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that not aiding the poor is not to be condemned as murdering
them; it could, however, be on a par with killing someone as
a result of reckless driving, which is serious enough. Finally the
difficulty of completely discharging the duty of saving all one
possibly can makes it inappropriate to blame those who fall
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short of this target as we blame those who kill; but this does
not show that the act itself is less serious. Nor does it indicate
anything about those who, far from saving all they possibly can,
make no effort to save anyone.
These conclusions suggest a new approach. Instead of attempting
to deal with the contrast between affluence and poverty
by comparing not saving with deliberate killing, let us
consider afresh whether we have an obligation to assist those
whose lives are in danger, and if so, how this obligation applies
to the present world situation.
THE OBLIGATION TO ASSIST
The Argument for an Obligation to Assist
The path from the library at my university to the humanities
lecture theatre passes a shallow ornamental pond. Suppose that
on my way to give a lecture I notice that a small child has fallen
in and is in danger of drowning. Would anyone deny that I
ought to wade in and pull the child out? This will mean getting
my clothes muddy and either cancelling my lecture or delaying
it until I can find something dry to change into; but compared
with the avoidable death of a child this is insignificant.
A plausible principle that would support the judgment that I
ought to pull the child out is this: if it is in our power to prevent
something very bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing
anything of comparable moral significance, we ought to do it.
This principle seems uncontroversial. It will obviously win the
assent of consequentialists; but non-consequentialists should
accept it too, because the injunction to prevent what is bad
applies only when nothing comparably significant is at stake.
Thus the principle cannot lead to the kinds of actions of which
non-consequentialists strongly disapprove - serious violations
of individual rights, injustice, broken promises, and so on. If
non-consequentialists regard any of these as comparable in
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Practical Ethics
moral significance to the bad thing that is to be prevented, they
will automatically regard the principle as not applying in those
cases in which the bad thing can only be prevented by violating
rights, doing injustice, breaking promises, or whatever else is
at stake. Most non-consequentialists hold that we ought to prevent
what is bad and promote what is good. Their dispute with
consequentialists lies in their insistence that this is not the sole
ultimate ethical principle: that it is an ethical principle is not
denied by any plausible ethical theory.
Nevertheless the uncontroversial appearance of the principle
that we ought to prevent what is bad when we can do so without
sacrificing anything of comparable moral significance is deceptive.
If it were taken seriously and acted upon, our lives and
our world would be fundamentally changed. For the principle
applies, not just to rare situations in which one can save a child
from a pond, but to the everyday situation in which we can
assist those living in absolute poverty. In saying this I assume
that absolute poverty, with its hunger and malnutrition, lack of
shelter, illiteracy, disease, high infant mortality, and low life
expectancy, is a bad thing. And I assume that it is within the
power of the affluent to reduce absolute poverty, without sacrificing
anything of comparable moral significance. If these two
assumptions and the principle we have been discussing are correct,
we have an obligation to help those in absolute poverty
that is no less strong than our obligation to rescue a drowning
child from a pond. Not to help would be wrong, whether or
not it is intrinsically equivalent to killing. Helping is not, as
conventionally thought, a charitable act that it is praiseworthy
to do, but not wrong to omit; it is something that everyone
ought to do.
This is the argument for an obligation to assist. Set out more
formally, it would look like this.
First premise: If we can prevent something bad without sacrificing
anything of comparable significance, we ought to do it.
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Second premise: Absolute poverty is bad.
Third premise: There is some absolute poverty we can prevent
without sacrificing anything of comparable moral significance.
Conclusion: We ought to prevent some absolute poverty.
The first premise is the substantive moral premise on which
the argument rests, and I have tried to show that it can be
accepted by people who hold a variety of ethical positions.
The second premise is unlikely to be challenged. Absolute
poverty is, as McNamara put it, 'beneath any reasonable definition
of human decency' and it would be hard to find a plausible
ethical view that did not regard it as a bad thing.
The third premise is more controversial, even though it is
cautiously framed. It claims only that some absolute poverty
can be prevented without the sacrifice of anything of comparable
moral significance. It thus avoids the objection that any aid I
can give is just 'drops in the ocean' for the point is not whether
my personal contribution will make any noticeable impression
on world poverty as a whole (of course it won't) but whether
it will prevent some poverty. This is all the argument needs to
sustain its conclusion, since the second premise says that any
absolute poverty is bad, and not merely the total amount of
absolute poverty. If without sacrificing anything of comparable
moral significance we can provide just one family with the