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disorders of emotion such as clinical depression or unremitting anxiety, in which someone feels perpetually trapped in a toxic state.
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APPENDIX B Hallmarks of the Emotional Mind Only in recent years has there emerged a scientific model of the emotional mind that explains how so much of what we do can be emotionally driven—how we can be so reasonable at one moment and so irrational the next—and the sense in which emotions have their own reasons and their own logic. Perhaps the two best assessments of the emotional mind are offered independently by Paul Ekman, head of the Human Interaction Laboratory at the University of California, San Francisco, and by Seymour Epstein, a clinical psychologist at the University of Massachusetts. 1 While Ekman and Epstein have each weighed different scientific evidence, together they offer a basic list of the qualities that distinguish emotions from the rest of mental life. 2 A Quick but Sloppy Response The emotional mind is far quicker than the rational mind, springing into action without pausing even a moment to consider what it is doing. Its quickness precludes the deliberate, analytic reflection that is the hallmark of the thinking mind. In evolution this quickness most likely revolved around that most basic decision, what to pay attention to, and, once vigilant while, say, confronting another animal, making
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split-second decisions like, Do I eat this, or does it eat me? Those organisms that had to pause too long to reflect on these answers were unlikely to have many progeny to pass on their slower-acting genes. Actions that spring from the emotional mind carry a particularly strong sense of certainty, a by-product of a streamlined, simplified way of looking at things that can be absolutely bewildering to the rational mind. When the dust settles, or even in mid-response, we find ourselves thinking, “What did I do that for?”—a sign that the rational mind is awakening to the moment, but not with the rapidity of the emotional mind. Since the interval between what triggers an emotion and its eruption can be virtually instantaneous, the mechanism that appraises
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perception must be capable of great speed, even in brain time, which is reckoned in thousandths of a second. This appraisal of the need to act needs to be automatic, so rapid that it never enters conscious awareness. 3 This quick-and-dirty variety of emotional response sweeps over us virtually before we quite know what is happening. This rapid mode of perception sacrifices accuracy for speed, relying on first impressions, reacting to the overall picture or the most striking aspects. It takes things in at once, as a whole, reacting without taking the time for thoughtful analysis. Vivid elements can determine that impression, outweighing a careful evaluation of the details. The great advantage is that the emotional mind can read an emotional reality (he’s angry with me; she’s lying; this is making him sad) in an instant, making the intuitive snap judgments that tell us who to be wary of, who to trust, who’s in distress. The emotional mind is our radar for danger; if we (or our forebears in evolution) waited for the rational mind to make some of these judgments, we might not only be wrong—we might be dead. The drawback is that these impressions and intuitive judgments, because they are made in
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these impressions and intuitive judgments, because they are made in the snap of a finger, may be mistaken or misguided. Paul Ekman proposes that this quickness, in which emotions can overtake us before we are quite aware they have started, is essential to their being so highly adaptive: they mobilize us to respond to urgent events without wasting time pondering whether to react or how to respond. Using the system he developed for detecting emotions from subtle changes in facial expression, Ekman can track microemotions that flit across the face in less than a half second. Ekman and his collaborators have discovered that emotional expressions begin to show up in changes in facial musculature within a few thousandths of a second after the event that triggers the reaction, and that the physiological changes typical of a given emotion—like shunting blood flow and increasing heart rate—also take only fractions of a second to begin. This swiftness is particularly true of intense emotion, like fear of a sudden threat. Ekman argues that, technically speaking, the full heat of emotion is very brief, lasting just seconds rather than minutes, hours, or days. His reasoning is that it would be maladaptive for an emotion to
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His reasoning is that it would be maladaptive for an emotion to capture the brain and body for a long time regardless of changing circumstance. If the emotions caused by a single event invariably continued to dominate us after it had passed, and regardless of what else was happening around us, then our feelings would be poor guides
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to action. For emotions to last longer the trigger must be sustained, in effect continually evoking the emotion, as when the loss of a loved one keeps us mourning. When feelings persist for hours, it is usually as moods, a muted form. Moods set an affective tone, but they are not such strong shapers of how we perceive and act as is the high heat of full emotion. First Feelings, Second Thoughts Because it takes the rational mind a moment or two longer to register and respond than it does the emotional mind, the “first impulse” in an emotional situation is the heart’s, not the head’s. There is also a second kind of emotional reaction, slower than the quick- response, which simmers and brews first in our thoughts before it leads to feeling. This second pathway to triggering emotions is more deliberate, and we are typically quite aware of the thoughts that lead to it. In this kind of emotional reaction there is a more extended appraisal; our thoughts—cognition—play the key role in determining what emotions will be roused. Once we make an appraisal—“that taxi driver is cheating me” or “this baby is adorable,” a fitting emotional response follows. In this slower sequence, more fully articulated
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response follows. In this slower sequence, more fully articulated thought precedes feeling. More complicated emotions, like embarrassment or apprehension over an upcoming exam, follow this slower route, taking seconds or minutes to unfold—these are emotions that follow from thoughts. By contrast, in the fast-response sequence feeling seems to precede or be simultaneous with thought. This rapid-fire emotional reaction takes over in situations that have the urgency of primal survival. This is the power of such rapid decisions: they mobilize us in an instant to rise to an emergency. Our most intense feelings are involuntary reactions; we cannot decide when they will erupt. “Love,” wrote Stendhal, “is like a fever that comes and goes independently of the will.” Not just love, but our angers and fears, as well, sweep over us, seeming to happen tous rather than being our choice. For that reason they can offer an alibi: “It is the fact that we cannot choose the emotions which we have ,” notes Ekman, that allows people to explain away their actions by saying they were in the grip of emotion. 4 Just as there are quick and slow paths to emotion—one through
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Just as there are quick and slow paths to emotion—one through immediate perception and the other through reflective thought—there are also emotions which come bidden. One example is intentionally
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manipulated feeling, the actors’ stock-in-trade, like the tears that come when sad memories are intentionally milked for their effect. But actors are simply more skilled than the rest of us at the intentional use of the second pathway to emotion, feeling via thinking. While we cannot easily change what specific emotions a certain kind of thought will trigger, we very often can, and do, choose what to think about. Just as a sexual fantasy can lead to sexual feelings, so can happy memories cheer us up, or melancholy thoughts make us reflective. But the rational mind usually does not decide what emotions we “should” have. Instead, our feelings typically come to us as a fait accompli. What the rational mind can ordinarily control is the course of those reactions. A few exceptions aside, we do not decide when to be mad, sad, and so on. A Symbolic, Childlike Reality The logic of the emotional mind is associative; it takes elements that symbolize a reality, or trigger a memory of it, to be the same as that reality. That is why similes, metaphors, and images speak directly to
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the emotional mind, as do the arts—novels, film, poetry, song, theater, opera. Great spiritual teachers, like Buddha and Jesus, have touched their disciples’ hearts by speaking in the language of emotion, teaching in parables, fables, and stories. Indeed, religious symbol and ritual makes little sense from the rational point of view; it is couched in the vernacular of the heart. This logic of the heart—of the emotional mind—is well-described by Freud in his concept of “primary process” thought; it is the logic of religion and poetry, psychosis and children, dream and myth (as Joseph Campbell put it, “Dreams are private myths; myths are shared dreams”). The primary process is the key that unlocks the meanings of works like James Joyce’s Ulysses: In primary process thought, loose associations determine the flow of a narrative; one object symbolizes another; one feeling displaces another and stands for it; wholes are condensed into parts. There is no time, no laws of cause-and-effect. Indeed, there is no such thing as “No” in the primary process; anything is possible. The psychoanalytic method is in part the art of deciphering and unraveling these substitutions in meaning.
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deciphering and unraveling these substitutions in meaning. If the emotional mind follows this logic and its rules, with one element standing for another, things need not necessarily be defined by their objective identity: what matters is how they are perceived;
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things are as they seem. What something reminds us of can be far more important than what it “is.” Indeed, in emotional life, identities can be like a hologram in the sense that a single part evokes a whole. As Seymour Epstein points out, while the rational mind makes logical connections between causes and effects, the emotional mind is indiscriminate, connecting things that merely have similar striking features. 5 There are many ways in which the emotional mind is childlike, the more so the stronger the emotion grows. One way is categorical thinking, where everything is in black and white, with no shades of gray; someone who is mortified about a faux pas might have the immediate thought, “I always say the wrong thing.” Another sign of this childlike mode is personalized thinking, with events perceived with a bias centering on oneself, like the driver who, after an accident, explained that “the telephone pole came straight at me.” This childlike mode is self-confirming , suppressing or ignoring memories or facts that would undermine its beliefs and seizing on those that support it. The beliefs of the rational mind are tentative; new evidence can disconfirm one belief and replace it with a new one
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—it reasons by objective evidence. The emotional mind, however, takes its beliefs to be absolutely true, and so discounts any evidence to the contrary. That is why it is so hard to reason with someone who is emotionally upset: no matter the soundness of your argument from a logical point of view, it carries no weight if it is out of keeping with the emotional conviction of the moment. Feelings are self-justifying, with a set of perceptions and “proofs” all their own. The Past Imposed on the Present When some feature of an event seems similar to an emotionally charged memory from the past, the emotional mind responds by triggering the feelings that went with the remembered event. The emotional mind reacts to the present as though it were the past . 6 The trouble is that, especially when the appraisal is fast and automatic, we may not realize that what was once the case is no longer so. Someone who has learned, through painful childhood beatings, to react to an angry scowl with intense fear and loathing will have that reaction to some degree even as an adult, when the scowl carries no such threat. If the feelings are strong, then the reaction that is triggered is
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If the feelings are strong, then the reaction that is triggered is obvious. But if the feelings are vague or subtle, we may not quite
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realize the emotional reaction we are having, even though it is subtly coloring how we react to the moment. Thoughts and reactions at this moment will take on the coloration of thoughts and reactions then, even though it may seem that the reaction is due solely to the circumstance of the moment. Our emotional mind will harness the rational mind to its purposes, so we come up with explanations for our feelings and reactions—rationalizations—justifying them in terms of the present moment, without realizing the influence of the emotional memory. In that sense, we can have no idea of what is actually going on, though we may have the conviction of certainty that we know exactly what is happening. At such moments the emotional mind has entrained the rational mind, putting it to its own uses. State-specific Reality The working of the emotional mind is to a large degree state-specific , dictated by the particular feeling ascendant at a given moment. How we think and act when we are feeling romantic is entirely different from how we behave when enraged or dejected; in the mechanics of emotion, each feeling has its own distinct repertoire of thought, reactions, even memories. These state-specific repertoires become
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reactions, even memories. These state-specific repertoires become most predominant in moments of intense emotion. One sign that such a repertoire is active is selective memory. Part of the mind’s response to an emotional situation is to reshuffle memory and options for action so that those most relevant are at the top of the hierarchy and so more readily enacted. And, as we have seen, each major emotion has its hallmark biological signature, a pattern of sweeping changes that entrain the body as that emotion becomes ascendant, and a unique set of cues the body automatically sends out when in its grip. 7
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APPENDIX C The Neural Circuitry of Fear The amygdala is central to fear. When a rare brain disease destroyed the amygdala (but no other brain structures) in the patient neurologists call “S.M.,” fear disappeared from her mental repertoire. She became unable to identify looks of fear on other people’s faces, nor to make such an expression herself. As her neurologist put it, “If someone put a gun to S.M.’s head, she would know intellectually to be afraid but she would not feel afraid as you or I would.” Neuroscientists have mapped the circuitry for fear in perhaps finest detail, though at the present state of this art the full circuitry for none of the emotions is completely surveyed. Fear is an apt case in point for understanding the neural dynamics of emotion. Fear, in evolution, has a special prominence: perhaps more than any other emotion it is crucial for survival. Of course in modern times misplaced fears are the bane of daily life, leaving us suffering from frets, angst, and garden variety worries—or at pathological extreme, from panic attacks, phobias, or obsessive-compulsive disorder.
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phobias, or obsessive-compulsive disorder. Say you’re alone one night at home, reading a book, when suddenly you hear a crash in another room. What happens in your brain over the next moments offers a window into the neural circuitry of fear, and the role of the amygdala as an alarm system. The first brain circuit involved simply takes in that sound as raw physical waves and transforms them into the language of the brain to startle you into alertness. This circuit goes from the ear to the brainstem and then to the thalamus. From there two branches separate: a smaller bundle of projections leads to the amygdala and the nearby hippocampus; the other, larger pathway leads to the auditory cortex in the temporal lobe, where sounds are sorted out and comprehended. The hippocampus, a key storage site for memory, quickly sorts that “crash” against other similar sounds you’ve heard, to see if it is familiar—is this “crash” one that you immediately recognize? Meanwhile the auditory cortex is doing a more sophisticated analysis of the sound to try to understand its source—is it the cat? A shutter
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banging in the wind? A prowler? The auditory cortex comes up with its hypothesis—it might be the cat knocking a lamp off the table, say, but it might also be a prowler—and sends that message to the amygdala and hippocampus, which quickly compare it to similar memories. If the conclusion is reassuring (it’s only the shutter that bangs whenever it gets too windy) then the general alert does not escalate to the next level. But if you are still unsure, another coil of circuitry reverberating between amygdala, hippocampus, and the prefrontal cortex further heightens your uncertainty and fixates your attention, making you even more concerned about identifying the source of the sound. If no satisfying answer comes from this further keen analysis, the amygdala triggers an alarm, its central area activating the hypothalamus, the brainstem, and the autonomic nervous system. The superb architecture of the amygdala as a central alarm system for the brain becomes evident in this moment of apprehension and subliminal anxiety. The several bundles of neurons in the amygdala each have a distinct set of projections with receptors primed for different neurotransmitters, something like those home alarm
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different neurotransmitters, something like those home alarm companies where operators stand at the ready to send out calls to the local fire department, police, and a neighbor whenever a home security system signals trouble. Different parts of the amygdala receive differing information. To the amygdala’s lateral nucleus come projections from the thalamus and auditory and visual cortices. Smells, via the olfactory bulb, come to the corticomedial area of the amygdala, and tastes and messages from the viscera go to the central area. These incoming signals make the amygdala a continual sentinel, scrutinizing every sensory experience. From the amygdala projections extend out to every major part of the brain. From the central and medial areas a branch goes to the areas of the hypothalamus that secrete the body’s emergency-response substance, corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH), which mobilizes the fight-or-flight reaction via a cascade of other hormones. The amygdala’s basal area sends out branches to the corpus striatum, linking into the brain’s system for movement. And, via the nearby central nucleus, the amygdala sends signals to the autonomic nervous system via the medulla, activating a wide range of far-flung responses
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in the cardiovascular system, the muscles, and the gut. From the amygdala’s basolateral area, arms go to the cingulate cortex and to the fibers known as the “central gray,” cells that
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regulate the large muscles of the skeleton. It is these cells that make a dog snarl or that arch the back of a cat threatening an interloper on its territory. In humans these same circuits tighten the muscles of the vocal cords, creating the high-pitched voice of fright. Still another pathway from the amygdala leads to the locus ceruleus in the brainstem, which in turn manufactures norepinephrine (also called “noradrenaline”) and disperses it throughout the brain. The net effect of norepinephrine is to heighten the overall reactivity of the brain areas that receive it, making the sensory circuits more sensitive. Norepinephrine suffuses the cortex, the brainstem, and the limbic system itself, in essence setting the brain on edge. Now even the ordinary creaking of the house can send a tremor of fear coursing through you. Most of these changes go on outside awareness, so that you are not yet aware you feel fear. But as you begin to actually feel fear—that is, as the anxiety that had been unconscious pierces awareness—the amygdala seamlessly commands a wide-ranging response. It signals cells in the brainstem to put a fearful expression on your face, make you edgy and easily
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startled, freeze unrelated movements your muscles had underway, speed your heart rate and raise your blood pressure, and slow your breathing (you may notice yourself suddenly holding your breath when you first feel fearful, all the better to hear more clearly what it is you are fearful of). That is only one part of a wide, carefully coordinated array of changes the amygdala and connected areas orchestrate as they commandeer the brain in a crisis. Meanwhile the amygdala, along with the interconnected hippocampus, directs the cells that send key neurotransmitters, for example, to trigger releases of dopamine that lead to the riveting of attention on the source of your fear—the strange sounds—and put your muscles at readiness to react accordingly. At the same time the amygdala signals sensory areas for vision and attention, making sure that the eyes seek out whatever is most relevant to the emergency at hand. Simultaneously cortical memory systems are reshuffled so that knowledge and memories most relevant to the particular emotional urgency will be most readily recalled, taking precedence over other less relevant strands of thought. Once these signals have been sent, you are pitched into full-fledged
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fear: you become aware of the characteristic tightness in your gut, your speeding heart, the tightening of the muscles around your neck and shoulders or the trembling of your limbs; your body freezes in
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place as you strain your attention to hear any further sounds, and your mind races with possible lurking dangers and ways to respond. This entire sequence—from surprise to uncertainty to apprehension to fear—can be telescoped within a second or so. (For more information, see Jerome Kagan, Galen’s Prophecy . New York: Basic Books, 1994.)
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APPENDIX D W. T. Grant Consortium: Active Ingredients of Prevention Programs Key ingredients of effective programs include: E MOTIONAL S KILLS • Identifying and labeling feelings • Expressing feelings • Assessing the intensity of feelings • Managing feelings • Delaying gratification • Controlling impulses • Reducing stress • Knowing the difference between feelings and actions C OGNITIVE S KILLS • Self-talk—conducting an “inner dialogue” as a way to cope with a topic or challenge or reinforce one’s own behavior • Reading and interpreting social cues—for example, recognizing social influences on behavior and seeing oneself in the perspective of the larger community • Using steps for problem-solving and decision-making—for instance, controlling impulses, setting goals, identifying alternative actions, anticipating consequences • Understanding the perspective of others • Understanding behavioral norms (what is and is not acceptable behavior) • A positive attitude toward life • Self-awareness—for example, developing realistic expectations about oneself
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B EHAVIORAL S KILLS • Nonverbal—communicating through eye contact, facial expressiveness, tone of voice, gestures, and so on • Verbal—making clear requests, responding effectively to criticism, resisting negative influences, listening to others, helping others, participating in positive peer groups S OURCE : W. T. Grant Consortium on the School-Based Promotion of Social Competence, “Drug and Alcohol Prevention Curricula,” in J. David Hawkins et al., Communities That Care (San Francisco: Jossey- Bass, 1992).
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APPENDIX E The Self Science Curriculum Main components: • Self-awareness: observing yourself and recognizing your feelings; building a vocabulary for feelings; knowing the relationship between thoughts, feelings, and reactions • Personal decision-making: examining your actions and knowing their consequences; knowing if thought or feeling is ruling a decision; applying these insights to issues such as sex and drugs • Managing feelings: monitoring “self-talk” to catch negative messages such as internal put-downs; realizing what is behind a feeling (e.g., the hurt that underlies anger); finding ways to handle fears and anxieties, anger, and sadness • Handling stress: learning the value of exercise, guided imagery, relaxation methods • Empathy: understanding others’ feelings and concerns and taking their perspective; appreciating the differences in how people feel about things • Communications: talking about feelings effectively: becoming a good listener and question-asker; distinguishing between what someone does or says and your own reactions or judgments about it; sending “I” messages instead of blame • Self-disclosure: valuing openness and building trust in a
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• Self-disclosure: valuing openness and building trust in a relationship; knowing when it’s safe to risk talking about your private feelings • Insight: identifying patterns in your emotional life and reactions; recognizing similar patterns in others • Self-acceptance: feeling pride and seeing yourself in a positive light; recognizing your strengths and weaknesses; being able to laugh at yourself • Personal responsibility: taking responsibility; recognizing the consequences of your decisions and actions, accepting your feelings and moods, following through on commitments (e.g., to studying)
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• Assertiveness: stating your concerns and feelings without anger or passivity • Group dynamics: cooperation; knowing when and how to lead, when to follow • Conflict resolution: how to fight fair with other kids, with parents, with teachers; the win/win model for negotiating compromise S OURCE : Karen F. Stone and Harold Q. Dillehunt, Self Science: The Subject Is Me (Santa Monica: Goodyear Publishing Co., 1978).
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APPENDIX F Social and Emotional Learning: Results Child Development Project Eric Schaps, Development Studies Center, Oakland, California. Evaluation in schools in Northern California, grades K-6; rating by independent observers, comparing with control schools. R ESULTS: • more responsible • more assertive • more popular and outgoing • more pro-social and helpful • better understanding of others • more considerate, concerned • more pro-social strategies for interpersonal problem-solving • more harmonious • more “democratic” • better conflict-resolution skills S OURCES : E. Schaps and V. Battistich, “Promoting Health Development Through School-Based Prevention: New Approaches,” OSAP Prevention Monograph, no. 8: Preventing Adolescent Drug Use: From Theory to Practice . Eric Gopelrud (ed.), Rockville, MD: Office of Substance Abuse Prevention, U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, 1991. D. Solomon, M. Watson, V. Battistich, E. Schaps, and K. Delucchi, “Creating a Caring Community: Educational Practices That Promote Children’s Prosocial Development,” in F. K. Oser, A. Dick, and J.-L. Patry, eds.,
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Patry, eds., Effective and Responsible Teaching: The New Synthesis (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1992).
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Paths Mark Greenberg, Fast Track Project, University of Washington. Evaluated in schools in Seattle, grades 1–5; ratings by teachers, comparing matched control students among 1) regular students, 2) deaf students, 3) special-education students. R ESULTS: • Improvement in social cognitive skills • Improvement in emotion, recognition, and understanding • Better self-control • Better planning for solving cognitive tasks • More thinking before acting • More effective conflict resolution • More positive classroom atmosphere S PECIAL-NEEDS STUDENTS: Improved classroom behavior on: • Frustration tolerance • Assertive social skills • Task orientation • Peer skills • Sharing • Sociability • Self-control I MPROVED EMOTIONAL UNDERSTANDING: • Recognition • Labeling • Decreases in self-reports of sadness and depression • Decrease in anxiety and withdrawal S OURCES : Conduct Problems Research Group, “A Developmental and Clinical Model for the Prevention of Conduct Disorder: The Fast Track
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Program,” Development and Psychopathology 4 (1992). M. T. Greenberg and C. A. Kusche, Promoting Social and Emotional Development in Deaf Children: The PATHS Project (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993). M. T. Greenberg, C. A. Kusche, E. T. Cook, and J. P. Quamma, “Promoting Emotional Competence in School-Aged Children: The Effects of the PATHS Curriculum,” Development and Psychopathology 7 (1995). Seattle Social Development Project J. David Hawkins, Social Development Research Group, University of Washington Evaluated in Seattle elementary and middle schools by independent testing and objective standards, in comparison to nonprogram schools. R ESULTS: • More positive attachment to family and school • Boys less aggressive, girls less self-destructive • Fewer suspensions and expulsions among low-achieving students • Less drug-use initiation • Less delinquency • Better scores on standardized achievement tests S OURCES : E. Schaps and V. Battistich, “Promoting Health Development Through School-Based Prevention: New Approaches,” OSAP Prevention Monograph, no. 8: Preventing Adolescent Drug Use: From Theory to Practice
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Practice . Eric Gopelrud (ed.), Rockville, MD: Office of Substance Abuse Prevention, U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, 1991. J. D. Hawkins et al., “The Seattle Social Development Project,” in J. McCord and R. Tremblay, eds., The Prevention of Antisocial Behavior in Children (New York: Guilford, 1992). J. D. Hawkins, E. Von Cleve, and R. F. Catalano, “Reducing Early Childhood Aggression: Results of a Primary Prevention Program ,” Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 30, 2 (1991), pp. 208–17. J. A. O’Donnell, J. D. Hawkins, R. F. Catalano, R. D. Abbott, and L.
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E. Day, “Preventing School Failure, Drug Use, and Delinquency Among Low-Income Children: Effects of a Long-Term Prevention Project in Elementary Schools,” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 65 (1994). Yale-New Haven Social Competence Promotion Program Roger Weissberg, University of Illinois at Chicago Evaluated in New Haven Public Schools, grades 5–8, by independent observations and student and teacher reports, compared with control group. R ESULTS: • Improved problem-solving skills • More involvement with peers • Better impulse control • Improved behavior • Improved interpersonal effectiveness and popularity • Enhanced coping skills • More skill in handling interpersonal problems • Better coping with anxiety • Less delinquent behaviors • Better conflict-resolution skills S OURCES : M. J. Elias and R. P. Weissberg, “School-Based Social Competence Promotion as a Primary Prevention Strategy: A Tale of Two Projects,” Prevention in Human Services 7 , 1 (1990), pp. 177–200. M. Caplan, R. P. Weissberg, J. S. Grober, P. J. Sivo, K. Grady, and C. Jacoby, “Social Competence Promotion with Inner-City and Suburban
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Young Adolescents: Effects of Social Adjustment and Alcohol Use,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 60, 1 (1992), pp. 56–63. Resolving Conflict Creatively Program Linda Lantieri, National Center for Resolving Conflict Creatively Program (an initiative of Educators for Social Responsibility), New York City
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Evaluated in New York City schools, grades K-12, by teachers’ ratings, pre- and post-program. R ESULTS: • Less violence in class • Fewer verbal put-downs in class • More-caring atmosphere • More willingness to cooperate • More empathy • Improved communication skills S OURCE : Metis Associates, Inc., The Resolving Conflict Creatively Program: 1988–1989. Summary of Significant Findings of RCCP New York Site (New York: Metis Associates, May 1990). The Improving Social Awareness-Social Problem Solving Project Maurice Elias, Rutgers University Evaluated in New Jersey schools, grades K-6, by teacher ratings, peer assessments, and school records, compared to nonparticipants. R ESULTS: • More sensitive to others’ feelings • Better understanding of the consequences of their behavior • Increased ability to “size up” interpersonal situations and plan appropriate actions • Higher self-esteem • More prosocial behavior • Sought out by peers for help • Better handled the transition to middle school • Less antisocial, self-destructive, and socially disordered behavior, even when followed up into high school • Improved learning-to-learn skills
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• Improved learning-to-learn skills • Better self-control, social awareness, and social decision-making in and out of the classroom
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S OURCES : M. J. Elias, M. A. Gara, T. F. Schuyler, L. R. Branden-Muller, and M. A. Sayette, “The Promotion of Social Competence: Longitudinal Study of a Preventive School-Based Program,” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 61 (1991), pp. 409–17. M. J. Elias and J. Clabby, Building Social Problem Solving Skills: Guidelines From a School-Based Program (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1992).
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Resources The first edition of this book could not have had a page like this directing readers who want more information to the best resources— in 1995 there were virtually no resources anywhere on emotional intelligence, while today they seem to be proliferating wildly. The mere existence of this page in itself signifies how much this field has advanced. For more in-depth access to tools and research findings, practical resources, and key people in this field, I recommend the following organizations, websites, and books. (I’ve tried to include only books I’m familiar with that are based on sound research, but my failure to include a book does not mean it cannot be helpful or may not be sound.) EDUCATION The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL), based at the University of Illinois at Chicago, seeks to enhance children’s success in school and life by promoting evidence- based social, emotional, and academic learning as an essential part of education from preschool through high school. Website: www.casel.org . The Center for Social and Emotional Education (CSEE), at Teachers College, Columbia University, is an educational and professional development organization dedicated to supporting effective social emotional learning, teaching, and leadership in schools. Website: www.CSEE.net .
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www.CSEE.net . Some Model SEL Programs Responsive Classroom: http://responsiveclassroom.org/ Developmental Studies Center: http://www.devstu.org/ Educators for Social Responsibility: http://www.esrnational.org/home.htm Search Institute: http://www.search-institute.org/ Social Development Research Group: http://depts.washington.edu/sdrg/index.html
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Learning Standards . For a model statewide policy setting detailed educational standards in social and emotional learning, see the work of the Illinois State Board of Education. This state-of-the-art, developmentally appropriate formulation could be adopted by any educational system seeking to offer SEL to its children. Website: www.isbe.net/ils/social_emotional/standards.htm . Recommended Books Bar-On, Reuven, J. G. Maree, and M. J. Elias, eds. Educating People to Be Emotionally Intelligent . Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann Educational Publishers, 2005. Cohen, Jonathan, ed. Educating Minds and Hearts: Social Emotional Learning and the Passage into Adolescence . New York: Teachers College Press, 1999. Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning. Safe and Sound: An Educational Leader’s Guide to Evidence-based Social and Emotional Learning Programs . Chicago: Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning, 2003. Elias, Maurice J., A. Arnold, and C. S. Hussey, eds. EQ + IQ = Best Leadership Practices for Caring and Successful Schools . Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press, 2003.
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CA: Corwin Press, 2003. Elias, Maurice, et al. Promoting Social and Emotional Learning: Guidelines for Educators . Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1997. Haynes, Norris, Michael Ben-Avie, and Jacque Ensign. How Social and Emotional Development Add Up: Getting Results in Math and Science Education . New York: Teachers College Press, 2003. Lantieri, Linda, and Janet Patti. Waging Peace in Our Schools . Boston: Beacon Press, 1996. Novick, B., J. S. Kress, and Maurice Elias. Building Learning Communities with Character: How to Integrate Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning . Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 2002.
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Patti, Janet, and J. Tobin. Smart School Leaders: Leading with Emotional Intelligence . Dubuque, IA: Kendall Hunt, 2003. Salovey, Peter, and David Sluyter, eds. Emotional Development and Emotional Intelligence: Educational Implications . New York: Basic Books, 1997. Zins, Joseph, Roger Weissberg, Margaret Wang, and Herbert Walberg. Building Academic Success on Social and Emotional Learning: What Does the Research Say? New York: Teachers College Press, 2004. ORGANIZATIONAL LIFE The Consortium for Research on Emotional Intelligence in Organizations is based in the Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology, Rutgers University. Director: Cary Cherniss. Website: www.eiconsortium.org . Recommended Books Ashkanasy, Neal, Wilfred Zerbe, and Charmine Hartel. Managing Emotions in the Workplace . Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2002. Boyatzis, Richard, and Annie McKee. Resonant Leadership: Inspiring Yourself and Others Through Mindfulness, Hope, and Compassion . Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2005.
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. Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2005. Caruso, David R., and Peter Salovey. The Emotionally Intelligent Manager: How to Develop the Four Key Skills of Leadership . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2004. Cherniss, Cary, and Daniel Goleman, eds. The Emotionally Intelligent Workplace: How to Select For, Measure, and Improve Emotional Intelligence in Individuals, Groups, and Organizations . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2001. Druskat, Vanessa, Fabio Sala, and Gerald Mount, eds. linking Emotional Intelligence and Performance at Work: Current Research Evidence . Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2005. Fineman, Stephen, ed. Emotion in Organizations , 2nd ed. London: Sage
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Publications, 2000. Frost, Peter J., Toxic Emotions at Work: How Compassionate Managers Handle Pain and Conflict . Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2003. Riggio, Ronald, Susan E. Murphy, and Francis Pirozzolo. Multiple Intelligences and Leadership . Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2002. PARENTING Recommended Books Elias, Maurice, Steven E. Tobias, and Brian S. Friedlander, Emotionally Intelligent Parenting: How to Raise a Self-disciplined, Responsible, Socially Skilled Child . New York: Harmony Books, 1999. Elias, Maurice, Steven E. Tobias, and Brian S. Friedlander. Raising Emotionally Intelligent Teenagers . New York: Harmony Books, 2000. Gottman, John. Raising an Emotionally Intelligent Child . New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998. Schure, Myrna. Raising a Thinking Child . New York: Pocket Books, 1994. GENERAL 6 Seconds is a nonprofit organization that supports emotional intelligence in schools, businesses, and families, with an international scope. It is an excellent source for information on resources, articles, and conferences. Website:
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and conferences. Website: www.6seconds.org . Recommended Books Bar-On, Reuven, and Parker, James D. A., eds. Handbook of Emotional Intelligence . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2000. Barrett, Lisa Feldman, and Peter Salovey. The Wisdom of Feeling: Psychological Processes in Emotional Intelligence . New York: Guilford Press, 2002. Geher, G., ed. Measuring Emotional Intelligence: Common Ground and
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Controversy . Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2004. Salovey, Peter, Marc A. Brackett, and John D. Mayer. Emotional Intelligence: Key Readings on the Mayer and Salovey Model . Port Chester, NY: DUDE Publishing, 2004. Williams, Virginia, and Redford Williams. Lifeskills . New York: Times Books, 1997. A Thoughtful Critique: Matthews, Gerald, Moshe Zeidner, and Richard D. Roberts. Emotional Intelligence: Science and Myth . Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002.
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For Tara, wellspring of emotional wisdom
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Acknowledgments My wife, Tara Bennett-Goleman, a psychotherapist, was a full creative partner in the earliest stages of thinking that led to this book. Her attunement to the emotional currents that move beneath the surface of our thoughts and interactions opened a world to me. I first heard the phrase “emotional literacy” from Eileen Rockefeller Growald, then the founder and president of the Institute for the Advancement of Health. It was this casual conversation that piqued my interest and framed the investigations that finally became this book. Support from the Fetzer Institute has allowed me the luxury of time to explore more fully what “emotional literacy” might mean, and I am grateful for the crucial early encouragement of Rob Lehman, president of the Institute, and an ongoing collaboration with David Sluyter, program director there. It was Rob Lehman who, early on in my explorations, urged me to write a book about emotional literacy. Among my most profound debts is to the hundreds of researchers who over the years have shared their findings with me, and whose efforts are reviewed and synthesized here. To Peter Salovey at Yale I owe the concept of “emotional intelligence.” I have also gained much
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from being privy to the ongoing work of many educators and practitioners of the art of primary prevention, who are at the forefront of the nascent movement in emotional literacy. Their hands-on efforts to bring heightened social and emotional skills to children, and to re- create schools as more humane environments, have been inspiring. Among them are Mark Greenberg and David Hawkins at the University of Washington; Eric Schaps and Catherine Lewis at the Developmental Studies Center in Oakland, California; Tim Shriver at the Yale Child Studies Center; Roger Weissberg at the University of Illinois at Chicago; Maurice Elias at Rutgers; Shelly Kessler of the Goddard Institute on Teaching and Learning in Boulder, Colorado; Chevy Martin and Karen Stone McCown at the Nueva School in Hillsborough, California; Linda Lantieri, director of the National Center for Resolving Conflict Creatively in New York City; and Carol A. Kusche, Developmental Research and Programs, Seattle. I have a special debt to those who reviewed and commented on
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parts of this manuscript: Howard Gardner of the Graduate School of Education at Harvard University; Peter Salovey, of the psychology department at Yale University; Paul Ekman, director of the Human Interaction Laboratory at the University of California at San Francisco; Michael Lerner, director of Commonweal in Bolinas, California; Denis Prager, then director of the health program at the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; Mark Gerzon, director of Common Enterprise, Boulder, Colorado; Mary Schwab-Stone, MD, Child Studies Center, Yale University School of Medicine; David Spiegel, MD, Department of Psychiatry, Stanford University Medical School; Mark Greenberg, director of the Fast Track Program, University of Washington; Shoshona Zuboff, Harvard School of Business; Joseph LeDoux, Center for Neural Science, New York University; Richard Davidson, director of the Psychophysiology Laboratory, University of Wisconsin; Paul Kaufman, Mind and Media, Point Reyes, California; Jessica Brackman, Naomi Wolf, and, especially, Fay Goleman. Helpful scholarly consultations came from Page DuBois, a Greek scholar at the University of Southern California; Matthew Kapstein, a
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philosopher of ethics and religion at Columbia University; and Steven Rockefeller, intellectual biographer of John Dewey, at Middlebury College. Joy Nolan gathered vignettes of emotional episodes; Margaret Howe and Annette Spychalla prepared the appendix on the effects of emotional literacy curricula. Sam and Susan Harris provided essential equipment. My editors at The New York Times over the last decade have been marvelously supportive of my many enquiries into new findings on the emotions, which first appeared in the pages of that paper and which inform much of this book. Toni Burbank, my editor at Bantam Books, offered the editorial enthusiasm and acuity that sharpened my resolve and thinking. And Tara provided the cocoon of warmth, love, and intelligence that nurtured this project along.
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Notes Introduction 1. J. A. Durlak and R. P. Weissberg, “A Major Meta-analysis of Positive Youth Development Programs,” presentation at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, August 2005. See also R. P. Weissberg, “Social and Emotional Learning for School and Life Success,” address to the Society for Community Research and Action (APA Division 27), Distinguished Contribution to Theory and Research Award, at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C., August 2005. 2. N. R. Riggs, M. T. Greenberg, C. A. Kusche, and M. A. Pentz, “The Role of Neurocognitive Change in the Behavioral Outcomes of a Social-Emotional Prevention Program in Elementary School Students: Effects of the PATHS Curriculum,” 2005, under review. 3. The EI model seems to be emerging as an influential framework within psychology. The span of psychological fields that now are informed by (and inform) the EI model range from neuroscience to health psychology. The areas with strongest connections to EI include: development, education, clinical and counseling, social, and industrial/organizational psychology, among others. Indeed, segments on EI are now
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routinely included in many college-level and graduate courses in these subjects. 4. J. D. Mayer, P. Salovey, and D. R. Caruso, “Models of Emotional Intelligence,” in R. J. Sternberg, ed., Handbook of Intelligence , Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 5. Children rated in 1999: Thomas M. Achenbach et al., “Are American Children’s Problems Still Getting Worse? A 23-year Comparison,” Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology , 31 (2003): 1–11.
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PART ONE: THE EMOTIONAL BRAIN Chapter 1. What Are Emotions For? 1. Associated Press, September 15, 1993. 2. The timelessness of this theme of selfless love is suggested by how pervasive it is in world myth: The Jataka tales, told throughout much of Asia for millennia, all narrate variations on such parables of self-sacrifice. 3. Altruistic love and human survival: The evolutionary theories that posit the adaptive advantages of altruism are well-summarized in Malcolm Slavin and Daniel Kriegman, The Adaptive Design of the Human Psyche (New York: Guilford Press, 1992). 4. Much of this discussion is based on Paul Ekman’s key essay, “An Argument for Basic Emotions,” Cognition and Emotion , 6, 1992, pp. 169–200. This point is from P. N. Johnson- Laird and K. Oatley’s essay in the same issue of the journal. 5. The shooting of Matilda Crabtree: The New York Times , Nov. 11, 1994. 6. Only in adults: An observation by Paul Ekman, University of California at San Francisco. 7.
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7. Body changes in emotions and their evolutionary reasons: Some of the changes are documented in Robert W. Levenson, Paul Ekman, and Wallace V. Friesen, “Voluntary Facial Action Generates Emotion-Specific Autonomous Nervous System Activity,” Psychophysiology , 27, 1990. This list is culled from there and other sources. At this point such a list remains speculative to a degree; there is scientific debate over the precise biological signature of each emotion, with some researchers taking the position that there is far more overlap than difference among emotions, or that our present ability to measure the biological correlates of emotion is too immature to distinguish among them reliably. For this debate see: Paul Ekman and Richard Davidson, eds., Fundamental Questions About Emotions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). 8. As Paul Ekman puts it, “Anger is the most dangerous emotion; some of the main problems destroying society these days involve anger run amok. It’s the least adaptive emotion now because it mobilizes us to fight. Our emotions evolved when we didn’t have the
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technology to act so powerfully on them. In prehistoric times, when you had an instantaneous rage and for a second wanted to kill someone, you couldn’t do it very easily —but now you can.” 9. Erasmus of Rotterdam, In Praise of Folly , trans. Eddie Radice (London: Penguin, 1971), p. 87. 10. Such basic responses defined what might pass for the “emotional life”—more aptly, an “instinct life”—of these species. More important in evolutionary terms, these are the decisions crucial to survival; those animals that could do them well, or well enough,
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survived to pass on their genes. In these early times, mental life was brutish: the senses and a simple repertoire of reactions to the stimuli they received got a lizard, frog, bird, or fish—and, perhaps, a brontosaurus—through the day. But this runt brain did not yet allow for what we think of as an emotion. 11. The limbic system and emotions: R. Joseph, The Naked Neuron: Evolution and the Languages of the Brain and Body (New York: Plenum Publishing, 1993); Paul D. MacLean, The Triune Brain in Evolution (New York: Plenum, 1990). 12. Rhesus infants and adaptability: “Aspects of emotion conserved across species,” Ned Kalin, M.D., Departments of Psychology and Psychiatry, University of Wisconsin, prepared for the MacArthur Affective Neuroscience Meeting, Nov., 1992. Chapter 2. Anatomy of an Emotional Hijacking 1. The case of the man with no feelings was described by R. Joseph, op. cit. p. 83. On the other hand, there may be some vestiges of feeling in people who lack an amygdala (see Paul Ekman and Richard Davidson, eds., Questions About Emotion
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Questions About Emotion . New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The different findings may hinge on exactly which parts of the amygdala and related circuits were missing; the last word on the detailed neurology of emotion is far from in. 2. Like many neuroscientists, LeDoux works at several levels, studying, for instance, how specific lesions in a rat’s brain change its behavior; painstakingly tracing the path of single neurons; setting up elaborate experiments to condition fear in rats whose brains have been surgically altered. His findings, and others reviewed here, are at the frontier of exploration in neuroscience, and so remain somewhat speculative—particularly the implications that seem to flow from the raw data to an understanding of our emotional life. But LeDoux’s work is supported by a growing body of converging evidence from a variety of neuroscientists who are steadily laying bare the neural underpinnings of emotions. See, for example, Joseph LeDoux, “Sensory Systems and Emotion,” Integrative Psychiatry , 4, 1986; Joseph LeDoux, “Emotion and the Limbic System Concept,” Concepts in Neuroscience, 2 , 1992. 3.
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, 1992. 3. The idea of the limbic system as the brain’s emotional center was introduced by neurologist Paul MacLean more than forty years ago. In recent years discoveries like LeDoux’s have refined the limbic system concept, showing that some of its central structures like the hippocampus are less directly involved in emotions, while circuits linking other parts of the brain—particularly the prefrontal lobes—to the amygdala are more central. Beyond that, there is a growing recognition that each emotion may call on distinct brain areas. The most current thinking is that there is not a neatly defined single “emotional brain,” but rather several systems of circuits that disperse the regulation of a given emotion to farflung, but coordinated, parts of the brain. Neuroscientists speculate that when the full brain mapping of the emotions is accomplished, each major emotion
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will have its own topography, a distinct map of neuronal pathways determining its unique qualities, though many or most of these circuits are likely to be interlinked at key junctures in the limbic system, like the amygdala, and prefrontal cortex. See Joseph LeDoux, “Emotional Memory Systems in the Brain,” Behavioral and Brain Research , 58, 1993. 4. Brain circuitry of different levels of fear: This analysis is based on the excellent synthesis in Jerome Kagan, Galen’s Prophecy (New York: Basic Books, 1994). 5. I wrote about Joseph LeDoux’s research in The New York Times on August 15, 1989. The discussion in this chapter is based on interviews with him, and several of his articles, including Joseph LeDoux, “Emotional Memory Systems in the Brain,” Behavioural Brain Research , 58, 1993: Joseph LeDoux, “Emotion, Memory and the Brain,” Scientific American , June, 1994; Joseph LeDoux, “Emotion and the Limbic System Concept,” Concepts in Neuroscience, 2 , 1992. 6.
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Neuroscience, 2 , 1992. 6. Unconscious preferences: William Raft Kunst-Wilson and R. B. Zajonc, “Affective Discrimination of Stimuli That Cannot Be Recognized,” Science (Feb. 1, 1980). 7. Unconscious opinion: John A. Bargh, “First Second: The Preconscious in Social Interactions,” presented at the meeting of the American Psychological Society, Washington, DC (June 1994). 8. Emotional memory: Larry Cahill et al., “Beta-adrenergic activation and memory for emotional events,” Nature (Oct. 20, 1994). 9. Psychoanalytic theory and brain maturation: the most detailed discussion of the early years and the emotional consequences of brain development is Allan Schore, Affect Regulation and the Origin of Self (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994). 10. Dangerous, even if you don’t know what it is: LeDoux, quoted in “How Scary Things Get That Way,” Science (Nov. 6, 1992), p. 887. 11. Much of this speculation about the fine-tuning of emotional response by the neocortex comes from Ned Kalin, op. cit.
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comes from Ned Kalin, op. cit. 12. A closer look at the neuroanatomy shows how the prefrontal lobes act as emotional managers. Much evidence points to part of the prefrontal cortex as a site where most or all cortical circuits involved in an emotional reaction come together. In humans, the strongest connections between neocortex and amygdala run to the left prefrontal lobe and the temporal lobe below and to the side of the frontal lobe (the temporal lobe is critical in identifying what an object is). Both these connections are made in a single projection, suggesting a rapid and powerful pathway, a virtual neural highway. The single-neuron projection between the amygdala and prefrontal cortex runs to an area called the orbitofrontal cortex . This is the area that seems most critical for assessing emotional responses as we are in the midst of them and making mid-course corrections. The orbitofrontal cortex both receives signals from the amygdala and has its own
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intricate, extensive web of projections throughout the limbic brain. Through this web it plays a role in regulating emotional responses—including inhibiting signals from the limbic brain as they reach other areas of the cortex, thus toning down the neural urgency of those signals. The orbitofrontal cortex’s connections to the limbic brain are so extensive that some neuroanatomists have called it a kind of “limbic cortex”—the thinking part of the emotional brain. See Ned Kalin, Departments of Psychology and Psychiatry, University of Wisconsin, “Aspects of Emotion Conserved Across Species,” an unpublished manuscript prepared for the MacArthur Affective Neuroscience Meeting. November, 1992; and Allan Schore, Affect Regulation and the Origin of Self (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994). There is not only a structural bridge between amygdala and prefrontal cortex, but, as always, a biochemical one: both the ventromedial section of the prefrontal cortex and the amygdala are especially high in concentrations of chemical receptors for the neurotransmitter serotonin. This brain chemical seems, among other things, to prime
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cooperation: monkeys with extremely high density of receptors for serotonin in the pre- frontal-amygdala circuit are “socially well-tuned,” while those with low concentrations are hostile and antagonistic. See Antonio Damosio, Descartes’ Error (New York: Grosset/Putnam, 1994). 13. Animal studies show that when areas of the prefrontal lobes are lesioned, so that they no longer modulate emotional signals from the limbic area, the animals become erratic, impulsively and unpredictably exploding in rage or cringing in fear. A. R. Luria, the brilliant Russian neuropsychologist, proposed as long ago as the 1930s that the prefrontal cortex was key for self-control and constraining emotional outbursts; patients who had damage to this area, he noted, were impulsive and prone to flareups of fear and anger. And a study of two dozen men and women who had been convicted of impulsive, heat-of- passion murders found, using PET scans for brain imaging, that they had a much lower than usual level of activity in these same sections of the prefrontal cortex. 14. Some of the main work on lesioned lobes in rats was done by Victor Dennenberg, a
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psychologist at the University of Connecticut. 15. Left hemisphere lesions and joviality: G. Gianotti, “Emotional behavior and hemispheric side of lesion,” Cortex , 8. 1972. 16. The case of the happier stroke patient was reported by Mary K. Morris, of the Department of Neurology at the University of Florida, at the International Neurophysiological Society Meeting, February 13 –16 , 1991, in San Antonio. 17. Prefrontal cortex and working memory: Lynn D. Selemon et al, “Prefrontal Cortex,” American Journal of Psychiatry , 152, 1995. 18. Faulty frontal lobes: Philip Harden and Robert Pihl, “Cognitive Function, Cardiovascular Reactivity, and Behavior in Boys at High Risk for Alcoholism,” J ournal of Abnormal Psychology , 104, 1995.
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19. Prefrontal cortex: Antonio Damasio, Descartes’ Error: Emotion, Reason and the Human Brain (New York: Grosset/Putnam, 1994).
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PART TWO: THE NATURE OF EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE Chapter 3. When Smart Is Dumb 1. Jason H.’s story was reported in “Warning by a Valedictorian Who Faced Prison,” in The New York Times (June 23, 1992). 2. One observer notes: Howard Gardner, “Cracking Open the IQ Box,” The American Prospect , Winter 1995. 3. Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York: Free Press, 1994), p. 66. 4. George Vaillant, Adaptation to Life (Boston: Little, Brown, 1977). The average SAT score of the Harvard group was 584, on a scale where 800 is tops. Dr. Vaillant, now at Harvard University Medical School, told me about the relatively poor predictive value of test scores for life success in this group of advantaged men. 5. J. K. Felsman and G. E. Vaillant, “Resilient Children as Adults: A 40-Year Study,” in E. J. Anderson and B. J. Cohler, eds,. The Invulnerable Child (New York: Guilford Press, 1987).
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(New York: Guilford Press, 1987). 6. Karen Arnold, who did the study of valedictorians with Terry Denny at the University of Illinois, was quoted in The Chicago Tribune (May 29, 1992). 7. Project Spectrum: Principal colleagues of Gardner in developing Project Spectrum were Mara Krechevsky and David Feldman. 8. I interviewed Howard Gardner about his theory of multiple intelligences in “Rethinking the Value of Intelligence Tests,” in The New York Times Education Supplement (Nov. 3, 1986) and several times since. 9. The comparison of IQ tests and Spectrum abilities is reported in a chapter, coauthored with Mara Krechevsky, in Howard Gardner, Multiple Intelligences: The Theory in Practice (New York: Basic Books, 1993). 10. The nutshell summary is from Howard Gardner, Multiple Intelligences , p. 9. 11. Howard Gardner and Thomas Hatch, “Multiple Intelligences Go to School,” Educational Researcher 18, 8 (1989). 12. The model of emotional intelligence was first proposed in Peter Salovey and John D. Mayer, “Emotional intelligence,”
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Mayer, “Emotional intelligence,” Imagination, Cognition, and Personality 9 (1990), pp. 185– 211. 13. Practical intelligence and people skills: Robert J. Sternberg, Beyond I.Q . (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985). 14. The basic definition of “emotional intelligence” is in Salovey and Mayer, “Emotional Intelligence,” p. 189. Another early model of emotional intelligence is in Reuven Bar-On,
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“The Development of a Concept of Psychological Weil-Being,” Ph.D. dissertation, Rhodes University, South Africa, 1988. 15. IQ vs. emotional intelligence: Jack Block, University of California at Berkeley, unpublished manuscript, February, 1995. Block uses the concept “ego resilience” rather than emotional intelligence, but notes that its main components include emotional self-regulation, an adaptive impulse control, a sense of self-efficacy, and social intelligence. Since these are main elements of emotional intelligence, ego resilience can be seen as a surrogate measure for emotional intelligence, much like SAT scores are for IQ. Block analyzed data from a longitudinal study of about a hundred men and women in their teen years and early twenties, and used statistical methods to assess the personality and behavioral correlates of high IQ independent of emotional intelligence, and emotional intelligence apart from IQ. There is, he finds, a modest correlation between IQ and ego resilience, but the two are independent constructs. Chapter 4. Know Thyself 1. My usage of self-awareness refers to a self-reflexive, introspective attention to one’s own experience, sometimes called mindfulness . 2.
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experience, sometimes called mindfulness . 2. See also: Jon Kabat-Zinn. Wh erever You Go, There You Are (New York: Hyperion, 1994). 3. The observing ego: An insightful comparison of the psychoanalyst’s attentional stance and self-awareness appears in Mark Epstein’s Thoughts Without a Thinker (New York: Basic Books, 1995). Epstein notes that if this ability is cultivated deeply, it can drop the self- consciousness of the observer and become a “more flexible and braver ‘developed ego,’ capable of embracing all of life.” 4. William Styron, Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness (New York: Random House, 1990), p. 64. 5. John D. Mayer and Alexander Stevens, “An Emerging Understanding of the Reflective (Meta) Experience of Mood,” unpublished manuscript (1993). 6. Mayer and Stevens, “An Emerging Understanding.” Some of the terms for these emotional self-awareness styles are my own adaptations of their categories. 7. The intensity of emotions: Much of this work was done by or with Randy Larsen, a former
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graduate student of Diener’s now at the University of Michigan. 8. Gary, the emotionally bland surgeon, is described in Hillel I. Swiller, “Alexithymia: Treatment Utilizing Combined Individual and Group Psychotherapy,” International Journal for Group Psychotherapy 38, 1 (1988), pp. 47–61. 9. Emotional illiterate was the term used by M. B. Freedman and B. S. Sweet, “Some Specific Features of Group Psychotherapy,” International Journal for Group Psychotherapy 4 (1954), pp. 335–68.
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10. The clinical features of alexithymia are described in Graeme J. Taylor, “Alexithymia: History of the Concept,” paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychiatric Association in Washington, DC (May 1986). 11. The description of alexithymia is from Peter Sifneos, “Affect, Emotional Conflict, and Deficit: An Overview,” Psychotherapy-and-Psychosomatics 56 (1991), pp. 116–22. 12. The woman who did not know why she was crying is reported in H. Warnes, “Alexithymia, Clinical and Therapeutic Aspects,” Psychotherapy-and-Psychosomatics 46 (1986), pp. 96– 104. 13. Role of emotions in reasoning: Damasio, Descartes’ Error . 14. Unconscious fear: The snake studies are described in Kagan, Galen’s Prophecy . Chapter 5. Passion’s Slaves 1. For details on the ratio of positive to negative feelings and well-being, see Ed Diener and Randy J. Larsen, “The Experience of Emotional Well-Being,” in Michael Lewis and Jeannette Haviland, eds., Handbook of Emotions (New York: Guilford Press, 1993). 2.
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2. I interviewed Diane Tice about her research on how well people shake off bad moods in December 1992. She published her findings on anger in a chapter she wrote with her husband, Roy Baumeister, in Daniel Wegner and James Pennebaker, eds., Handbook of Mental Controls: 5 (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1993). 3. Bill collectors: also described in Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart (New York: Free Press, 1980). 4. The case against anger, and for self-control, is based largely on Diane Tice and Roy F. Baumeister, “Controlling Anger: Self-Induced Emotion Change,” in Wegner and Pennebaker, Handbook of Mental Control . But see also Carol Tavris, Anger: The Misunderstood Emotion (New York: Touchstone, 1989). 5. The research on rage is described in Dolf Zillmann, “Mental Control of Angry Aggression,” in Wegner and Pennebaker, Handbook of Mental Control . 6. The soothing walk: quoted in Tavris, Anger: The Misunderstood Emotion , p. 135. 7.
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, p. 135. 7. Redford Williams’s strategies for controlling hostility are detailed in Redford Williams and Virginia Williams, Anger Kills (New York: Times Books, 1993). 8. Venting anger does not dispel it: see, for example, S. K. Mallick and B. R. McCandless, “A Study of Catharsis Aggression,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 4 (1966). For a summary of this research, see Tavris, Anger: The Misunderstood Emotion . 9. When lashing out in anger is effective: Tavris, Anger: The Misunderstood Emotion . 10. The work of worrying: Lizabeth Roemer and Thomas Borkovec, “Worry: Unwanted Cognitive Activity That Controls Unwanted Somatic Experience,” in Wegner and Pennebaker, Handbook of Mental Control .
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11. Fear of germs: David Riggs and Edna Foa, “Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder,” in David Barlow, ed., Clinical Handbook of Psychological Disorders (New York: Guilford Press, 1993). 12. The worried patient was quoted in Roemer and Borkovec, “Worry,” p. 221. 13. Therapies for anxiety disorder: see, for example, David H. Barlow, ed., Clinical Handbook of Psychological Disorders (New York: Guilford Press, 1993). 14. Styron’s depression: William Styron, Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness (New York: Random House, 1990). 15. The worries of the depressed are reported in Susan Nolen-Hoeksma, “Sex Differences in Control of Depression,” in Wegner and Pennebaker, Handbook of Mental Control , p. 307. 16. Therapy for depression: K. S. Dobson, “A Meta-analysis of the Efficacy of Cognitive Therapy for Depression,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 57 (1989). 17. The study of depressed people’s thought patterns is reported in Richard Wenzlaff, “The
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Mental Control of Depression,” in Wegner and Pennebaker, Handbook of Mental Control . 18. Shelley Taylor et al, “Maintaining Positive Illusions in the Face of Negative Information,” Journal of Clinical and Social Psychology 8 (1989). 19. The repressing college student is from Daniel A. Weinberger, “The Construct Validity of the Repressive Coping Style,” in J. L. Singer, ed., Repression and Dissociation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). Weinberger, who developed the concept of repressors in early studies with Gary F. Schwartz and Richard Davidson, has become the leading researcher on the topic. Chapter 6. The Master Aptitude 1. The terror of the exam: Daniel Goleman, Vital Lies, Simple Truths: The Psychology of Self- Deception (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985). 2. Working memory: Alan Baddeley, Working Memory (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). 3. Prefrontal cortex and working memory: Patricia Goldman-Rakic, “Cellular and Circuit Basis of Working Memory in Prefrontal Cortex of Nonhuman Primates,” Progress in Brain Research
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Progress in Brain Research , 85, 1990; Daniel Weinberger, “A Connectionist Approach to the Prefrontal Cortex,” Journal of Neuropsychiatry 5 (1993). 4. Motivation and elite performance: Anders Ericsson, “Expert Performance: Its Structure and Acquisition,” American Psychologist (Aug. 1994). 5. Asian IQ advantage: Herrnstein and Murray, The Bell Curve . 6. IQ and occupation of Asian-Americans: James Flynn, Asian-American Achievement Beyond IQ (New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1991). 7. The study of delay of gratification in four-year-olds was reported in Yuichi Shoda, Walter Mischel, and Philip K. Peake, “Predicting Adolescent Cognitive and Self-regulatory Competencies From Preschool Delay of Gratification,” Developmental Psychology , 26, 6
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(1990), pp. 978–86. 8. SAT scores of impulsive and self-controlled children: The analysis of SAT data was done by Phil Peake, a psychologist at Smith College. 9. IQ vs. delay as predictors of SAT scores: personal communication from Phil Peake, psychologist at Smith College, who analyzed the SAT data in Walter Mischel’s study of delay of gratification. 10. Impulsivity and delinquency: See the discussion in: Jack Block, “On the Relation Between IQ, Impulsivity, and Delinquency,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 104 (1995). 11. The worried mother: Timothy A. Brown et al., “Generalized Anxiety Disorder,” in David H. Barlow, ed., Clinical Handbook of Psychological Disorders (New York: Guilford Press, 1993). 12. Air traffic controllers and anxiety: W. E. Collins et al., “Relationships of Anxiety Scores to Academy and Field Training Performance of Air Traffic Control Specialists,” FAA Office of Aviation Medicine Reports (May 1989). 13. Anxiety and academic performance: Bettina Seipp, “Anxiety and Academic Performance: A Meta-analysis,” Anxiety Research
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Meta-analysis,” Anxiety Research 4, 1 (1991). 14. Worriers: Richard Metzger et al., “Worry Changes Decision-making: The Effects of Negative Thoughts on Cognitive Processing,” Journal of Clinical Psychology (Jan. 1990). 15. Ralph Haber and Richard Alpert, “Test Anxiety,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 13 (1958). 16. Anxious students: Theodore Chapin, “The Relationship of Trait Anxiety and Academic Performance to Achievement Anxiety,” Journal of College Student Development (May 1989). 17. Negative thoughts and test scores: John Hunsley, “Internal Dialogue During Academic Examinations,” Cognitive Therapy and Research (Dec. 1987). 18. The internists given a gift of candy: Alice Isen et al., “The Influence of Positive Affect on Clinical Problem Solving,” Medical Decision Making (July-Sept. 1991). 19. Hope and a bad grade: C. R. Snyder et al., “The Will and the Ways: Development and Validation of an Individual-Differences Measure of Hope,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 60, 4 (1991), p. 579. 20. I interviewed C. R. Snyder in
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20. I interviewed C. R. Snyder in The New York Times (Dec. 24, 1991). 21. Optimistic swimmers: Martin Seligman, Learned Optimism (New York: Knopf, 1991). 22. A realistic vs. naive optimism: see, for example, Carol Whalen et al., “Optimism in Children’s Judgments of Health and Environmental Risks,” Health Psychology 13 (1994). 23. I interviewed Martin Seligman about optimism in The New York Times (Feb. 3, 1987). 24. I interviewed Albert Bandura about self-efficacy in The New York Times (May 8, 1988). 25. Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, “Play and Intrinsic Rewards,” Journal of Humanistic Psychology 15, 3 (1975).
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26. Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience , 1st ed. (New York: Harper and Row, 1990). 27. “Like a waterfall”: Newsweek (Feb. 28, 1994). 28. I interviewed Dr. Csikszentmihalyi in The New York Times (Mar. 4, 1986). 29. The brain in flow: Jean Hamilton et al., “Intrinsic Enjoyment and Boredom Coping Scales: Validation With Personality, Evoked Potential and Attention Measures,” Personality and Individual Differences 5, 2 (1984). 30. Cortical activation and fatigue: Ernest Hartmann, The Functions of Sleep (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973). 31. I interviewed Dr. Csikszentmihalyi in The New York Times (Mar. 22, 1992). 32. The study of flow and math students: Jeanne Nakamura, “Optimal Experience and the Uses of Talent,” in Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi and Isabella Csikszentmihalyi, Optimal Experience: Psychological Studies of Flow in Consciousness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
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(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). Chapter 7. The Roots of Empathy 1. Self-awareness and empathy: see, for example, John Mayer and Melissa Kirkpatrick, “Hot Information-Processing Becomes More Accurate With Open Emotional Experience,” University of New Hampshire, unpublished manuscript (Oct. 1994); Randy Larsen et al., “Cognitive Operations Associated With Individual Differences in Affect Intensity,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 53 (1987). 2. Robert Rosenthal et al., “The PONS Test: Measuring Sensitivity to Nonverbal Cues,” in P. McReynolds, ed., Advances in Psychological Assessment (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1977). 3. Stephen Nowicki and Marshall Duke, “A Measure of Nonverbal Social Processing Ability in Children Between the Ages of 6 and 10,” paper presented at the American Psychological Society meeting (1989). 4. The mothers who acted as researchers were trained by Marian Radke-Yarrow and Carolyn Zahn-Waxler at the Laboratory of Developmental Psychology, National Institute of Mental Health. 5.
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Health. 5. I wrote about empathy, its developmental roots, and its neurology in The New York Times (Mar . 28, 1989). 6. Instilling empathy in children: Marian Radke-Yarrow and Carolyn Zahn-Waxler, “Roots, Motives and Patterns in Children’s Prosocial Behavior,” in Ervin Staub et al., eds., Development and Maintenance of Prosocial Behavior (New York: Plenum, 1984). 7. Daniel Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant (New York: Basic Books, 1987), p. 30. 8. Stern, op. cit. 9. The depressed infants are described in Jeffrey Pickens and Tiffany Field, “Facial
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Expressivity in Infants of Depressed Mothers,” Developmental Psychology 29, 6 (1993). 10. The study of violent rapists’ childhoods was done by Robert Prentky, a psychologist in Philadelphia. 11. Empathy in borderline patients: Lee C. Park et al., “Giftedness and Psychological Abuse in Borderline Personality Disorder: Their Relevance to Genesis and Treatment,” Journal of Personality Disorders 6 (1992). 12. Leslie Brothers, “A Biological Perspective on Empathy,” American Journal of Psychiatry 146, 1 (1989). 13. Brothers, “A Biological Perspective,” p. 16. 14. Physiology of empathy: Robert Levenson and Anna Ruef, “Empathy: A Physiological Substrate,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 63, 2 (1992). 15. Martin L. Hoffman, “Empathy, Social Cognition, and Moral Action,” in W. Kurtines and J. Gerwitz, eds., Moral Behavior and Development: Advances in Theory, Research, and Applications (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1984). 16. Studies of the link between empathy and ethics are in Hoffman, “Empathy, Social
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Cognition, and Moral Action.” 17. I wrote about the emotional cycle that culminates in sex crimes in The New York Times (Apr. 14, 1992). The source is William Pithers, a psychologist with the Vermont Department of Corrections. 18. The nature of psychopathy is described in more detail in an article I wrote in The New York Times on July 7, 1987. Much of what I write here comes from the work of Robert Hare, a psychologist at the University of British Columbia, an expert on psychopaths. 19. Leon Bing, Do or Die (New York: HarperCollins, 1991). 20. Wife batterers: Neil S. Jacobson et al., “Affect, Verbal Content, and Psychophysiology in the Arguments of Couples With a Violent Husband,” Journal of Clinical and Consulting Psychology (July 1994). 21. Psychopaths have no fear—the effect is seen as criminal psychopaths are about to receive a shock: One of the more recent replications of the effect is Christopher Patrick et al., “Emotion in the Criminal Psychopath: Fear Image Processing,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 103 (1994). Chapter 8. The Social Arts 1.
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Chapter 8. The Social Arts 1. The exchange between Jay and Len was reported by Judy Dunn and Jane Brown in “Relationships, Talk About Feelings, and the Development of Affect Regulation in Early Childhood,” Judy Garber and Kenneth A. Dodge, eds., The Development of Emotion Regulation and Dysregulation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The dramatic flourishes are my own.
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2. The display rules are in Paul Ekman and Wallace Friesen, Unmasking the Face (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1975). 3. Monks in the heat of battle: the story is told by David Busch in “Culture Cul-de-Sac,” Arizona State University Research (Spring/Summer 1994). 4. The study of mood transfer was reported by Ellen Sullins in the April 1991 issue of the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin . 5. The studies of mood transmission and synchrony are by Frank Bernieri, a psychologist at Oregon State University; I wrote about his work in The New York Times . Much of his research is reported in Bernieri and Robert Rosenthal, “Interpersonal Coordination, Behavior Matching, and Interpersonal Synchrony,” in Robert Feldman and Bernard Rime, eds., Fundamentals of Nonverbal Behavior (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 6. The entrainment theory is proposed by Bernieri and Rosenthal, Fundamentals of Nonverbal Behavior . 7. Thomas Hatch, “Social Intelligence in Young Children,” paper delivered at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association (1990).
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meeting of the American Psychological Association (1990). 8. Social chameleons: Mark Snyder, “Impression Management: The Self in Social Interaction,” in L. S. Wrightsman and K. Deaux, Social Psychology in the ’80s (Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1981). 9. E. Lakin Phillips, The Social Skills Basis of Psychopathology (New York: Grune and Stratton, 1978), p. 140. 10. Nonverbal learning disorders: Stephen Nowicki and Marshall Duke, Helping the Child Who Doesn’t Fit In (Atlanta: Peachtree Publishers, 1992). See also Byron Rourke, Nonverbal Learning Disabilities (New York: Guilford Press, 1989). 11. Nowicki and Duke, Helping the Child Who Doesn’t Fit In . 12. This vignette, and the review of research on entering a group, is from Martha Putallaz and Aviva Wasserman, “Children’s Entry Behavior,” in Steven Asher and John Coie, eds., Peer Rejection in Childhood (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 13. Putallaz and Wasserman, “Children’s Entry Behavior.” 14.
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14. Hatch, “Social Intelligence in Young Children.” 15. Terry Dobson’s tale of the Japanese drunk and the old man is used by permission of Dobson’s estate. It is also retold by Ram Dass and Paul Gorman, How Can I Help? (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), pp. 167–71.
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PART THREE: EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE APPLIED Chapter 9. Intimate Enemies 1. There are many ways to calculate the divorce rate, and the statistical means used will determine the outcome. Some methods show the divorce rate peaking at around 50 percent and then dipping a bit. When divorces are calculated by the total number in a given year, the rate appears to have peaked in the 1980s. But the statistics I cite here calculate not the number of divorces that occur in a given year, but rather the odds that a couple marrying in a given year will eventually have their marriage end in divorce. That statistic shows a climbing rate of divorce over the last century. For more detail: John Gottman, What Predicts Divorce: The Relationship Between Marital Processes and Marital Outcomes (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., 1993). 2. The separate worlds of boys and girls: Eleanor Maccoby and C. N. Jacklin, “Gender Segregation in Childhood,” in H. Reese, ed., Advances in Child Development and Behavior (New York: Academic Press, 1987). 3.
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York: Academic Press, 1987). 3. Same-sex playmates: John Gottman, “Same and Cross Sex Friendship in Young Children,” in J. Gottman and J. Parker, eds., Conversation of Friends (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 4. This and the following summary of sex differences in socialization of emotions are based on the excellent review in Leslie R. Brody and Judith A. Hall, “Gender and Emotion,” in Michael Lewis and Jeannette Haviland, eds., Handbook of Emotions (New York: Guilford Press, 1993). 5. Brody and Hall, “Gender and Emotion,” p. 456. 6. Girls and the arts of aggression: Robert B. Cairns and Beverley D. Cairns, Lifelines and Risks (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). 7. Brody and Hall, “Gender and Emotion,” p. 454. 8. The findings about gender differences in emotion are reviewed in Brody and Hall, “Gender and Emotion.” 9. The importance of good communication for women was reported in Mark H. Davis and H.
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Alan Oathout, “Maintenance of Satisfaction in Romantic Relationships: Empathy and Relational Competence,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 53, 2 (1987), pp. 397–410. 10. The study of husbands’ and wives’ complaints: Robert J. Sternberg, “Triangulating Love,” in Robert Sternberg and Michael Barnes, eds., The Psychology of Love (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988). 11. Reading sad faces: The research is by Dr. Ruben C. Gur at the University of Pennsylvania
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School of Medicine. 12. The exchange between Fred and Ingrid is from Gottman, What Predicts Divorce , p. 84. 13. The marital research by John Gottman and colleagues at the University of Washington is described in more detail in two books: John Gottman, Why Marriages Succeed or Fail (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), and What Predicts Divorce . 14. Stonewalling: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 15. Poisonous thoughts: Aaron Beck, Love Is Never Enough (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), pp. 145–46. 16. Thoughts in troubled marriages: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 17. The distorted thinking of violent husbands is described in Amy Holtzworth-Munroe and Glenn Hutchinson, “Attributing Negative Intent to Wife Behavior: The Attributions of Maritally Violent Versus Nonviolent Men,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 102, 2 (1993), pp. 206–11. The suspiciousness of sexually aggressive men: Neil Malamuth and Lisa Brown, “Sexually Aggressive Men’s Perceptions of Women’s Communications,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
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Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 67 (1994). 18. Battering husbands: There are three kinds of husbands who become violent: those who rarely do, those who do so impulsively when they get angered, and those who do so in a cool, calculated manner. Therapy seems helpful only with the first two kinds. See Neil Jacobson et al., Clinical Handbook of Marital Therapy (New York: Guilford Press, 1994). 19. Flooding: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 20. Husbands dislike squabbles: Robert Levenson et al., “The Influence of Age and Gender on Affect, Physiology, and Their Interrelations: A Study of Long-term Marriages,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 67 (1994). 21. Flooding in husbands: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 22. Men stonewall, women criticize: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 23. “Wife Charged with Shooting Husband Over Football on TV,” The New York Times (Nov. 3, 1993). 24. Productive marital fights: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 25.
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What Predicts Divorce . 25. Lack of repair abilities in couples: Gottman, What Predicts Divorce . 26. The four steps that lead to “good fights” are from Gottman, Why Marriages Succeed or Fail . 27. Monitoring pulse rate: Gottman, Ibid. 28. Catching automatic thoughts: Beck, Love Is Never Enough . 29. Mirroring: Harville Hendrix, Getting the Love You Want (New York: Henry Holt, 1988). Chapter 10. Managing With Heart 1. The crash of the intimidating pilot: Carl Lavin, “When Moods Affect Safety:
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