless, poor, anonymous people, whom most of us find it too easy to ignore.", "zh": "事实上，我们根本不知道这个案件是否涉及到种族范畴。克劳利自始至终从未提到过盖茨的肤色，也没有出现过任何暴力侵害行为。只是教授和警察双方都对不尊重的暗示表现得过于敏感。一位不愿受到打扰的教授的怒火并非探讨无数贫困的无名人士所处困境的最佳方式，这些无名的小人物太容易被我们所忽略。" }

{ "en": "A Bollywood Bride for Sarkozy?", "zh": "萨尔科奇的宝莱坞新娘" }

{ "en": "PARIS -- Ever since French President Nicolas Sarkozy took himself off his country’s most-eligible-bachelor list by publicly acknowledging his affair with supermodel-turned-pop-musician Carla Bruni during a romantic trip to Euro Disney, he’s run into trouble.", "zh": "巴黎--自从法国总统萨尔科奇在欧洲迪斯尼的浪漫之旅期间公开承认与前超级模特、流行音乐歌手布吕尼的恋情而把自己从法国最受追逐的钻石王老五名单中除下后，他就沾染上了麻烦。" }

{ "en": "Older French citizens don’t find the public spectacle of their leader in love very amusing. Abroad, Egyptian lawmakers were so exercised over the prospect of the French head of state sharing a bed with his girlfriend that several vented their disapproval on the floor of the parliament.", "zh": "他的民意指数第一次下降到50%以下。上年纪的法国人并不欣赏国家领导人公开展示恋情。在外国，几名埃及议员们对于法国国家元首同其女友同床共枕非常激动，乃至在国会上公开表示不满。" }

{ "en": "Should the First Girlfriend have her own motorcade, as a first lady would? Meanwhile, the same hard-right Hindu groups that protest Valentine’s Day as a decadent Western holiday have warned that if Sarkozy arrives with his girlfriend in tow, they’ll be out in the streets to welcome him.", "zh": "同样，印度也对如何处理萨尔科奇即将作为国家贵宾参加该国1月26日的共和国日庆祝活动的礼宾问题为难。第一女友是否应当像第一夫人一样有自己的车队呢？极右翼印度教团体反对情人节，认为这是腐朽堕落的西方节日。他们警告说，如果萨尔科奇带着女朋友来访，他们就会上街欢迎。" }

{ "en": "This controversy has threatened to cast a pall over a much-heralded summit between two of the world’s great democracies. With lucrative deals at stake for the big-ticket products that drive the French economy – military hardware, nuclear power plants, and Airbus planes – France has a strong interest in a successful summit in India.", "zh": "这一争端已经威胁给大受赞扬的世界两大民主国家的峰会蒙上阴影。推动法国经济的的军火、核电站以及空中客车等大笔利润丰厚的交易取决于这一访问，因此，对于这次成功的印度之行，法国利益攸关。" }

{ "en": "So, as rumors fly of secret marriage ceremonies either already concluded or in the works, could the trouble brewing in India over the French president’s very public love life be behind the rush to have the couple legally wed?", "zh": "因此，当秘密婚礼已经完成或者正在准备的传言飞散之际，印度对于法国总统公共恋情满城风雨是否推动了二人结婚呢？" }

{ "en": "The news in Sarkozy’s favored media outlet", "zh": "萨尔科奇所喜欢的<<星期日>>杂志报导说两人打算结婚引发大众猜测婚礼究竟何时举行。二人已经交换定情物。萨尔科奇给了布吕尼一个玫瑰色心形钻戒，而布吕尼则送给他一块瑞士名表。" }

{ "en": "“You’ll probably find out after it’s happened,” he taunted. Rumor has it the couple has set February 8 or 9 for the wedding. Others say that Sarkozy has already outsmarted the media by secretly marrying in the Elysee Palace, even as he was dodging wedding questions.", "zh": "热恋中的法国总统承认这一恋情是“严肃认真”的。但是他甚至在记者的直截了当的提问下也拒绝公开确切的日期。他大声训斥说：“完事后你们也许就会知道了。”有传言说两人已经订下2月8日或者9日结婚。还有人说萨尔科奇在回避结婚问题的时候已经在爱丽舍宫秘密结婚而让媒体扑空。" }

{ "en": "If the couple sizzled for cameras with Luxor and Petra as the backdrop, just imagine how hot things could get at the most romantic spot on Earth, the Taj Mahal. And, given the current rage for all things Bollywood in France, a lavish Indian wedding would be fitting.", "zh": "如果确实如此，萨尔科奇就错过了一辈子才有一次的浪漫机会。如果二人以埃及祖玛和约旦佩特拉为背景在镜头前任人拍照，那么，想像一下在世界上最为浪漫的地点印度泰姬陵前将会有多么热闹。而且，鉴于法国目前对于印度的宝莱坞电影着迷，一场浪漫的印度婚礼将会再合适不过了。布吕尼自身的生活道路也非常像宝莱坞明星那样从模特转到演员。一个漂亮的褐色头发歌唱女郎对于宝莱坞化妆而言是再好不过的了。" }

{ "en": "The Indian government will be nothing if not relieved to see the first girlfriend made a wife. As one of India’s leading daily newspapers, the", "zh": "印度政府如果见到第一女友成为第一夫人而不感到如释重负就无足轻重了。印度最大的报纸之一印度快报怕有人不懂而指出，“女朋友不是妻子或配偶。”一旦结婚，所有有关法国代表团礼宾问题的担心都将会烟消雾散。" }

{ "en": "And, while mistresses abound among the privileged classes, they do not strut publicly by their power-mates’ sides. Kissing and fondling in public, even by spouses, is taboo.", "zh": "除了宝莱坞刚刚出道的女演员会在银幕上有一些露骨的色情折腾表演外，印度还是一个极为保守的社会。离婚是丢人现眼的事情(萨尔科奇现在已经两次离婚了)。而且，尽管有钱有势的人周围有不少情人，但是她们并不公开出现在这些人的周围。公共场合下即使夫妻之间亲吻拥抱也是为社会所不容。" }

{ "en": "In this respect, India more resembles the France with which Sarkozy wants to make a clean break than the current one. Most Indians, as it seems many French, would prefer not to shed the “hypocrisy” Sarkozy laments on the part of his predecessors (read: former French President François Mitterrand, who had a child with his mistress about whom the public knew nothing until the man’s funeral).", "zh": "在这一方面，印度倒像是萨尔科奇所想要决裂的法国，而不是当前的法国。在许多法国人看来，大多数印度人情愿不放下对萨尔科奇前任们的“伪善”指责(也就是，直到法国前总统密特朗葬礼时人们才知道他有一名情妇和私生女儿)。" }

{ "en": "Statecraft is a realm where appearances are meant to be deceiving. When Sarkozy, who otherwise has such finely tuned media instincts, protests that he’s no different from any other man, he comes dangerously close to confusing the office and the person of the president.", "zh": "萨尔科奇要比所有的人都应该知道总统职位份量的很大一部分来自于庄重和场合。在国事活动中，外表应当是遮人耳目的。萨尔科奇平时具有良好的媒体本能，他抱怨说他和平常人并没有什么两样。这时候，他就危险地把总统个人和总统职务混为一谈了。" }

{ "en": "If he really is as head-over-heels in love with Bruni as he claims, and plans to marry her imminently, why not take advantage of his upcoming trip to India and make this a wedding to remember? He could meet his bride seated majestically on the caparison of an elaborately decorated elephant, and she would look ravishing swathed and bejeweled in Indian finery.", "zh": "大多数法国人只能梦见在印度举办一场充满异国情调的婚礼。萨尔科奇则可以让这一梦想成为现实。如果他果真像他所说的那样对布吕尼爱得死去活来而且想要大操大办与她结婚，那么为何不利用即将到来的印度之行并让这一婚礼永志不忘呢？他可以让新娘座在一头精心打扮的大象上迎接，而新娘则身著印度鲜艳服装，珠光宝气。被人称为喜欢名牌服装的总统的萨尔科奇可以穿上他所想要的所有金饰并且让新娘戴上更多的钻石。" }

{ "en": "The cameras would roll, Indians would smile, and France would be treated to a Bollywood spectacle beyond its wildest dreams. And if it’s too late for the wedding, there’s always the reception.", "zh": "照相机会闪个不停，印度人会抱以微笑，而法国将会受到做梦也想不到的宝莱坞式的热闹场景。而且，如果没有赶上婚礼，还有婚宴呢。" }

{ "en": "A Born-Again CAP", "zh": "重生的共同农业政策" }

{ "en": "WAGENINGEN, NETHERLANDS – Born in 1957, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is now more than 50 years old, and the European Commission is proposing what it calls a health check for its middle-aged child. But superficial repairs will not meet the European Union’s future needs.", "zh": "瓦格宁根，荷兰——诞生于1957年的共同农业政策（CAP）如今已年逾五旬，欧盟委员会正提议对它这位中年后代进行所谓的体检。不过，表面的修补碍难满足欧盟未来的需要，共同农业政策必须转世重生。" }

{ "en": "Work on its renewal is due to start now, with the completed project ready in 2013. But a much more profound re-think is needed.", "zh": "与其重生有关的工作预定即刻开始，完成的计划在2013年将可付诸实施，但我们还需对其进行一番深入得多的再思考。" }

{ "en": "The CAP’s original aim was to provide a secure source of food for the six original member states of the Union, which were importers of food and sought a degree of self-sufficiency. Good, healthy, and cheap food had to be accessible for all citizens.", "zh": "共同农业政策原本旨在为欧盟最初的六个成员国提供可靠的食物来源，当时这六国是食品进口国并试图实现一定的自给自足。所有公民都应获得优质、健康而又廉价的食品；提升的农业生产率将惠及农村地区，并使农民在欧盟不断增长的财富中获得相称的一份。实现这些目标所需的手段得到发展，食品安全也得以实现。很快，共同农业政策就被视为欧洲计划中的皇冠上的宝石。" }

{ "en": "As the EU has evolved and expanded, food systems have become more complex, involving production, processing, supply-chain organization, and wholesale and retail distribution, with all of these involving new issues like health and the environment. The use of land is also receiving more serious scrutiny.", "zh": "随着欧盟的演化与扩张，食品体系也变得更加复杂，这一体系不但包含了生产、加工、供应链组织以及批发和零售配销等环节，而且每一环节又涉及诸如健康、环保等新的问题；对土地的使用也受到更为认真的监控。" }

{ "en": "A 1991 study by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Governmental Policy, entitled", "zh": "1991年由荷兰政府政策科学委员会进行的一次名为" }

{ "en": "Those figures were for an EU of 15 countries, so with today’s 27 members the possibilities are even greater. A Dutch analysis of land use has shown that by employing the best technical and ecological means on the best available land, substantial gains could be made in food production.", "zh": "这些数据还只是针对彼时只有15个成员的欧盟，如今欧盟已扩大为27国，因此其潜在可能变得更为巨大。一份荷兰的土地使用分析已经表明，通过在最好的可使用土地上运用最佳的技术与生态手段，食物生产可以显著增加。因此，所需农民数量也已经显著减少这一点不再令人吃惊。" }

{ "en": "Viewed from the standpoint of food security and the wealth of rural areas, there is now an urgent need to revisit the CAP’s main instruments so that a new policy formula can be introduced. Perverse subsidies must be removed and recent new ones favoring products such as bio-fuels reconsidered.", "zh": "从食品安全与农村地区财富状况的角度看，目前，重访共同农业政策的主要手段以引入新的政策方案的需求颇为迫切。不当的补贴必须取消，近来有利于生物燃料等产品的新补贴则需加以重新考虑。" }

{ "en": "The", "zh": "现状无疑需要改变。欧盟的农业政策过于频繁地缩减变为向农业社群提供收入保证；但这一态度正有损于变化。竞争必须加以鼓励，因为更多的农村企业活动将强化农业社群，使得农民数量减少，而农场变得更好。" }

{ "en": "A side benefit for the EU’s standing in the world could be that the World Trade Organization’s stalled Doha negotiations could be restarted once farmers in developing countries are assured of getting a fair deal from Europe. Moreover, the CAP’s role as a motor of political and social integration in Europe could be restored once renewed policies are in place.", "zh": "一个简化版的共同农业政策将鼓励更为清洁、更加多产并且高效的农业。对于欧盟在世界上的地位而言，此举还有一个额外益处，那就是一旦发展中国家的农民得到保证，将获得来自欧洲的公平待遇后，世界贸易组织陷于中止的多哈谈判就能重新启动。而且只要更新后的政策就位，共同农业政策在欧洲政治与社会整合过程中所扮演的发动机角色就能恢复。" }

{ "en": "But renewal of this sort cannot be left to global market forces, as the results might not necessarily benefit European agriculture and society. If the market “misbehaves,” farmers could be reduced to poverty, leading to the neglect of large areas of Europe.", "zh": "不过此类更新不能听任全球市场力量的摆布，因为其结果可能并不一定有利于欧洲农业与社会。如果市场“运作失当”，农民就会陷入贫困，并导致欧洲大片地区受到忽视。这是决策者们根据以下五条重要原则改革共同农业政策时必须严肃加以考虑的、足够真切的危险。" }

{ "en": "Such a policy has been successful in the Netherlands, substantially contributing to the development and power of the country’s agribusiness. Ten of 21 branches of Dutch agribusiness, including horticultural seeds, ornamentals, seed potatoes, and veal, are among the top contributors to the national economy and the country’s trade balance.", "zh": "1、欧盟需要一个增强欧洲农业竞争力的知识与创新政策。这一政策曾在荷兰取得成功，对该国农业综合企业的发展与实力贡献良多。荷兰农业综合企业21个分支中的10个（包括园艺育种、观赏植物、种用马铃薯与小牛肉）位列对该国经济与贸易收支平衡贡献最大的产业之中。欧盟作为整体而言，导向刺激科学卓越成就与欧洲知识体系内更高一致性的研究项目的政策将极大地增强农业竞争力并有助于食品安全和可持续发展。" }

{ "en": "Many structural improvement programs have been financed at the European level, but agricultural production and land use are not among them. The development of an Agricultural Main Structure would compliment the European Ecological Main Structure.", "zh": "2、欧洲也需要一个关于土地使用的重组政策。在欧洲层面已有许多结构性改进项目得到资助，但农业生产与土地使用却不在其中。农业主体结构的发展将补全欧洲主体生态结构。重新造林与自然生态系统的修复也应当被纳入土地使用政策之中。" }

{ "en": "Consumption patterns and preferences are an integral part of such systems. Preliminary studies by the European Science Foundation’s “Forward Look on European Food Systems” could prove useful in devising an EU-wide policy.", "zh": "3、关于欧洲食品体系的政策应对生产、加工、分配、物流以及零售诸环节进行联合考虑。消费模式与偏好也是这类体系不可或缺的一部分。欧洲科学基金会所做的初步研究 ——“对欧洲食品体系的展望”将为欧盟范围的政策创制提供帮助。" }

{ "en": "Metropolitan agriculture in a rapidly urbanizing world can provide high-quality produce on small amounts of land. It offers an answer to rising demand for healthy food with minimal environmental side effects.", "zh": "4、在一个高速城市化的世界中，都市型农业能凭借少量的土地供应高质量的农产品。这为如何满足对健康食品不断增长的需求，同时又对环境的副作用最小这一问题提供了一个答案。" }

{ "en": "But a cultural heritage should not be maintained everywhere, nor should it ignore cost. And it should not be a defensive policy of the sort that tends to concentrate on poor-quality land.", "zh": "5、新的共同农业政策应当包含一个保护欧洲地形的方案。但并非各处都应保留文化遗产，也不该忽视其成本。同时它还不应该成为一个趋向全力聚焦于贫瘠土地的防御性政策。" }

{ "en": "These five pillars involve drastic choices, but they will probably require less money from Europe’s taxpayers, not more. They could make a real contribution to cleaner, more productive, and efficient farming and land use, while addressing social needs.", "zh": "上述五条重要原则涉及到激烈的选择，但它们可能只需欧洲纳税人付出更少的资金，而非更多。它们将对更为清洁、更加多产并且高效的农业与土地使用做出真正的贡献，并能兼顾社会的需求。" }