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23418ca6f54e3f46da9d2c2b60d98ad5343019690d179a6b6553dcc7d7a2e9c8

NoKo doesn’t care.

Aum 23 (Frank Aum, senior expert on Northeast Asia @ the U.S. Institute of Peace, JD from UC Berkeley, 10-5-2023, “Is There any Chance North Korea Will Ever Give Up Its Nuclear Weapons?” United States Institute of Peace – USIP, , accessed 10-27-2023)

all data including No Ko ’s hostile relationship with the U S and So Ko dilapidated conventional military cost-effective nature of nuc s versus conventional prestige provided other countries being toppled after giving up nuc s strength of nuc deterrent , and the fearful nature of the regime suggest that No Ko will not disarm

all the data points over many decades including No Ko ’s hostile relationship with the U S and So Ko dilapidated state of No Ko ’s conventional military cost-effective nature of investing in nuc s versus conventional military assets prestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuc s , the experience of other countries being toppled after giving up nuc s incomparable strength of nuc s as a deterrent , and the fearful nature of the Kim regime suggest that No Ko will not disarm in the short , medium and probably long-term No Ko will not abandon its nuc s

data points many decades No Ko ’s hostile U S So Ko dilapidated No Ko ’s conventional nuc s conventional military assets prestige one with nuc s toppled giving up nuc s incomparable strength nuc s deterrent fearful No Ko not disarm short medium long-term No Ko not abandon nuc s

['**edited for language', '', 'However, all the data points over many decades — including North Korea’s hostile relationship with the United States and South Korea, its experience of U.S. carpet-bombing during the Korean War, the constant threat of a U.S. nuclear attack, the dilapidated state of North Korea’s conventional military, the cost-effective nature of investing in nuclear weapons versus conventional military assets, the prestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuclear weapons, the experience of other countries being toppled or threatened after giving up their nuclear weapons, the incomparable strength of nuclear weapons as a deterrent, and the general paranoid [fearful] nature of the Kim regime — suggest that North Korea will not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term.', 'Not surprisingly, the U.S. intelligence community assesses North Korea will not abandon its nuclear weapons.']

[(0, 3), (3, 3), (4, 6)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-DaPa-Neg-4--Wake-Round-1.docx

Minnesota

DaPa

cf2183f8876de40f4c0bf35d86872678391dc43adff2ee958ffc1ee5a88ba4a3

Uncertainty alone checks.

Lewis 18, PhD, a senior vice president at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). (James Andrew, 1-1-2018, “Rethinking Cybersecurity: Strategy, Mass Effect, and States”, pg. 29, )

Uncertainty about attribution combined with uncertainty about effectiveness creates caution the U S made a major effort to improve attribution and has succeeded to where no opponent can be confident this may produce cyber deterrence opponents appear likely to overestimate the risk of retal

This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution Uncertainty about attribution capabilities particularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution . Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents , who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the U S has made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this may produce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the U S states have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force Opponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control at least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes they have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force and they have avoided physical destruction or casualties countries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict Miscalculation is possible but if anything , opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retal iation

upper bound attribution Uncertainty attribution capabilities American effectiveness caution uncertainty not shared by opponents know major effort to improve its attribution capabilities succeeded no opponent can be confident about anonymity cyber deterrence avoided reluctant to cross it fear cannot control seven countries coercive purposes avoid use of force avoided physical destruction casualties without creating unmanageable risk of escalation possible if anything more likely overestimate

['This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution. If an attacker was confident that it could avoid having the attack attributed to it, the risk of retaliation would be reduced, making some attacks more attractive. Uncertainty about attribution capabilities, particularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the United States has made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this, if linked to truly credible threats to impose consequences, may finally produce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the United States. ', 'The implicit threshold governing cyber attack is the line between force and coercion. With very few exceptions, states have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force, based on international understandings on what actions qualify as the use of force or armed attack. Opponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control. In this, cyber incidents are more like border incursions or bandit raids than attacks.', 'Public sources suggest that at least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes. However, they have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force, and they have avoided physical destruction or casualties. This suggests that countries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict. Opponents calculate the advantage they would gain from an attack against the potential cost. Miscalculation is possible, but if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation. ']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaMa-Neg-Texas-Open-Doubles.docx

Kansas

PaMa

dd892bb75f9219a6ddc79f4e71358d9882d94291d590508b030e7cf56dd999ba

The OLC merely provides advice without dictating a policy to adopt.

Bernard W. Bell 19, Faculty Professor of Law and Herbert Hannoch Scholar at Rutgers School of Law–Newark, J.D. from Stanford Law School, “Office of Legal Counsel Opinions: Advice Or Law?”, Administrative & Regulatory Law News, Vol. 44, No. 4, Summer 2019, accessed via HeinOnline

OLC opinions might seem to qualify as policy critical is formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as policy OLC opinions advise agencies, not the general public OLC construes the Constitution statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy the critical aspect of both categories is their “ formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations OLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public OLC often construes the Constitution ; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] provide guidance to the public advise agencies, not the general public construes the Constitution rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

['OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy or interpretation. But the critical aspect of both categories of documents is their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency for the guidance of the public.” See Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 22 (emphasis added).', 'Though FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provisions fail to define “statements of policy” and “interpretation,” they complement the APA’s “notice-and-comment” requirements for informal rulemaking in 5 U.S.C. §553. Section 553 exempts statements of policy and interpretive rules from the notice-and-comment rulemaking requirements, including publication in the Federal Register. FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provision requires an agency that chooses not to publish a statement of policy or interpretation in the Federal Register to make such statements publicly available by other means. This account of the relationship between § 553 and § 552(a)(2) explains the affirmative disclosure provision’s distinct treatment of staff manuals, which are explicitly made subject to affirmative disclosure only if they effect members of the general public. Compare §552(a)(2)(C), with §552(a)(2)(B). Such a qualification is unnecessary with respect to statements of policy and interpretations, which, by definition, are issued to guide the public.', 'In explicating § 553, the Attorney General’s Manual also makes clear that only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations. The Attorney General’s Manual defines interpretive rules as “rules or statements issued by an agency to advise the public of the agency’s construction of the statutes and rules which it administers.” Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 30 n.3. Thus, the statement’s purpose must be to advise the public regarding the agency’s interpretation. And, interpretation involves construction of the statutes that the agency administers. OLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public. Moreover, OLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”']

[(11, 18)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-BiGa-Neg-Kathryn-Klassic-Round-5.docx

Kentucky

BiGa

06f8f638714b522c2bf10a18405a424ac93872999824cccfc09e5a50b64e0d7d

Y’all better quiet down…vote negative to endorse a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology that refuses cis-white IR in the making because the girls are tired, and you should be too. Only leaning into transfeminism-of-color can carve out space for modes of theorization that genuinely subtend to the endurance of otherwise ways of being while avoiding the risk of ivory tower parasitism.

Weerawardhana 18, writer, political and international affairs analyst, academic, educator, human rights activist, has held teaching and research positions in several countries including France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, sixteen years of experience in research, media engagements and consultancies with high politics, alumna of Queen's University Belfast, and Université de Tours [Indre-et-Loire, France], with fellowships at the Universities of Ulster and Utrecht. (Chamindra, 2018, “Profoundly Decolonizing? Reflections on a Transfeminist Perspective of International Relations,” Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism 16, no. 1 (2018): 184-213, DOI: 10.2979/meridians.16.1.18)

caveat on theorizing is warranted Transfeminist-of-color discourse developed by Black and Brown Trans women inspired by Black of-color and Indigenous thought is lived outside white Trans sphere which has pride in tower latter does not correspond to lived experiences Transmisogynoir that kills Transfeminism of color is way of life and survival Transfeminist epistemology best-suited to address neoliberal world order and its financial racial cultural stratifications Transfeminist thought enriched by Black feminist scholar-activists roots lie in historical precedent of activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as Marsha and Sylvia discourse against anti-Black racism and erasure of Black women profoundly intersectional and global strength emanates from fact that it is influenced by non-whitestream feminisms enthusiastic supportive and fights against intersectional oppressions intervention into ways of being goes beyond binarism and essentialism broad-based understanding of pluralities expands beyond confines of academy Transfeminism appeals to international audience preparedness to un-learn and inspire as well as engage racial and gender struggles make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond ivory tower scholarly confines of white liberals and queer research that excludes peoples of color fundamental tenet involves ensuring lead roles to Trans queer people of color disabled people and Indigenous women and gender-plural people best theorized in work of poets and artists research does not follow standard protocols of hetero academia

At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted . In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements and in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse , developed by Black and Brown Trans women and profoundly inspired by Black feminist , women- of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought . This " Transfeminism of color" is conceived , developed, and lived outside the white Trans sphere of studies, which has pride of place in the ivory tower s of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny Transmisogynoir that kills . Transfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival . Although the ivory tower is beginning to recognize importance of Black feminism to the entire realm of Transgender studies it is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded This is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist -of-color epistemology - developed first and foremost through lived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple opp ressive currents- best-suited to address challenges of a neoliberal world order and its unequal financial , racial , sociopolitical , and cultural stratifications . In what follows, the term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color. core concepts of Transfeminist -of-color thought , from solidarities to sisterhood beyond " cisterhood ," have been enriched by work of Black feminist scholar-activists such as Lorde, the roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of feminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but overshadowed by cis white gay men. Transfeminist discourse strongly stands against anti-Black racism , and erasure of Black women . Trans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional , critical, and global . The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by , and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms , Black, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms . Transfeminism, 'is enthusiastic , optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race a powerful, c reative intervention into our ways of being in the world, that goes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities'. broad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands relevance way beyond the confines of the English- speaking, white-dominated Western academy . Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience . Its preparedness to interact with, un-learn , and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production , as well as engage ment with racial and gender justice struggles , make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory tower s the scholarly confines of white liberals , and the queer research that excludes -if not avoids empowering- peoples of color . a fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color , disabled people , and , very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people . Transfeminism is best " theorized " in the work of writers, poets , and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos. research does not follow the standard protocols of hetero normative academia , and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and knowledge production

['At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted. In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements as an elected officer of a British political party, and in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse, developed by Black and Brown Trans women through the decades and profoundly inspired by Black feminist, women-of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought. This "Transfeminism of color" is conceived, developed, and lived outside the white Trans male-dominated "academic" sphere of Transgender studies, which has pride of place in the ivory towers of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny faced by Trans women of color worldwide-most importantly, Transmisogynoir that kills.7', "Transfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival. Although the academy's ivory tower is just beginning to recognize the crucial importance of Black feminism to the entire realm of ivory-tower Trans theory and Transgender studies (Ellison et al. 2017; Krell 2017), it is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded its pleine place in the academic ivory tower. This is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology-developed first and foremost through the lived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple oppressive currents-best-suited to address the challenges of a neoliberal world order and its inherently unequal financial, racial, sociopolitical, and cultural stratifications. This article is also an initiative by a Trans woman of colour in political activity, who navigates transnational and multilingual spaces, to claim the rightful place for women-of-color Transfeminism, or Transfeminism of color, in the annals of the Western academy. In what follows, and unless otherwise indicated, the term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color.", 'The core concepts of Transfeminist-of-color thought, from solidarities to sisterhood beyond "cisterhood," have been especially enriched by the critical work of Black feminist scholar-activists such as Audre Lorde, whose writings carry crucial messages of solidarities, movement building, racial justice, and sisterhood (see, e.g., Lorde 20n). Most importantly, the roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of Trans-inclusive feminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as the late Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but are overshadowed by the powerful images of cis white gay men. In this sense, the Transfeminist-of-color discourse is one that strongly stands up against anti-Black racism, as well as the marginalization and erasure of Black women. 8 Inspired by the militant spirit and civil disobedience of early Transfeminist activism, present-day Trans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional, critical, and global. The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by, and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms, including Black, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms. Transfeminism, to quote Silva and Ornat (2016, 221) on Brazilian Transfeminist perspectives, \'is enthusiastic, optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race .... In this sense, Transfeminism is a powerful, creative intervention into our ways of being in the world, in that it goes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities\'. Transfeminism is therefore capable of forming part and parcel of, and standing in full solidarity with, all other non-whitestream feminisms.', 'Transfeminism recognizes the diversity of gender(s) from one sociopolitical and geographical context to another, as well as the fact that one\'s gender assigned at birth does not necessarily determine one\'s gender identity. This broad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands the relevance of Transfeminism way beyond the confines of the English-speaking, white-dominated Western academy. Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience. Volume 3, issue 1-2 of Transgender Studies Quarterly (Stryker and Bettcher 2016b), which was fully devoted to the theme of Transfeminism, attests to this global appeal of Transfeminism. Its preparedness to interact with, un-learn, and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production, as well as its active engagement with racial and gender justice struggles, make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory towers of academia, the scholarly confines of white liberals, and the queer research that excludes-if not avoids empowering-peoples of color. Many exponents of Transfeminism in the academy and beyond, including myself, are also committed activists, especially in movements such as #BlackLivesMatter and #NoIWontJustMoveOn, where a fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color, disabled people, and, very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people. Transfeminism is best inscribed not within the academy but outside its corridors, and is "theorized" in the work of writers, poets, and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos.9 Transfeminist research does not follow the standard protocols of heteronormative academia, and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and modes of knowledge production (Egafia and Sola 2016).', '']

[(0, 16)]

ndtceda

Kansas-HaPe-Neg-02---Harvard-College-Tournament-Round-1.docx

Kansas

HaPe

08982fdcb674ed05daf125163a2afb0ab2e591231cb2f7f3840533af82579e2e

Only warming causes extinction

McDonald 19, writer and geography PhD student at University of Oxford studying the intersection of grassroots movements and energy transition. (Samuel Miller, 1-4-2019, “Deathly Salvation,” The Trouble, )

nuclear exchange does not result in apocalyptic loss of life . Nuclear winter is based on shaky science . There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would make humans extinct . Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuc s . humans can survive war even a nuclear one . Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change . Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event ; warming is

nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life . Nuclear winter is based on shaky science . There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct . Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuc lear device s . humans can survive and recover from war , probably even a nuclear one . Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change . Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event ; six degrees of warming is .

apocalyptic loss of life Nuclear winter shaky science no reliable model how many megatons decimate agriculture extinct 2,476 nuc lear device s survive recover from nuclear one cannot recover runaway climate change not inevitable extinction event six degrees of warming is

['A devastating fact of climate collapse is that there may be a silver lining to the mushroom cloud. First, it should be noted that a nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter—the idea that firestorms would make the earth uninhabitable—is based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices. An exchange that shuts down the global economy but stops short of human extinction may be the only blade realistically likely to cut the carbon knot we’re trapped within. It would decimate existing infrastructures, providing an opportunity to build new energy infrastructure and intervene in the current investments and subsidies keeping fossil fuels alive. In the near term, emissions would almost certainly rise as militaries are some of the world’s largest emitters. Given what we know of human history, though, conflict may be the only way to build the mass social cohesion necessary for undertaking the kind of huge, collective action needed for global sequestration and energy transition. Like the 20th century’s world wars, a nuclear exchange could serve as an economic leveler. It could provide justification for nationalizing energy industries with the interest of shuttering fossil fuel plants and transitioning to renewables and, uh, nuclear energy. It could shock us into reimagining a less suicidal civilization, one that dethrones the death-cult zealots who are currently in power. And it may toss particulates into the atmosphere sufficient to block out some of the solar heat helping to drive global warming. Or it may have the opposite effects. Who knows? What we do know is that humans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.', '']

[(0, 11), (142, 142)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Revare-Snow-Neg-1%20-%20MAC-Finals.docx

Kansas

ReSn

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/ReSn/Kansas-Revare-Snow-Neg-1%2520-%2520MAC-Finals.docx

caa094cb7cc297a07ad4a95133ddfe7288654bd1a4293b67f78242627fe56d2e

Cephalopod research has numerous benefits including reducing effects of climate change, increasing tech, and biological innovation

O’Brien et al. 18, *Normandie University and Association for Cephalopod Research. **Kate Roumbedakis Department of Science and Technology at the University of Sannio (Italy). ** Inger Winkelmann Section for Evolutionary Genomics at Natural History Musuem of Denmark. (Caitlin, 6-6-2018, “The Current State of Cephalopod Science and Perspectives on the Most Critical Challenges Ahead From Three Early-Career Researchers,” Frontiers in Physiology, Vol. 9, https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fphys.2018.00700/full)

Few other invertebrates garner this recognition Cephalopods have come to be respected for contributions to scientific research they played a role in understanding of the neuron followed by intense investigation of learning abilities steadily growing work concerned with cephalopod biology including genetics welfare and climate change characteristics of cephalopods are inspiring tech developments including camouflage suction cups for wound repair and buoyancy systems for Underwater Vehicles cognitive systems for a i and design of soft robots Much more work is needed to take advantage of all the scientific tech and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer We highlight genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition and neurobiology

Cephalopods Few other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status Cephalopods have come to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research they played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron thanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid followed by intense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities the end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology including genetics welfare and the effects of climate change some of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various tech nological developments including adaptive camouflage that can display patterns or spontaneously match its surroundings suction cups for wound repair and buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles distributed cognitive control systems for a rtificial i ntelligence and the design of soft robots Much more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific tech nological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer We highlight recent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition and neurobiology and suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future

Cephalopods recognition status Cephalopods respected various contributions understanding of the neuron cephalopodan nervous system learning abilities steadily growing cephalopod biology genetics welfare climate change unique characteristics tech developments adaptive camouflage suction cups buoyancy systems a i soft robots Much more work advantage scientific tech cultural inspiration recent examples genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition neurobiology

['General Introduction', 'Cephalopods have long haunted the human imagination as monsters, inspiring mythology dating back to ancient Greek culture (e.g., the Hydra from the labors of Hercules, see Cousteau and Diolé, 1973, p. 72–73, 75; the Gordon Medusa in Wilk, 2000), to legends of sea monsters in Nordic culture and among sailors throughout the middle ages (Salvador and Tomotani, 2014), to the science fiction of the modern world (e.g., Sphere: Crichton, 1988; 20,000 Leagues Under the Sea: Verne, 1988), where they – or creatures strongly resembling them – often lurk in outer space as alien creatures from other worlds (as in the motion pictures Arrival1 and Life2, to mention some). And while they were once reviled as “stupid” by Aristotle (1910), and dangerous, as in Toilers of the Sea (Hugo, 2002), this unique molluscan taxon has now come to be admired by both scientists, artists and the general public alike (Nakajima et al., 2018). Their growing popularity is reflected in the choice of many aquariums to house them as star attractions, despite the sometimes formidable challenges associated with keeping them. They are also depicted fondly in contemporary culture from computer generated animations in blockbuster films (e.g., Pirates of the Caribbean; At World’s End3, Finding Dory4), to clothing, jewelery and artwork, to the surfeit of online videos5 featuring cephalopods. Few other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status.', 'Cephalopods have also come to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research. During the first half of the 20th century (white bars in Figure 1), they played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron, thanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid (Keynes, 2005). This was followed by a period of intense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities, led by John Z. Young and his fellows, including B. B. Boycott and M. J. Wells among others, from the 1950s to 1970s (see light gray bars in Figure 1). Progress slowed from the 1970s to 1990 (see dark gray bars in Figure 1), due mainly to a lack of appropriate investigative tools to address outstanding questions (see Bitterman, 1975; see also Young, 1985). Thankfully, the end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology, including genetics, welfare and the effects of climate change (see black bars in Figure 1, and detailed subject-by-subject breakdown in Figure 2).', 'Today, some of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments, including adaptive camouflage based on cephalopod skin that can display a variety of patterns (Wang Q. et al., 2014; Yu et al., 2014) or spontaneously match its surroundings (Pikul et al., 2017), suction cups for wound repair (Choi et al., 2016), propulsion and buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (AUV, Song et al., 2016), distributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence (Íñiguez, 2017) and the design of soft robots (Laschi et al., 2012; Renda et al., 2012).', 'Despite their great popularity and scientific relevance, detailed information on the biology, ecology, and physiology exists for about 8% (60 species) of the 800 or so known extant species of cephalopods (Jereb and Roper, 2005, 2010; Norman et al., 2014). Much more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific, technological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer. In order to stimulate further progress, we here focus on the potential of emerging technologies and of growing interest in cephalopods to address gaps in knowledge in seven particular subfields. We highlight some recent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics, aquaculture, climate change, welfare, behavior, cognition and neurobiology, and suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future (summarized in Table 1). The authors are three researchers who recently completed Ph.Ds in cephalopod biology, and who are thus particularly well-positioned (and motivated) to speculate about the future of the field. This manuscript follows from a series of keynote lectures (“Cephalopod Research; Visions of the Future”) delivered during the CephsInAction and CIAC Meeting: Cephalopod Science from Biology to Welfare, held at the CRETAquarium (Crete, Greece, March 28–30, 2017). Hereafter, we first review the current state of cephalopod genetics (an especially fertile area of potential growth) and discuss some of the many ways omic technology can be applied to cephalopod research, including aquaculture. Next, we explore three topics related to cephalopod-human interactions: aquaculture, climate change and anthropogenic impact and welfare of animals in captivity. Finally, we discuss research concerning cephalopod behavior, cognition, and neurobiology, three distinctive biological innovations that occurred during the evolution of this lineage.']

[(0, 7), (15, 17)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaSe-Aff-8---NDT-Round-3.docx

Kansas

PaSe

dae5a838c33f4cfedc9249ddc72e1ed6eda8981d3deb8e327078a7fcbc42388d

The dollar is solid but dependent on strong US alliances.

Nadim Shehadi 23, executive director of the LAU Headquarters and Academic Center in New York and an Associate Fellow of Chatham House in London, “US needs to keep its allies to preserve the dollar as a global reserve system”, April 1st, 2023, https://www.arabnews.com/node/2279586

power of the US dollar must keep its allies invested dollar is still solid there are no indications of its demise Debt ceilings immune to financial crises there is global demand dollar based convertibility There is no substitute would take upheaval in the international system Having said that process has begun alliances are forming America’s allies are worried US losing influence friends have doubts America depends on its allies US should work with allies hostile collapse would have dire consequences

power of the US rests on the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency In order to maintain this, it must keep its allies invested in that system the US dollar is more than a currency There is a whole system political documents institutional arrangement legal frameworks international alliances the dollar system is still solid and there are no indications of its demise Debt ceilings can be raised country will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it. currencies have to pass through dollar based convertibility to be credible gold is priced in dollars There is no substitute It would take upheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar Having said that that the process has begun We are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar No state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose even America’s allies are worried Russia and China are leading the charge gathering allies through several mechanisms the BRICS The next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion US has been losing influence friends have doubts about its reliability Europeans are not satisfied America forgot how much it depends on its allies The US should work with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power hostile collapse would have dire consequences on the global economy

dollar global reserve currency must allies invested currency international alliances still solid no indications immune currency global demand dollar based convertibility no substitute upheaval dislodge Having said that begun alliances allies global order financial implosion influence doubts reliability satisfied allies soft power hostile collapse dire consequences global economy

['The power of the US now rests almost solely on the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency, allowing it to use sanctions and exert pressure on countries. In order to maintain this, it must also keep its allies invested in that system.', 'In fact, the US dollar is more than a currency. There is a whole system built around it. Sovereign financial instruments, be they currency or bonds, are also political documents that have behind them institutional arrangement, credible legal frameworks, international alliances as well as military, political and economic power. Any merchant who invested in Ottoman or Austrian bonds before the First World War learned that lesson the hard way.', 'But the dollar system is still solid, the only game in town, and there are no indications of its demise. On the contrary, during financial crises, people still rush to it for safety. Istanbul bazaar traders, in these times of inflation, convert their Turkish lira to dollars almost daily as a store of value. This is partly an intangible faith in its value and convertibility and mainly because there is no credible alternative.', 'This was tested in 1981 when the US dollar lost about two thirds of its purchasing power through stagflation and still maintained that status. I remember left-wing student organizations celebrating the end of American capitalism in conferences 42 years ago.', 'Debt ceilings can be raised multiple times and the country will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it. No matter what its share of international trade is, other currencies traded have to pass through dollar-based convertibility to be credible; even gold is priced in dollars.', 'The world as we know it needs a currency of reference such as the dollar. There is no substitute. Furthermore, the dollar is not only a currency, it is also a platform for trade and payment and dispute resolution, mainly through American courts. To understand this, imagine having to resort to Russian or Chinese courts to resolve disputes.', 'It took two world wars to dislodge British sterling from that position, and the whole post-Second World War international institutional arrangements as well, as much of international trade is reliant on the dollar since it was adopted as the global reserve currency at the Bretton Woods conference. That established the current international order and its institutions — such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the International Trade Organization. It would take a huge upheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar.', 'Having said that, the very fact that we are asking these questions means that the process has begun. We are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar: Every time the US uses sanctions against a country or blocks it from using the SWIFT financial transfers network controlled by the US Treasury or other dollar-based instruments; every time it freezes dollar-based assets, it pushes more actors to start looking for alternatives. Who knows what will happen with central bank digital currency if it also moves to interbank operations. No state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose.', 'When states have an incentive to move away from any instruments or bonds that the US can seize at leisure or displeasure, that system is no longer safe — even America’s allies are worried. A friend’s father once said that ideally banking should be boring, now it is becoming dangerous.', "Russia and China are leading the charge and are gathering allies through several mechanisms. One of them is the expansion of the BRICS alliance already composed of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The acronym was coined by Jim O'Neill, the former chief economist of the Goldman Sachs group who has recently called for its expansion — and there are already talks with several countries, including some major oil producers, to join it.", 'China leads the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a Eurasian economic, political, security and defense bloc that is also seeking an expansion of its members. They are already discussing alternative arrangements that would hedge against US-dollar dominance. These efforts have increased with the Ukraine war and the stepping up of Russian-Chinese trade in yuan.', 'The global economy is also going through a period of instability. In the past 12 years, especially since 2011, we have witnessed increasing protest movements that represent cracks in the post-Second World War system. In the 1980s, when we spoke of a global debt crisis it was understood to mean the debt of developing countries. In 2023, we automatically also think of some of the leading economies such as Japan and the UK, as well as the PIIGS group in Europe composed of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, with Greece having the highest debt to GDP ratio of close to 178 percent. The US is again immune to this but the consequences of a large-scale global crisis remain unpredictable.', 'There is a new generation that is questioning that world order. A generation that still pays taxes but gets fewer services than the previous one and is expected to shoulder the debt burden their parents’ generation has created. The 20th-century welfare state has sold them short. They don’t have faith in official figures, they see that survival on current salary levels is impossible. Economists are the last people to offer solutions; Greece and Argentina have the world’s best economists and the worst economies. The next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion rather than a world war.', 'The US has also been losing influence in regions it is withdrawing from, and many of its friends have doubts about its reliability as a guarantor of their security and protection. Within the US itself there are also growing voices that question its role as a superpower and its ability to lead a stable global order. Even the Europeans are not satisfied with the current security arrangements. America forgot how much it depends on its allies. The recent Chinese-brokered agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran is but one indication of this phenomenon.', 'If the demise of the dollar is still difficult to imagine, it is also equally challenging to think of its power as eternal. The US should review its strategy and work with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power to ensure that when change happens, it will be managed. A hostile collapse of the US dollar would have dire consequences on the interdependent global economy and most of all, on the US itself.']

[(6, 16)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-AdMc-Neg-Harvard-Round-6.docx

Kentucky

AdMc

a41947f20b9861e70cd51b7e12e056f89ad265ac7d695101b44d28dabd263bb2

Cohesion’s irrelevant to alliance success.

Christopher Skaluba & Conor Rodihan 22. *Director of the Transatlantic Security Initiative in the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security. Former principal director for European and NATO policy in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. **Associate director in the Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security’s Transatlantic Security Initiative. "No consensus? No problem. Why NATO is still effective." https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/no-consensus-no-problem-why-nato-is-still-effective/

No consensus No problem NATO is still effective Critics interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to support Ukraine as indicator of declining relevance overstates importance of consensus and understates role as flexible alliance Debate and disagreement are features not bugs Suggesting otherwise Russian propaganda process build common understanding consultation info sharing cooperation intel sharing defense planning interoperability create foundation on which consensus built flexibility enabl coalitions with success flexibility a favor not ineptitude provide foundation for priorities this is how democratic institutions function

No consensus No problem Why NATO is still effective Critics interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine as indicator of its declining relevance But that overstates importance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates role as an effective and flexible defensive alliance with potentially critical benefits sets too high a bar for an alliance with aligned but distinct priorities Debate and disagreement are built-in features of NATO not bugs it’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus Suggesting otherwise playing straight into Russian propaganda misses the more important ways it supports its allies and partners affinity for process ability to build common situational understanding is invaluable Habits of consultation info rmation sharing buttressed by deep cooperation intel ligence sharing defense planning and interoperability create the foundation up on which consensus is to be built Even in the absence of agreement ability to collectively define threats and jointly confront them is immensely valuable habits of cooperation give NATO members flexibility helps members develop central to enabl ing them to form coalitions for action happened recently with ample success in taking on the I slamic S tate flexibility a point in NATO’s favor not ineptitude provide the foundation for allies to support in ways consistent with national priorities outside of NATO NATO’s enabling value to its members complicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment this is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness how democratic institutions function

still effective militarily support declining relevance political consensus effective and flexible potentially critical too high Debate disagreement built-in features of NATO does reach consensus straight into Russian propaganda situational understanding deep cooperation collectively define immensely valuable flexibility ample success I S foundation consistent outside of NATO this is not evidence democratic institutions

['[TITLE]: “No consensus? No problem. Why NATO is still effective”', 'Critics of the alliance (and even some supporters) have interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine — especially during the most significant challenge to the European security order since the Cold War — as an indicator of its declining relevance, timidity, or its divisions. But that overstates the importance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates its role as an effective and flexible defensive alliance. This is a role with potentially critical benefits for Ukraine.', 'First, it sets too high a bar for an alliance of thirty members with aligned, but distinct, priorities. Unanimity on every issue is impossible, let alone one as complex as military support to Ukraine. Debate and disagreement, as it should be for any democratic institution, are built-in features of NATO — not bugs. In reality, it’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus about issues big and small, creating an unrealistic expectation that it always will. The opposite of consensus is not failure. Suggesting otherwise turns any debate that doesn’t end harmoniously into an indictment of NATO, playing straight into Russian propaganda.', 'Second, a belief that NATO’s value is tied primarily to achieving consensus on every issue misses the more mundane (and important) ways it supports its allies and partners. Its affinity for process — particularly its ability to build a common situational understanding among its members — is an invaluable tool. Habits of consultation and information sharing, buttressed by deep cooperation on operations, intelligence sharing, defense planning, and interoperability, create the foundation upon which any consensus is to be built. Even in the absence of that agreement, the ability to collectively define threats and jointly train to confront them is immensely valuable in its own right. ', 'Third, these habits of cooperation give NATO members the flexibility to act outside of the Alliance’s frameworks. While NATO does much by consensus — such as its missions in the Baltic states — the skills it helps members develop is central to enabling them to form separate coalitions for action. This happened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State. Such flexibility should be a point in NATO’s favor, not evidence of its ineptitude. ', 'In the case of military support for Ukraine, policymakers will find more attractive alternatives for dealing with Moscow’s aggression outside of the auspices of the Alliance. Up to and including its recent dialogue with Russia, it has taken a host of consensus actions to support Ukraine — from condemning Kremlin aggression and standing up for Kyiv politically to reaffirming its open-door policy with an expectation that Ukraine will eventually become a member. It might even share intelligence and develop training and advisory programs for the Ukrainian military. ', 'And while it won’t find a consensus to fight, it could provide the foundation for certain allies to support Ukrainian forces in ways consistent with their national priorities outside of NATO. In that case, NATO’s enabling value to its members in complicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment should be applauded.', 'Last week’s NATO-Russia Council meeting showcased an Alliance working in lockstep and finding political consensus in responding to preposterous Russian demands. NATO should always strive for this degree of consensus. But if and when this crisis intensifies, and Putin advances further into Ukraine, expectations for NATO assistance will be raised, decisions about how to respond will become more difficult, and consensus will be more elusive. ', 'Despite the rhetoric we might hear in response, this is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness — but rather a reflection of how democratic institutions function. And even absent consensus, NATO can still contribute invaluably to Ukraine’s sovereignty.', '']

[(11, 11), (12, 21), (27, 27), (28, 38)]

ndtceda

Emory-CoYa-Aff-nu-Round-5.docx

Emory

CoYa

21b3cf7d85e690adeacb8873e9d1ef00e861c804fd5e0c941a3725cd3ccd13e4

4. Each new launch increases the risk of collision---there’s a risk they make the problem worse---flips try-or-die.

Korey Haynes 18. Staff writer. “Despite concerns, space junk continues to clutter Earth orbit”. 12/17/2018.

hardware is partnered, meaning each launch responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris the majority is derelict more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk

Much of the hardware we launch is partnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris working the majority is derelict Some objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour we’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites The more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical. a large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite while they very successfully demolished the satellite what they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today These drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite

each launch multiple pieces of orbital debris reliant on growing numbers of satellites more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk

['Even when Sputnik launched in 1957, it wasn’t alone. The shiny ball was accompanied by its core stage and payload fairing, both of which tumbled around Earth in nearby orbits. Much of the hardware we launch is similarly partnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris. Much of this “debris” is, of course, composed of hard-working satellites performing valuable jobs. But the majority is derelict, either drifting past its useful lifetime or genuine trash like the spent rocket stages. And “drifting” is a relative term here: Some objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour. As human technology needs have become greater, we’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites. Newly proposed “constellations” of dozens or even thousands of satellites could greatly expand the number of artificial companions in orbit around us —communications networks more or less require them in order to deliver global coverage. The well-established Iridium satellite phone network uses 66 satellites (plus a few spares if something goes wrong — more on that below). SpaceX recently received FCC approval to launch roughly 12,000 satellites for their planned space-based internet. Many of the new generation of satellites could by tiny, but numerous. CubeSats are tiny satellites much touted as gateways for even small research groups or companies to gain access to space science, thanks to the low cost of launch and development. But that very ease of access means they’re flooding the skies in greater numbers every year. The more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical. In fact, a large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite as a test of their ability to destroy objects in space. The problem is that while they very successfully demolished the satellite (one China also owned, by the way), what they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today. These drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite. This alone angered other space agencies, not to even mention the thorny issue of militarizing space.', '', '']

[(6, 12), (13, 15)]

ndtceda

Emory-BePa-Neg-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Doubles.docx

Emory

BePa

4f536ccc2e0dda344cc0c48d1f7407f4d578461ca5d8e939c7012ad7f3a43b00

4. ‘Rights’ and ‘duties’ correlate, are legally enforceable, and constitute personhood.

Solaiman ’17 [S. M. Solaiman; 2017; Law Professor at the University of Wollongong; Artificial Intelligence & Law, “Legal personality of robots, corporations, idols and chimpanzees: a quest for legitimacy,” vol. 25]

word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act existence is a question of law , Duties are responsibilities commanded by law rights and duties justify ascription of personhood duty imposed on a person correspond to the right of another Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to l p judicially recognised person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties Persons are substances rights and duties are attributes

The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act the existence of a right is a question of law , and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something Duties are responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy The rights and duties justify ascription of personhood The duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to l egal p ersonhood It is judicially recognised that [s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes

word legal relations interconnected legally enforceable claims obliged option question of law exercise conscious choice responsibilities commanded by law remedy ascription of personhood correspond right of another consistently recognised correlative judicially recognised any being substances attributes

['The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations (Corbin 1920). A legal person who knows that he/she has a certain right should be able to answer the question: ‘What must another do for me?’ Corbin (1920). Hence the holder of rights needs to have the awareness of its own entitlements and others’ obligations of performance. To compel such performance, the possessor of a right is entitled to utilise the available legal recourses through the state (Corbin 1924). A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act that is not forbidden nor commanded by law, while the act forms the content of the right in question (Terry 1916). Again, the existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something.', 'As implied above, the enjoyment of one’s rights requires the existence of duties of others and their performance of those duties. Duties of a person as a constituent element of legal relations are described as responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy (Terry 1916; Corbin 1920). A person who bears a particular duty with the knowledge of its existence, compulsion in its performance, and sanctions against its disobedience, should be able to answer the question: ‘What must I do for another?’ (Corbin 1920) Similar to the enjoyment of rights, the performance of duties warrants their subject to have awareness of his/her/its (subject’s) relevant obligations, and to perform such obligations accordingly, in order to avoid legal sanctions to be exerted by the society in the event of failure or disobedience. For example, trespass to land or trespass to the person with the required guilty mind demonstrates disobedience to one’s obligations to refrain from doing so, thus committing trespass attracts liability under both torts and criminal law.', 'The rights and duties discussed above as essential ingredients of personality justify the ascription of personhood from the viewpoint of its purposes. The principal purpose of legal personhood, conferred on whomever or whatever, is to facilitate the regulation of human conduct by an organised society (Smith 1928). This facilitation is effected through the regulation of the conduct of the subjects of law by reference to legal relations, while conduct includes both acts and omissions (Terry 1916). Generally, any legal liability is imposed for a breach of someone’s right with an ultimate objective of maintaining order in the society. For example, killing of a person by an intentional act or a grossly negligent omission is penalised due to the violation of the right to life of the deceased. To this end, the imposition of a duty aims to prevent consequences which may come about in the absence or non-performance of the duty at hand; the duty not to kill someone aims to avoid that death, for example (Terry 1916). This consequence can amount to a violation of one’s right (Terry 1916). According to Lundstedt’s conception of the meaning of legal right, the sole purpose for which law exists is to prevent harm of the community or to confer social benefit (Lundstedt cited in Allen 1931). The law protects these rights by imposing duties on others and providing remedies against any breach thereof. More precisely, as West terms it, a ‘breach of duty is an act of injustice’ (West 2010).', 'The duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another where the former owes the duty to the latter; however, when the duty is imposed by criminal law, it is regarded as owed to the state (Terry 1916). Some of the paramount duties imposed by law generally include: (1) duties not to do any act which will cause injuries or death to others; (2) duties of possessors of actively dangerous things, such as ferocious animals or man-made treacherous products (industrial or social robots, for example) to prevent them from causing harm; and (3) duties not to take possession of property in violation of others’ rights or legal interest (Terry 1916). A legal interest is defined as ‘[t]he aggregate of the legal relations of a person with respect to some specific physical object or the physical relations of specific objects’ (Corbin 1920).', 'Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood. Footnote 6 It is judicially recognised that ‘[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties…. Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes. It is only in this respect that persons possess juridical significance, and this is the exclusive point of view from which personality receives legal recognition’ People ex rel Nonhuman Rights Project Inc v Lavery (Lavery). Most recently the Supreme Court of New York (NY-SC) in Matter of Nonhuman Rights Project, Inc. v Stanley (Stanley) upheld that the autonomy and self-determination of any entity are not regarded as the basis for granting it rights (Stanley 2015). Rather, the Appellate Division of the NY-SC (NY-SCAD) in Lavery (2014), which was followed in Stanley, applied the prevailing attributes of personality, in determining the personhood of a chimpanzee, that legal personhood has unfailingly been defined by reference to both rights and duties (Lavery 2014). Central to the legal personality is thus the ability to enjoy rights and to discharge duties (Duff 1929).', '']

[(0, 12)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Neg-Wake-Round-4.docx

Michigan

McSk

d28046afcde8def5be86c655f1894d46e062e6935b803d9d90e1d0554fc09c8c

7. South Korea will leak.

Dr. Jagannath Panda 20, Research Fellow and Center Coordinator for East Asia at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, "Is Seoul Prepared to Join a Five Eyes Plus Framework?" 38 North, 08/24/2020, https://www.38north.org/2020/08/jpanda082420/.

exists dysfunctional i c policymakers and public Scandals caused deep suspicion policymakers denied intel due t fears it will be leaked lack of trust and domestic politics led to obstacles

there exists a “ dysfunctional ” relationship between the i ntelligence c ommunity policymakers and the public Scandals of intelligence officers intervening in domestic politics caused deep suspicion policymakers are allegedly denied intel ligence due t o fears amongst agencies it will be leaked lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states

“ dysfunctional ” relationship i c policymakers public intervening allegedly denied intel ligence fears leaked lack of trust ROK’s domestic politics led to obstacles

['In South Korea, there exists a rather “dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community, the policymakers and the public. Scandals of intelligence officers directly intervening in domestic politics have caused deep suspicion amongst the public, with few citizens understanding the role that intelligence agencies play or their need for secrecy. On the other hand, policymakers are often allegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies that it will be leaked. This lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics have frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states—Seoul’s refusal to ratify GSOMIA being an example. Such domestic dysfunction could risk FVEY’s perceptions regarding Seoul’s potentiality as a seamless partner to the alliance and impact their willingness to share critical intelligence on a default basis.']

[(14, 22)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-DiGr-Aff-Shirley-Round-3.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

201f0d7b86d88986b324427863110fa5d22504d3af773f74d8315366b1cad8e2

GOP rhetoric is irrelevant unless Biden chooses to embrace their agenda

Bochen Han 22, U.S. Correspondent for the South China Morning Post, 11/1/22, “US’ hard-line policy on China likely to hold whoever wins midterm elections, say analysts,” https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3197926/hard-line-us-policy-china-likely-hold-whoever-wins-midterm-elections-analysts

Despite Biden following through to the China challenge Republicans could advocate unrealistically aggressive policies , banking on looking tougher To override veto, Republicans need two-thirds unlikely to materialise Republicans would only be able to urge Biden to stand firm rather than dictate it

Despite Biden following through with commitment to the China challenge , “some Republicans could advocate unrealistically aggressive policies , banking on looking tougher than Democrats To override a presidential veto, Republicans would need a two-thirds majority a prospect unlikely to materialise . Short of holding a vetoproof majority Republicans would only be able to urge Biden to stand firm in its China policy, rather than dictate it

advocate unrealistically aggressive policies unlikely to materialise only be able to urge rather than dictate it

['Despite Biden following through with his commitment to the China challenge, “some Republicans could choose to advocate for unrealistically aggressive policies, banking on looking tougher than Democrats because the Biden administration will want to avoid outright brinkmanship,” Ashton said.', 'To override a presidential veto, Republicans would need a two-thirds majority in both legislative chambers – a prospect polls indicate is unlikely to materialise. Short of holding a vetoproof majority in Congress, Republicans would only be able to urge the Biden administration to stand firm in its China policy, rather than dictate it.', '']

[(7, 13)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-ChDe-Neg-Hoosier-Invitational-HIT-Round-5.docx

Northwestern

ChDe

96004dd9ec76d39231893735632d38d56a26303557ee056e72e46e22163e5a92

No readiness internal link—troops will work without pay.

Shane 23—(reporter). Leo Shane III. September 7, 2023. “Military pay could be a casualty of looming government shutdown”. Military Times. .

Even if money is not available troops will still be required to man their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of funding

Adam Smith said the military could be among the hardest hit government institutions by a shutdown. Even if money is not available for all military operations, troops (and some Defense Department civilians) will still be required to continue man ning their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of approved funding

not available man

['', 'On Wednesday, House Armed Services Committee ranking member Adam Smith, D-Wash., at the annual Defense News Conference said the military could be among the hardest hit government institutions by a shutdown. Even if money is not available for all military operations, troops (and some Defense Department civilians) will still be required to continue manning their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of approved funding.', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhJo-Aff-1---NU-Doubles.docx

Minnesota

PhJo

baeeae7c639a482926072ab492e7f7a63cfff20f12239af8cf2ea3c4f13ca34c

Independently, unaccountable military AI turns the Global South into a new frontier for colonial violence---legal checks are critical.

Gracia ’19 [Eugenio; September; Senior Adviser on peace and security at the Office of the President of the United Nations General Assembly; SSRN Papers; “The militarization of artificial intelligence: a wake-up call for the Global South,” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3452323]

a i lies greatest risk unleashed , AI has power to raise uncertainty thickening fog of war Global South exposed to all vulnerabilities becoming open for predation and colonization countries turn into reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use tech because they lack countermeasures scenarios should be minimized through responsible governance rationales for preventing deployment legality or safety military AI might be halted through institutionalization Norms to mitigate risks are response to negative side of AI

Removing emotion from strategy not possible a i makes it possible, and therein lies greatest risk unleashed , AI has the power to raise uncertainty thickening fog of war situation would become untenable in such a world Global South would be exposed to all sorts of vulnerabilities becoming open ground for data- predation and cyber- colonization exacerbating inequalities among nations, disempowerment, and marginalization countries may well turn into data- reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use tech because they lack expertise to take countermeasures against tech powers scenarios are not inescapable should be minimized through responsible governance on security issues, Maas singled out rationales for preventing deployment of military tech ethics , legality or safety military AI might be halted through institutionalization of norms Norms to mitigate risks are response to the negative side of AI tech study identified several unsettling aspects of AI: increased risk of war or a first strike AI’s black box opacity could increase insecurity

emotion not possible a i greatest risk unleashed uncertainty fog of war untenable Global South all sorts vulnerabilities open ground data- predation cyber- colonization inequalities marginalization data- reservoirs testbeds dual-use tech countermeasures not inescapable responsible rationales preventing deployment ethics legality safety halted institutionalization norms mitigate response negative unsettling first strike opacity insecurity

['Payne argued that changes in the psychological element underpinning deterrence are among the most striking features of the AI revolution in strategic affairs: ‘Removing emotion from nuclear strategy was not ultimately possible; artificial intelligence makes it possible, and therein lies its true radicalism and greatest risk’.25 In other words, loosely unleashed, AI has the power to raise uncertainty to the highest degrees, thickening Clausewitz’s fog of war rather than dissipating it. The situation would become untenable if a non-biological AGI were ever deployed for military purposes, virtually unaffected by typically human cognitive heuristics, perceptions, and biases.', 'Compounded with a free-for-all security environment, in such a brave new world the Global South would be exposed to all sorts of vulnerabilities, lagging behind (again) in economic, scientific, and technological development, as well as becoming an open ground for data-predation and cyber-colonization, further exacerbating inequalities among nations, disempowerment, and marginalization, as Pauwels suggested. Small, tech-taking developing countries may well turn into data-reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use technologies, precisely because they lack technical expertise, scale, and scientific knowledge to take effective countermeasures against tech-leading powers.26', 'Fortunately, all these troubling scenarios are not forcibly inescapable and should ideally be minimized through responsible governance strategies. What does it mean? A broad definition of AI policymaking strategy has been proposed as ‘a research field that analyzes the policymaking process and draws implications for policy design, advocacy, organizational strategy, and AI governance as a whole’.27 Specifically on security issues, Maas singled out four distinct rationales for preventing, channeling, or containing the proliferation, production, development, or deployment of military technologies: ethics, legality, stability, or safety. From his analysis of lessons learned from arms control of nuclear weapons, he concluded inter alia that ‘far from being inevitable, the proliferation of powerful technologies such as military AI might be slowed or halted through the institutionalization of norms’.28', 'Norms and other approaches to mitigate risks are one of the possible responses to the negative side of AI technology. A recent study identified several of these unsettling aspects of AI: increased risk of war or a first strike; disruption in deterrence and strategic parity; flawed data and computer vision; data manipulation; ineffective crisis management; unexpected results; failure in human-machine coordination; backlash in public perception; inaccuracy in decision- making; and public sector-private sector tensions.29 The current deficit in explainability on how neural networks reach a given outcome is likewise raising uneasiness: AI’s black box opacity could increase the sense of insecurity rather than provide strategic reassurance.']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Aff-77th-NDT-Round-7.docx

Michigan

McSk

b5b18c4e9e9d8b66bef0df51ca7bb218556b55a6fb870023bfabfb3145c0e0bc

We meet—we vest duties in AI - programmed constraints on military AI are duties—even if accountability is on humans.

Ashrafian 15—(Clinical Lecturer in Surgery at Imperial College London, PhD in Computational Physiology and Metabolic Surgery from Imperial College London). Hutan Ashrafian. April 2015. “Artificial Intelligence and Robot Responsibilities: Innovating Beyond Rights”. Science and Engineering Ethics. .

a i necessitates duty . a specific implant into Robot A can override programming in any case he decides against the welfare of local inhabitants during war . Consequently , Robot A is responsible for considering local inhabitants although Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/ duties o f a i require accountability within the context of human aims within a legal platform .

continued advances in computer science , engineering and robotics have led to a rapid development of enhanced computability offering superior a rtificial i ntelligence and robotics. The prospect of sentient, rational and self-conscious artificial intelligence agents has led to the conceptual consideration of robot and artificially intelligent rights and laws Rights in human society are counterbalanced by the need for commensurate responsibilities and duties the idea of a rtificial i ntelligence and robot rights necessitates a matching level of societal responsibility and duty . Warfare Robot A is likely to complete his mission of achieving military victory for his country whilst also considering the welfare of any local inhabitants embroiled in the war (as set out by international treaties ). Robot A’s programmer Y is keen to guarantee that Robot A does consider the welfare of the local populace during his war efforts so that he adds a specific implant into Robot A neural system that can override A’s programming in any case that he decides to consider against the welfare of local inhabitants during war . During the war, Robot A does prioritize human welfare during a battle (by helping injured civilian children) on his own accord so that programmer Y does not activate A’s special implant . Consequently , Robot A is responsible for considering the needs of local inhabitants during a robotic fought war although , according to Programmer Y’s implant, Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/ otherwise These have propelled the philosophical consideratio n of a rtificial i ntelligence and robot rights . The discernable next-step for evolution in this field necessitates attention to the moral responsibilities and duties o f a rtificial i ntelligence and robots. Such a position requires a commensurate adoption of responsibilities and duties for the advancement of human and a rtificial i ntelligence societies. These broad obligations require accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims and needs within the framework of a robust legal platform .

computer science engineering robotics a i rights and laws Rights commensurate responsibilities and duties a i robot rights responsibility duty Robot A mission of achieving military victory considering the welfare of any local inhabitants international treaties specific implant override A’s programming does prioritize human welfare Consequently responsible although do differently/ otherwise a i robot rights responsibilities duties a i responsibilities duties a i These broad obligations accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims robust legal platform

['', 'Introduction', 'The continued advances in computer science, engineering and robotics have led to a rapid development of enhanced computability offering superior artificial intelligence and robotics. In due course these may herald the possibility of near-human, comparable-to-human and even beyond-human capability that requires an increased fidelity in appraisal of these technologies (Ashrafian et al. 2014). The prospect of sentient, rational and self-conscious artificial intelligence agents has led to the conceptual consideration of robot and artificially intelligent rights and laws that consider human societal and artificial intelligence agent relationships, as well as the relationships between artificial intelligent agents themselves (Ashrafian 2014).', 'Rights in human society are counterbalanced by the need for commensurate responsibilities and duties. Consequently, the idea of artificial intelligence and robot rights necessitates a matching level of societal responsibility and duty. Addressing this issue represents the discernable next-step for evolution in this field. This manuscript discusses the philosophical and practical considerations for artificial intelligence and robotic responsibilities and identifies the societal and moral considerations for these agents beyond that of rights, addressing translational concepts including the sophistication of robots and artificial intelligences.', 'When considering the moral responsibilities of the robots in the case, some basic questions arise: (1) Should robots have helped the injured children on moral grounds? Even if this meant that the war could be delayed or even potentially lost; with possibly many more deaths from both warring sides? (2) At a broader level what is the moral responsibility of self-conscious, rational and sentient artificial intelligence?', 'Moral Responsibility for Artificial Intelligence', 'In order to appraise the responsibilities of artificial intelligences and robots, there are several core philosophical positions that require consideration (Fig. 1). These include the contemplation of moral responsibility through Determinism and Libertarianism. Determinism represents that all events are pre-‘determined’ and therefore negate the concept of free will so that individual choice and therefore responsibility are disavowed. Conversely libertarianism denotes that individuals have moral responsibility derived from their innate free will in making personal decisions. Determinism can be divided into soft and hard. Soft determinism or Compatibilism represents a ‘middle road’ supporting the role of moral responsibility where decisions are made by free will within a context of determinism. Compatibilism in turn is differentiated from Incompatibilism, which consists of Libertarianism (Agent-Causal and Event-Causal) and Hard-Determinism and rejects any element of free will or choice due to the explanation that all events (and therefore individual decisions and actions) are totally pre-determined by the laws of nature. Currently, the most favored school of philosophy when considering moral responsibility is compatibilism.', 'The determinist school classically describes ‘humans as robots or automatons’ as their actions are fundamentally predetermined by natural laws. Consequently the hard determinist view of the case above where the robots assist the children could only be explained through the fact that the robots could demonstrate free will or responsibility to help the children unless they had been pre-programmed to specifically do so. Conversely the libertarian view would be that the robots were rational and sentient beings with free will, and as a result of personal moral responsibility went to the aid of the children despite knowing that through these actions they would lose their strategic position in the war. The compatibilist view would be one where each robot was constructed to achieve free will and decisionmaking capability through programmed rationality and sentience. Thus whilst they had been preset to carry out a military task; their free will and their moral responsibility led to their prioritizing the health of the injured children over their predetermined task to gain a strategic position in the war.', 'One thought experiment designed to consider hard determinism might also offer a deeper contemplation of strong artificial intelligence (exceeding human intelligence). If hard determinism was to hold true, a hypothetical ultimate supercomputer that is cognizant of all knowledge to-date can be used to predict individual human choices and future events based on the raw analysis of every fact and trend that preceded any event. If such a predicting computer (representing strong AI) could not exist, then the actuality of hard determinism would be negated.', 'Both compatibilists and libertarians offer explanations that the robots in the above case are more than the product of their construction and programming, so that they demonstrate sentiments of sympathy and empathy toward the injured children. Ultimately the question of whether these robots have a moral responsibility requires the establishment of whether the robots have a free will to carry out their own actions. A hard determinist would argue that all robotic and artificially intelligent actions are due to the laws of physics and as such the robots would not carry any responsibility. Conversely according to libertarians, the robots have a ‘soul’; so they demonstrate a free will with which to have moral responsibility, which in this case guided them to help the children. An incompatibilist view is problematical and may be evaluated by a thought experiment whereby human beings are enhanced by an implant that can control their desires so that they have no free will (Harris 2010). If the implant stimulates desires at random, then the human remains without free will, however his decisions and choices are reminiscent and generally undistinguishable from actual human actions. From the compatibilist view, the robots are governed by the laws of physics and their programming, however these can be designed and actioned in such a way that the robots can exhibit free will, which consequently results in the robots having moral responsibility. ', 'The libertarian understanding of free will derives from the notion that individuals have the ability to do something differently or otherwise through the principle of alternative possibilities. Harry Frankfurt developed thought experiments (Frankfurt 1969) that counter this notion. He uses subjects that are responsible for their actions through intuition despite lacking the freedom to act differently. For our established robotic incident, the following can be an example of a Frankfurt-type case:', 'Warfare Robot A is likely to complete his mission of achieving military victory for his country whilst also considering the welfare of any local inhabitants (friend or foe) embroiled in the war (as set out by international treaties). There is only one reason that he will not consider the welfare of local inhabitants; only if they represent a direct threat to his country’s victory or threat to his human or robotic country-mates. Robot A’s programmer Y is keen to guarantee that Robot A does consider the welfare of the local populace during his war efforts so that he adds a specific implant into Robot A’s neural system that can override A’s programming in any case that he decides to consider against the welfare of local inhabitants during warfare. During the war, Robot A does prioritize human welfare during a battle (by helping injured civilian children) on his own accord so that programmer Y does not activate A’s special implant. Consequently, Robot A is responsible for considering the needs of local inhabitants during a robotic fought war although, according to Programmer Y’s implant, Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/otherwise.', 'Frankfurt’s case thus opposes incompatibilism and supports the compatibilist notion that whilst sentient, rational robots and artificial intelligences are the product of their constructors and programmers. As such, they maintain moral responsibility in the society (both human and artificially intelligent) within which they exist.', 'Beyond the meta-physical elements of moral responsibility, there is an interpretation of responsibility through moral sentimentalism. This is consistent with a compatibilist framework, which in the case of robots suggest that their actions may have taken place as a result of a response to inherent emotions. The robots that have established a moral responsibility would have then prioritized the well being of the children over their national aims of military victory.', 'The compatibilist account offers different degrees of free will and responsibility. Harry Frankfurt suggests a distinction in the levels of freedom through a hierarchy of desires (first order, second order and so on). Within the case Robot A may have a conflict in his desires, he may have a first order desire to help injured humans and a second order desire to achieve victory through warfare. Although at a utilitarian level, winning the war may save many more lives than those of a few injured children, Robot A’s hierarchy of desires leads to an internal conflict with regard to responsibility. To a degree Robot A is not fully in control of himself (with the aim of fulfilling one single goal), so he is less free, but nonetheless resultantly prioritizes the lives of the injured children over the larger and long term goal of winning the war.', 'Comparison with the Moral Responsibility of Animals ', 'When considering the responsibilities and duties of sentient and rational artificial intelligence agents and robots, one direct comparison might be with another group of non-human sentient beings such as animals and pets. Conceptually they offer many similarities and can provide insights about non-human responsibilities. Peter Singer specified that ‘‘Animals are treated like machines that convert fodder into flesh’’ (Singer 1979). There are several analogous elements between animals and artificial intelligence agents and robots. Many animals are reared by humans to fulfill specific duties in human society (such as guide dogs). In many cases they are also specifically bred (with defined genotypes, phenotypes and traits) and subsequently trained for specific tasks. In a similar way robots and artificially intelligent agents are specifically designed, built and subsequently programmed for specific tasks. ', 'Wild animals have moral codes, and many animals demonstrate a ‘social homeostasis’ through their social networks and relationships. They have been shown to demonstrate a ‘wild justice’ (Bekoff and Pierce 2009) where they express emotions, behavioral flexibility, reciprocity, empathy, trust and discernable duty. These are also characteristics that would exist in future robots and artificial intelligence agents. From a purely ethical viewpoint, the question of morality is independent to an individual’s species of origin; although at a practical level human beings have been dominant. Non-human animals species are subordinate to mankind and in a similar fashion robots and artificially intelligent agents will also be subordinate to humans. The question of animal rights has many well-established viewpoints, and there is an implicit consensus that at a practical level a utilitarian approach is applied to offer rights to animals where feasible. Nevertheless, there is a tacit recognition that animals carry a moral responsibility that requires the consideration of their moral value. ', 'However, any direct moral comparison between sentient, rational artificial intelligence agents and robots with animals may prove superficial and problematic. The source of relevant moral actions should be distinguished from the evaluation of the agent as being morally responsible for a certain behavior, as otherwise we may encounter the situation of having to legally charge or prosecute animals in a similar manner to archaic societies. This is represented in today’s legal systems, which still addresses animals as reasonable targets of human censorship although it is accepted that it would be nonsensical to praise or blame them for their behavior. Consequently the parallel of robots and animals may not be fruitful, as we do not charge animals with moral accusations. Sentient and rational artificial intelligence agents and robots would have essential psychological qualities so as to make them both morally and legally responsible.', 'Practical Responsibility for Artificial Intelligence ', 'Whilst conceptually there are favorable arguments supporting the moral value and moral responsibility of artificial intelligence agents and robots beyond simply considering their rights (Ashrafian 2014; Ashrafian et al. 2014), the introduction and application of responsibilities and duties requires realistic guidelines and protocols. For humans several such guidelines exist, though they are not as well recognized as the more acknowledged Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (United Nations 1948). Two specific declarations for Human responsibilities include The Declaration of Human Duties and Responsibilities by the UNESCO supported VTMF (Valencia Third Millennium Foundation), also known as the 1998 Valencia Declaration or DHDR (VTMF and UNESCO 1998) and 1997 Universal Declaration of Human Responsibilities (UDHRes) (InterAction Council 1997) (Fig. 2). The DHDR specifies that ‘‘responsibility’’, ‘‘is an obligation that is legally binding under existing international law’’ and that ‘‘duty’’ is an ‘‘ethical or moral obligation’’. Here it is proposed that as artificial intelligence agents and robots occupy human society with protection and support from humanity-based rights, then the principal message of these core human responsibilities will apply equally to the non-human artificial intelligences and robots, with the stipulated modification that human needs are to be prioritized over artificial intelligence and robot needs. The articles will together include those of: (1) Justice and Solidarity, (2) Mutual Respect and Partnership, (3) Truthfulness and Tolerance, (4) Fundamental Principles for Humanity (InterAction Council 1997), (5) Human Security and an Equitable International Order, (6) Meaningful Participation in Public Affairs, (7) Freedom of Opinion, Expression, Assembly, Association and Religion, (8) The Right to Personal and Physical Integrity, (9) Equality, (10) Rights of the Child and the Elderly, (11) Work, Quality of Life and Standard of Living, (12) Right to a Remedy, (13) Education, Arts and Culture (VTMF and UNESCO 1998) and (14) NonViolence and Respect for Life/The Right to Life and Human Security (InterAction Council 1997; VTMF and UNESCO 1998) (Fig. 2). ', 'Much in the same way that there has been consideration of human-artificial intelligence laws as well as artificial intelligence-on-artificial intelligence (AIonAI) laws (Ashrafian 2014), the responsibilities for artificial intelligence technologies should also consider human-AI and AIonAI elements. Consequently Article 1 of the UDHRes can be modified to: ', 'Every person or individual, regardless of gender, ethnic origin, technological origin, social status, political opinion, language, age, nationality, or religion, has a primary responsibility to treat all human people in a humane way, and if this is not conflicted, has an added secondary responsibility to treat all non-human artificially intelligent individuals in a humane way. ', 'Other elements are equally relevant to humans and artificial intelligence agents such as Article 4 ‘‘What you do not wish to be done to yourself, do not do to other,’’ and Article 11 considering ‘‘advancement of the human race’’. Many of the principles should highlight the priority to act responsibly in favor of human life and culture over that of non-human artificial intelligence, but where possible to acknowledge the importance of these. For example human security and right to life should be ranked higher than the robotic equivalent, even for the robots and artificial intelligences themselves, however where possible the survival of both should be considered. Furthermore, whilst robots and artificial intelligences can contribute to the responsibility and support of human political rights, human freedom of expression and human culture, they themselves may not stand for political office over humans, override their freedom over humans or enforce their culture onto humans. Whilst all their socio-cultural merits should be celebrated, the fundamental partiality to favor human needs should be maintained by artificial intelligence agents and robots. ', 'The determination of the status of artificial intelligence agents and robots with responsibility and supporting laws requires comparative societal governance. According to the current appreciation of artificial intelligence, most robots occupy the master-salve paradigm where no independence of action beyond direct human volition is permitted. This contrasts with future artificial intelligence abilities of self-consciousness, rationality and sentience demonstrated in the initial case where the robots could wage war through independent decisions on behalf of their warring states. The current outlook for such artificial intelligence agents still rests on existence through service and subordinacy to human society. Within this paradigm, robots and artificial intelligence agents will demonstrate free will and morality, but also require societal security and welfare constraints so that in the preliminary phases of these technological advances detailed socio-political controls for robots and artificial intelligence agents must be determined. For example there will be a restriction on robot self-recreation, the ability to carry out independent business or public office. Nevertheless robots and artificial intelligences will be supported by rights and common laws and will contribute to society. As a consequence, the question arises of how human society recognizes a non-human being that is selfconscious, sentient and rational with ability at comparable-to-human (or even beyond-human) levels? ', 'Within this context, a precedent already exists. In the ancient world ‘foreign’ or ‘non-national’ individuals (who by definition had comparable human aptitude) have been accepted to have different degrees of societal status and rights as recognized by formal law, for example in the ancient Roman Empire (30BC-212AD) (Shumway 1901). Under the Ius Gentium law (Fig. 3), Roman citizens were given a full complement of rights (through Ius Civile) whilst there were several classes of free individuals, including people of Latin (from Latium), Peregrinus (Provincial people from throughout the empire) and Libertus (Freed slave) status.', 'Latin rights (Ius Latinum) offered an intermediary stage to full Roman citizenship through the ability to carry out business, marry, participate in the military to some degree and have international legal recognition. Peregrinus rights however offered a lesser status, so that inter-marriage and business was not permitted, although societal contribution such as acting as auxiliary soldiers was acceptable. A comparable system could be applied to future artificial intelligence and robotics (Fig. 3). Here robots would likely occupy Peregrinus or possibly partial-Latin status, where they would not self-replicate, stand in public office or own land and business but would be protected by the law and have the ability to contribute to society through examples such as defending nations and participating in the healthcare sector. ', 'Ultimately the application of an equivalent Roman-like system of laws for artificial intelligence agents and robots may progress just as those of the Romans themselves. In the first instance Roman lawyers were pragmatic and their law demonstrated that some slaves enjoyed significant autonomy. The ‘elite’ slaves, as in the case of the emperor’s slaves, were estate managers, bankers and merchants, holding important jobs as public servants, or entering into binding contracts, managing and making use of property for their masters’ family business. In fact some slaves were able to retain property (known as peculium) for personal management and use. The peculium was inaccessible by the owner, which could eventually be used to purchase their freedom though was technically the property of the head of the household. A similar system of a digital peculium has been envisaged for robots (Pagallo 2012) and could contribute in the broader application of Roman legal status as an exemplar for the legal status of future artificial intelligence agents and robots. Furthermore, after some time the Romans introduced the Edict of Caracalla or Antonine Constitution (Constitutio Antoniniana) in 212AD (likely to increase the number of individuals subject to taxation). Here Roman citizenship was granted to all ‘‘freeborn’’ men throughout the Empire whereas all freeborn women in the empire would receive the same rights as Roman women. Taken to its eventual conclusion, the continual advances in artificially intelligence agents and robots may herald their status of fully-fledged personalities with an accompanying level of higher legal and moral responsibilities but also a higher degree of rights. Here each type of legal personality could potentially be met by appropriate artificial intelligence agents (Chopra and White 2011). Consequently one possibility is that a legal personhood status might ensue for robots and artificial intelligence agents (Solum 1992) as result of a future ‘‘Caracalla approach.’’ ', 'Whilst an exact replica of ancient Roman law is not the direct solution to the practical introduction of robots and artificial intelligence agents within mankind’s communities, its parallels nevertheless offer some degree of perceptiveness regarding the introduction of such agents into human society.', 'Conclusion ', 'The ongoing developments and innovations in artificial intelligence and robotics offer the promised capacity of computer consciousness, sentience and rationality.', 'These have propelled the philosophical consideration of artificial intelligence and robot rights. The discernable next-step for evolution in this field necessitates attention to the moral responsibilities and duties of artificial intelligence and robots. Various philosophical stances can be engaged ranging from determinism to libertarianism and lend support to a middle ground of compatibilism. Such a position requires a commensurate adoption of responsibilities and duties for the advancement of human and artificial intelligence societies. These broad obligations require accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims and needs within the framework of a robust legal platform. The broader application of noblesse oblige where a leader fulfills the responsibilities of his status necessitate a proportionate humanite´ oblige (humanity obliges); here it is incumbent on human society to ensure the fair, tolerant and ultimately humane institution of advanced artificial intelligence and robots within mankind’s society. ', '', '']

[(0, 11), (11, 12)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-HaHe-Aff-UMW-Debate-Tournament-Round-5.docx

Minnesota

HaHe

f4e2767f83c44dc6c518990836f43430889f4e1c4eb5da48f6b2f92cfadf8f59

2—No impact—The state is not immutably anti-trans---legal systems are contingent, necessary, and bends towards progress---even biases are malleable.

Taylor et al. ’18 [Jami K., Daniel C. Lewis, and Donald P. Haider-Markel; 2018; PhD, Professor, Political Science, University of Toledo; PhD, Michigan State University, Professor, Political Science, Siena College; Professor, Political Science, Kansas University; University of Michigan Press, The Remarkable Rise of Transgender Rights, “Conclusion,” p. 294-306]

trans rights secure string of achievements across all levels of government gender identity added to hate crimes law court rulings discrimination protections under C R A provide protect trans employees include identity in antibullying bar discrimination in housing , and accommodations achievements are astonishing secure victories against odds opinion toward trans people mutable majorities favor protections believe trans people deserve same rights opinion seems fluid provide opportunities people are open to persuasion federal structure provided a range of opportunities in different venues They can shop for favorable venues backlash weak conservative jurisdictions t provided significant changes turned courts as safety net Price found Title VII protect stereotyping Eighth Amendment prohibition against cruel punishment x o prohibiting discrimination governors wielded veto pens to block bills that restrict rights of trans people used p c to advocate for trans inclusive policies

the trans gender rights movement has been able to secure a remarkable string of policy achievements advancements have been achieved across all levels of government and in a range of policy areas. At national level, gender identity and sexual orientation were added to federal hate crimes law Recent court rulings determined sex discrimination protections under Title VII of the C ivil R ights A ct encompass sex stereotyping and provide protect ion for trans gender employees executive actions ranged from easing gender marker changes for federal documents to securing discrimination protections At subnational level states specifically include gender identity in antibullying policies states comprehensively bar gender identity discrimination in employment , housing , and public accommodations include gender identity in their hate crimes law passed narrow protections against discrimination achievements of the trans gender rights movement are astonishing In a majoritarian democracy policy successes require a significant amount of resources Yet , with an estimated 0.6 percent of the population the transgender community has been able to find ways to secure policy victories against the odds A important factor shaping policy successes is public opinion . Drawing on several national surveys, we found public attitudes toward trans gender people to be mutable majorities favor discrimination protections for trans gender people and believe that trans gender people deserve the same rights as all Americans attitudes explain policy successes in employment hate crime policies, and the limits complex nature of public opinion toward trans gender people seems to be highly fluid fluidity provide opportunities many people are still learning and are open to framing and persuasion Attitudes are primarily shaped by traits , values , and experience American transgender movement developed in a federal and democratic structure with a s eparation o f p owers This provided a range of policy advocacy opportunities in different i nstitutional venues and at different levels of government advocates have many access points and venues to find policy gains . They can s trategically shop for favorable venues . In legislatures trans groups have made significant strides in gaining protections Even where policies are not incremental change backlash has been weak conservative jurisdictions provided significant policy changes allowing sex markers to be changed trans gender rights movement successfully turned to the courts as judicial safety net venues allow transgender rights advocates to pursue equal protection even in the context of negative public opinion Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins found Title VII ’s sex discrimination clause provides protect io n against discrimination based on sex stereotyping , several courts extended protections to cover trans gender people cases regarding the rights of transgender prisoners have been successfully litigated, with Eighth Amendment ’s prohibition against cruel punishment providing a legal rationale executive branches also proven to be fruitful venues policymaking can avoid majoritarian pressures while shaping critical policies that affect the everyday of trans gender people. a rule passed eased the standards for changing gender markers on passports administration issued x o prohibiting gender-identity-based discrimination in federal employment cases provided a legal rationale for the actions Smith v. City of Salem and Macy v. Holder many candidates will find it difficult to ignore transgender issues governors wielded their veto pens to block bills that would restrict the rights of trans gender people vetoe d a bill to require students to use bathrooms that corresponded with the sex assigned at birth Rep ublican governors more willing to veto such changes governors used p c to advocate for trans gender- inclusive policies a ttorney g eneral s play a role in advancing trans gender rights by declining to defend discriminatory laws

trans remarkable string policy achievements all levels range national added hate crimes Recent protections C R A encompass protect trans easing documents discrimination protections subnational specifically gender identity antibullying comprehensively bar employment housing accommodations gender identity hate crimes narrow discrimination achievements trans rights astonishing majoritarian democracy significant Yet 0.6 percent secure policy victories odds A shaping policy successes public opinion several trans mutable majorities discrimination protections trans trans same rights explain employment hate crime limits complex trans highly fluid fluidity opportunities learning persuasion Attitudes traits values experience in federal democratic s o p advocacy opportunities venues levels access points policy gains s trategically shop favorable legislatures significant Even not incremental weak conservative significant sex markers trans successfully judicial safety net allow equal protection even negative Price protect sex stereotyping several extended trans rights successfully Eighth Amendment cruel legal rationale executive fruitful policymaking majoritarian critical policies everyday trans changing passports x o prohibiting discrimination cases legal rationale Smith Macy many ignore wielded veto pens restrict trans vetoe bathrooms Rep more willing changes p c policies a g s trans discriminatory

['As this story shows, the transgender movement has come a long way. As of 2018, the transgender rights movement in the United States has been able to secure a remarkable string of policy achievements in the few decades that the term transgender has existed (Stryker 2008). Since the beginning of the modern transgender movement in the 1980s and 1990s, transgender rights advancements have been achieved across all levels of government and in a range of policy areas. At the national level, gender identity and sexual orientation were added to the federal hate crimes law with the passage of the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act in 2009. Recent federal district and appellate court rulings have determined that the sex discrimination protections under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 encompass sex stereotyping and thus may provide protection for transgender employees. The Obama administration issued a series of executive actions to advance transgender rights. These ranged from easing gender marker changes for federal documents such as passports and Social Security records, to securing discrimination protections in a variety of government programs, to allowing transgender people to serve in the military. Although the Trump administration is rolling back some of these protections, it is un- likely that it will remove all of them. At the subnational level, twenty states specifically include gender identity in their antibullying policies. Nineteen states comprehensively bar gender identity discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Seventeen states include gender identity in their hate crimes law, and fourteen have passed more narrowly tailored protections against discrimination in schools. Many local govern- ments, from municipalities to schools districts, have adopted their own poli- cies that provide protections for transgender rights. Finally, the majority of large businesses also provide protections in their internal policies.', 'As we noted at the outset of the book, policy changes are one of the common ways that we assess the work of social movements. Indeed, the achievements of the transgender rights movement are astonishing for such a small and historically marginalized political group. In a majoritarian democracy like the United States, policy successes typically require a significant amount of resources—political access, money, and votes (e.g., Olson 1965; Schloz- man 1984; Gilens 2012). Yet, with an estimated national population of just 1.4 million people, or 0.6 percent of the population (Flores et al. 2016) that has faced widespread discrimination, poverty, and violence (Grant, Mottet, and Tanis 2011; James et al. 2016), the transgender community has nonetheless been able to find ways to secure political and policy victories against the odds. These surprising successes, themselves, constitute an intriguing puzzle. Put simply, how are they doing that?', 'Of course, this rather simple question does not lend itself to an equally simple answer. Throughout the book, we explored a range of social, political, and institutional factors that have contributed to the policy successes of the transgender rights movement and, in many cases, to the limits of the successes and the challenges that the movement faces in the coming years. While there is no quick and easy answer to our research question, the analyses covered in these pages have revealed a range of important insights into the remarkable rise of transgender rights and the future challenges and opportunities for the movement.', 'Summary of Findings', 'Building a Transgender Rights Social Movement', 'Our analyses of the development of the transgender rights movement identified several critical factors that contribute to recent policy successes. Importantly, the transgender rights movement developed independent or- ganizations and became accepted, somewhat begrudgingly, as part of the broader LGBT advocacy coalition. By participating in a larger coalitional movement, transgender rights advocates leveraged more financial, organiza- tional, and political resources than they could generate by themselves. They also could take advantage of the gay and lesbian advocacy community’s ties to the Democratic Party. In addition, they gained access to the policymaking process more effectively than they would have otherwise been able to do on their own. Further, gay and lesbian advocates have proven to be important ambassadors to the public and policymakers alike, increasingly normaliz- ing transgender inclusion in LGBT advocacy. In legislatures, gay or lesbian legislators have been important champions for transgender rights, provid- ing crucial representation given the paucity of transgender elected officials. Gay and lesbian activists are also sometimes excellent surrogate lobbyists for transgender rights because of legislator discomfort with trans people.', 'However, the inclusion of the transgender community in this advocacy coalition was not always a foregone conclusion. The development of queer politics and core values built upon a shared experience of oppression due to the violation of gender norms has been critical in allowing for transgender inclusion in the more robustly organized gay rights movement. This concep- tual development was also aided by more practical developments, such as the response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Likewise, the growth of queer theory in academia and its dispersion among a new generation of activists helped to inform advocacy organization practices over time and make them more transgender inclusive. The professionalization of transgender advocacy, with its necessary attention to identity politics, helped to facilitate transgender inclusion by making sure that transgender people “had a seat at the table.” That many trans people had long-standing connections in the gay or lesbian communities assisted in this process, as did shared political opponents. And increased media attention to transgender people and transgender issues has increased public familiarity with the concerns of the trans community, thus making their incorporation in LGBT advocacy easier as well.', 'Inclusion in the umbrella LGBT movement has certainly been impor- tant to the advancement of transgender rights, but it has not been without its own challenges. Assimilationist strategies by gay people often marginal- ized or completely excluded transgender rights. Indeed, until recently, trans- gender rights have not been at the top of the advocacy coalition’s policy pri- orities. The movement has often had to “come back” to secure rights based on gender identity that had previously been won for rights based on sexual orientation (Taylor and Lewis 2014). The achievement of marriage equality, a key policy objective for many gay rights groups over the past several years, has been a boon to transgender advocacy. It lessened competition for the limited resources held by LGBT groups, and it no longer competes in the policy space for attention. Indeed, the battle for marriage equality eclipsed nearly all other LGBT policy goals for the better part of two presidencies. With that fight over, LGBT groups that specialize in litigation have rapidly increased their attention to transgender issues in their legal advocacy. Fur- ther, gaining marriage equality provided another policy win for transgender people because it negated the importance of sex and gender in a major civil institution.', 'Public Opinion', 'Another important factor shaping both the policy successes and challenges of the transgender rights movement is public opinion. Drawing on several national surveys, we found public attitudes toward transgender people to be complex and, currently, quite mutable. Americans hold negative feelings toward transgender people as a group. They report relatively low levels of personal comfort with transgender people, and large portions of the public express moral or personal opposition to the very concept of transgender. However, at the same time majorities tend to favor discrimination protections for transgender people and believe that transgender people deserve the same rights as all Americans. The seemingly contradictory nature of pub- lic attitudes toward transgender people, on the one hand, and transgender rights, on the other, helps explain policy successes in areas that highlight human and civil rights, such as employment nondiscrimination and hate crime policies, and the limits in other areas that emphasize personal feelings of discomfort, such as bathroom accessibility.', 'Yet the complex nature of public opinion toward transgender people and their rights seems to be highly fluid. When given the opportunity to select an option of “neither agree nor disagree,” a substantial portion of the public chooses this option, likely indicating attitude ambivalence or nonattitudes on the topic. In other words, we find that many people are still not familiar with transgender concepts. Nor are they familiar with policy implications related to the issues raised by the transgender rights movement. This fluidity may provide the transgender rights movement with both challenges and opportunities since many people are still learning about the issues and are open to framing and persuasion efforts (Broockman and Kalla 2016). Further, the relatively low level of familiarity with transgender rights policies suggest that public opinion is likely to be positively affected by the increasing exposure to transgender people in the media and through interpersonal contact (Flores et al. 2017a; Tadlock et al. 2017).', 'Indeed, we found that several factors shape individuals’ attitudes toward transgender people and transgender rights. Attitudes toward transgender people are primarily shaped by personality traits, values, and experience. Moral traditionalists and respondents with high levels of disgust sensitivity tend to have attitudes that are more negative toward transgender people. Conversely, those with egalitarian values tend to have views that are more positive. In addition, interpersonal contact with both transgender people and gays and lesbians increased positive attitudes toward transgender peo- ple. The latter is very important given the significantly larger size of the gay and lesbian communities relative to the trans community. While these factors remain significant in forming political and policy attitudes, other fac- tors also emerge. Interestingly, partisanship and ideology only seem to have significant effects on attitudes relating to public policies. Authoritarianism is also a significant factor for these political attitudes.', 'Political Institutions and Opportunity Structure', 'The American transgender rights movement developed within a federal and democratic institutional structure with a separation of powers between branches. This provided a range of policy advocacy opportunities in different institutional venues and at different levels of government. Transgender advocates, like the advocates for other groups, have many access points and venues in which to find policy gains. They can strategically shop for, and often find, favorable policymaking venues. In legislatures, from city councils to the U.S. Congress, trans and LGBT groups have made significant strides in gaining increased policy recognition and protections. For some policies, such as antidiscrimination protections and hate crimes, the trans movement has been able to build on the earlier successes of the gay movement and pursue incremental policy changes that are less controversial. Particularly in the 2000s, the trans movement sometimes benefited by obtaining these pro- tections concurrently with gays and lesbians, occasionally as a little noticed afterthought. Activists could share information about these successes in their advocacy. Early victories provided relevant policy information that could be shared in other jurisdictions. These examples were useful in lobbying and they facilitated the diffusion of these policies.', 'In other policy areas, such as those relaxing rules about gender identification on official documents, there is no parallel set of gay rights laws. Thus, the transgender movement sometimes has been forced to go it alone. However, as witnessed during the Obama administration, there is increas- ing attention from LGBT advocates to these transgender specific measures. Even here, where policies are not incremental changes, the backlash has often been weak. Further, conservative jurisdictions that have not supported sexual-orientation-inclusive policies have sometimes provided significant policy changes, such as birth certificate amendment laws or allowing sex markers on driver’s licenses to be changed. Frequently, this is done without much fanfare.', 'Like other minority civil rights movements before it, the transgender rights movement has also successfully turned to the courts as a “judicial safety net” to provide civil rights protections. These venues, often more iso- lated from electoral and partisan pressures (especially at the national level), allow transgender rights advocates to pursue policies from a legal framework that highlights civil rights and equal protection under the law, even in the context of negative public opinion and partisan opposition in many areas of the country. While most areas of litigation on transgender rights are still ongoing, there have been some notable policy achievements. Because the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins (1989) found that Title VII’s sex discrimination clause provides protection against discrimination based on sex stereotyping, several federal district and appellate courts have extended these protections to cover transgender people. A simi- lar legal argument has also held sway in some recent Title IX cases at the federal district and appellate levels, such as G.G. v. Gloucester County School Board (2016). Several cases regarding the rights of transgender prisoners have also been successfully litigated, with the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment providing a legal rationale to provide gender-identity-related health care to transgender prisoners and to challenge sex-segregated facilities based on sex assigned at birth.', 'The executive branches of government have also proven to be fruitful venues for transgender rights advocacy. Bureaucratic policymaking can avoid majoritarian pressures while shaping the implementation of critical policies that affect the everyday lives of transgender people. For example, a rule passed by the State Department in 2010 eased the standards for changing gender markers on passports. Similar changes happened at the Social Security Administration, which ended the practice of sending gender no match letters to the employers of transgender people. In addition, executive leaders like presidents and governors can shape policy through unilateral action, personnel, and symbolic leadership. Our analysis revealed the ways in which significant gains were made at the national level during the Obama administration. Obama issued an executive order prohibiting gender-identity-based discrimination in federal employment in 2014, and he filled his cabinet with officials that pursued transgender rights in their departments. The administration’s ability to take these actions was enabled by court cases that provided a legal rationale for the actions, such as Smith v. City of Salem (2004) and the EEOC decision in Macy v. Holder (2012). Though gay and transgender rights were not always a top priority for his administration, by Obama’s sec- ond term it was clear that they had become a key component of his legacy building. This was a function of the pressure placed by LGBT advocates on the president, the evolution of public attitudes on LGBT issues, the lack of opportunities elsewhere, and his beliefs about equality. Beyond his policy ac- tions, Obama ultimately pushed the Democratic Party to be more inclusive through his rhetoric and symbolic leadership. In doing so, the transgender rights movement is now a recognized partner in the Democratic coalition, with its policy goals embedded in the party platform. Going forward, many aspiring Democratic candidates will find it difficult to ignore transgender issues even though they are still unlikely to make them front-and-center cam- paign issues in many parts of the country. Any reluctance to embrace trans- gender rights in Democratic circles is certainly lessened given the actions of President Trump and his administration on transgender rights. Given Trump’s low approval ratings, Democrats are incentivized to be in opposi- tion to these discriminatory actions. Similarly, we documented how North Carolina Democrats rallied around the transgender rights cause after passage of HB2 by a deeply unpopular Republican governor and Republican-led legislature in North Carolina.', 'Of course, state executives have also played crucial roles in advancing transgender rights. Governors have often been at the forefront of provid- ing discrimination protections using executive orders before the legislature is willing, or where it is unwilling, to adopt statutory protections. We also found that governors have wielded their veto pens to block bills that would restrict the rights of transgender people, as when Governor Daugaard (R- SD) vetoed a bill to require students to use bathrooms that corresponded with the sex assigned at birth rather than their gender identity. Anecdotally, Republican governors might be more willing to veto such changes when they are term limited and cannot run for reelection. Our analysis revealed that transgender-inclusive executive orders are common early in gubernato- rial terms, during divided governments, and by Democratic governors. Fur- ther, some governors, such as Jack Markell in Delaware, used their political capital to advocate for transgender-inclusive policies in their state. Another influential state official is the attorney general. In some instances, attorney generals can play a role in advancing transgender rights by declining to defend discriminatory laws, as was done by Roy Cooper in North Carolina, or by issuing favorable advisory opinions.', '', '', '']

[(0, 17)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhJo-Aff-9---D4-Round-3.docx

Minnesota

PhJo

6b5c63e50425d735770d24d58ea930bbb50d903310be52eda7b767a811e45f9f

Cooperation is a matter of degrees – even if the aff only has a small impact on comity, it has a vast impact on cooperation

Connolly ‘15 [Robert; Jan. 2015; partner in the Washington, D.C. office of GeyerGorey, LLP; CPI Antitrust Chronicle; “Why the Motorola Mobility Decision was Good for Cartel Enforcement and Deterrence,” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2559149]

ever-increasing ability for price-fixing victims to obtain damages new enforcers including victim redress as a goa l create its own system of enforcement cooperation requires mutual trust Even small areas of increased friction kill the golden goose

there is an ever-increasing ability for price-fixing victims to obtain damages As new cartel enforcers enter the picture, they are including victim redress as a n enforcement goa l Collective redress or damage actions are proliferating , as cartel enforcement has, around the globe allowing each jurisdiction to create its own system of enforcement in cooperation , not competition , may be the best long-term way to further increase worldwide cartel deterrence . cooperation is a matter of degree and requires mutual trust and respect between partners. The timing of dawn raids is currently a subject of effective international cooperation Confidentiality of information is another key area of cooperation that have been essential to the proliferation of leniency programs Even small areas of increased friction in these or other areas could help kill the golden goose the governmental enforcement actions that precede civil damage cases. Optimal continued cooperation sometimes means respecting partners’ views and processes deterrence against international cartels has increased substantially and will continue to do so as long as enforcement agencies cooperate the ability of price-fixing victims to assert damage claims is also on the rise.

ever-increasing ability price-fixing victims obtain damages new cartel enforcers including victim redress enforcement goa Collective redress damage actions proliferating allowing each jurisdiction create own system of enforcement cooperation not competition best long-term way increase deterrence cooperation matter of degree mutual trust respect timing of dawn raids effective international cooperation Confidentiality information key area of cooperation proliferation leniency programs Even small areas increased friction help kill the golden goose governmental enforcement actions Optimal cooperation respecting partners’ views deterrence increased substantially continue to do enforcement agencies cooperate ability price-fixing victims assert damage claims on the rise.

['There has been something of a time lag in the international community’s acceptance of mechanisms by which persons injured by cartels may be compensated for the damages suffered. The landscape, however, is changing rapidly on that front. Today, there is an ever-increasing ability for price-fixing victims to obtain damages. The European Union recently adopted a Directive that “makes it a lot easier for victims of antitrust violation to claim compensation.”10 And, damage actions can already be brought in the Member States.', 'A few examples of cartel members who have faced damage demands or civil proceedings in various EU Member States are gas-insulated switchgears, vitamins, rubber chemicals, elevators and escalators, cement, hydrogen peroxide, and rail.11 So far, England, Germany, and the Netherlands have emerged as litigation hotspots. According to one report “Interestingly enough, a vying for the label of the best competition litigation forum for claimants in Europe seems to be evolving.”12', 'As new cartel enforcers enter the picture, they are including victim redress as an enforcement goal. In India, for example, damages can be awarded to victims, but the system is completely different than the U.S. class-action system. Victims can make claims to the Competition Appellate Tribunal after the Competition Commission of India has successfully brought an action.13 And China took an interesting tack against the LCD cartel members. Besides imposing fines, the six defendants were required to refund the overcharged amount directly to the Chinese TV makers. China also required the defendants to offer extended warranties to consumers of the price-fixed products.14', 'Collective redress or damage actions are proliferating, as cartel enforcement has, around the globe. To be sure, the regimes may be different; the U.S. class action system is not seen as a model to emulate. Some foreign regimes may be better than the U.S. system, some worse, and— in some jurisdictions—damage claims may still not be allowed at all. But as with cartel enforcement, allowing each jurisdiction to create its own system of enforcement in cooperation, not competition, may be the best long-term way to further increase worldwide cartel deterrence.', 'The Motorola Mobility opinion cited the Supreme Court warning that rampart extraterritorial reach of the Sherman Act “creates a serious risk of interference with a foreign nation’s ability independently to regulate its own commercial affairs.”15 The Seventh Circuit went on to state, “The position for which Motorola contends would if adopted increase the global reach of the Sherman Act, creating friction with many foreign countries and ‘resent[ment at] the apparent effort of the United States to act as the world’s competition police officer.”16', 'Do I think that had the sovereignty interests of foreign governments (as expressed in their amicus briefs) been ignored in Motorola Mobility, these and other governments would have stopped cooperating in international cartel investigations? Would we return to the days of “blocking” statutes and “claw back” provisions? Probably not. But cooperation is a matter of degree and requires mutual trust and respect between partners. And it is required in a number of areas. The timing of dawn raids is currently a subject of effective international cooperation. Confidentiality of information is another key area of cooperation that have been essential to the proliferation of leniency programs. Even small areas of increased friction in these or other areas could help kill the golden goose—the governmental enforcement actions that precede civil damage cases. Optimal continued cooperation sometimes means respecting partners’ views and processes, even though you’re sure you know best.', 'In short, deterrence against international cartels has increased substantially and will continue to do so as long as enforcement agencies cooperate. The recent cooperation of China with nations coordinating dawn raids in the relatively new international capacitor investigation is a deterrent development probably not yet fully appreciated. And the ability of price-fixing victims to assert damage claims is also on the rise.']

[(0, 12)]

ndtceda

Michigan-Mikelson-Flashner-Neg-Northwestern-Round4.docx

Michigan

MiFl

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Michigan/MiFl/Michigan-Mikelson-Flashner-Neg-Northwestern-Round4.docx

8de14858e27e767d7b6ad84b60a2573037c1032e374316ec395c9433184d822b

‘Should’

David H. Sawyer 17, Judge on the Michigan Court of Appeals, J.D. from Valparaiso School of Law, “Spartan Specialties, Ltd. v. Senior Servs.”, Court of Appeals of Michigan, 2017 Mich. App. LEXIS 1178, 7/20/2017, Lexis

An ordinary common meaning of "should" is a mandatory obligation used to express expediency

An ordinary and common meaning of the word "should" is that it denotes a mandatory obligation See People v Fosnaugh stating that "the word 'should' can, in certain contexts, connote an obligatory effect " Webster's defining "should," in pertinent part, as " used in auxiliary function to express obligation, propriety, or expediency "

ordinary common mandatory obligation obligatory effect expediency

['The specifications in the drawings for the mini-piles stated that the capacity for the mini-piles was "to be" 6,000 or 8,000 pounds and that the length of the mini-piles was "to be" adequate to get into undisturbed soil to a depth adequate for obtaining the required capacity. The specifications in the project manual stated that the mini-piles "should" have a capacity of 4 tons and 3 tons, that the mini-piles "should" be driven to minimum depth of 25 feet, and that a grout bulb "should" be formed at the base of a mini-pile. Kenneth Winters, an expert in structural engineering, and Richard Anderson, an expert in geotechnical engineering, agreed with Steve Maranowski, plaintiff\'s president, that the specifications in the project manual, because those specifications used the word "should," were permissive and suggestions of what plaintiff could do to achieve the required capacity. However, the trial court, when it instructed the jury on how to interpret the contract, instructed the jury that it was to interpret the words of the contract by giving them their ordinary and common meaning. An ordinary and common meaning of the word "should" is that it denotes a mandatory obligation. [*9] See People v Fosnaugh, 248 Mich App 444, 455; 639 NW2d 587 (2001) (stating that "the word \'should\' can, in certain contexts, connote an obligatory effect"); Merriam-Webster\'s College Dictionary (11th ed) (defining "should," in pertinent part, as "used in auxiliary function to express obligation, propriety, or expediency"). Accordingly, viewing the evidence in a light most favorable to defendant, reasonable jurors could have honestly reached different conclusions on whether the specifications in the project manual were mandatory and, because Maranowski admitted that plaintiff did not use grout bulbs and did not drive all the mini-piles at least 25 feet into the ground, whether plaintiff breached the contract. Morinelli, 242 Mich App at 260-261.']

[(9, 18)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-BiGa-Neg-Kathryn-Klassic-Round-5.docx

Kentucky

BiGa

f49d55eb474070249d1f438308df66d509757439c409e9b5cdd6ad7fade28fd8

2---LINK UNQUENESS. Every NEG disad would be thumped. We have always committed to “long-term” disarmament.

Martin Russell 21. Members' Research Service, European Parliamentary Research Service; European Parliament Briefing, “The New START Treaty between the US and Russia,” https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2021/690523/EPRS_BRI(2021)690523_EN.pdf

though nominally committed to disarm under the NPT paradox is apparent in the 2018 N P R which reaffirms 'the long-term goal of eliminating nuc s at the same time

the U N set the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons But though nominally committed to disarm ament under the NPT , none of the Treaty's five recognised n uclear- w eapon s tates have made serious efforts to get rid of their arsenals, and indeed have invested heavily in upgrading them. This paradox is apparent in the 2018 US N uclear P osture R eview, which reaffirms 'the long-term goal of eliminating nuc lear weapon s ' , at the same time as arguing that such weapons have become more necessary than ever The US and Russian documents suggest that neither country sees total nuclear disarmament as a realistic or even desirable goal

U N goal eliminating nominally committed to disarm ament under the NPT none n w s paradox 2018 N P R reaffirms 'the long-term goal of eliminating nuc s at the same time

["In 1946, just one year after the US bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the United Nations set the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons. A step towards that goal came in 1968, with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), signed by most countries around the world. But though nominally committed to disarmament under the NPT, none of the Treaty's five recognised nuclear-weapon states (the US, USSR, China, UK and France) have made serious efforts to get rid of their arsenals, and indeed have invested heavily in upgrading them. This paradox is apparent in the 2018 US Nuclear Posture Review, which reaffirms 'the long-term goal of eliminating nuclear weapons', at the same time as arguing that such weapons have become more necessary than ever in an 'evolving and uncertain international security environment'. According to the review, nuclear arms play a key role in deterring both nuclear and conventional attacks on the US and its allies, and have even made the world a much safer place, with a dramatic fall in the number of wartime casualties since the beginning of the nuclear era. On the Russian side, the 2020 Nuclear Deterrence Policy also emphasises the deterrent function of nuclear weapons. The US and Russian documents suggest that neither country sees total nuclear disarmament as a realistic or even desirable goal."]

[(7, 17)]

ndtceda

Emory-GaHe-Neg-Texas-Open-Round-4.docx

Emory

GaHe

793956c11390091543eeea203fba6d755156c877947e1dea0f0f73d52ea50573

Community Health Centers will be forced to close

Henry A. Waxman 5, U.S. Representative, California, “A Review of Community Health Centers: Issues and Opportunities,” hearing before the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, U.S. House of Representatives, 109 Congress, 5-25-2005, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-109hhrg20751/html/CHRG-109hhrg20751.htm

c h c s real successes of Federal health policy But Medicaid is the lifeblood a crucial source of payment , and they are not going to be around cuts take away coverage damaging just as slashed funding many more uninsured less payment and c h c s will not be able to absorb those costs

c ommunity h ealth c enter s It is one of the real successes of our Federal health policy But We will be doing a real disservice to the community health centers if we make cuts in Medicaid that are being proposed It is the Medicaid program that is the lifeblood of these centers many centers just would not be viable It is a crucial source of payment , and they are not going to be around anymore if we make some of these cuts in Medicaid If we cut the Medicaid program and we take away the guarantee of coverage for eligible people, we will be damaging the community health center program just as directly as if we slashed its funding If we accede to State calls for flexibility and take away the payment and coverage guarantees we have given to FQHCs, then it is the viability of the community health centers that will be directly threatened changes in Medicaid would damage these institutions beyond repair In addition to Medicaid, community health centers see the uninsured. Well, we will have many more uninsured if there is not a Medicaid eligibility for them to get that coverage. We will have more uninsured , less payment , and the c ommunity h ealth c enter s , and other providers, will not be able to absorb those costs

c ommunity h ealth c enter s real successes Federal health policy But real disservice community health centers cuts in Medicaid Medicaid is the lifeblood of these centers would not be viable crucial source of payment not going to be around anymore cuts in Medicaid take away the guarantee of coverage damaging the community health center program just as directly as if we slashed its funding community health centers directly threatened damage these institutions beyond repair many more uninsured more uninsured less payment c ommunity h ealth c enter s will not be able to absorb those costs

['Mr. Waxman. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.', 'Well, it is clear from what I have heard so far that there is strong, bipartisan support for the community health centers. It is one of the real successes of our Federal health policy.', "But I want to make one point that Mr. Stupak indicated. We will be doing a real disservice to the community health centers if we make some of the cuts in Medicaid that are being proposed. It may not be the $15 billion or $20 billion, although we still don't know if somebody might just come up with something more than $10 billion, but $10 billion is not a small amount of money. It is the Medicaid program that is the lifeblood of these centers. If we had not established the federally Qualified Health Centers Program in Medicaid in 1989 guaranteeing community health centers that they would be covered providers in the Medicaid program and reimbursed at a fair level that recognized their costs, many centers just would not be viable. And it is hard to praise those centers when they are not around anymore. It is a crucial source of payment, and they are not going to be around anymore if we make some of these cuts in Medicaid.", 'If we cut the Medicaid program and we take away the guarantee of coverage for eligible people, we will be damaging the community health center program just as directly as if we slashed its funding. If we accede to State calls for flexibility and take away the payment and coverage guarantees we have given to FQHCs, then it is the viability of the community health centers that will be directly threatened.', 'It is easy to voice support for these centers but miss the crucial link to a robust Medicaid program. Certainly the administration, in my view, has been hypocritical in touting their support for community health centers while they work for constant changes in Medicaid, which would damage these institutions beyond repair.', 'In addition to Medicaid, community health centers see the uninsured. Well, we will have many more uninsured if there is not a Medicaid eligibility for them to get that coverage. We will have more uninsured, less payment, and the community health centers, and other providers, will not be able to absorb those costs.', '']

[(9, 17)]

ndtceda

MichiganState-GlMe-Aff-Gonzaga-Jesuit-Debates-Round-5.docx

MichiganState

GlMe

385250ec9d957825d0f291d9245646ff62d5815b5bdb613fd1d874094226e85b

Heg fails

Dr. Andrew Bacevich 20, Professor of History and International Relations at Boston University, Ph.D. in American Diplomatic History from Princeton University, and Graduate of the U.S. Military Academy, “The Endless Fantasy of American Power”, Foreign Affairs, 9/18/2020, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2020-09-18/endless-fantasy-american-power

frenetic military activity has seldom produced positive outcomes Afghanistan and Iraq failed , as have Libya , Somalia , and Syria exertions yielded little in durable success leaders try to demonstrate necessity of global leadership Protracted wars saddled with debt and diverted resources from domestic priorities To cling to leadership will only wreak havoc

Unfortunately frenetic military activity has seldom produced positive outcomes Afghanistan and Iraq clearly failed , as have lesser campaigns to Libya , Somalia , and Syria . An equally unfavorable judgment applies to the war on terrorism,” which continues with no end in sight recent military exertions yielded so little in the way of durable success interventionist foreign policy is largely taken for granted Deference to the military has become a rote piety of American life leaders of both parties collaborated in try ing to demonstrate the efficacy and necessity of “American global leadership .” Embedded in that seemingly benign phrase was a grand strategy of militarized primacy . Unfortunately, the results achieved by this assertion of global leadership proved to be anything but benign , as turmoil in Afghanistan and Iraq attest. Although the defense industry and its allies have profited from American wars, the American people have done less well . Protracted wars are not making Americans freer or more prosperous . They have instead saddled the nation with enormous debt and diverted attention and resources from neglected domestic priorities To cling to this paradigm of U.S. global leadership will only continue to wreak havoc in the name of freedom, democracy, and humane values

seldom failed lesser campaigns Libya Somalia Syria no end in sight so little durable success taken for granted rote piety try global leadership militarized primacy anything but benign Afghanistan Iraq people less well not making Americans freer more prosperous saddled enormous debt diverted attention and resources neglected domestic priorities paradigm global leadership only wreak havoc

['Unfortunately, this frenetic pace of military activity has seldom produced positive outcomes. As measured against their stated aims, the “long wars” in Afghanistan and Iraq have clearly failed, as have the lesser campaigns intended to impart some approximation of peace and stability to Libya, Somalia, and Syria. An equally unfavorable judgment applies to the nebulous enterprise once grandly referred to as the “global war on terrorism,” which continues with no end in sight.', 'And yet there seems to be little curiosity in U.S. politics today about why recent military exertions, undertaken at great cost in blood and treasure, have yielded so little in the way of durable success. It is widely conceded that “mistakes were made”—preeminent among them the Iraq war initiated in 2003. Yet within establishment circles, the larger implications of such catastrophic missteps remain unexplored. Indeed, the country’s interventionist foreign policy is largely taken for granted and the public pays scant attention. The police killing of Black people provokes outrage—and rightly so. Unsuccessful wars induce only shrugs.', 'THE CHIMERA OF “AMERICAN LEADERSHIP”', 'With something approaching unanimity, Americans “support the troops.” Yet they refrain from inquiring too deeply into what putting the troops in harm’s way has achieved in recent decades. Deference to the military has become a rote piety of American life. In accepting the Democratic Party’s nomination for the presidency, for example, Joe Biden closed his remarks with an appeal to the Divine on behalf of the nation’s soldiers: “And may God protect our troops.” Yet nowhere in his 24-minute address did Biden make any reference to what U.S. troops were currently doing or why in particular they needed God’s protection. Nor did he offer any thoughts on how a Biden administration might do things differently.', 'Americans don’t particularly want to hear about war or the possibility of war in the present season of overlapping and mutually reinforcing crises. And Biden obliged them in the most important speech of his career. The famously garrulous politician mentioned recent U.S. wars only in passing, briefly referring to his late son, who served in Iraq, and excoriating U.S. President Donald Trump for not responding more aggressively to revelations that Russia put bounties on U.S. soldiers in Afghanistan.', 'This aversion to taking stock of recent U.S. wars is by no means unique to Biden or confined to the Democratic Party. It is a bipartisan tendency. It also inhibits a long overdue reexamination of basic national security policy.', 'Between the fall of the Berlin Wall and the 2016 presidential election, leaders of both political parties collaborated in trying to demonstrate the efficacy and necessity of what they habitually referred to as “American global leadership.” Embedded in that seemingly benign phrase was a grand strategy of militarized primacy. Unfortunately, the results achieved by this assertion of global leadership proved to be anything but benign, as turmoil in Afghanistan and Iraq attest. Although the defense industry and its allies have profited from American wars, the American people have done less well. Protracted wars are not making Americans freer or more prosperous. They have instead saddled the nation with enormous debt and diverted attention and resources from neglected domestic priorities.', 'In 2020, further occasions for bristling, militarized U.S. leadership beckon. China offers the most obvious example for hawks, with demands that the United States confront the People’s Republic growing more insistent by the day. Many in Washington appear to welcome the prospect of a Sino-American cold war. Other prospective venues for demonstrating assertive U.S. leadership include in operations against Iran, Russia, and even poor benighted Venezuela, with prominent figures in the Beltway eager to have a go at regime change in Caracas.', 'To cling to this paradigm of U.S. global leadership is to perpetuate the assumptions and habits defining post–Cold War U.S. national security policy—and above all the emphasis on amassing and employing military might. The United States grants itself prerogatives allowed to no other country to remain, in its own estimation, history’s “indispensable nation.” To judge by the results achieved in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other recent theaters of war, this imperative will only continue to wreak havoc in the name of freedom, democracy, and humane values.']

[(11, 22)]

ndtceda

Kansas-DeOr-Aff-Owen-L-Coon-Memorial-Tournament-at-Northwestern-Round-2.docx

Kansas

DeOr

9cef3ed14b629eee759ddae1afacf5fd69eb55f54bd5ebcb5f42d9b43c7fda65

Uranium from nukes is the only way to solve fast enough – current solutions take 15 years!

Haley Zaremba 24 writer and journalist based in Mexico City. She has extensive experience writing and editing environmental features, travel pieces, local news in the Bay Area, and music/culture reviews. “Uranium Prices Soar As World Turns to Nuclear Power,” Oil Price, 2/1/2024, https://oilprice.com/Alternative-Energy/Nuclear-Power/Uranium-Prices-Soar-As-World-Turns-to-Nuclear-Power.html

nuc energy set to triple increasing uranium demand but current production insufficient There’s a supply deficit global sector struggling to responsibly source uranium demand stirring up problems lion’s share out of Russia undermining the West’s efforts to sanction the Kremlin Biden seeking domestic production But new mines take 15 years

nuc lear energy capacity is set to triple by 2050, increasing uranium demand significantly, but current production levels are insufficient The US seeking to ramp up domestic uranium production amidst concerns about dependency on Russian exports There’s just one problem the world might not have enough uranium production capacity to keep up with a nuclear power boom Where is that uranium going to come from?," There’s a supply deficit the global nuclear sector is struggling to find sufficient supplies of affordable and responsibly source d uranium We’re going to need new supplies increasing uranium demand is stirring up geopolitical problems the lion’s share of global uranium exports is coming out of Russia , undermining the West’s efforts to slap meaningful energy sanction s on the Kremlin in response to the ongoing war in Ukraine. Biden admin seeking to increase domestic uranium production But new uranium mines take 15 years

insufficient the world might not have enough uranium production capacity to keep up with a nuclear power boom There’s a supply deficit source sanction new mines take 15 years

['Global nuclear energy capacity is set to triple by 2050, increasing uranium demand significantly, but current production levels are insufficient.', 'The US and other countries are seeking to ramp up domestic uranium production amidst concerns about dependency on Russian exports.', 'Uranium prices are rising, and the US faces challenges in reviving its uranium mining industry, which has declined over the past decades.', 'As the need for abundant and expedient carbon-free energy intensifies and solar and wind power deployment hit some major speedbumps, more and more industry experts are calling for a resurgence of nuclear energy. While nuclear power has been out of vogue for decades now, proponents argue that its myriad values can no longer be ignored. ', 'In the era of climate change, the benefits of nuclear energy are growing increasingly valuable – nuclear fission yields no greenhouse gas emissions, it’s a proven technology with existing supply chains and well worn blueprints, and, crucially, it’s a base load power source. Unlike solar and wind production, which are variable and answer not to consumer demand but to the whims of the weather, nuclear energy production can be manipulated to provide exactly as much energy as we need, when we need it. ', 'As a result, nuclear energy is gaining more and more vocal proponents, and public opinion is shifting in favor of nuclear power expansion. In fact, public support for nuclear energy in the United States is at a 10-year high according to a Gallup poll released last year. And world leaders are listening. At last year’s United Nations climate summit in Expo City Dubai, 22 countries including the U.S. pledged to triple nuclear energy capacity by 2050. ', '“The Declaration recognizes the key role of nuclear energy in achieving global net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 and keeping the 1.5-degree goal within reach,” states a press release from the United States Department of Energy. “Core elements of the declaration include working together to advance a goal of tripling nuclear energy capacity globally by 2050 and inviting shareholders of international financial institutions to encourage the inclusion of nuclear energy in energy lending policies,” the statement continues.', 'There’s just one problem with this plan – the world might not have enough uranium production capacity to keep up with a nuclear power boom of that magnitude. "Where is that uranium going to come from?," Nicole Galloway Warland, managing director of Thor Energy, was recently quoted by Yahoo! Finance. "There’s not enough to go around. There’s a supply deficit." Thor Energy is an exploration company with uranium-focused projects in Utah and Colorado.', 'Even now, the global nuclear sector is struggling to find sufficient supplies of affordable and responsibly sourced uranium. In the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011, the bottom fell out of global uranium mining. Now, as demand is skyrocketing, supply remains relatively low after years of lessened production levels. ', 'Even before the Declaration to Triple Nuclear Energy Capacity by 2050 was even launched, global demand for yellowcake uranium was sharply increasing. In fact, global demand hit a ten-year high in October of last year, and prices have climbed accordingly. Though uranium prices still haven’t rebounded to pre-Fukushima levels, they’re well on their way. In fact, some speculators think that they could skyrocket to around $200 per pound by just 2025.', '“You have a focus on energy security colliding with a focus on clean energy,” Grant Isaac, chief financial officer at Cameco, the world’s second-largest uranium producer, told the Financial Times. “The days of buying $40 uranium are over — and probably also for $50 or $60. We’re going to need new supplies,” he added. ', 'What’s more, increasing uranium demand is stirring up geopolitical problems as high yellowcake prices line Russia’s coffers. At present, the lion’s share of global uranium exports is coming out of Russia, undermining the West’s efforts to slap meaningful energy sanctions on the Kremlin in response to the ongoing war in Ukraine. ', 'As a result, the Biden administration is seeking to increase domestic uranium production. The U.S. has plenty of uranium deposits to dig into, but bringing the industry up to speed will be a challenge. A 2019 Annual Report by the U.S. Uranium Committee of the Energy Minerals Division determined that the U.S. has more than enough uranium to fuel hundreds of years of nuclear power generation, even if nuclear power took up much more of the national energy mix going forward. But new uranium mines take 15 years to come online when permitting is figured in. ', '', '']

[(6, 16)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-AdMc-Aff-Texas-Round-3.docx

Kentucky

AdMc

99fdd9d0c6b06da603f54f4ab79e63182dc6b717fb0f339a07568813f06bb870

Outweighs other risks categorically---even at 1% probability.

Emile P. Torres 22, holds a master's degree in neuroscience from Brandeis University, PhD candidate at Leibniz Universität Hannover, in Germany, former Affiliate Scholar at the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies, and former Visiting Scholar at the Centre for the Study of Existential Risk at the University of Cambridge, “Would "artificial superintelligence" lead to the end of life on Earth? It's not a stupid question”, https://www.salon.com/2022/08/06/would-artificial-superintelligence-lead-to-the-end-of-life-on-earth-its-not-a-stupid-question/

artificial superintelligence smarter than any human in every cognitive domain plausible default outcome is existential catastrophe Even if probability low total annihilation yield sky-high risk. ASI obliterate entire biosphere risk not just issue of whether humanity survives but all life

a serious threat comes from artificial intelligence there are risks arising from the possibility of algorithms that exceed human levels of general intelligence An artificial superintelligence would by definition be smarter than any possible human being in every cognitive domain of interest such as abstract reasoning, working memory, processing speed and so on it will be the most significant event in human history : Suddenly, for the first time, humanity will be joined by a problem-solving agent more clever than itself What would happen? would the ASI promptly destroy us? a plausible default outcome of the creation of machine superintelligence is existential catastrophe Even if the probability of such arguments being correct is low a risk is standardly as the probability of an event multiplied by its consequences since the consequences of total annihilation would be enormous, even a low probability would yield a sky-high risk. the very same arguments for why an ASI could cause the extinction of our species also lead to the conclusion that it could obliterate the entire biosphere . the risk posed by artificial superintelligence is an environmental risk. It is not just an issue of whether humanity survives or not, but an environmental issue that concerns all earthly life a threat that could harm every creature on the planet.

serious threat exceed human levels general intelligence superintelligence any possible human being every cognitive domain of interest most significant event in human history more clever destroy us? plausible default outcome existential catastrophe Even if the probability low probability total annihilation would yield a sky-high risk. extinction obliterate the entire biosphere environmental risk. humanity all earthly life harm every creature on the planet.

['Yet another serious threat comes from artificial intelligence, or AI. In the near-term, AI systems like those sold by IBM, Microsoft, Amazon and other tech giants could\xa0\xa0due to gender and racial biases. According to a paper co-authored by\xa0, the former Google employee who\xa0\xa0"after criticizing its approach to minority hiring and the biases built into today\'s artificial intelligence systems," facial recognition software\xa0\xa0"less accurate at identifying women and people of color, which means its use can end up discriminating against them." These are very real problems affecting large groups of people that require urgent attention.', 'But there are also longer-term risks, as well, arising from the possibility of algorithms that exceed human levels of general intelligence. An artificial superintelligence, or ASI, would by definition be smarter than any possible human being in every cognitive domain of interest, such as abstract reasoning, working memory, processing speed and so on. Although there is no obvious leap from current "deep-learning" algorithms to ASI, there is a good case to make that the creation of an ASI is not a matter of if but when: Sooner or later, scientists will figure out how to build an ASI, or figure out how to build an AI system that can build an ASI, perhaps by modifying its own code.', 'When we do this, it will be the most significant event in human history: Suddenly, for the first time, humanity will be joined by a problem-solving agent more clever than itself. What would happen? Would paradise ensue? Or would the ASI promptly destroy us?', 'I believe we should take the arguments\xa0\xa0"a plausible default outcome of the creation of machine superintelligence is existential catastrophe" very seriously. Even if the probability of such arguments being correct is low, a\xa0risk\xa0is standardly\xa0\xa0as the probability of an event multiplied by its consequences. And since the consequences of total annihilation would be enormous, even a low probability (multiplied by this consequence) would yield a sky-high risk.', 'Even more, the very same arguments for why an ASI could cause the extinction of\xa0our\xa0species\xa0also\xa0lead to the conclusion that it could obliterate the entire\xa0biosphere. Fundamentally, the risk posed by artificial superintelligence is an\xa0environmental risk. It is not just an issue of whether humanity survives or not, but an\xa0environmental\xa0issue that concerns all earthly life, which is why I have been calling for an Extinction Rebellion-like movement to form around the dangers of ASI — a threat that, like climate change, could potentially harm every creature on the planet.', '']

[(9, 18)]

ndtceda

Emory-MoSa-Neg-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Round-6.docx

Emory

MoSa

1bb8e2b83ea5a9d59e419bb235055497798e07cf57e7e98c10827aaf2d9f4fc2

Expanded standing causes courts to deny data-protection cases---they’ll be banished because of their intensity and depth

Haley 20, Law Professor at the Virginia Law School (Thomas, “Data Protection in Disarray,” )

The standing rule reduces the workload of the judiciary the appeal of the standing dismissal to the federal judge is impossible to ignore data-protection cases promise to be long and involved Most arise from large-scale breaches or indiscriminate data collection they are class actions and implicate complex technical issues One can certainly understand why overworked judges might be eager to get such cases off their dockets dismissal has a special appeal data are consistent with this explanation in data-protection cases

The standing rule reduces the workload of the federal judiciary While literally true, that is neither an accepted nor acceptable justification for standing doctrine the appeal of the standing dismissal to the federal judge is impossible to ignore In the data-protection context , cases typically promise to be long and involved Most arise from large-scale data breaches or inappropriate, indiscriminate data collection . As such, they are usually brought as class actions and implicate complex technical issues . One can certainly understand why overworked judges might be eager to get such cases off their dockets . dismissal has a special appeal The data are potentially consistent with this explanation in data-protection cases

workload judiciary acceptable data-protection context long involved class actions complex overworked judges eager off their dockets special appeal consistent explanation in data-protection cases

['', 'The Seventh Circuit may have said the quiet part out loud: "The standing rule reduces the workload of the federal judiciary...." (205) While literally true, that is neither an accepted nor acceptable justification for standing doctrine. (206) The existence of a "Case" or "Controversy" does not depend on how pleased the court will be to hear it. Article III does not give the judiciary the ability to set its caseload. And a dispute will be no less adversarial between the parties if it is the tenth hearing on a court\'s calendar rather than the first. Indeed, around the time that the Supreme Court threw standing jurisprudence for a loop in Clapper, it admonished that federal courts are obligated to hear cases falling within their jurisdiction. (207) Yet the appeal of the standing dismissal to the federal judge is impossible to ignore. The massive and increasing caseload in the federal courts is well known. In the data-protection context, cases typically promise to be long and involved. Most arise from large-scale data breaches or inappropriate, indiscriminate data collection. As such, they are usually brought as class actions and implicate complex technical issues. One can certainly understand why overworked judges might be eager to get such cases off their dockets. With that in mind, dismissal for lack of standing has a special appeal over other means of dispensing with a case: it is a non-merits dismissal. Even if erroneous or improperly motivated, a dismissal for lack of standing works relatively little injustice, as its effect is only to banish the suit to state court. Moreover, as the data show, state-law and common-law claims predominate in data-protection litigation--the majority of cases analyzed involved such claims, while fewer than half of cases asserted claims under federal law. Allowing state courts to deal with state-law claims is a hallmark feature of the federal system, CAFA notwithstanding. The Northern District of Illinois\' BIPA series of cases may proceed from this impulse. Most were brought initially in state court, then removed to federal court by defendants who seemed intent on challenging plaintiffs\' right to bring suit at all. Confronted with the prospect of overseeing a lengthy, complicated class-action lawsuit brought by plaintiffs who did not want to be in federal court in the first place against defendants who appeared to be engaging in gamesmanship, the judges of the Northern District of Illinois may well have viewed dismissal for lack of standing as the best of all possible worlds. The data are potentially consistent with this explanation. In particular, appellate courts have been significantly more solicitous of plaintiffs in data-protection cases, finding standing in 75% of cases, compared to only 51% of district courts. In data-breach cases, which likely present both the most technically complicated inquiries and the most diffuse harms, appellate courts upheld standing in 79% of cases, compared to a mere 41% of district court cases.']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Kansas-HaSo-Neg-Indiana-Quarters.docx

Kansas

HaSo

64c3ca581d2af38e9fe1c2f167df4e0dd0afeda90fca049d78ab4b76183dd4ec

Aff guts the economy—chilling

Nachbar ’19 [Thomas Nachbar, Professor, Law, University of Virginia, “Book Review: Heroes and Villains of Antitrust,” THE ANTITRUST SOURCE, 6—19, LN]

because antitrust applies to all industries , a practice outlawed for one industry would be outlawed for all firms in all industries , or be interpreted as such by risk-averse firms and risk-averse lawyers antitrust is accompanied by substantial risk to markets Mistaken inferences 'are costly they chill conduct

if antitrust law outlawed a practice, there is no potential for the market to correct--the practice once outlawed would remain outlawed because antitrust law applies to all industries , a practice outlawed for one firm or industry would be outlawed for all firms in all industries , or be interpreted as such by risk-averse firms and their risk-averse lawyers --not to mention the treble damages that the liable antitrust defendant would have to pay an antitrust action in this context is accompanied by a substantial risk of injury to markets Mistaken inferences and false condemnations 'are especially costly , because they chill the very conduct the antitrust laws are designed to protect

all industries one firm or industry all firms in all industries interpreted as such risk-averse firms risk-averse lawyers treble damages substantial risk inferences especially costly chill the very conduct

['', 'That regulatory skepticism had a particular salience for antitrust law, which itself is designed to maintain a particular balance between private and government action in markets. n53 Since Adam Smith, the argument of so-called free-market intellectuals has not been that markets are perfect but rather that they are comparatively better at solving problems than governments. Part of the argument is that, in most cases, market forces will drive a firm that has adopted an inefficient practice to shift to a more efficient one, lest it lose more business than it gains from the practice. But if antitrust law outlawed a practice, there is no potential for the market to correct--the practice once outlawed would remain outlawed. n54 And because antitrust law applies to all industries, a practice outlawed for one firm or industry would be outlawed for all firms in all industries, or be interpreted as such by risk-averse firms and their risk-averse lawyers--not to mention the treble damages that the liable antitrust defendant would have to pay.', '[FOOTNOTE] n55 See Credit Suisse Sec. (USA) LLC v. Billing, 551 U.S. 264, 284 (2007) ("In sum, an antitrust action in this context is accompanied by a substantial risk of injury to the securities markets and by a diminished need for antitrust enforcement to address anticompetitive conduct."); Bell Atl. Corp. v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 546 (2007) ("It is one thing to be cautious before dismissing an antitrust complaint in advance of discovery, but quite another to forget that proceeding to antitrust discovery can be expensive.") Verizon Commc\'ns, Inc. v. Law Offices of Curtis V. Trinko, LLP, 540 U.S. 398, 414 (2004) ("Mistaken inferences and the resulting false condemnations \'are especially costly, because they chill the very conduct the antitrust laws are designed to protect.\'") (quoting Matsushita Elec. Indus. Co. v. Zenith Radio Corp., 475 U.S. 574, 594 (1986)). [END FOOTNOTE]', '', '', '']

[(0, 10), (10, 12)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-Amundsen-Frese-Neg-Mid%20America%20Championships-Round6.docx

Minnesota

AmFr

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/AmFr/Minnesota-Amundsen-Frese-Neg-Mid%2520America%2520Championships-Round6.docx

b4c56712b04714d35cf9d2ada3cc2b05501a933498d299ee8df0225d0cfc49e1

Their death link arguments radically devalue life by erasing any difference between life and death. Baudrillard’s fetish for sign’s and symbols replaces the beauty of biology with nihilism and indifference.

Kellner 89. Douglas, Philosophy Chair at UCLA, “Jean Baudrillard”, p. 107-8

Baudrillard’s notion of symbolic exchange between life and death radically devalues life and focuses with a fascinated gaze on that which is most terrible — death In Baudrillard life does not exist as an autonomous source of value, and the body exists only as a mode of display of signification His sign fetishism erases all materiality from the body and social life This way of seeing erases suffering, disease, pain and the horror of death from the body and social life and replaces it with the play of signs Baudrillard’s alternative Politics too is reduced to a play of signs, and the ways in which different politics alleviate or intensify human suffering disappears from the Baudrillardian universe reality persists we no longer trust reason as the sole arbiter But we do trust reason All claims are subject to verification evolution has always selected for accurate depictions Studies confirm there is an emotional reward system associated with true propositions linguists show the stable , cross-cultural language instinct we have multiple methods of gauging trustworthiness If power determined knowledge the best we could hope for would be balance Yet Objectivity resurfaced language itself is a product of joint attention doublespeak only works because it is set against the expectation that speakers are giving reasons it has never been easier to check truth The main difficulties are not a lack of facts every speech activity has its own conventions . The games aren’t chaotic , just complex , though still rules-based cues help us estimate levels of truth public intellectuals are contributing to fake news post-truth get recoded by the fake news as intellectual misinformation right-wingers are using the arguments and techniques of postmodernism to attack scientific claims that clash with their ideology by relativizing truth to make fake news Such are pursued by scholars whom see themselves as liberal Truth is not found but made means exercising power Fact is fiction and anything goes the right has seized on and made into a powerful weapon fake news can be traced back to the campus The work of po mo has been filtered by the media to a nationwide audience

Baudrillard’s notion of symbolic exchange between life and death radically devalues life and focuses with a fascinated gaze on that which is most terrible — death In Baudrillard life does not exist as an autonomous source of value, and the body exists only as ‘the carnality of signs,’ as a mode of display of signification . His sign fetishism erases all materiality from the body and social life , and makes possible a fascinated aestheticized fetishism of signs as the primary ontological reality This way of seeing erases suffering, disease, pain and the horror of death from the body and social life and replaces it with the play of signs Baudrillard’s alternative Politics too is reduced to a play of signs, and the ways in which different politics alleviate or intensify human suffering disappears from the Baudrillardian universe Consequently Baudrillard’s theory spirals into a fascination with signs which leads him to embrace certain privileged forms of sign culture and to reject others and to pay less and less attention to materiality a trajectory will ultimately lead him to embrace nihilism are possible In Dean’s opinion, emotional intensity nowadays trumps content , but the reality -based community persists in various guises we no longer trust reason as the sole arbiter of truth. But we do trust reason , and this was always so , even at the height of postmodernism. All claims , from the physical forces inside the sun to the behaviour of crowds to the validity of tears in a certain situation, are subject , in different ways, to verification . When we now argue against former consensus “truths” in the West that women weren’t as fully rational as men, that dark-skinned races were intellectually inferior, that gender non-conformity was a sin or a mental illness we don’t argue that the new truth is merely an effect of new powers Rather, we argue that the old “knowledge” was not true , that it wasn’t knowledge , but rather belief based on an emotional prejudice What evidence is there that truth is still accessible ? evolution has always selected for accurate depictions of the environment, and human perceptual systems are “accurate enough to bet one’s life upon .” Studies confirm how adept we are at tracking the eye movements, and thus the attention, of others there is also an emotional reward system associated with true propositions Knowing precise truths about the world and other beings is usually adaptive , and is mediated by the medial prefrontal cortex the reality-based community persists in language too Chomsky’s universal grammar revealed how mistaken linguistic relativity was linguists have been able to show the stable , cross-cultural structure of the language instinct Truth is also accessible in that we have multiple methods of gauging the trustworthiness of language If power determined knowledge , then the best we could hope for would be balance , always quoting both sides of any issue Yet Objectivity resurfaced as a separate division It’s easy to forget that language itself is a product of joint attention , a cooperative , conventionalized , reason-giving enterprise whose evolution required humans to take a second-personal point of view doublespeak only works because it is set against the baseline expectation that speakers are committed to giving reasons and favouring joint goals , not just the speaker’s goals facts are under even more pressure from several directions Trump’s success shows how often group loyalties and confirmation bias outweigh facts Still it has never been easier to check out the truth of a claim The main difficulties are not a lack of facts or an inability to distinguish them knowledge allows me slowly to orient myself as to the level of objectivity in the places I visit we join an infinite number of language games and every speech activity has its own conventions . The games aren’t chaotic , just complex , though still rules-based , and we’re constantly on the lookout for cues to help us estimate levels of truth weaponizes seize the levers of power Academics public intellectuals are significantly contributing to fake news the very intellectual milieu in which post-truth was formulated as a critique of the media and political system is represented as the root of or the reason for this phenomenon ideas of discourse get recoded by the fake news discourse as forms of intellectual misinformation and were adopted by right-wing populists and alt-right activists Even if right-wing politicians and science deniers were not reading Derrida and Foucault the germ of the idea made its way to them science does not have a monopoly on the truth right-wingers are using some of the same arguments and techniques of postmodernism to attack the truth of other scientific claims that clash with their conservative ideology the critical postmodern approach helped the alt-right to develop their own argumentative patterns when attacking scientific truths moral virtues and democratic order by relativizing truth enough to make fake news competitive Such interpretations are pursued simultaneously by scholars whom see themselves as representing liberal and democratic values The idea is the same Truth is not found but made and making truth means exercising power The reductive version is simpler and easier to abuse Fact is fiction and anything goes the populist right has seized on and that Trump has made into a powerful weapon critical social scientists have chipped away at the idea of truth We’ve deconstructed facts insisted that knowledge is situated and denied the existence of objectivity fake news is journalism’s popular version of the nihilism of campus postmodernism the ideological enemy is found in the field of academia and in postmodernism the fake news mindset can be traced back to the campus The work of French po st mo dernists has now been filtered by the media to a nationwide audience

public intellectuals post-truth root reason recoded intellectual misinformation right-wing populists alt-right activists same arguments techniques attack truth scientific claims their conservative ideology argumentative patterns relativizing truth pursued simultaneously liberal democratic values not found made exercising power simpler easier to abuse Fact is fiction anything goes seized on powerful weapon ideological enemy

['Yet does the sort of symbolic exchange which Baudrillard advocates really provide a solution to the question of death? Baudrillard’s notion of symbolic exchange between life and death and his ultimate embrace of nihilism (see 4.4) is probably his most un-Nietzschean moment, the instant in which his thought radically devalues life and focuses with a fascinated gaze on that which is most terrible — death. In a popular French reading of Nietzsche, his ‘transvaluation of values’ demanded negation of all repressive and life- negating values in favor of affirmation of life, joy and happiness. This ‘philosophy of value’ valorized life over death and derived its values from phenomena which enhanced, refined and nurtured human life. In Baudrillard, by contrast, life does not exist as an autonomous source of value, and the body exists only as ‘the carnality of signs,’ as a mode of display of signification. His sign fetishism erases all materiality from the body and social life, and makes possible a fascinated aestheticized fetishism of signs as the primary ontological reality. This way of seeing erases suffering, disease, pain and the horror of death from the body and social life and replaces it with the play of signs — Baudrillard’s alternative. Politics too is reduced to a play of signs, and the ways in which different politics alleviate or intensify human suffering disappears from the Baudrillardian universe. Consequently Baudrillard’s theory spirals into a fascination with signs which leads him to embrace certain privileged forms of sign culture and to reject others (that is, the theoretical signs of modernity such as meaning, truth, the social, power and so on) and to pay less and less attention to materiality (that is, to needs, desire, suffering and so on) a trajectory will ultimately lead him to embrace nihilism (see 4.4). ', 'C) Objectivity and persuasion are possible', 'Kramer, 19—Professor, English & Creative Writing, Brandon University (Reinhold, “Truth or Truths?,” Are We Postmodern Yet?, Chapter 1, pp 13-46, SpringerLink, dml)', 'Are we postmodern yet? In Jodi Dean’s opinion, emotional intensity nowadays trumps content, but Mark Andrejevic argues convincingly that “the reality-based community persists in various guises.”107 We are postmodern to the extent that we no longer trust reason as the sole arbiter of truth. But we do trust reason, and this was always so, even at the height of postmodernism. All claims, from the physical forces inside the sun to the behaviour of crowds to the validity of tears in a certain situation, are subject, in different ways, to verification. When we now argue against former consensus “truths” in the West (that women weren’t as fully rational as men, that dark-skinned races were intellectually inferior, that gender non-conformity was a sin or a mental illness), we don’t argue that the new truth is merely an effect of new powers held by women, racialized people, or gender minorities. Rather, we argue that the old “knowledge” was not true, that it wasn’t knowledge, but rather belief based on an emotional prejudice. It makes little sense to say that these social questions were only questions of value, with disinterested reason playing no role.', 'What evidence is there that even in the postmodern era truth is still accessible? Firstly, evolution has always selected for accurate depictions of the environment, and human perceptual systems are “accurate enough to bet one’s life upon.”108 Studies confirm how adept we are at tracking the eye movements, and thus the attention, of others. Not surprisingly, there is also an emotional reward system associated with true propositions.109 Knowing precise truths about the world and other beings is usually adaptive, and is mediated by the medial prefrontal cortex. During a hunt, it’s adaptive to have learned about animal behaviour, while during a social situation it’s adaptive to know (even if unconsciously) that people who blush are more likely to tell the truth. At the same time, of course, evolution doesn’t place a premium on the truth, and false beliefs can be selected for, as long as they promote adaptive behaviour.110', 'Sam Harris goes much further than evolutionary psychologists do, rashly claiming that reward systems for truth mean that the brain doesn’t separate truth and value, and that “values reduce to a certain type of fact.”111 Against such unsupportable claims, one can easily point to disjunctions between reward systems and value. Drug addiction, successful violence, and rape are all rewarded with dopamine. Successful aggression is usually rewarded in the brain, yet when aggression is directed against us, we have no difficulty calling it immoral. Deception—untruth—is also clearly adaptive in many situations and has been selected for. Here’s the complexity: believers get dopamine rewards when thinking about heaven, and their belief in implausible heavenly crowns can convince them both to slaughter the “heathen” and to act altruistically, especially towards fellow believers. Harris is thus wrong on both counts: the brain’s reward system doesn’t always favour positive values, and it doesn’t favour only facts. Nevertheless, despite Harris’s overreaching, moral truth has been selected for as well. Blushing, an involuntary signal, ought to be selected against, we think, since it can cause the blusher trouble by exposing a lie. However, blushing also signals the blusher’s adherence to the social code—they are embarrassed by the lie—so people tend to treat the blusher more sympathetically than they treat the brazen. Blushing is a costly signal of truth.', 'Secondly, the reality-based community persists in language too. Noam Chomsky’s universal grammar revealed how mistaken the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis of linguistic relativity was. Subsequently, linguists have been able to show the stable, cross-cultural structure of the language instinct. Pinker cites the case of Simon, a deaf boy: despite only seeing his parents use defective American Sign Language (ASL), Simon, nevertheless, invented proper ASL verb inflections on his own. Severe intellectual deprivation in youth (such as occurs when children are exposed to no language at all) can prevent language development, but Simon’s case—“creolization by a single living child”—is one of many pieces of evidence that language (contrary to the “multiple knowledges” dogma) is not relative to culture in depicting the world: it accurately represents time and a host of other features of the world.112', 'Truth is also accessible in that we have multiple methods of gauging the trustworthiness of language. Responding to critics who disparage the return to the personal voice in postmodernism, Charles Lemert counters that non-postmodernist writing (including Kant’s Critique of Practical Reason) is also highly personal, just not in obvious ways.113 While postmodernism greatly deepened the humanities and social sciences by showing that the personal is political, Lemert’s claim ridiculously simplifies the process of rational argument. Kant’s arguments, no matter what their personal source, are more objective than the tweets of Donald Trump. If power determined knowledge, then the best we could hope for would be balance, always quoting both sides of any issue. Savvy PR experts quickly jumped on the balance bandwagon, with the result that global warming deniers for a long time received equal press to scientists who warned against rising temperatures. Yet, as Mark Andrejevic astutely observes, “the fact-checking cottage industry” arose in response to 1980s and 1990s journalism which, despairing of objectivity, planted its flag on the problematic concept of he-said/she-said balance. Objectivity resurfaced as a separate division.114 FactCheck.org, PolitiFact.com, 150 fact-checking organizations around the world, and the embryonic development of software such as Squash (which in a 30-second delay assesses the claims in political speeches115) all show an affinity with Habermas’s communicative reason against Foucauldian scepticism.', 'The Doublespeak Award for grossly deceptive language116 … what could such an award mean other than that language is capable of transmitting truths about human social interactions? Kellyanne Conway won the award in 2017 for defending Sean Spicer’s falsehoods about the Trump Inauguration attendance by calling the falsehoods “alternative facts.” President George W. Bush won in 2008 when, instead of setting a deadline for the US Army’s withdrawal from Iraq, he spoke of an “aspirational goal.” Had he set a deadline, or had he refused to set a deadline, or had he named factors that might induce the US to postpone a deadline, he would have failed to win the award: his words would either have been truthful or could have had their truthfulness objectively measured in the light of subsequent events. Instead, “as textbook Doublespeak, ‘aspirational goal’ is both a tautology and a paradox. Aspirations and goals are the same thing; and yet when the terms are combined, the effect is to undermine them both, producing a phrase that means, in effect, ‘a goal to which one does not aspire all that much.’”117 It’s easy to forget that, as Michael Tomasello has shown, language itself is a product of joint attention, a cooperative, conventionalized, reason-giving enterprise whose evolution required humans to take a second-personal point of view. This doesn’t necessarily mean objectivity and truth, since language is oriented to group values, yet doublespeak only works because it is set against the baseline expectation that speakers are committed to giving reasons and favouring joint goals, not just the speaker’s goals.118', 'Similarly, George Saunders’s satire in the diminished future of “Pastoralia” (2000) isn’t funny unless we assume a more truthful way of speaking that doesn’t only convey the goals of a single corporation. He satirizes corporate communications in an inter-departmental memo: “Truth is that thing which makes what we want to happen happen. Truth is that thing which, when told, makes those on our team look good, and inspires them to greater efforts.” The same memo denies the rumour that firings will soon take place (they will).119 Saunders and other contemporary writers influenced by postmodernism are unlikely to return to literalist or parochial notions of truth, but these writers do insist that language, in the right hands, is never purely political. Nicoline Timmer, summarizing one of the features of what she calls the “post-postmodern” novel, turns to Wittgenstein’s notion that a relationship between people is a precondition of language.120 Earned trust defines the evolving relationship between novelist and reader, politician and voter, journalist and citizen, fact-checking organization and audience.', 'With the rise of photoshopping, Voco, and Deepfakes, facts are under even more pressure from several directions. Donald Trump’s political success, despite his stunningly low scores on fact-checking websites—much lower than any other politician—shows how often group loyalties and confirmation bias outweigh facts. This is exacerbated by filter bubbles and by the growing tendency of the young not to follow the news. A 2014 poll found that nearly two-thirds of 18- to 29-year-olds and over half of 30- to 50-years-olds got their political news mainly from Facebook. CNN posts news on Snapchat, because that’s where the people are,121 and many reliable news organizations post “sponsored links” that look like news links and that take viewers to dubious celebrity news and deceptive advertisements—the news organizations sabotage themselves for advertising revenue.122 Still, despite targeted news, it has never been easier to check out the truth of a claim, and we don’t spend two minutes on the Internet without making finer and finer distinctions about the affiliations and niches of various websites. What level of language is the writer employing? Do they have any obvious biases? Do they use a wide range of references? And so on. The main difficulties are not a lack of facts or an inability to distinguish them, but our emotional and social ties to particular groups. My lack of knowledge about health insurance may make it easier for a website to fool me by catering to my group prejudices. Nevertheless, my continued relationship with various websites allows me slowly to orient myself as to the level of objectivity in the places I visit. According to John Searle, we join an infinite number of language games—from a testimony in court, to a weather report, to a neighbourhood conversation—and every type of speech activity has its own conventions. The games aren’t chaotic, just complex, though still rules-based, and we’re constantly on the lookout for cues to help us estimate levels of truth,123 as long as we want the truth.', 'Cooption DA---the alt-right weaponizes their skepticism to seize the levers of power under the veil of “fake news”', 'Jan Krasni 20. Assistant Professor in German Studies @ the University of Niš & PhD in Philosophy. 7-14-2020. "How to hijack a discourse? Reflections on the concepts of post-truth and fake news." Humanities and Social Sciences Communications. Vol 7. No 32. pp 6. Nature ', 'Post-truth in the public intellectual field', 'Academics, public intellectuals, and the mainstream media are significantly contributing to the recontextualisation and reconceptualisation of the fake news and post-truth in the broad intellectual field of the West.8 For many of them, the whole critical tradition rooted in Marxism, the leftist movement, postmodern thought, and social constructivism leads to relativisation of scientific truths, common sense, moral values and/or democracy. In other words, in this iteration of the concept, the very intellectual milieu in which post-truth was formulated as a critique of the media and political system is represented as the root of, or rather, the reason for this phenomenon. From Foucault’s ideas of discourse as a programmed meaning production and the regime(s) of truth under which this very meaning making process takes place, to the idea that language defines values or reinforces the hierarchies within society—all of these get recoded by the fake news discourse as forms of intellectual misinformation.', 'As philosopher Lee McIntyre argues, the logic and core arguments of postmodern thought were adopted by right-wing populists and alt-right activists:', '“Even if right-wing politicians and other science deniers were not reading Derrida and Foucault, the germ of the idea made its way to them: science does not have a monopoly on the truth. It is therefore not unreasonable to think that right-wingers are using some of the same arguments and techniques of postmodernism to attack the truth of other scientific claims that clash with their conservative ideology” (McIntyre, 2018, p. 141).9', 'In this line of thought, the critical postmodern approach helped the alt-right to develop their own argumentative patterns when attacking scientific truths (e.g., flat earth), moral virtues (e.g., gender and racial tolerance), and democratic order (e.g., Brexit in UK, AfD in Germany, alt-right in the US) by relativizing truth enough to make fake news and alternative facts competitive. Such interpretations are pursued simultaneously by scholars, theorists, and columnists from different disciplines and the mainstream media—all of whom see themselves as representing liberal and democratic values (McIntyre, 2015, 2018; cf. opinion of the philosopher Daniel Denett in an interview with Cadwalladr, 2017).', '“Call it what you want: relativism, constructivism, deconstruction, postmodernism, critique. The idea is the same: Truth is not found, but made, and making truth means exercising power. The reductive version is simpler and easier to abuse: Fact is fiction, and anything goes. It’s this version of critical social theory that the populist right has seized on and that Trump has made into a powerful weapon. […] For decades, critical social scientists and humanists have chipped away at the idea of truth. We’ve deconstructed facts, insisted that knowledge is situated and denied the existence of objectivity” (Williams, 2017).', 'This line of thought in the mainstream media such as the New York Times puts the traditions of post-structural theory, social constructivism, and science–technology studies in the same intellectual context as the right wing politicians, their parties and think tanks,10 and ascribes (usually implicitly, but in many cases also explicitly) the right ideology to the forerunners of critical and postmodern thought.', 'Simultaneously, the accusation of ‘progressive’ journalists pursuing a leftist ideology through fake news comes expectedly from the conservative point of view: “In sum, fake news is journalism’s popular version of the nihilism of campus postmodernism. To progressive journalists, advancing a left-wing political agenda is important enough to justify the creation of misleading narratives and outright falsehoods to deceive the public—to justify, in other words, the creation of fake but otherwise useful news.” (Hanson, 2017). The category of ‘progressive journalism,’ in this context, refers to the mainstream media mentioned in Hanson’s article: the New York Times, CNN and CBS. Despite the remarks on nepotism among media elites and the practice of media spinning—“No one has described the methodology of fake news better than Ben Rhodes, a deputy national security advisor for Barack Obama and brother of the president of CBS News, David Rhodes” (Hanson, 2017)—the ideological enemy is found in the field of academia and in postmodernism. Hanson writes', '“And indeed, the fake news mindset ultimately can be traced back to the campus. Academic postmodernism derides facts and absolutes and insists that there are only narratives and interpretations that gain credence, depending on the power of the story-teller. […] The work of French postmodernists—such as Michael Foucault and Jacques Derrida that mesmerised academics in the 1980s with rehashed Nietzschean banalities about the absence of facts and the primacy of interpretation—has now been filtered by the media to a nationwide audience” (Hanson, 2017).', '']

[(0, 7), (7, 7), (8, 10), (10, 11)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-PaCh-Aff-Wake-Forest-Round-3.docx

Northwestern

PaCh

24840706e22342497461c95ae0110f3dbcee3de0a6fc54eb8985d33491b9a186

Adopting sole purpose defuses nuclear brinksmanship with Russia

Steven Pifer 20, senior fellow and director of the Arms Control Initiative at The Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C., "Nuclear Weapons: It’s Time for Sole Purpose," 15 September 2020, https://nationalinterest.org/feature/nuclear-weapons-it’s-time-sole-purpose-168968

Eliminating ambiguity by adopting sole purpose would have a positive security impact could help defuse the situation, in which Moscow seeks to lower the nuclear threshold conditions could be in a conventional crisis make nuclear use more likely

Eliminating the ambiguity by adopting sole purpose would have a positive security impact the change could help defuse the situation, in which Washington and Moscow believe the other seeks to lower the nuclear threshold and is adjusting nuclear policy accordingly conditions could be very dangerous in a conventional crisis and make nuclear use more likely

Eliminating the ambiguity positive security impact help defuse Moscow dangerous in a conventional crisis make nuclear use more likely

['Eliminating the ambiguity by adopting the sole purpose might not provide a huge security bonus, but it would have a positive security impact. Russia likely would not follow, at least not in the near term. However, the change could help defuse the current situation, in which both Washington and Moscow believe that the other seeks to lower the nuclear threshold and thus is adjusting its own nuclear policy accordingly. It is not in the U.S. interest that the Russians believe America might go nuclear first and develop (or further develop) a posture to beat Washington to the nuclear punch. That fosters conditions that could be very dangerous in a conventional crisis or conflict and make nuclear use more likely.']

[(7, 15)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-ArPa-Neg-Franklin-R-Shirley-at-Wake-Forest-Round-2.docx

Northwestern

ArPa

e6d533aafcaeb3a20ffdb0f0b126aa41cc6dfbc6f70a92b441a405feace5dec9

Billions of potential plaintiffs

Cupp ’21 [Richard; 2021; John W. Wade Professor of Law, Pepperdine University School of Law; Washington University Law Review; “Considering the Private Animal and Damages,” vol. 98, p. 1314-1342]

250,000 animals are victims of hoarding 149 million pet s 95 million cattle 9 billion animals are raised for food Opening up the courts would invite societal disruption ambitions go beyond that property status should be abolished implications for food research animal-based products , and the economy would be monumental If a mammal is a legal person the second jump to a person cannot be eaten or held “ captive is obvious

250,000 animals are victims of hoarding alone each year the scope of potential new plaintiffs is much broader 149 million pet dog s , cats , and horses live in the U S 95 million cattle and 73 million hogs and pigs These five species which are the subject of legal protections against abuse or neglect, exist in numbers equivalent to its human population. 9 billion animals are raised and used for food in the United States each year Opening up the courts to this vast number of potential plaintiffs would invite extreme societal disruption . ambitions may go far beyond allowing animals alleged to be victims to file torts lawsuits that sentient animals’ property status should be abolished altogether. If animals capable of suffering pain were no longer classified as a form of property, potential implications for food sources , scientific research , animal-based products , and the economy in general would be monumental . If the first proposed jump is made a mammal is a legal person the second jump to arguing that a legal person cannot be eaten or held “ captive ” for any human uses is obvious .

250,000 hoarding much broader 149 million dog s cats horses 95 million cattle 73 million pigs 9 billion animals Opening up the courts vast number extreme societal disruption . ambitions far beyond property status abolished food sources scientific research animal-based products economy monumental first proposed jump legal person second jump cannot be eaten captive obvious

['The American Society for Prevention of Cruelty to Animals asserts that 250,000 animals are victims of hoarding alone each year in the United States.71 But clearly, the scope of potential new plaintiffs is much broader. In 2012, the American Veterinary Medical Association estimated that approximately 149 million pet dogs, cats, and horses live in the United States.72 There are approximately 95 million cattle73 and 73 million hogs and pigs in the United States.74 These five species alone, all of which are the subject of legal protections against abuse or neglect, exist in the United States in numbers almost equivalent to its human population.75 The ALDF estimates that 9 billion animals are raised and used for food in the United States each year.76 Opening up the courts to this vast number of potential plaintiffs would invite extreme societal disruption.', 'Further, ambitions related to the Vercher case may go far beyond allowing animals alleged to be victims to file torts lawsuits. An ALDF press release issued when it initiated Vercher stated that “existing laws still lag far behind our current understanding of animal sentience by classifying animals as property.”77', 'This appears to reflect a position not only that abused animals should be legal persons, but also that sentient animals’ property status should be abolished altogether. If animals capable of suffering pain were no longer classified as a form of property, potential implications for food sources, scientific research, animal-based products, and the economy in general would be monumental. If the first proposed jump is made––a mammal is a legal person for purposes of abuse and neglect laws––the second jump to arguing that a legal person cannot be eaten or held “captive” for any human uses is obvious.', '']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Michigan-IpSh-Neg-Indiana-Round-5.docx

Michigan

IpSh

04865c076d64720e5681ff3f8e8988aade4c79bdcdd5b6ccbdab2eab016743f1

8. Alignment deficit---labelling AI itself as the criminal is essential for learning and prevention of crime

Hu 19, Sheridan Fellow, National University of Singapore. JSD Candidate, Yale Law School. LLM, Yale Law School. (Ying, 2019, “Robot Criminals”, University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, Vol. 52, No. 2, https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1806&context=mjlr)

one might argue we should not label robots criminals labelling is necessary criminal law sends a clearer message that action is wrong imposing criminal liability negate the undesirable impact an offender’s conduct have not imposing liability interpreted as expressing that the conduct is permissible This judgment cause confusion or undermine the law

Even if we should impose moral standards for robots one might argue that we should not label smart robots criminals labelling smart robots as criminals is necessary A key feature of criminal law is its censuring func - tion criminal law sends a much clearer message that a course of action is wrong and the person who committed that course of action is blameworthy imposing criminal liability helps negate the undesirable impact that an offender’s conduct may have not imposing criminal liability may be interpreted as expressing an implicit value judgment that the offender’s conduct is permissible This judgment if inconsistent with the community’s actual value system may cause confusion or undermine the law Neither of the beneficial effects can be achieved by imposing merely civil liability on robots

criminals is necessary much clearer message wrong blameworthy negate expressing permissible confusion undermine the law

['III. LABEL SMART ROBOTS AS CRIMINALS', 'Even if we should impose some minimum moral standards for smart robots, one might argue that we should not label smart robots that fail to comply with those standards as criminals. Rather, it is more appropriate to treat them as defective products that fail to meet quality standards. This Part identifies three main reasons for labelling smart robots as criminals. It will also explain why each condition set out in Part I is necessary in light of those reasons and why robot criminal liability is not redundant.', 'A. A Case for Imposing Criminal Liability on Robots', '1. To Censure Wrongful Robot Actions', 'A key distinguishing feature of criminal law is its censuring func- tion. While tort law is (relatively) morally neutral, criminal law sends a much clearer message that a course of action is morally wrong and the person who committed that course of action is morally blameworthy.49 Criminal law’s censuring function (some- times referred to as the expressive function) manifests in at least two ways. First, imposing criminal liability on an offender helps negate the undesirable impact that an offender’s conduct may have on a community’s value system.50 Second, not imposing criminal liability on an offender may be interpreted as expressing an implicit value judgment that the offender’s conduct is permissible. This judgment, if inconsistent with the community’s actual value system, may cause confusion or even undermine the authority of the law.51 Neither of the foregoing beneficial effects of the censuring function can be adequately achieved by imposing merely civil liability on smart robots.']

[(0, 5)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaSe-Aff-7---Texas-Round-4.docx

Kansas

PaSe

c5897d1f5c77407d468440b441ef1e117f53750201dc0cbe851204eab88eb7ac

Counter-interp---‘private sector’ encompasses for profit business

Thomas Brock 20, Investopedia, “Private Sector,” 12/25/20, https://www.investopedia.com/terms/p/private-sector.asp

The private sector is run by individuals for profit and is not state controlled it encompasses for-profit businesses

The private sector is the part of the economy that is run by individuals and companies for profit and is not state controlled . Therefore, it encompasses all for-profit businesses corporations government run are part of the public sector

individuals companies profit not state controlled for-profit businesses government run public sector

['What is the Private Sector?', 'The private sector is the part of the economy that is run by individuals and companies for profit and is not state controlled. Therefore, it encompasses all for-profit businesses that are not owned or operated by the government. Companies and corporations that are government run are part of what is known as the public sector, while charities and other nonprofit organizations are part of the voluntary sector.', '', '']

[(7, 15)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-Landgraff-Wegener-Aff-NDT-Round2.docx

Northwestern

LaWe

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Northwestern/LaWe/Northwestern-Landgraff-Wegener-Aff-NDT-Round2.docx

cf831685cd3ccb82bfcda2170d57ada2c623b41271f94c0870f9bf2b37b20de1

Lack of clear line leads to excessive litigation over what justifies personhood---breaks through the legal wall and spills over.

Douglas O. Linder 20. American author, narrator, and historian, Professor at the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. “The Case AGAINST Animal Personhood.” Famous Trials, UMKC Law School. 1-11-2020. https://famous-trials.com/animalrights/2595-the-case-against-animal-personhood

Animal rights advocates argue chimpanzees should be recognized as “persons same about elephants whales dolphins bird octopus or pigs judges want to have some idea of where the path leads If] the line between humans and chimps is no longer decisive, then some other line has to be the lack of an obvious line will lead to excessive litigation If the legal wall between animals and humans is broken through , [that will open] a floodgate

Animal rights advocates argue that chimpanzees should be recognized as “persons ” would say the same thing about elephants and whales and dolphins he believes that petitions for habeas corpus should be available to an intelligent bird species The octopus is highly intelligent maybe an octopus should be a person? And then what about border collies or pigs ? No judge would order a border collie freed from its owner and no judge would liberate all pigs Nor would many judges be ready to order parrots freed from their owners judges asked to step onto a new path of doctrinal growth want to have some idea of where the path leads , even if it would be unreasonable to insist that the destination be clearly seen. Wise gives them no idea If] the line between humans and chimps is no longer decisive, then some other line has to be Which of these lines are decisive and why the lack of an obvious place to draw a line will lead to excessive litigation If the legal wall between animals and humans is broken through , [that will open] a floodgate of expansive litigation without a meaningful standard for determining how many of the billions of animals in the world are intelligent enough to merit personhood

No judge some idea of where the path leads some other line has to be lack of an obvious line excessive litigation legal wall between animals and humans is broken through floodgate

['Animal rights advocates such as Steven Wise argue that chimpanzees (and bonobos and other primates) should be recognized as “persons” entitled to their freedom. He would say the same thing about elephants and whales and dolphins. And, no doubt, he believes that petitions for habeas corpus should be available to an intelligent bird species such as the African Grey Parrot. The octopus is a highly intelligent (albeit possessed with an almost alien sort of intelligence) creature—maybe an octopus should be a person? And then what about border collies or pigs?', 'You see the problem. No judge would order a border collie freed from its owner and no judge would liberate all pigs on an Iowa hog farm. Nor would many, if any, judges be ready to order parrots freed from their owners and sent to an aviary, no matter how wonderful that change might be for the parrot.', 'Richard Posner puts the problem this way: “Wise wants judges, in good common-law fashion, to move step by step, and for the first step simply to declare that chimpanzees have legal rights. But judges asked to step onto a new path of doctrinal growth want to have some idea of where the path leads, even if it would be unreasonable to insist that the destination be clearly seen. Wise gives them no idea.” (RP, 532)', 'Epstein makes essentially the same point: “[If] the line between humans and chimps is no longer decisive, then some other line has to be. Perhaps it is the line between chimps and great apes, or between both and horses and cows, or between horses and cows and snails and fish. Which of these lines are decisive and why?” (RE, 22)', 'Richard Cupp worries that the lack of an obvious place to draw a line will lead to excessive litigation: “If the legal wall between animals and humans is broken through, [that will open] a floodgate of expansive litigation without a meaningful standard for determining how many of the billions of animals in the world are intelligent enough to merit personhood.” (Cupp brief, 22)']

[(11, 20)]

ndtceda

Emory-MoSa-Neg-Owen-L-Coon-Memorial-Tournament-at-Northwestern-Round-6.docx

Emory

MoSa

7b3dcdd77c42dce6910684f705506cd22519345df6ae3828661b0905c8a85300

2---Social pressures will force any state that creates legal duties for AI to also award corresponding legal rights.

Anat Lior 20, Teaching Fellow @ Yale, J.S.D. Candidate at Yale Law School, Resident Fellow with the School’s Information Society Project, holds a masters’ degree from Reichman University, “AI Entities as AI Agents: Artificial Intelligence Liability and the AI Respondeat Superior Analogy”, Mitchell Hamline Law Review: Vol. 46: Iss. 5, Article 2

report states nothing about granting AI rights but only obligations is obligations leads to existence of rights hard to impose obligations without rights lead to slippery slope imposing obligations inevitably lead to assigning rights society may unintentionally reward rights

the report does not display favoritism towards one solution over another it merely tries to provide a general futuristic picture of what instruments of legislation attempt to regulate robots in a liability context the report states nothing about granting AI rights but rather only talks about their obligations . The problem with this argument like in the context of animals is that the existence of obligations usually leads to the parallel existence of rights It is hard to impose obligations on the one hand without granting rights on the other This may lead to a slippery slope where imposing obligations on AI entities will inevitably lead to also assigning them rights if an AI entity is found liable for the damage it causes it seems only reasonable that a human can be found liable if she causes damages to the AI entity itself In the AI context, society is trying to protect humans from potential damages they may be exposed to by AI entities, and in the process, society may unintentionally reward the latter rights that it did not want them to have .

rights obligations The problem with this argument usually leads to the parallel existence of rights hard impose obligations granting rights on the other slippery slope inevitably lead to also assigning them rights unintentionally reward the latter rights did not want them to have .

['However, it is important to note that the EU report does not display favoritism towards one solution over another; it merely tries to provide a general futuristic picture of what instruments of legislation the EU can consider in attempting to regulate robots in a liability context. 151 Furthermore, the report states nothing about granting AI rights but rather only talks about their obligations.152 The problem with this argument, like that presented in the context of animals, is that the existence of obligations usually leads to the parallel existence of rights.153', 'It is hard to impose obligations on the one hand without granting rights on the other. This may lead to a slippery slope where imposing obligations on AI entities will inevitably lead to also assigning them rights. 154 For example, if an AI entity is found liable for the damage it causes, it seems only reasonable that a human can be found liable if she causes damages to the AI entity itself. 155 In the AI context, society is trying to protect humans from potential damages they may be exposed to by AI entities, and in the process, society may unintentionally reward the latter rights that it did not want them to have.']

[(5, 12)]

ndtceda

Emory-SaSh-Neg-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Round-3.docx

Emory

SaSh

06180e7e59c50277a7103ae476254a40be45d96cc9b81a447c573fe7390fb61a

It’ll be closely controlled with safeguards.

Eva Hamrud 21, Ph.D. expected in 2023 from King’s College London, M.Sc. from Imperial College London, B.A. from the University of Cambridge; Science Alert, “AI Is Not Actually an Existential Threat to Humanity, Scientists Say,” 4/11/2021, https://www.sciencealert.com/here-s-why-ai-is-not-an-existential-threat-to-humanity

There was consensus that it is not a threat ' general AI ' is not on horizon. We not know how and it's unclear how much progress is needed AI are constrained by a layer of systems for safeguard which may not be modified by the machines anything would be tested and have redundant checks ." unlikely to be a threat

There was an 82 percent consensus that it is not a n existential threat . The AI that currently exists is called 'narrow' or ' weak ' AI a ' general AI ' is not on the horizon. We simply do not know how to make a general adaptable intelligence, and it's unclear how much more progress is needed "professionally designed AI systems and products are well constrained by a fundamental layer of operating systems for safeguard users' interest and wellbeing, which may not be accessed or modified by the intelligent machines themselves." "just like with other engineered systems, anything would be thoroughly tested and have multiple redundant safety checks ." it currently seems to be unlikely to be come a n existential threat to humanity

82 percent consensus not existential threat currently weak general AI not not know adaptable unclear more progress AI systems well constrained layer operating systems safeguard not be accessed modified other thoroughly tested redundant safety checks unlikely be existential threat

['To address this concern we asked 11 experts in AI and Computer Science\xa0\xa0There was an\xa082 percent consensus\xa0that it is not an existential threat. Here is what we found out.', 'How close are we to making AI that is more intelligent than us?', "The AI that currently exists is called\xa0'narrow' or 'weak' AI. It is widely used for many applications like facial recognition, self-driving cars, and internet recommendations. It is defined as 'narrow' because these systems can only learn and perform very specific tasks.", 'They often actually perform these tasks better than humans – famously,\xa0\xa0was the first AI to beat a world chess champion in 1997 – however they cannot apply their learning to anything other than a very specific task (Deep Blue can only play chess).', 'Another type of AI is called\xa0\xa0(AGI). This is defined as AI that mimics human intelligence, including the ability to think and apply intelligence to multiple different problems. Some people believe that AGI is inevitable and will happen\xa0imminently\xa0in the next few years.', 'Matthew O\'Brien, robotics engineer from the Georgia Institute of Technology\xa0, "the long-sought goal of a \'general AI\' is not on the horizon. We simply do not know how to make a general adaptable intelligence, and it\'s unclear how much more progress is needed to get to that point".', '', '', 'How could a future AGI threaten humanity?', 'Whilst it is not clear when or if AGI will come about, can we predict what threat they might pose to us humans? AGI learns from experience and data as opposed to being explicitly told what to do. This means that, when faced with a new situation it has not seen before, we may\xa0\xa0how it reacts.', 'Dr Roman Yampolskiy, computer scientist from Louisville University also\xa0\xa0"no version of human control over AI is achievable" as it is not possible for the AI to both be autonomous and controlled by humans. Not being able to control super-intelligent systems could be disastrous.', 'Yingxu Wang, professor of Software and Brain Sciences from Calgary University disagrees,\xa0\xa0"professionally designed AI systems and products are well constrained by a fundamental layer of operating systems for safeguard users\' interest and wellbeing, which may not be accessed or modified by the intelligent machines themselves."', 'Dr O\'Brien\xa0\xa0"just like with other engineered systems, anything with potentially dangerous consequences would be thoroughly tested and have multiple redundant safety checks."', 'Could the AI we use today become a threat?', 'Many of the experts agreed that AI could be a threat in the wrong hands. Dr George Montanez, AI expert from Harvey Mudd College\xa0\xa0that "robots and AI systems do not need to be sentient to be dangerous; they just have to be effective tools in the hands of humans who desire to hurt others. That is a threat that exists today."', "Even without malicious intent, today's AI can be threatening. For example,\xa0\xa0have been discovered in algorithms that allocate health care to patients in the US.\xa0\xa0have been found in facial recognition software used for law enforcement. These biases have wide-ranging negative impacts despite the 'narrow' ability of the AI.", 'AI bias comes from the data it is trained on. In the cases of racial bias, the training data was not representative of the general population. Another example happened in\xa0\xa0was found sending highly offensive and racist content. This was found to be because people were sending the bot offensive messages, which it learnt from.', 'The takeaway:', 'The AI that we use today is exceptionally useful for many different tasks.', "That doesn't mean it is always positive – it is a tool which, if used maliciously or incorrectly, can have negative consequences. Despite this, it currently seems to be unlikely to become an existential threat to humanity.", '']

[(4, 13)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Neg-ADA-Octas.docx

Michigan

McSk

297559d1ab53c5c58c357dae542bf21d0263c5637ec3822898e11480645032b1

It's not close to being bad.

Tim Fernholz 23. Reporter at Quartz, the award-winning global news site from the Atlantic Media Company. "There is no US debt crisis". Quartz. 1-23-2023. https://qz.com/there-is-no-us-debt-crisis-1850013109

Is there debt crisis Markets not worried no bond vigilantes enormously wealthy nation growing economy borrowing shrink as a share of the economy The global economy dependent steady supply of US debt growth remains strong Eliminating subsidies remains broadly unpopular

Is there a debt crisis that would justify holding the economy hostage ? Markets are not worried about the US paying its debts , and there are no bond vigilantes appearing out of the woodwork . the US is an enormously wealthy nation with a growing economy borrowing is set to shrink as a share of the economy in the years ahead. The “ correct ” level of debt is difficult to assess; researchers think too much debt can be a drag on growth The global economy is dependent on a steady supply of US debt growth remains strong and unemployment is low There are ways to keep driving spending down but they require delivering pain to somebody: Eliminating subsidies to everyone from agribusiness to defense leads to lobbyists for affected industries pounding down lawmakers’ doors, while cutting benefits to children, the sick or the poor remains broadly unpopular Tax hikes can be more palatable but can generate political repercussions among influential upper class voters.

debt crisis economy hostage not worried US paying its debts no bond vigilantes woodwork wealthy nation growing economy shrink share economy The global economy dependent on a steady supply of US debt growth strong Eliminating subsidies agribusiness defense remains broadly unpopular generate political repercussions

['Republicans in Congress are threatening once again to force the US to default because they lack the votes to enact their preferred fiscal vision.', 'Yes, it’s debt ceiling season once again. For those not following along at home, US law imposes an arbitrary limit on the amount of money the government is allowed to borrow. Historically, this was intended to make borrowing easier. Today, it is a tool for brinksmanship, with Republicans threatening to block paying the bills they already voted to incur unless GOP demands for unspecific spending cuts are met.', 'Right now, the US is at the limit, and the Treasury Department is moving money around to delay a conflict until later in the year. But if the limit is not raised, the US faces a constitutional crisis: How can the president execute the laws set by Congress if those laws are contradictory? (Here’s a flow chart for your consideration.)', 'The last time a real debt ceiling face-off happened in 2011, the US had its sovereign debt rating downgraded and incurred more than a billion dollars in economic losses. So let’s set aside the hypocrisy and political posturing and ask a simpler question: Is there a debt crisis that would justify holding the economy hostage?', 'And the answer is no. Markets are not worried about the US paying its debts, and there are no bond vigilantes appearing out of the woodwork.', 'That’s because the US is an enormously wealthy nation with a growing economy. The US has a lot of debt, about $22 trillion, equal to about an entire year’s economic production. But the US also has a lot of wealth—about $137 trillion (pdf). It’s true that interest rates are rising, but only because the Federal Reserve is pushing them up. Investors are still betting that rates will fall soon, with the interest paid on ten-year Treasury bonds lower than on government debt due in two years. That yield curve inversion reflects expectations that the Fed will cut rates during a potential recession. But even absent a downturn, the Fed isn’t likely to hike more than expected next year thanks to slowing inflation.', 'Public debt is stabilizing. How do you shrink it?', 'And what’s the trend for federal public debt? After a huge surge driven by pandemic-driven public spending, borrowing is set to shrink as a share of the economy in the years ahead. These Congressional Budget Office forecasts are from May 2022, and don’t include changes from legislation like the Inflation Reduction Act or updated economic data, but the figures do offer a best guess at what we can expect:', 'Many policymakers and economists fret that publicly-held debt approaching 100% of annual GDP is too high. The “correct” level of debt is difficult to assess; researchers think too much debt can be a drag on growth, but only if it crowds out private spending or leads to higher interest rates. The global economy, however, is in many ways dependent on a steady supply of US debt. Perhaps the biggest reason to push down current borrowing is to make sure the US has the fiscal capacity to weather the next emergency. One thing that won’t help reduce the debt, however, is a financial crisis caused by debt ceiling brinksmanship.', 'Despite the Fed’s tightening, growth remains strong and unemployment is low. That’s arguably a good environment to reduce government spending after the enormous surge in pandemic aid. Spending is already falling faster, as a share of the economy, than it did after the 2008 recession.', 'There are ways to keep driving spending down (pdf), but they require delivering pain to somebody: Eliminating subsidies to everyone, from agribusiness to defense contractors, leads to lobbyists for affected industries pounding down lawmakers’ doors, while cutting benefits to children, the sick or the poor remains broadly unpopular. Tax hikes can be more palatable but can generate political repercussions among influential upper class voters.', 'The last time anyone tried to hash out a compromise on all of this—the 2011 glory days of the Bowles-Simpson commission—Republicans backed out because of proposed tax increases, and Congress wound up cutting spending 10% across the board. (Republicans reversed many of the cuts when President Donald Trump took office in 2017.)']

[(4, 15)]

ndtceda

Emory-RuSh-Neg-5---ADA-Round-2.docx

Emory

RuSh

bece79add4ed0d3f057889f12fa8ba507ec1768ed38c776fc2982129092940bc

BUT, even their impact framing depends upon fundamentally liberal values of freedom and equality – their complaint is only that universalism isn’t sufficiently universal – means they’re a reinterpretation, NOT rejection of liberal humanism – totalizing rejection is reductionist AND anti-humanism is empirically just as bad if not worse – context and contingency are key

Lester 12 (Alan Lester, Director of Interdisciplinary Research, Professor of Historical Geography and Co-Director of the Colonial and Postcolonial Studies Network, University of Sussex, “Humanism, race and the colonial frontier,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 37(1), January 2012, p.132-148)

Historically, it was not humanism it was specifically anti-humanist politics forging new social assemblages through violence on colonial frontiers Settler communities became established specifically through the rejection of humanist interventions as Said we can learn from the implementation of humanist universalism in practice But humanism’s alternatives have the potential to do the same and even worse Caribbean planters and emigrant British settlers emphasised the absence of any universal ‘human nature’ the incorrigibility of difference in upholding biological determinism Their assault on fundamental commonality has disconcerting intersection with the radical critique of humanism today post-humanism was adopted precisely to legitimate the potential extinction of other, ‘weaker’ races Both upholding and rejection can result in racially oppressive actions depending on the contingent politics of specific social assemblages The politics of humanism was riddled with contradiction particularity and varying possibilities It could be progressive and liberatory dispossessive and culturally genocidal this should not be forgotten in a rush to condemn It is in the tensions that self-conscious, flexible and strategic humanism that recognises the power-laden particularities of the male, middle class, Western human subject resides

Anderson argues that it is not an issue of extending humanity to racialised people, but putting into question liberal discourse I fear that if we direct attention away from histories of humanism’s failure to deal with difference and overlook failed attempts to combat dispossession, murder and oppression if race is understood through a critique of humanity we dilute the political potency of universalism Historically, it was not humanism it was specifically anti-humanist politics forging new social assemblages through relations of violence on colonial frontiers Settler communities became established social assemblages specifically through the rejection of humanist interventions Perhaps as Said suggested we can learn from the implementation of humanist universalism in practice and insist on its potential to combat racism without abandoning the precepts of humanism human universalism can be wielded strategically against racial violence Nineteenth century humanitarians’ universalism was conditioned by their belief that British culture stood at the apex of a hierarchical order of civilisations this ethnocentrism produced the flattening of differences But we must not forget that humanism’s alternatives founded upon principles of difference rather than commonality have the potential to do the same and even worse In the nineteenth century, Caribbean planters and emigrant British settlers emphasised the multiplicity of the human species the absence of any universal ‘human nature’ the incorrigibility of difference in their upholding of biological determinism Their assault on any notion of a fundamental commonality among human beings has disconcerting points of intersection with the radical critique of humanism today post-humanism was adopted precisely to legitimate the potential extinction of other, ‘weaker’ races in the face of British colonisation Both the upholding and the rejection of human–nature binaries can result in racially oppressive actions depending on the contingent politics of specific social assemblages The politics of humanism in practice, then, was riddled with contradiction , fraught with particularity and latent with varying possibilities It could be progressive and liberatory it could be dispossessive and culturally genocidal this should not be forgotten in a rush to condemn humanism’s universalism It is in the tensions within universalism that the ongoing potential of an always provisional, self-conscious, flexible and strategic humanism that recognises the continuity between the human and the non-human as well as the power-laden particularities of the male, middle class, Western human subject resides

we dilute the political potency of universalism Historically, it was not humanism specifically anti-humanist politics specifically through the rejection of humanist interventions we can learn from the implementation of humanist universalism in practice humanism’s alternatives have the potential to do the same and even worse the absence of any universal ‘human nature’ incorrigibility of difference upholding of biological determinism disconcerting points of intersection with the radical critique of humanism today precisely to legitimate the potential extinction of other, ‘weaker’ races depending on the contingent politics of specific social assemblages this should not be forgotten in a rush to condemn humanism’s universalism self-conscious, flexible and strategic humanism

['Anderson argues that it is not an issue of extending humanity to … negatively racialised people, but of putting into question that from which such people have been excluded – that which, for liberal discourse, remains unproblematised. (2007, 199) I fear, however, that if we direct attention away from histories of humanism’s failure to deal with difference and to render that difference compatible with its fundamental universalism, and if we overlook its proponents’ failed attempts to combat dispossession, murder and oppression; if our history of race is instead understood through a critique of humanity’s conceptual separation from nature, we dilute the political potency of universalism. Historically, it was not humanism that gave rise to racial innatism, it was the specifically anti-humanist politics of settlers forging new social assemblages through relations of violence on colonial frontiers. Settler communities became established social assemblages in their own right specifically through the rejection of humanist interventions. Perhaps, as Edward Said suggested, we can learn from the implementation of humanist universalism in practice, and insist on its potential to combat racism, and perhaps we can insist on the contemporary conceptual hybridisation of human–non-human entities too, without necessarily abandoning all the precepts of humanism (Said 2004; Todorov 2002). We do not necessarily need to accord a specific value to the human, separate from and above nature, in order to make a moral and political case for a fundamental human universalism that can be wielded strategically against racial violence. Nineteenth century humanitarians’ universalism was fundamentally conditioned by their belief that British culture stood at the apex of a hierarchical order of civilisations. From the mid-nineteenth century through to the mid-twentieth century, this ethnocentrism produced what Lyotard describes as ‘the flattening of differences, or the demand for a norm (“human nature”)’, that ‘carries with it its own forms of terror’ (cited Braun 2004, 1352). The intervention of Aboriginal Protection demonstrates that humanist universalism has the potential to inflict such terror (it was the Protectorate of Aborigines Office reincarnated that was responsible, later in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, for Aboriginal Australia’s Stolen Generation, and it was the assimilationist vision of the Protectors’ equivalents in Canada that led to the abuses of the Residential Schools system). But we must not forget that humanism’s alternatives, founded upon principles of difference rather than commonality, have the potential to do the same and even worse. In the nineteenth century, Caribbean planters and then emigrant British settlers emphasised the multiplicity of the human species, the absence of any universal ‘human nature’, the incorrigibility of difference, in their upholding of biological determinism. Their assault on any notion of a fundamental commonality among human beings has disconcerting points of intersection with the radical critique of humanism today. The scientific argument of the nineteenth century that came closest to post-humanism’s insistence on the hybridity of humanity, promising to ‘close the ontological gap between human and non-human animals’ (Day 2008, 49), was the evolutionary theory of biological descent associated with Darwin, and yet this theory was adopted in Aotearoa New Zealand and other colonial sites precisely to legitimate the potential extinction of other, ‘weaker’ races in the face of British colonisation on the grounds of the natural law of a struggle for survival (Stenhouse 1999). Both the upholding and the rejection of human–nature binaries can thus result in racially oppressive actions, depending on the contingent politics of specific social assemblages. Nineteenth century colonial humanitarians, inspired as they were by an irredeemably ethnocentric and religiously exclusive form of universalism, at least combatted exterminatory settler discourses and practices at multiple sites of empire, and provided spaces on mission and protectorate stations in which indigenous peoples could be shielded to a very limited extent from dispossession and murder. They also, unintentionally, reproduced discourses of a civilising mission and of a universal humanity that could be deployed by anticolonial nationalists in other sites of empire that were never invaded to the same extent by settlers, in independence struggles from the mid-twentieth century. Finally, as Whatmore’s (2002) analysis of the Select Committee on Aborigines reveals, they provided juridical narratives that are part of the arsenal of weapons that indigenous peoples can wield in attempts to claim redress and recompense in a postcolonial world. The politics of humanism in practice, then, was riddled with contradiction, fraught with particularity and latent with varying possibilities. It could be relatively progressive and liberatory; it could be dispossessive and culturally genocidal. Within its repertoire lay potential to combat environmental and biological determinism and innatism, however, and this should not be forgotten in a rush to condemn humanism’s universalism as well as its anthropocentrism. It is in the tensions within universalism that the ongoing potential of an always provisional, self-conscious, flexible and strategic humanism – one that now recognises the continuity between the human and the non-human as well as the power-laden particularities of the male, middle class, Western human subject – resides.']

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ndtceda

MichiganState-KoBe-Aff-77th-National-Debate-Tournament-Round-5.docx

MichiganState

KoBe

27997660a8f7cf84b3ec5516b9c3195c4b3ce03176616de15cc9f0b3764b4754

Resolutions are imitated globally and aggregate the voice of Congress.

Posner ’8 [Eric Posner and Jacob Gersen; December; Law Professors at the University of Chicago; Stanford Law Review, “Soft Law: Lessons from Congressional Practice,” vol. 61]

states imitate other s that enjoy great prestige the larger point is when an institution expresses views about a topic informational benefits can be dramatic The congressional resolution aggregates members in a larger global debate about a moral fact . If one thinks Congress voted sincerely then one should be inclined to believe the moral fact

states imitate other state s that enjoy great er international prestige the larger point is when an institution expresses its views about a topic the informational benefits can sometimes be dramatic The congressional resolution aggregates the votes of members the congressional resolution can be treated as one vote in a larger global debate about a particular moral fact . If one thinks the members of Congress voted sincerely and had independent sources of information , then one should be inclined to believe the moral fact

other s great er international prestige views about a topic sometimes be dramatic aggregates one vote larger global debate particular moral fact voted sincerely independent sources of information

['An initial puzzle concerns the moral status of the Declaration itself. If the Declaration merely embodied universal or widely held moral views, then it is not clear what the Declaration adds to this prior moral consensus. Writing down our moral views on a piece of paper should not make them any stronger. On the other hand, if the Declaration deviates from moral views, then presumably the Declaration would not have much moral force. 77', '<<FOOTNOTE 77>>', 'Some scholars have argued that states might imitate other states that enjoy greater international prestige. See, e.g., Ryan Goodman & Derek Jinks, How to Influence States: Socialization and International Human Rights Law, 54 Duke L.J. 621, 671 (2004).', '<<FOOTNOTE 77 ENDS>>', 'To understand how norms might spread, suppose that agents have some but not full information about the state of the world; that their beliefs are independent, that is, not derived from the same sources or sources that are in some way correlated; and that they sincerely express their views through a voting process. As the size of the group increases, the probability that the majority will vote correctly approaches one. So even if each individual has only a low probability of being correct, a relatively small group will jointly reveal the correct state of the world with a probability that rapidly approaches one as the group size increases. This phenomenon is known as the Condorcet Jury Theorem.', 'In the real world, people who vote in groups do not always satisfy these conditions. They do not always vote sincerely, and they sometimes have zero rather than a little information about the issue in question. If individual members of a group pick the wrong answer more often than the right answer, then the aggregate judgment of the group will not tend towards accuracy. Nonetheless, the larger point is that when an institution (or person) expresses its views about a topic, it reveals information that others can benefit from, and the informational benefits can sometimes be dramatic. 79', 'Let us distinguish two types of facts: descriptive and normative (moral). A descriptive fact is that the Armenian Genocide occurred. A moral fact is that the Armenian Genocide was wrong. No one doubts that descriptive facts exist; the case for moral facts is more complicated, but it is at least plausible that certain moral judgments are facts or otherwise have the necessary features such that the Condorcet Jury Theorem can be applied to them. 80', "In the case of congressional resolutions, the Condorcet Jury Theorem operates at two levels. The congressional resolution aggregates the votes of members, and the congressional resolution can be treated as one vote in a larger, more informal national or global debate about a particular moral or descriptive fact. If one thinks that the members of Congress voted sincerely and had independent (or roughly independent) sources of information, then one should be more inclined to believe that the Armenian Genocide occurred (and was wrong, assuming that moral facts exist) as a result of the resolution. And if multiple legislatures, governments, or other institutions around the world issue similar resolutions or statements, and one believes that they vote sincerely and on the basis of independent sources of information, then one's inclination to believe that the genocide occurred should be strengthened. A similar point can be made about resolutions that praise military withdrawals and peace agreements, 81 condemn human rights violations, military threats, and internal meddling, 82 urge reform in foreign countries, 83 and identify domestic problems that need attention. 84"]

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ndtceda

Michigan-PiPh-Neg-Gonzaga-Semis.docx

Michigan

PiPh

42cf886e2f5819f79686ad129c084983d9661f23b654fca36e6c2477ec80990f

Ambiguity ensures flexibility that avoids commitment traps.

Costlow ’21 [Matthew; August; former Special Assistant in the office of Nuclear and Missile Defense policy, Department of Defense from 2019-2021, Special Advisor to the USSTRATCOM Strategic Advisory Group, Senior Analyst at the National Institute for Public Policy; War on the Rocks, “Believe it or not: U.S. Nuclear Declaratory Policy and Calculated Ambiguity,” https://warontherocks.com/2021/08/believe-it-or-not-u-s-nuclear-declaratory-policy-and-calculated-ambiguity/]

ambiguity provides flexibility . They are neither forced to threaten first use , nor constrained to only conventional responses possibility does not commit U.S. to employ nuc s first to reinforce vague notion America keeps word America’s word is intentionally vague little reason to fear overriding impulse to employ

ambiguity provides U.S. officials with a range of options for crises that, by their nature , will require U.S. flexibility . They are neither forced to threaten nuclear first use , nor are they constrained to only consider conventional responses . U.S. officials can keep the threat of nuclear first use implicit or explicit Despite the concerns of some leaving possibility of nuclear first use does not commit a U.S. to employ nuc s first to reinforce some vague notion that America keeps its word . When America’s word on the subject of nuclear employment is intentionally vague there is little reason to fear overriding impulse to unnecessarily employ nuc s keeping U.S. options open allows greater freedom of action providing more chances for nuclear deterrence to “ work .”

ambiguity range of options nature flexibility neither forced first use only keep the threat implicit explicit Despite possibility first use nuc s vague notion keeps its word intentionally vague little reason overriding unnecessarily nuc s open freedom of action more chances work

['Second, the policy of calculated ambiguity provides U.S. officials with a range of options for crises and conflict that, by their nature, will require U.S. flexibility. They are neither forced to threaten or carry out nuclear first use, nor are they constrained to only consider conventional responses. U.S. officials can keep the threat of nuclear first use implicit or make it more explicit depending on what type of signal they want to send to an adversary. Should they wish to signal their resolve or deter particular behavior, they can clarify U.S. nuclear policy either privately or publicly as the United States did during the Gulf War in 1991 to some effect. Despite the concerns of some like nuclear scholar Scott Sagan, leaving open the possibility of nuclear first use does not commit a U.S. president to employ nuclear weapons first in order to reinforce some vague notion that America keeps its word. When America’s word on the subject of nuclear employment is intentionally vague and non-committal, there is little reason to fear an overriding impulse to unnecessarily employ nuclear weapons. Again, keeping U.S. options open, even extreme ones, during a crisis or conflict allows greater freedom of action to pursue de-escalatory outcomes in addition to providing more chances for nuclear deterrence to “work.”']

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ndtceda

Michigan-DoPh-Neg-Texas-Semis.docx

Michigan

DoPh

cc7db6c870dedf2497d30c476ab624fd9d636718cf099fd4a27fe0e1586487f8

The CP creates an intra-branch conflict that results in court expansion AND later overturn and enactment of the plan

Dr. Jonathan B. Baker 10, Professor of Law at the Washington College of Law at American University, J.D. from Harvard and Ph.D. in Economics from Stanford University, “Preserving a Political Bargain: The Political Economy of the Non-Interventionist Challenge to Monopolization Enforcement”, Antitrust Law Journal, Volume 76, p. 648-649

Suppose F T C decided against in high-profile case and Court reversed that Such fuel a controversy outside antitrust actors frame Court as coddling monopolists looking out for big business If the decision created debate , other institutions respond by undoing its result after composition of Court changes when Court run afoul of popular politics justices paid a price Roberts conform to prevailing mood, resisting impulse to go too far

Suppose that the F T C decided against Intel in the high-profile monopolization case and the Supreme Court reversed that decision after an appellate review. Suppose further that the Court places a thumb on the scales to favor defendants Such a decision could fuel a political controversy both within and outside the antitrust world. The extent to which it would depends on vehemence of any dissent political actors opposed frame the Court as coddling monopolists and looking out for the narrow interests of big business rather than the interests of consumers or the public as a whole If the hypothetical pro-Intel decision did come to fruition and created such a debate , other governmental institutions might respond by undoing its result after the composition of the Court changes Time and again throughout history, when the Court has run afoul of popular politics and the political branches , the justices have paid a price the Roberts Court did "a remarkable job of conform ing its behavior to the prevailing public mood, resisting the impulse to go too far

F T C decided against high-profile reversed that decision thumb on the scales favor defendants fuel a political controversy within outside coddling monopolists narrow interests big business come to fruition created such a debate respond undoing its result composition of the Court run afoul popular politics political branches justices paid a price conform resisting the impulse too far

['Suppose that the Federal Trade Commission decided against Intel in the high-profile monopolization case it filed in late 2009,178 and the Supreme Court reversed that decision after an appellate review. Suppose further that the Court, building on recent decisions such as Trinko, wrote a broad and aggressively non-interventionist decision in favor of Intel-rejecting a reasonableness standard and adopting in its place a test that places a thumb on the scales to favor defendants (such as the disproportionate effects or no economic sense test)-and defended its decision with a strong endorsement of the six economic arguments against monopolization enforcement set forth in Part II.B.17 By doing so, the Court would make non-price exclusionary conduct cases as difficult to prove in the lower courts as predatory pricing is today.', 'Such a decision could fuel a political controversy both within and outside the antitrust world. The extent to which it would do so depends in part on internal factors, such as the breadth of the decision and its rationale, the extent to which the Court is split, and the vehemence of any dissent. Its political salience would also depend on external factors, particularly whether political actors opposed to the outcome can convincingly tie the hypothetical decision to others in order to frame the Court as coddling monopolists and looking out for the narrow interests of big business rather than the interests of consumers or the public as a whole. 180', 'If the hypothetical pro-Intel decision did come to fruition and created such a debate, other governmental institutions might respond by undoing its result\' 81-with legislation overturning it, through aggressive enforcement of state competition laws governing the conduct of dominant firms, or, after the composition of the Court changes, with a new decision limiting or overruling the Court\'s modification of monopolization law. [FOOTNOTE] "81 Cf Barry Friedman, Benched: Why the Supreme Court Is Irrelevant, NEW REPUBLIC, Oct. 1, 2009, http://www.tnr.com/article/politics/benched ("Time and again throughout history, when the Court has run afoul of popular politics and the political branches, the justices have paid a price."). [END FOOTNOTE] Recognizing this possibility, 82 it would take an unusually self-confident and determined Court to provoke such a controversy on its own, 83 without a strong political wind at its back.18 4 [FOOTNOTE] 183 On the other hand, the current Supreme Court may be unusually self-confident and determined. "The current Court, the most conservative since 1937... has backtracked on the broad New Deal understanding of federal power to regulate interstate commerce and has invalidated federal statutes with something approaching abandon. .. ." Richard Posner, 1937, 2010, NEW REPuBLIc, Feb. 17, 2010, http://www.tnr.com/article/politics/1937- 2010. But cf Barry Friedman & Dahlia Lithwick, Speeding Locomotive: Did the Roberts Court Misjudge the Public Mood on Campaign Finance Reform? SLATE, Jan. 25, 2010, http://www. slate.com/id/2242557/ (until a 2010 decision on the constitutionality of campaign finance reform, the Roberts Court did "a remarkable job of conforming its behavior to the prevailing public mood, resisting the impulse to go too far"). The Court\'s upcoming decision in American Needle, Inc. v. National Football League, 538 F.3d 736 (7th Cir. 2008), cert. granted, 129 S. Ct. 2859 (June 29, 2009)) may provide a window into its willingness to pursue an aggressive non-interventionist approach to antitrust in the current political environment. [END FOOTNOTE]']

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ndtceda

Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Neg-Fullertown-Semis.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kentucky/DiGr/Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Neg-Fullertown-Semis.docx

74e94c29988447ca67a045d3c472aa254ea850e11a450ba6dc3f6a6d0134b313

Russia not revisionist

Lukin 2022 [Alexander Lukin – Professor and Head of Department of International Relations at HSE University. “Russia and the Changes of World Order,” A RESTLESS EMBRACE OF THE PAST? The Conference on Russia Papers 2022, , ///k-ng]

Moscow’s actions in Ukraine were not a well-planned step for restoring the Soviet Union but rather reactive counterpunches aimed at neutralizing Western encroachments neither Russia nor China are revisionist states that deliberately undermine universal rules both are motivated by pragmatic reasons The world, needs some rules, and these rules should be truly international the West’s adaptation to the new multipolar world will take a lengthy period

. Thus, Moscow’s actions in Ukraine , as well as previously in Georgia, were not a well-planned step in its alleged strategy for restoring the Soviet Union or creating a Russian world as the majority of Western analysts claim, but rather reactive counterpunches aimed at neutralizing Western encroachments on its traditional sphere of influence and threats to its security. As a result, neither Russia nor China are revisionist states that deliberately undermine universal rules . Thus, both countries are motivated by similar pragmatic reasons . The world, however, needs some rules, and in order for a multipolar international system to be stable, these rules should be truly international , that is, acceptable to all major international actors. To that end, they should be formulated and adopted by a broad international consensus rather than by a single power center imposing it on others by force. Sooner or later, all major international actors are likely to recognize the necessity of such a Concert. However, the West’s adaptation to the new reality of a multipolar world will probably take a rather lengthy period .

['Russia is attempting to drive the enemy from its borders, demonstrating that any further encroachment would be costly. In this struggle, both Russia and the West view international law as only part of the “myth.” In fact, at issue here is the geopolitical incursion of the West, one that Russia is attempting to fend off like a weary but calculating boxer who delivers short counter punches to keep his opponent from bringing the fight in too close. Thus, Moscow’s actions in Ukraine, as well as previously in Georgia, were not a well-planned step in its alleged strategy for restoring the Soviet Union or creating a Russian world as the majority of Western analysts claim, but rather reactive counterpunches aimed at neutralizing Western encroachments on its traditional sphere of influence and threats to its security.', 'This approach of Moscow is widely popular inside the country. This is understandable. Western attempts to impose its rules on others, reject consensual solutions, and operate in contradiction with the UN Charter have already led to destabilization of many countries: Iraq, Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and Afghanistan. This is not to suggest that the ruling regimes in those countries were ideal and could not be improved. However, these political reforms should have come from within, not from without, and should have been consistent with the local political culture. As history shows, attempts to impose alien values and norms on a society that does wish to accept them usually fail. Under the best-case scenario, the alien institutes adapt to the local political culture and change beyond all recognition, thus losing their “Western” functions (like the so-called “parliaments” and “parties” in dictatorships which do not represent civil society there, but often become part of the ruling regime). Under the worst-case scenario, the swift destruction of the old system of government results in chaos and civil wars. In either case, such attempts create new conflicts and increase tension instead of improving the international situation.', 'Furthermore, the United States and its allies themselves cannot be viewed as a model of free and effective society, the source of universal values, or a bastion of stability. When the international public watches unruly mobs looting shops, restaurants, and government buildings in US cities, and then high-ranking politicians and public figures call for people take a knee to honor them, it is difficult imagine that such practices will be eagerly accepted by other societies as universal standards, even if they are imposed by force. Russian ruling elites have a good understanding of this.', 'As a result, neither Russia nor China are revisionist states that deliberately undermine universal rules. They merely believe that rules introduced by others should not jeopardize their country’s sovereignty and stability. Under these circumstances, a Sino-Russian rapprochement is also quite logical. Moscow looks at Beijing in search of an alternative or a partial substitute to decreasing economic cooperation with Europe, as well as a brother in arms in its confrontation with the West. For China, Russia is also an important partner in its conflict with the West, as well as a vital source of some commodities, which it either cannot purchase elsewhere (such as armaments) or provide for in the required quantity (oil, natural gas, and other raw materials). Thus, both countries are motivated by similar pragmatic reasons. Some of them are natural for two large neighbors and are not dependent on the international situation, but others are the result of Western foreign policy strategy aimed at containing both Russia and China at the same time. The second factor hastens the process of the Sino-Russian rapprochement. ', 'Conclusions', 'Russia’s foreign policy is natural in the current international situation and will most likely continue in the near future. Even in the unlikely event of a fundamental regime change, pro-Western forces such as those seen in the 1990s type can hardly to come to power in Moscow. The existing geopolitical realities and political culture of the Russian population will not allow this to happen (Lukin 2018).', 'The world, however, needs some rules, and in order for a multipolar international system to be stable, these rules should be truly international, that is, acceptable to all major international actors. To that end, they should be formulated and adopted by a broad international consensus rather than by a single power center imposing it on others by force. We need a new International Concert, similar to the Concert of Europe which was based on a general accord among the Great Powers of 19th-century Europe following Napoleonic Wars and was created to maintain the European balance of power and the integrity of territorial boundaries. It should be based on mutual respect of each other’s interests and represent a new manifestation of the idea of peaceful coexistence, this time between multiple centers of power. According to such consensus, one is not required to agree with the ideas or policies of others or to refrain from criticizing them. However, one should respect the sovereignty of others and should not allow these differences to escalate to the level of a serious conflict. ', 'Sooner or later, all major international actors are likely to recognize the necessity of such a Concert. However, the West’s adaptation to the new reality of a multipolar world will probably take a rather lengthy period. If this does not happen, the world will enter a difficult time of international anarchy and struggle of all against all. Historically, the majority of the mechanisms for maintaining international security were created after a bloody international conflict: the Westphalia and Vienna systems, the League of Nations, the United Nations, etc. However, the atrocities and hardships of those international conflicts were forgotten by the third or fourth generation, resulting in the outbreak of new conflicts. In the age of nuclear weapons, the next conflict could be the last. However, it is unclear if the international community would recognize this danger and take the necessary precautions to avoid it. ']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-AdMc-Aff-Indiana-Round-6.docx

Kentucky

AdMc

ef8a7916ea12d66302c1b14d788d4a6efb4da52a6a1470940eccb78a20350a2a

Mergers are the bedrock of innovation in the pharmaceutical sector – gains in data concentration generate new products and superior asset depth withstands downswings in drug development.

Choy ’17 [Michael and Michael Ringel; July 24; Senior Partners of the Boston Consulting Group, and leaders of its research and product development topic; Stat News, “A new wave of pharma mergers could put innovative drugs in the pipeline,” ]

wave of pharm mergers on horizon pharma flush with cash mergers have many impacts the most important effect on r and d innovation data analysis showed mergers drive productivity significantly mergers can be catalysts for addressing the cost of failure Mergers bring best science also trigger reviews that to take a fresh look at r and d science and a look at portfolio create a enterprise to bring new medicines

Anew wave of pharm aceutical industry mergers on the horizon U.S. pharma ceutical companies flush with cash big mergers could have many impacts the most important would be the effect on r esearch and d evelopment productivity and innovation with its data-driven approach systematic data analysis showed that mergers drive productivity up — and did so significantly mergers can be catalysts for addressing the fatal flaw of most research and development enterprises: the high cost of failure Mergers bring the best combined science of the merged organizations Mergers also trigger reviews that drive the leadership of the new company to take a fresh look at r esearch and d evelopment fresh science and a fresh look at the portfolio — can create a renewed research and development enterprise to bring new medicines to patients

pharm aceutical industry the horizon pharma ceutical companies with cash big mergers many impacts most important r esearch and d evelopment productivity innovation systematic data analysis showed drive productivity up significantly mergers catalysts research and development high cost failure Mergers best combined science reviews fresh look r esearch and d evelopment fresh science fresh look the portfolio enterprise new medicines

['Anew wave of pharmaceutical industry mergers may be on the horizon, driven in part by the $1.3 trillion in overseas cash that U.S. corporations currently hold. If policymakers\xa0\xa0on repatriation of these funds,\xa0\xa0that U.S. pharmaceutical companies would be flush with cash and could likely spend a meaningful portion of this windfall on mergers.', 'While big mergers could have many impacts — on employment at home and abroad, competition, and drug prices, to name a few — one of the most important would be the effect on research and development productivity and innovation.', 'Analysts have tackled this topic before. Their work has been of mixed quality and, perhaps not surprisingly, has yielded mixed results. Pundits at the Institute for Competition Economics in Dusseldorf, Germany, for example, claimed last year in a\xa0\xa0that previous drug company mergers had “substantially” reduced R&D and innovation, not only at the merging firms but at the merging firms’ competitors as well.', 'Another team, this one from Duke University, the University of Toronto, and Baruch College/CUNY, reached a different conclusion with its data-driven approach. The team’s review of hundreds of mergers and acquisitions from 1985 to 2009, published in\xa0, indicated that the correlation between merger and acquisition activity and FDA approvals of new drugs is “moderately positive,” both at an industry level and individual firm level.', 'Who’s right? Are those in need of new lifesaving drugs harmed by consolidation in the pharmaceutical industry, or are they helped?', 'We believe that one of the main problems with much of the previous research in this area has been an over-reliance on anecdotal reporting rather than employing systematic data analysis. Even when such analysis has been done, researchers have sometimes focused on research and development spending or patent activity as benchmarks of success, as if these metrics are indicators of — or even synonymous with — actual product innovation.', 'But they aren’t necessarily the same. Spending is just an input, measured in dollars or some other currency. The same is true with patents. There is a long distance between the laboratory where new compounds are discovered and the corner drugstore where medicines are purchased.', 'We sought to address this uncertainty by focusing on research and development\xa0productivity: the amount of innovation created as measured by the value of new FDA-approved compounds reaching the pharmacy, relative to input. After all, what matters to patients is the creation of quality medicines, not how much a company spends on research and development or the number of patent applications it files.', 'To determine whether mega-mergers benefit patients, we looked at what happened to research and development productivity in all of the major mergers going back to 2001, including the last big wave in 2009 that brought together Merck & Co. and Schering-Plough, Pfizer and Wyeth, and Roche and Genentech.', 'As expected, the results varied from year to year and company to company. But our report in\xa0\xa0showed that mergers generally appeared to drive productivity up — and did so significantly.', 'Why might this be so? While mergers undoubtedly bring disruption to research and development, they also can be catalysts for addressing the fatal flaw of most research and development enterprises: the high cost of failure.', 'More than 90 percent of pharmaceutical industry spending on research and development goes into projects that never reach the market. Any intervention that helps reduce this waste can be a real boon to productivity.', 'There are really only two ways to fix the industry’s cost-of-failure problem: 1) start with better science, so you have fewer failures; and 2) employ better decision-making about when to stop projects so you can reallocate that capital to more-promising opportunities.', 'Mergers can help with both of these dimensions. They bring the best combined science of the merged organizations to bear on the difficult questions of which pathways, modalities, and molecules to pursue. Mergers also trigger reviews that drive the leadership of the new company to take a fresh look at research and development. These reviews can offer the leadership an opportunity to soberly and objectively reassess its scientific hypotheses in each disease area and reevaluate the combined research and development portfolio, eliminating those projects least likely to produce advances in treatment.', 'This spring cleaning can have a cathartic effect. The combination of the two factors — fresh science and a fresh look at the portfolio — can create a renewed research and development enterprise better able to bring new medicines to patients.']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Michigan-Phil-Skoulikaris-Neg-Wake-Round1.docx

Michigan

PhSk

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Michigan/PhSk/Michigan-Phil-Skoulikaris-Neg-Wake-Round1.docx

81ae0ee2118e9b997fd1add098ecbfbf724ebb57b6cb6c6eeb0db786fd60ebc3

The plan breaks up Big Ag and prevents them from monopolizing co-operatives—that solves consolidation and labor.

Kelloway 20—(*BA in political science from Carleton College; **JD from Duke University, published in the Berkeley Business Law Journal, Harvard Law & Policy Review, and Nebraska Law Review; ***JD from Pennsylvania State University). *Claire Kelloway, **Sandeep Vaheesan, ***Zachary Burley. September 2020. “Redeeming the Democratic Promise of Agricultural Cooperatives”. Open Markets Institute. https://www.openmarketsinstitute.org/publications/redeeming-the-democratic-promise-of-agricultural-cooperatives. Accessed 6/9/21.

Addressing consolidation will help co-ops compete , policymakers also need to ensure that coop s maintain democratic functions to maintain tax and legal privileges . regulators should block or undo mergers that exceed a certain market share . also set overall caps subject to a justification defense Vertical integration in coop s can hurt farmers' when combined with horizontal integration . Capper-Volstead make plain that co op s should benefit members." If a coop harm its members that enterprise should lose antitrust protections . size difference between members can create power imbalances co-ops need to avoid size bias . We need new legal infrastructure that outlines good governance co-ops should make annual reports subject to reporting requirements . mergers must be in the interests members ; that is, enhance prices and/or increase ownership interest .

The coop erative business model is founded on the principles of democratic governance, but many co-ops have fallen short of this in the face of increasingly monopolized competition and supply chains throughout the economy. Addressing market consolidation will help co-ops compete on a more level playing field , policymakers also need to ensure that coop erative s maintain healthy democratic functions in service of their members, if they are to maintain the tax and legal privileges of the cooperative form . Antitrust laws also need to allow farmers to build countervailing power within coop erative s , while also ensuring that cooperatives do not use their market power to abuse farmers. • Deconsolidate agribusiness Federal and state antitrust regulators should deploy bright-line rules to block mergers or undo past mergers that allowed companies to exceed a certain market share . They should also set overall caps on market share. subject to a business justification defense that growth was achieved through fair means of competition . Antitrust regulators should develop maximum thresholds for co-op market concentration More co-ops and more competition among them will make farmers less beholden to any one dominant player. Vertical integration in coop erative s is not harmful per se, but it can hurt farmers' interests when combined with significant horizontal integration , leaving farmers with few options for marketing their raw products . Vertically integrated co-ops with regional monopsony power are more able to exert downward price pressure on their member suppliers . If a cooperative controls more than 30% of a regional market for a given crop it should be prohibited from owning food processing plants that process its members’ raw products While the Capper-Volstead Act loosely defines cooperatives, it does make plain that co op erative s should be "operated for the mutual benefit of members." If a coop erative is found to harm its members or work against their best interests that enterprise should lose the antitrust protections . In instances when cooperatives require some degree of national scale , cooperatives should adopt a federated structure cooperative of regional cooperatives to ensure high degrees of regional control. Substantial size difference between the largest and smallest members of a co-op can create power imbalances and marginalize the voices and needs of smaller members. To ensure healthy democratic functions, co-ops need either to limit the size differential between members or to adopt policies that avoid size bias . Either the largest member cannot be 10 times larger than the average member or co-ops need to undergo annual review to ensure decision-making processes do not have scale biases . We need to build new legal infrastructure that outlines what constitutes good governance for agricultural cooperatives and establishes vigilant oversight and enforcement to ensure that managers are prioritizing members. As management becomes more complex and there is greater distance between management and members Management may become less accountable To counter this co-ops should make their annual reports publicly available and be subject to the same reporting requirements that the S ecurities and E xchange C ommission places on publicly held corporations . This includes disclosing executive compensation. All co-op mergers must be positively affirmed to be in the interests of farmer members ; that is, strong evidence must be provided that the merger or joint venture will enhance prices and/or increase farmer ownership interest in the long run through increased efficiencies , greater market access , or additional added value . The USDA’s Cooperative Programs should develop an algorithm, formula, or scorecard to create a composite measure of the economic value that farmers receive

coop principles fallen short of this increasingly monopolized competition market consolidation compete coop s healthy democratic functions tax and legal privileges Antitrust laws countervailing power coop s • Deconsolidate agribusiness bright-line rules block undo overall caps business justification defense fair means of competition maximum thresholds Vertical integration in coop s horizontal integration few options Vertically integrated co-ops downward price pressure regional market for a given crop owning food processing plants Capper-Volstead co op s coop harm its members lose the antitrust protections require some degree of national scale federated structure cooperative of regional cooperatives size difference power imbalances limit the size differential avoid size bias average member annual review scale biases new legal infrastructure good governance vigilant oversight and enforcement distance between management and members less accountable annual reports same reporting requirements S E C co-op mergers interests of farmer members enhance prices increase farmer ownership interest increased efficiencies greater market access additional added value algorithm, formula, or scorecard

['', 'The cooperative business model is founded on the principles of democratic governance, but it is clear that many co-ops have fallen short of this traditional principle, especially in the face of increasingly monopolized competition and supply chains throughout the economy.76 Addressing market consolidation will help co-ops compete on a more level playing field, but policymakers also need to take steps to ensure that cooperatives maintain healthy democratic functions in service of their members, if they are to maintain the tax and legal privileges of the cooperative form.', 'Increased transparency and improved decision-making processes within coops would help hold cooperative management accountable. Antitrust laws also need to allow farmers to build countervailing power within cooperatives, while also ensuring that cooperatives do not use their market power to abuse farmers. Finally, cooperative members need tools and resources to become more effective and meaningful participants in their co-ops, to empower change from within where possible.', 'The following policy proposals aim to enact these principles of cooperative reform:', '• Deconsolidate agribusiness ', 'Federal and state antitrust regulators should deploy bright-line rules to block mergers or undo past mergers that allowed companies to exceed a certain market share (in many sectors, the line should be 20%). They should also set overall caps on market share. Agribusinesses that exceed a fixed market share should be ordered to divest assets or lines of business to fall under the threshold, subject to a business justification defense that growth was achieved through fair means of competition.77 Cooperatives will have an easier time bargaining on behalf of their farmer members—and likewise will have less incentive to get bigger—as their supply chain adversaries are cut down to size.', '• Adopt bright-line rules to limit the horizontal mergers of cooperatives', 'Antitrust regulators should develop maximum thresholds for co-op market concentration in different types of agriculture products, balancing the potential benefits of economies of scale in specific markets against the potential harms caused by the power concentrated in a monopsonist buyer or a monopoly seller. If a proposed merger between cooperatives would create one cooperative with more than a 5% share of the national raw milk market, for example, that merger should be blocked.', 'This will accomplish several objectives. More co-ops and more competition among them will make farmers less beholden to any one dominant player. Reducing the scale of cooperatives and increasing their number will also make direct, democratic farmer involvement in cooperative governance more feasible.', '• Adopt bright-line rules to limit the combination of horizontal and vertical integration of co-ops', "Vertical integration in cooperatives is not harmful per se, but it can hurt farmers' interests when combined with significant horizontal integration, leaving farmers with few options for marketing their raw products. Vertically integrated co-ops with regional monopsony power are more able to exert downward price pressure on their member suppliers than vertically integrated co-ops operating in more competitive environments. If a cooperative controls more than 30% of a regional market for a given crop, then it should be prohibited from owning food processing plants that process its members’ raw products, under bright-line prosecutorial guidelines. The USDA should also be required to conduct a market analysis on a biannual basis to inform the threshold above which co- ops may have monopsony pricing power and thus cannot be vertically integrated, adjusting thresholds to meet structures of different crop markets as necessary. If co-ops grow to exceed the determined threshold, then they should be required to divest themselves of specified processing plants, to increase competition among buyers for farmers’ production.", '• Revoke the cooperative privileges of abusive businesses', 'While the Capper-Volstead Act loosely defines cooperatives, it does make plain that cooperatives should be "operated for the mutual benefit of members." If a cooperative is found to harm its members or work against their best interests, that enterprise should lose the antitrust protections and tax benefits granted to legitimate cooperatives. The USDA should publish a policy statement and file amicus briefs that affirm the "mutual benefit of members" requirement of Capper-Volstead and that articulate what constitutes "mutual benefit" to cooperative members.', '• Foster greater participation and responsiveness by promoting federated structures', 'In instances when cooperatives require some degree of national scale, cooperatives should adopt a federated structure, or a cooperative of regional cooperatives, to ensure high degrees of regional control. This will foster greater participation in governance by rank-and-file members while also avoiding the conflict of interest that sometimes exists among farmers in different regions. The USDA should promote federated co-op structures and train co-ops to maximize democratic participation.', '• Address size biases within co-ops', 'Substantial size difference between the largest and smallest members of a co-op can create power imbalances and marginalize the voices and needs of smaller members. To ensure healthy democratic functions, co-ops need either to limit the size differential between members or to adopt policies that avoid size bias. Either the largest member cannot be 10 times larger than the average member of that co-op in the preceding year, or co-ops need to undergo annual review to ensure that their decision-making processes do not have any scale biases. This could mean limiting patronage refunds (the co-op equivalent of returns on equity) or setting fees and charges proportional to member sales. All co-ops should also have a one-member, one-vote structure. Membership should also be limited to bona fide farmers and ranchers directly involved in food production. Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan, in his concurrence in National Broiler Marketing Association, recognized that large corporations and agribusinesses could use the cooperative form to evade antitrust laws if the law were not limited to certain producer classes.78 ', '• Reform and strengthen co-op governance', 'Governance of cooperatives is a sorely neglected area of federal and state case and statutory law. We need to build new legal infrastructure that outlines what constitutes good governance for agricultural cooperatives, provides appropriate incentives for managers to follow rules, and establishes vigilant oversight and enforcement of these governance rules, to ensure that managers are carrying out their mission and prioritizing members. Specific elements of this new oversight structure should include a one-member, one-vote requirement and regular board elections (every two to four years) staggered to ensure that there is always some overlap from one year to the next in board composition, in order to preserve institutional memory. It should also include good governance practices to increase member participation, ensuring that major cooperative decisions cannot proceed without at least 50% of voters participating.', '• Facilitate greater transparency and accountability in co-op management', "As management becomes more complex and professionalized in larger cooperatives, there is greater distance between management and members. Management may become less accountable to members, but also to other stakeholders such as employees, other suppliers, and the broader community, as profitability and business growth take precedence over other goals. To counter this tendency, co-ops with sales of more than $100 million should be required to make their annual reports publicly available and be subject to the same reporting requirements that the Securities and Exchange Commission places on publicly held corporations. This includes disclosing executive compensation. They must also provide clear explanations for any deductions taken out of producers' payments in the producers’ receipts of payment.", 'The USDA should establish a task force to interview members, board members, and management from co-ops of all sizes, to create standard information disclosure requirements for quarterly and annual reports to members. Capper-Volstead is premised on the assumption that co- ops exist to benefit their members, yet many cooperatives today make decisions that run counter to members’ interests. Co-op managers must be held to account when it comes to advancing members’ interests and following co-op rules. Civil and criminal penalties against managers should be established for malfeasance.', '• Ensure that mergers, joint ventures, and partnerships between cooperatives and investor-owned corporations are demonstrably in the interests of co-op members', 'All co-op mergers must be positively affirmed to be in the interests of farmer members; that is, strong evidence must be provided to the Justice Department, Federal Trade Commission, and the USDA that the merger or joint venture will enhance prices and/or increase farmer ownership interest in the long run through increased efficiencies, greater market access, or additional added value. The USDA’s Cooperative Programs should develop an algorithm, formula, or scorecard to create a composite measure of the economic value that farmers receive from their co-op memberships, accounting for both return on member investment in the co-op and prices received for commodities marketed through the co-op. Similarly, co-op managers must present and make available to members an analysis of how a proposed joint venture, investment, merger, or other major change would affect producer pay and profits, before members vote on any such step. Co-op members must be able to vote on all potential mergers, joint ventures, or partnerships on a one-member, one-vote basis with a minimum voting participation of 40% of all members.', '', '']

[(0, 11)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Aff-4-Wake-Round4.docx

Minnesota

PhRa

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/PhRa/Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Aff-4-Wake-Round4.docx

71a712e14f3d20ff2a28993fc5789dfd75d3a6c15385d3be0d8cc78a7c039002

Turns the case --- disengagement creates a nuclear industry monopoly on Congressional budgets.

King 23 [Jonathan, co-chair of the board of directors of Mass Peace Action and has published numerous articles on the influence of the military-industrial complex on U.S foreign policy., Is Withdrawing From Treaties the Nuclear Weapons Industry’s Business Plan?, 2-6-23, https://truthout.org/articles/is-withdrawing-from-treaties-the-nuclear-weapons-industrys-business-plan/] [language modifications]

price tag undermine civilian economy lives lost from heath care pandemic responses inadequate housing polluted water not included in the NDAA Congress tacked on $40 billion to the 2023 NDAA bringing it up to well over 50 percent of the entire congressional discretionary budget . couldn’t find $5 billion for universal vaccination weapons budgets major factor in the growth of economic inequality Withdrawing from treaties puts the world at increased risk of nuclear war ensuing nuclear winter lead to the death of billions more will be a great tragedy if society allows greedy individuals to put entire population at risk of catastrophic suffering

even if the weapons are never used $2 trillion price tag undermine the civilian economy lives lost from inadequate heath care and pandemic responses , from inadequate housing , from polluted water , will not be included in the NDAA ) costs. Congress tacked on $40 billion to the 2023 NDAA , bringing it up to well over $800 billion more than 50 percent of the entire congressional discretionary budget . couldn’t find $5 billion for insuring universal vaccination and protection from COVID-19. weapons budgets are a major factor in the growth of economic inequality in the U.S., since taxes from hundreds of millions of low- and middle-income Americans are transferred to contracts whose benefits are reaped by a tiny fraction of the population. Withdrawing from nuclear weapons treaties puts our entire nation — and the world — at increased risk of nuclear war . The ensuing nuclear winter caused by ash and debris thrown into the atmosphere by the blasts will block out the sunlight for years to come and lead to the death of billions more . It will be a great human tragedy if our society allows a tiny number of greedy individuals to put our entire population at grave risk of catastrophic damage and suffering .

never used civilian economy inadequate heath care pandemic responses inadequate housing polluted water NDAA $40 billion 50 percent of the entire congressional discretionary budget $5 billion universal vaccination major factor economic inequality treaties nuclear war nuclear winter billions more . great human tragedy entire population catastrophic damage suffering

['However, even if the weapons are never used, their $2 trillion price tag will undermine the civilian economy. The lives lost from inadequate heath care and pandemic responses, from inadequate housing, from polluted water, will not be included in the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) costs. But as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. first pointed out, the bombs dropped abroad eventually take their toll at home. Thus, a few months ago, Congress tacked on $40 billion to the 2023 NDAA, bringing it up to well over $800 billion more than 50 percent of the entire congressional discretionary budget. But they couldn’t find $5 billion for insuring universal vaccination and protection from COVID-19. In fact, the weapons budgets are a major factor in the growth of economic inequality in the U.S., since taxes from hundreds of millions of low- and middle-income Americans are transferred to contracts whose benefits are reaped by a tiny fraction of the population. Given the implicit and explicit threats traded by world leaders about the possible use of nuclear weapons, readers might doubt the availability of a path to continued negotiation. In fact, the Biden administration has insisted it is open to talks to extending the New START treaty and Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov has said that such negotiations are long overdue. Withdrawing from nuclear weapons treaties puts our entire nation — and the world — at increased risk of nuclear war. Counter to recent Federal Emergency Management Agency educationals, going inside or underground will not protect those in the many miles-wide blast zone. They will be quickly incinerated by the intense heat and firestorms that accompany nuclear explosions. The ensuing nuclear winter caused by ash and debris thrown into the atmosphere by the blasts will block out the sunlight for years to come and lead to the death of billions more. It will be a great human tragedy if our society allows a tiny number of greedy individuals to put our entire population at grave risk of catastrophic damage and suffering. The first step is to start voting out those elected officials who support these [dangerous] policies.']

[(0, 7), (8, 375), (376, 400)]

ndtceda

MichiganState-JaSc-Neg-Indiana-Round-4.docx

MichiganState

JaSc

9e113ba04544fe9866629b5c2feebafae6bff09f58946d6bf7e9c77353d7d3b5

Solves the plan.

Ankit Panda and Vipin Narang 21. Ankit Panda is the Stanton Senior Fellow in the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Vipin Narang is associate professor of political science and member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “Sole Purpose Is Not No First Use”. February 22, 2021. https://cis.mit.edu/publications/analysis-opinion/2021/sole-purpose-not-no-first-use-nuclear-weapons-and-declaratory

By declaring the sole purpose of US nuc s is to deter nuclear attack on the U S our allies, and partners the U S can de-emphasize the role of nuc s in security strategy without undermining deterrence It is not no-first-use it declares U S possesses nuc s solely to deter nuclear attack on itself and allies it leaves enough ambiguity about how the U S may do so against threats to avoid eroding deterrence. This does not constrain US nuc employment but assures the world that the U S would only use nuc s in extreme circumstances

By declaring simply that “ the sole purpose of US nuc lear weapon s is to deter nuclear attack on the U nited S tates, our allies, and partners ,” the U nited S tates can meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuc lear weapon s in its security strategy without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments. It is not a no-first-use declaration but it declares and states the reality that the U nited S tates currently possesses nuc lear weapon s solely to broadly deter nuclear attack on itself and its allies . And it leaves just enough ambiguity about how the U nited S tates may do so and against what threats to avoid eroding primary or extended deterrence. This formulation does not constrain US nuc lear employment options, but it assures the world — adversaries and allies alike — that the U nited S tates would only ever use nuc lear weapon s in the most extreme of circumstances . Advocates of American alliances, extended deterrence, and a more restrained US nuclear posture alike should welcome such a declaration.

['As such, the second formulation may square the circle. By declaring simply that “the sole purpose of US nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack on the United States, our allies, and partners,” the United States can meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuclear weapons in its security strategy without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments. It is not a no-first-use declaration — and allies would have a harder time believing or arguing that it is — but it declares and states the reality that the United States currently possesses nuclear weapons solely — not primarily or fundamentally, but solely — to broadly deter nuclear attack on itself and its allies. And it leaves just enough ambiguity about how the United States may do so and against what threats to avoid eroding primary or extended deterrence. This formulation does not constrain US nuclear employment options, but it assures the world — adversaries and allies alike — that the United States would only ever use nuclear weapons in the most extreme of circumstances. Advocates of American alliances, extended deterrence, and a more restrained US nuclear posture alike should welcome such a declaration. And now-President Biden should deliver on the vision he sketched out first as vice president, and later as a presidential candidate: The sole purpose for American possession of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack against the United States and its allies.']

[(6, 11), (12, 15), (22, 31)]

ndtceda

Emory-LiPa-Neg-wake-Round-2.docx

Emory

LiPa

ad3d8e533333c7dad1c317b393717358e56ba2f6e54703c90b44c7d6aff6d94b

Perm do both – affirm abolition as dis-epistemology as a framework for Marxist movements – the net benefit is the abolition of carceral logics which are key to prevent the re-expansion of incarceration onto vulnerable populations

Simoun Magsalin 22 Abolitionist Organizer, “Against Carceral Communism, For Abolition Communism!” Hater’s Café, 3/26/2022,

socialist cops are not bad is mistaken that police can have a proletarian character when policing and incarceration were established to cement the rule of capital over proletarians already infused with carcerality “who polices?” the CPP and NPA a young man Batman was ordered to defect and was recaptured It mattered little that Batman was coerced the cadre decided he should die that and was that. the CPP-NPA systematically tortured and executed scores of them in anti-infiltration purges The CPP-NPA were not actually infiltrated but hundreds were executed and mass graves are still being found today backed Duterte’s War on Drugs even without taking State power, communist movements can reproduce carceral logic to lethal conclusions in the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest individuals who took it upon themselves to act as the new people’s police shot and killed Black teens Even for radicals, the ideology of police and prisons presents itself as natural, Carcerality has always meant the social control of the proletarianized The term “carceral capitalism” is redundant for capitalism cannot exist without carcerality Without prison and police abolition, communists will never transcend capitalist ideology. both abolition and communism aim to abolish the current order and establish a qualitatively different kind of life We fight carcerality we oppose carceral capitalism with abolition communism.

While the abolitionists exclaim “ACAB! All Cops Are Bad,” the pitiful spectacle of the carceral communists would instead amend “ACAB” with drivel saying, “it’s ACCAB, All Capitalist Cops Are Bad.” They continue, “ socialist cops are not bad because they are proletarian in character and protect the proletarian State.” Such convolution is mistaken in its belief that police can somehow have a proletarian character when historically the institutions of policing and incarceration were established to cement the rule of capital over proletarians . Not to mention that the notion that “socialist” cops protect the common good against criminal or “counterrevolutionary” elements is identical in content to bourgeois police apologia. Carceral communists merely oppose these police and prisons and wish to propose their own “people’s” police and prisons. presents this false image of communism to obscure what communism actually means in practice—the movement to abolish the current state of things. In a certain sense, this spectacular image is already infused with carcerality from the 1917 Russian Revolution onward where communists thought that carcerality could be used for proletarian ends—abolishing only the bourgeois statesmen but retaining all other features of capitalist society. Carceral communism has so far been the main narrative of communism due to the prevalence of “communist” States from the former Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, other socialist States, and their aligned Western parties Carceral communists such as Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin may have opposed the Czar’s police and prisons, but only for the sake for their own institutions of oppression. communism is intrinsically a movement of proletarians struggling to abolish their class reconstituting “communist” police and prisons merely reproduced institutions of proletarianization and all that entailed ACAB means “communist” cops too. Abolition means abolish “communist” police and prisons. “who polices?” fascist and right-wing militias do take part in policing, but there is also a para-State entity that espouses communism while reproducing carcerality: the Communist Party of the Philippines ( CPP ) and their armed wing the New Peoples Army ( NPA ). a young man codenamed “ Batman was ordered by his uncle in a right-wing militia to defect from the NPA and provide intel for the military was eventually recaptured by the NPA It mattered little that Batman was coerced into defecting; the cadre decided he should die that and was that. the CPP-NPA detained hundreds of its own cadre and systematically tortured and executed scores of them in anti-infiltration purges The CPP-NPA were not actually infiltrated by government agents, but by the time the cadre found out, hundreds were already executed and mass graves are still being found today survivors are still tagged as counter-revolutionaries today the CPP-NPA wholeheartedly backed Duterte’s War on Drugs with the NPA even conducting their own drug raids in support of Duterte’s fascist agenda even without taking State power, communist movements can reproduce carceral logic to lethal conclusions we have seen carcerality reproduced in radical projects like the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest . individuals who took it upon themselves to act as the new people’s police shot and killed Black teens . It matters not if the anarcho-concentration camp was leagues better than Stalinist gulags or if the anarcho-police are somehow better; abolition means the doing away of the anarcho-police and anarcho-prisons as well. Even for radicals, the ideology of police and prisons presents itself as natural, carcerality has presented itself as natural long before, to the point where Bolsheviks considered it only natural that the dictatorship of the proletariat necessarily includes police and prisons. emancipatory politics must always destroy the appearance of a ‘natural order’, must reveal what is presented as necessary and inevitable to be a mere contingency, just as it must make what was previously deemed to be impossible seem attainable. carcerality is historically contingent—it did not always exist nor has it always been generalized to exist everywhere In the Philippines, carcerality was introduced with colonialism; in the United States, it was introduced with slave patrols; in Europe it was implemented to control the working class. Carcerality has always meant the social control of the proletarianized . The term “carceral capitalism” is redundant for capitalism cannot exist without carcerality . Capitalism needs carcerality to allow the enforcement of wage-labor. Without prison and police abolition, communists will never transcend capitalist ideology. To talk of an abolition communism is a redundancy because regimes of policing and incarceration could not possibly exist in a society that has done away with classes and the State , both abolition and communism aim to abolish the current order and establish a qualitatively different kind of life . because communist politics has become imbued with carcerality for more than a century, it becomes necessary to explicitly articulate a communism that wholly rejects carceral logic abolition communism necessarily opposes the tradition of carcerality within communist thought and necessarily opposes the carcerality of “communist” States. We do not fight carcerality with carcerality; we oppose carceral capitalism not with carceral communism, but with abolition communism.

Such convolution is mistaken in its belief that police can somehow have a proletarian character when historically the institutions of policing and incarceration were established to cement the rule of capital over proletarians . Not to mention that the notion that “socialist” cops protect the common good against criminal or “counterrevolutionary” elements is identical in content to bourgeois police apologia. this spectacular image is already infused with carcerality “who polices?” It mattered little that Batman was coerced into defecting; the cadre decided he should die that and was that. not actually infiltrated hundreds were already executed and mass graves are still being found today even without taking State power, communist movements can reproduce carceral logic to lethal conclusions Even for radicals, the ideology of police and prisons presents itself as natural, Without prison and police abolition, communists will never transcend capitalist ideology. We do not fight carcerality with carcerality; we oppose carceral capitalism not with carceral communism, but with abolition communism.

['While the anarchists and abolitionists exclaim “ACAB! All Cops Are Bad,” the pitiful spectacle of the carceral communists would instead amend “ACAB” with drivel saying, “it’s ACCAB, All Capitalist Cops Are Bad.” They continue, “socialist cops are not bad because they are proletarian in character and protect the proletarian State.” Such convolution is mistaken in its belief that police can somehow have a proletarian character when historically the institutions of policing and incarceration were established to cement the rule of capital over proletarians. Not to mention that the notion that “socialist” cops protect the common good against criminal or “counterrevolutionary” elements is identical in content to bourgeois police apologia. Likely nobody would identify as a carceral communist—much like nobody would identify as a carceral feminist—but carceral communists exist. Carceral communists are the people who would defend mass incarceration and deportations under the former Soviet Union and in the current People’s Republic of China. Carceral communists merely oppose these police and prisons and wish to propose their own “people’s” police and prisons. Carceral communism is a marriage of a spectacular image of “communism” with carcerality. By “spectacular” we mean in the sense of Guy Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle where the real is substituted by reified images of the false. Meanwhile, “carcerality” is the logic of the systems of policing and incarceration. A spectacular image of communism is the images and aesthetics of “communist” States: righteous people’s armies, waving red flags, and tightly planned economies. This spectacular image of communism is not communism itself; it is merely a false image of it—a Spectacle. Ultimately, the Spectacle presents this false image of communism to obscure what communism actually means in practice—the movement to abolish the current state of things. In a certain sense, this spectacular image is already infused with carcerality from the 1917 Russian Revolution onward where communists thought that carcerality could be used for proletarian ends—abolishing only the bourgeois statesmen but retaining all other features of capitalist society. Carceral communism has so far been the main narrative of communism due to the prevalence of “communist” States from the former Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, other socialist States, and their aligned Western parties. After the Bolshevik coup during the Russian Revolution, the party of Lenin constituted a secret police—the Cheka—and even set up their headquarters at the Lubyanka, built on the same site as the secret police of Czarina Catherine. While the revolutionary upsurge emptied the Czar’s prisons and forced labor camps, the party of Lenin reconstituted these as gulags which Stalin would later inherit to incredibly bloody effect. Carceral communists such as Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin may have opposed the Czar’s police and prisons, but only for the sake for their own institutions of oppression. What Lenin and the Bolsheviks failed to realize is that communism is intrinsically a movement of proletarians struggling to abolish their class. By reconstituting “communist” police and prisons the Bolsheviks merely reproduced institutions of proletarianization and all that entailed. Bolshevik “communism” merely universalized the proletarian condition instead of its abolition and married this proletarianization with the spectacular image of communism. ACAB means “communist” cops too. Abolition means abolish “communist” police and prisons. When the question “who polices?” is posed, the abolitionist group Critical Resistance identifies right-wing and fascist militias as those who take part in policing in the so-called United States. Here in the Philippines, fascist and right-wing militias do take part in policing, but there is also a para-State entity that espouses communism while reproducing carcerality: the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and their armed wing the New Peoples Army (NPA). In Nettie Wild’s 1988 documentary about the communist movement, A Rustling of Leaves: Inside the Philippine Revolution, party cadre in a guerrilla front had to deal with a young man who defected from the NPA. The young man, codenamed “Batman” in the documentary, was ordered by his uncle in a right-wing militia to defect from the NPA and provide intel for the military. Batman was eventually recaptured by the NPA. While the cadre who captured Batman made a show of giving the local community a voice in their trial of Batman in a People’s Court, the NPA headquarters found the people’s verdict unsatisfactory. In the end, NPA cadre were ultimately Batman’s judges, jury, and executioners. It mattered little that Batman was coerced into defecting; the cadre decided he should die that and was that. Then in the 90s, the CPP-NPA detained hundreds of its own cadre and systematically tortured and executed scores of them in what became known as the anti-infiltration purges. The CPP-NPA were not actually infiltrated by government agents, but by the time the cadre found out, hundreds were already executed and mass graves are still being found today. The survivors are still tagged as counter-revolutionaries by the CPP up to today. More recently, after the 2016 elections which saw the fascist Rodrigo Duterte win the presidency, the CPP-NPA wholeheartedly backed Duterte’s War on Drugs with the NPA even conducting their own drug raids in support of Duterte’s fascist agenda. In all three of these cases, it is clear that even without taking State power, communist movements can reproduce carceral logic to lethal conclusions. Abolition in the Philippines will also mean abolishing the New Peoples Army alongside the Philippine National Police, the military, and paramilitary groups. Even anarchists are not immune to reproducing carcerality. There have been moments where revolutionary anarchists in the Spanish and Ukrainian Revolutions reproduced policing with militants of the Federación Anarquista Ibérica even operating a concentration camp for fascists. More recently, we have seen carcerality reproduced in radical projects like the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest. There, individuals who took it upon themselves to act as the new people’s police shot and killed Black teens. It matters not if the anarcho-concentration camp was leagues better than Stalinist gulags or if the anarcho-police are somehow better; abolition means the doing away of the anarcho-police and anarcho-prisons as well. What explains the endurance of carcerality among supposedly communist movements? Even for radicals, the ideology of police and prisons presents itself as natural, even inevitable. In this sense, carcerality is similar to Mark Fisher’s conception of Capitalist Realism from the book by the same name. While the perspective of capitalist realism constantly propagandizes that “there is no alternative to capitalism,” capitalist realism has only been generalized with the fall of so-called actually existing socialism. In comparison, carcerality has presented itself as natural long before, to the point where Bolsheviks considered it only natural that the dictatorship of the proletariat necessarily includes police and prisons. As Fisher argued, emancipatory politics must always destroy the appearance of a ‘natural order’, must reveal what is presented as necessary and inevitable to be a mere contingency, just as it must make what was previously deemed to be impossible seem attainable. (Captialist Realism) The truth of the matter is that carcerality is historically contingent—it did not always exist nor has it always been generalized to exist everywhere. In the Philippines, carcerality was introduced with colonialism; in the United States, it was introduced with slave patrols; in Europe it was implemented to control the working class. Carcerality has always meant the social control of the proletarianized. The term “carceral capitalism” is redundant for capitalism cannot exist without carcerality. Capitalism needs carcerality to allow the enforcement of wage-labor. This is the key contribution in “The Anarchy of Colored Girls Assembled in a Riotous Manner” by Saidiya Hartman where Black women who resisted working had to be criminalized by the State under vagrancy laws to enforce the regime of proletarianization upon them. That the Bolsheviks found nothing wrong with combining their spectacular image of communism with the false “realism” of carcerality allowed the reconstruction of bourgeois society in communist aesthetics. A society without carcerality was inconceivable for the Bolsheviks, just as it was impossible for them to imagine a world without authority and the State. Without prison and police abolition, communists will never transcend capitalist ideology. II. For Abolition Communism In her 2014 article “Against Carceral Feminism,” the anarchist and abolitionist Victoria Law described carceral feminism as “an approach that sees increased policing, prosecution, and imprisonment as the primary solution to violence against women.”In short, carceral feminism is the idea that cops and prisons can keep women safe, yet as Victoria shows, women and queer folk are often subjected to police violence when they call on the police to help and are at times themselves incarcerated. Abolitionists understand that police and prisons do not keep women safe and instead exacerbate harm. Against carceral feminism is an abolition feminism that struggles for the abolition of policing and incarceration and argues for measures such as transformative justice that can keep women safe. In a certain sense, carceral communism is alike with carceral feminism in its unwavering belief that systems of policing and incarceration can be used benevolently; it cannot. That is to say, carceral communism is the belief that police and prisons are compatible or even necessary for communism. Just as carceral feminism is incompatible with feminism due to exacerbating violence against feminized bodies, carceral communism is wholly incompatible with a coherent vision of communism. Police and prisons cannot possibly be communized, proletarianized, decolonized, indigenized or what have you as these are features that are ultimately tied up with the development of capitalism and the modern State system and are features of capitalist society that proletarianizes. In the Philippines, as in many parts of the world, police and prisons are instruments of colonization and counter-insurgency and up to this day indigenous communities feel that prisons divest their communities of true justice. Communist measures requires the abolition of police and prisons. Communism is ultimately a movement that abolishes the current state of things, that state being the constant proletarianization that marks us as proles in this capitalist world. Because communism is the self-abolition of the proletariat, communist measures are activities and actions that attack proletarianization. Thus abolitionist steps that assault policing and incarceration are ultimately communist measures. Proletarianization is ultimately a social relation imposed by capital and is the class distinction that distinguishes the proletariat. As a social relation, proletarianization is the imposition of wage-labor, the imposition of work as a separate field of human activity, and the alienation from their fruits of production. Proletarianization is a hierarchical condition of domination where capital, the State, and the ruling class dominate the proletariat. In their 2020 booklet, Our Communities, Our Solutions: An Organizer’s Toolkit for Developing Campaigns to Abolish Policing, Critical Resistance defines policing as “a social relationship made up of a set of practices that are empowered by the state to enforce law and social control through the use of force.” As a social relation, Critical Resistance points out that policing “reinforces oppressive dynamics” such as slavery, segregation, racism and enforces compliance among criminalized communities. It is in this sense that policing is also a social relation that reinforces proletarianization. The proletarianized have always been a criminalized class. Witness the difference in policing among different classes: if a worker steals food they are sent to prison, but if bosses steal from workers usually nothing at all happens for wage-theft is a daily occurrence. It is in this way that policing forms part of proletarianization. Keeping the proles in line has always been the function of policing since it was invented. Indeed, whether in bourgeois or “communist” States, the police have always been used to combat militant proletarians. This is indeed the case in imperialized countries whether in the Philippines or in former Soviet Poland. Whether it be the Mendiola Massacre in the Philippines or the harsh suppression of Solidarność in Soviet Poland, the same regime of carcerality reigns. As radical traditions, abolition arose from the Black radical tradition while communism from the European proletarian milieu. Both abolition and communism share roots among dominated classes, one enslaved, and the other proletarianized. While anti-state communists have always had an implicitly abolitionist consciousness in their desire to eliminate policing and incarceration, the fusing of communism and abolition has rarely been articulated.To talk of an abolition communism is in a way a redundancy because regimes of policing and incarceration could not possibly exist in a society that has done away with classes and the State. After all, both abolition and communism aim to abolish the current order and establish a qualitatively different kind of life. In this way abolition and communism are alike. However, because communist politics has become imbued with carcerality for more than a century, it becomes necessary to explicitly articulate a communism that wholly rejects carceral logic. Counterpoised to carceral communism, abolition communism necessarily opposes the tradition of carcerality within communist thought and necessarily opposes the carcerality of “communist” States. To paraphrase Bobby Seale: We do not fight carcerality with carcerality; we oppose carceral capitalism not with carceral communism, but with abolition communism. Mao once said that “without a People’s army, the people have nothing,” yet counterbalancing the New Peoples Army against the Philippine National Police does nothing for liberation if both institutions reproduce carcerality. Qualitatively new forms of social relations that break with carcerality is needed to definitively combat policing and incarceration. What was once presented as necessary and inevitable must be shown to be mere contingency, and what was once impossible must be shown to be attainable. ', '']

[(7, 18)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-McWi-Aff-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Round-4.docx

Kentucky

McWi

98ddbf49c8b17a703e82218275fc76b47d38d9bbd0b1f0d6e9248a28345e07ac

Counterplan solves the AFF while maintaining primary and extended deterrence:

ANKIT PANDA AND VIPIN NARANG, 2/22/2021 (Ankit Panda is the Stanton Senior Fellow in the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Vipin Narang is associate professor of political science and member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, “SOLE PURPOSE IS NOT NO FIRST USE: NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND DECLARATORY POLICY,” , Retrieved 7/25/2023, ADA-)

If the sole purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attacks, then the president could threaten nuclear first use in a crisis to deter an adversary leaving a wider scope of employment, including first use Instead of constraining use, option 2 explains to allies and adversaries the role of nuclear weapons and nuclear threats is limited to nuclear deterrence declaring that the U S can meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuclear weapons in its security strategy without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments . it leaves just enough ambiguity Advocates of American alliances, extended deterrence, and a more restrained U.S. nuclear posture alike should welcome such a declaration Biden should deliver on the vision The sole purpose for American possession of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack against the United States and its allies.

Sole Purpose 2: The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is to deter nuclear attacks against the U S and its allies. The second sole purpose formulation, , leaves the matter open . If the sole purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attacks, then the president could threaten nuclear first use in a crisis to deter an adversary from following through on preparations to launch nuclear weapons unlike a no-first-use pledge the second sole purpose formulation merely describes the purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal, leaving a wider scope of employment, including first use , if it were in the service of “deterring nuclear attacks” Instead of constraining use, option 2 explains to allies and adversaries alike that the role of nuclear weapons and nuclear threats is limited to nuclear deterrence , which may include broader use options that seek to deter nuclear use. the second formulation may square the circle . By declaring simply that “the sole purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack on the U S our allies, the U S can meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuclear weapons in its security strategy without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments . It is not a no-first-use declaration it leaves just enough ambiguity about how the U S may do so and against what threats to avoid eroding primary or extended deterrence Advocates of American alliances, extended deterrence, and a more restrained U.S. nuclear posture alike should welcome such a declaration Biden should deliver on the vision The sole purpose for American possession of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack against the United States and its allies.

leaves the matter open could threaten nuclear first use in a crisis to deter an adversary leaving a wider scope of employment, weapons and nuclear threats is limited to nuclear deterrence broader use options the second formulation may square the circle meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuclear weapons without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments It is not a no-first-use declaration it leaves just enough ambiguity avoid eroding primary or extended deterrence deliver on the vision The sole purpose for American possession of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack against the United States and its allies.

['Consider the three following alternative sole purpose declarations: Sole Purpose 1: The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is to deter — and, if necessary, to retaliate against — a nuclear attack against the United States and its allies. Sole Purpose 2: The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is to deter nuclear attacks against the United States and its allies. Sole Purpose 3: The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is to deter significant strategic attacks, including nuclear attacks, against the United States and its allies. Each of these formulations stipulates what the “sole purpose” of the U.S. nuclear arsenal might be, but the practical consequences of the adoption of each declaration by the United States are very different. The closest to a no-first-use policy would be option 1 — the phrasing largely adopted by Biden before entering office. The addition of the embedded clause — “and, if necessary, retaliating against” — clearly stipulates that nuclear weapons are not envisioned for first use, perhaps not even to preempt imminent nuclear use against the United States or its allies. The first statement may, however, still allow for the possibility of launching-under-attack — a scenario where the United States would release nuclear weapons before any incoming warheads detonated, but upon confirmation with a high degree of confidence that an adversary had initiated a nuclear launch against American or allied soil. (While practicable with China and Russia, short missile flight times to South Korean and Japanese soil from North Korea may render this impractical in Northeast Asia.) But by including a clause about possessing nuclear weapons for the sole purpose of retaliating following nuclear use against the United States or its allies, option 1 turns entirely on litigating what point in the process of an adversary launching nuclear weapons constitutes “use” — a very narrow set of circumstances to begin with. The second sole purpose statement, by omitting this embedded clause about retaliation however, leaves substantially more room for U.S. allies to be reassured, leaving the “chance” of first use on the table. Take a realistic example to illustrate the distinction between the first and second statements, relevant especially to U.S. allies in Seoul and Tokyo. Imagine that North Korea has begun to disperse nuclear warheads to ballistic missile operating areas. U.S. and allied intelligence believe North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is in the early stages of a preemptive nuclear attack. This attack may be the result of a miscalculation by North Korea, or it may be a response to an allied attempt to attack or invade. The specifics of why Kim is readying nuclear missiles are unimportant. Under existing U.S. nuclear policy, the fact of North Korean launch preparations may not trigger the use of nuclear weapons, but U.S. allies could reasonably expect that a U.S. president would at the very least contemplate the preemptive use of nuclear weapons to maximize the probability that North Korean missiles are successfully destroyed. The United States could consider employing precision-guided conventional munitions, but the task of finding, fixing, and finishing North Korean missile launchers may be too difficult and risky. An American president consulting with military advisors may be told that the prospects for disarming North Korea are significantly higher if he or she uses nuclear weapons to do so, rather than conventional weapons. In this scenario, the first statement leaves little wiggle room. Under a strict interpretation, only after the launch of the first North Korean nuclear warhead — or even more strictly, after the first detonation — on allied soil could the United States then contemplate nuclear use. Such a scenario, along with concerns about China’s growing conventional missile arsenal, is largely why Tokyo has strongly opposed sole purpose in the past. The second sole purpose formulation, however, leaves the matter open. If the sole purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attacks, then it follows that the president could threaten nuclear first use in a crisis to deter an adversary from following through on preparations to launch nuclear weapons. Critically, unlike a no-first-use pledge and sole purpose option 1, the second sole purpose formulation does not make any statement about the conditions under which the United States would use nuclear weapons. Instead, it merely describes the purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal, leaving a wider scope of employment, including first use, if it were in the service of “deterring nuclear attacks” against the United States or its allies. Instead of constraining use, option 2 explains to allies and adversaries alike that the role of nuclear weapons and nuclear threats is limited to nuclear deterrence, which may include threats of preemption or even broader use options that seek to deter nuclear use. It is these latter possibilities that distinguish the second sole purpose statement from the first. The third sole purpose formulation, meanwhile, expands the bounds further, allowing a U.S. president to deploy nuclear weapons against “significant strategic attacks,” which may include the use of biological or chemical weapons, or even a major conventional attack. This option is, essentially, status quo U.S. nuclear policy reformulated in the language of sole purpose and, indeed, includes multiple expansive purposes for American nuclear weapons. No sole purpose declaration — nor a no-first-use declaration — by itself is likely to convince adversaries such as Russia, China, or North Korea that the United States would not or could not use nuclear weapons first in a crisis or conflict. The simple fact is that no matter what the United States says about restricting the role of nuclear weapons, adversaries will remain skeptical that Washington will adhere to any such strictures because nothing physically prevents the United States from violating them. The concerns they have today will thus likely persist irrespective of American declaratory policy absent drastic force structure and procedural changes that are unrealistic in the foreseeable future. The sole purpose debate primarily concerns U.S. allies, and this is where the precise formulation matters the most. Even if the Biden administration chooses to adopt the narrowest possible sole purpose declaration (option 1) — the one proposed by Biden himself for several years now — there may be just enough of a sliver of daylight between it and a no-first-use declaration to assure allies that even if the envisioned purpose of American nuclear weapons is to retaliate against nuclear use against the United States or its allies in extremis, it does not explicitly commit the United States to not using nuclear weapons first in extreme unforeseen circumstances. This may be too clever by half, however. And it is unlikely to alleviate abandonment concerns in Seoul and Tokyo. As such, the second formulation may square the circle. By declaring simply that “the sole purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack on the United States, our allies, and partners,” the United States can meaningfully de-emphasize the role of nuclear weapons in its security strategy without undermining the robustness of its extended deterrence commitments. It is not a no-first-use declaration — and allies would have a harder time believing or arguing that it is — but it declares and states the reality that the United States currently possesses nuclear weapons solely — not primarily or fundamentally, but solely — to broadly deter nuclear attack on itself and its allies. And it leaves just enough ambiguity about how the United States may do so and against what threats to avoid eroding primary or extended deterrence. This formulation does not constrain U.S. nuclear employment options, but it assures the world — adversaries and allies alike — that the United States would only ever use nuclear weapons in the most extreme of circumstances. Advocates of American alliances, extended deterrence, and a more restrained U.S. nuclear posture alike should welcome such a declaration. And now-President Biden should deliver on the vision he sketched out first as vice president, and later as a presidential candidate: The sole purpose for American possession of nuclear weapons is to deter nuclear attack against the United States and its allies.', '']

[(6, 15), (22, 28), (37, 39)]

ndtceda

KansasState-RoTu-Neg-5---Sunflower-Swing-Part-2-hosted-by-Kansas-State-University-Round-5.docx

KansasState

RoTu

0a7da19c75cb9870036bedcacfe527757c518e93ab380078e44d570d2adbbda0

Their focus on urgent bodies privileges abstraction and critical distance that recreates insecurity – materiality not reducible to discourse

Hudson 15 – PhD, Professor of International Relations and Director of the Centre for Africa Studies at the University of the Free State (Heidi, “(Re)framing the Relationship between Discourse and Materiality in Feminist Security Studies and Feminist IPE,” POLITICS & GENDER, 11.2

feminists theorizing the everyday may represent a dead end What value does theorizing have in war-affected contexts where immediate need is paramount ? there is an implicit hierarchy when it comes to critical tradition privileging the discursive less attention paid to materialities of insecurity thinking about our bodies as objects in security discourse, has a high level of abstraction How is attention to discourses without considering basic needs different language” remains the star of the show A subtle hierarchy is imposed There are clearly limits to discursive analysis en it comes to connecting physical insecurity and the materiality of insecurity linked to structures

feminists theorizing the mundane or everyday may well represent a dead end if bread-and-butter issues related to security are ignored What value does feminist theorizing have in war-affected contexts where meeting immediate need s is paramount ? At what point does the theorizing of the body under such circumstances become a means to satisfying intellectual fetishes ? there is an implicit hierarchy when it comes to which critical tradition matters more theoretically or epistemologically with a distinct privileging of the discursive FSS tends to focus on the gendered, discursive construction of forms of violence with less attention paid to materialities of insecurity thinking about our bodies as cultural constructs, produced as objects in security discourse, has a high level of abstraction Before we can analyze discourse about bodies, shouldn’t we first make the bodies from “other worlds,” feature in IR? How is attention to contextualized discourses of individuals or groups without considering their basic needs different from what liberal feminists are doing treating those whose security is at stake as abstract, silent, rights-bearing individuals with no culture? for all this talk about interactions between language and matter (as if they were equal), “ language” remains the star of the show A subtle hierarchy is imposed There are clearly limits to discursive analysis especially wh en it comes to connecting physical insecurity and the materiality of insecurity linked to structures

dead end immediate need s paramount intellectual fetishes distinct privileging of the discursive less attention paid to materialities of insecurity language” remains the star of the show A subtle hierarchy is imposed There are clearly limits to discursive analysis

['', 'While feminists usually try to ground the meanings that they study, theorizing the mundane or the everyday may very well represent a detour —or even a dead end—if bread-and-butter issues related to the security and economic well-being of ordinary women and men are ignored. What value does feminist theorizing (even if it draws from women’s lived experiences) have in war-affected contexts where meeting immediate needs is paramount? At what point does the theorizing of the body under such circumstances become a means to satisfying intellectual fetishes? Theorizing the everyday is messy because it has to contend with the immediate social setting in which popular culture is inseparable from the economic materiality of the conditions of oppression. In response to this dilemma, my aim is to argue for a productive rather than a reductive relationship between Feminist Security Studies (FSS) and Feminist (International) Political Economy (FPE), achieved through a reframed relationship between discursive subjectivity and a structure-centred materiality. I argue for a more systematic feminist analysis that reunites FPE and cultural FSS critiques. This analytical synthesis is based on an understanding of the co-constituted agency of discourse and materiality underpinned by a postcolonial-feminist attention to the politics of space. After the Cold War, security became a catch-all concept for critical variants of IR, but instead of working against disciplinary fragmentation, “security has settled into each new camp in particularistic ways” (Sylvester 2013, 618). For FSS the main concern is to underscore the conceptual necessity of gender to understanding security. Although scholars have also emphasized the theoretical and methodological diversity of FSS, I contend that there is an implicit hierarchy of sorts when it comes to which critical tradition matters more theoretically or epistemologically—with a subtle but distinct privileging of the discursive as evidenced by the influential contributions of, among others, Judith Butler (1993), Karin Fierke (2013a), Lene Hansen (2006), and Laura Shepherd (2008). FSS thus tends to focus on the gendered, discursive construction of forms of violence with less attention paid to materialities of economic insecurity. In contrast, FPE tends to avoid the security frame and its discursive implications and concentrates more on gender as a social relation of inequality and the gendered effects of capitalism or economic globalization. Poststructuralist scholarship in FSS insists that the discursive is not privileged over the material and that objects in the material world and human subjects both take their forms and agencies relationally, as they are embedded within particular locations. Similarly, gendered and embodied security is theorized to be the outcome of relational processes —performed in, by, and through those relations. Theory thus makes practice (Foucault 1972). Yet, thinking about our bodies as cultural constructs, produced as objects in security discourse, has a high level of abstraction. Before we can analyze discourse about bodies, shouldn’t we first make the bodies from “other worlds,” rooted in everyday struggles of human insecurity, feature in IR? How is attention to contextualized discourses of individuals or groups without considering their basic needs different from what liberal feminists are doing, namely treating those whose security is at stake as abstract, silent, rights-bearing individuals with no culture? Moreover, for all this talk about interactions between language and matter (as if they were equal), “language” remains the star of the show, as evidenced in Karin Fierke’s claim that “embodied security is . . . fundamentally bound up in the interaction between humans and their material environment, both of which are constituted in and through language” (Fierke 2013b, 16). Theoretically, materiality should gain agency through the fact that it cannot ontologically be separated from discursive forces but in practice discourses treat material practices (bodies) as effects (objects) rather than causes (subjects), and consequently maintain agency (Wilcox 2012). A subtle hierarchy is therefore imposed. Reversing the starting point of the inquiry may succeed in troubling dualistic thinking but does not transcend it. We may have thrown the baby out with the bathwater when we privileged the effects of cultural constructions of gender difference at the expense of the material effects of bodies, economic justice, and security (see Fraser 2013). There are clearly limits to discursive analysis, especially when it comes to connecting physical insecurity and the materiality of insecurity linked to structures. We must therefore look to the so-called “new materialisms” on posthumanist agency (Connolly 2013), material feminisms (Hughes 2013), and Feminist IPE. Feminist IPE as a diverse body of scholarship studies structures, social practices, and the meanings of the global political economy (Griffin 2010; Peterson 2007). The emphasis falls on specifically gendered bodies while also foregrounding differences that are based upon material and structural inequalities as well as intersectional relations of disadvantage (e.g., gender, institutionalized racism, or ethnicity). In this regard, FPE may find itself closer than FSS to a radical definition of human security as everyday life experiences embedded in global structures of inclusion and exclusion and can keep FSS honest by guiding it back to a concern with everyday (economic) insecurities.']

[(0, 9)]

ndtceda

Kansas-ReSo-Neg-Rutgers-RR-Round-3.docx

Kansas

ReSo

e36f63666de7157ce7b7cd5e23c09569088acc4831e785234612e6f001b4831a

C/I Of is a function word to exclude

Merriam Webster, 22 (the preceding, 9-13-2022, accessed on 9-19-2022, Merriam-webster, "Definition of OF", https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/of 

Definition of of a function word to indicate the whole that includes the part most of the army used as a function word to indicate a whole from which a part is removed gave of his time

Definition of of 4a—used as a function word to indicate the whole that includes the part denoted by the preceding word most of the army b— used as a function word to indicate a whole or quantity from which a part is removed or expended gave of his time

['', 'Definition of\xa0of', '\xa0(Entry 1 of 3)', '1—used as a function word to indicate a point of reckoning north\xa0of\xa0the lake', '2a—used as a function word to indicate origin or derivation a man\xa0of\xa0noble birth', 'b—used as a function word to indicate the cause, motive, or reason died\xa0of\xa0flu', 'c:\xa0 plays\xa0of\xa0Shakespeare', 'd:\xa0on the part of very kind\xa0of\xa0you', 'e:\xa0occurring in a fish\xa0of\xa0the western Atlantic', '3—used as a function word to indicate the component material, parts, or elements or the contents throne\xa0of\xa0goldcup\xa0of\xa0water', '4a—used as a function word to indicate the whole that includes the part denoted by the preceding word most\xa0of\xa0the army', 'b—used as a function word to indicate a whole or quantity from which a part is removed or expended gave\xa0of\xa0his time']

[(0, 15), (15, 19)]

ndtceda

Kansas-McVu-Aff-0A---Kentucky-Round-5.docx

Kansas

McVu

3feab79b045fecfd9639b85f567854e931df8177e8ae55afce6aa6616f2a72db

Infrastructure will pass but continued “good faith” negotiations over the social spending bill are key

Burgess Everett et. al 10/27, Burgess Everett is the co-congressional bureau chief for POLITICO, specializing in the Senate since 2013, Heather Caygle is a Congress reporter for POLITICO, Sarah Ferris covers the House for POLITICO’s Congress team, focusing on the Democratic caucus, “Liberal frustration imperils quick Dem social spending deal”, , October 27th, 2021

good faith negotiations about spending bill are enough to unstick the infrastructure bill Sinema making progress president made very clear vote on infrastructure bill Democrats in pretty good shape tax was out of the mix continue to be optimistic on pathways closing the gaps Democrats are confident about climate it all comes down to where Manchin and Sinema fall

" good faith " negotiations about a climate and social spending bill are enough to unstick the infrastructure bill Sinema said she's making progress president has made that very clear a vote on the infrastructure bill Democrats in pretty good shape There is no bad decision We have to choose Efforts to lower drug prices through negotiations are headed toward a more limited approach billionaire tax was out of the mix continue to be optimistic on the spending side pathways toward closing the remaining gaps Democrats are confident about climate subsidies making it into in the package it all comes down to where Manchin and Sinema fall

good faith unstick progress infrastructure good shape limited optimistic confident Manchin Sinema fall

['Manchin argued that "good faith" negotiations about a forthcoming climate and social spending bill are enough to unstick the Senate’s infrastructure bill. Sinema said she\'s "doing great, making progress."', '“The president has made that very clear: He wants to move forward. And we owe it to the president to move forward, take a vote on the infrastructure bill,” Manchin told reporters on Wednesday morning. “He believes 100 percent of nothing is nothing.”', 'Where are Democrats in the tax hike fight?', "Manchin explained that when a deal is cut, Biden will “go over to the House, and he’ll basically explain to the House: ‘I have a framework, but there's still an awful lot of work to be done,’” Manchin said.", "Speaker Nancy Pelosi told House Democrats on Wednesday morning that her party is “in pretty good shape.” Even so, Pelosi continues to face an intense push-pull from liberals — who want to see a full social spending bill before voting on the Senate's bipartisan infrastructure deal — and moderates who want to get the infrastructure vote finally set, as soon as possible.", '“It’s lamb eat lamb. There is no bad decision. We have to choose,” Pelosi told her members, according to a source familiar with her remarks. Senate Democrats say it’s highly unlikely bill text will be totally finalized this week, however.', "Progressives have also blanched at Sinema’s efforts to avoid raising tax rates and Manchin’s move to cut the bill's top line. Those moves have prompted a deal on a corporate minimum tax and tenuous negotiations on a billionaires tax, as well as potential cuts to plans for Medicare expansion, Medicaid expansion and paid leave. Efforts to lower drug prices through Medicare negotiations are headed toward a more limited approach, Democrats said.", 'By midday Wednesday, the billionaire tax was out of the mix, according to multiple sources familiar with the talks. Manchin said the tax on billionaire’s assets is “convoluted” and instead pitched a “patriotic” 15 percent tax on wealthy people. He said he did not want to target a certain class of people through the tax code.', 'His comments complicated negotiations, some Democrats said.', '"I continue to be optimistic that on the spending side, there are pathways toward closing the remaining gaps," said Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.). "But I recognize that Sen. Manchin\'s just made a comment that made some of the revenue side" more complex.', 'With the billionaires tax out, Democrats are now taking another look at a surtax on people making more than $5 million a year that the House Ways and Means Committee passed last month.', 'Manchin also continued to throw cold water on health care proposals, which Sanders said was not negotiable and “must” be in the bill. His colleague, Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), said he’d spoken to Manchin and is “encouraged” that Democrats can find a way to cover Georgians and other Americans who live in states that have not expanded Medicaid but would otherwise be eligible.', "Democrats are more confident about climate subsidies and universal pre-K making it into in the package, along with an extension of the Child Tax Credit. But it all comes down to where Manchin and Sinema fall — and whether the rest of the party’s thin majorities go along with Biden's dealmaking. Chairmen of the Senate's climate-related committees met again on Wednesday afternoon, according to Democratic sources."]

[(8, 19), (20, 21), (21, 28)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Neg-Harvard-Round3.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kentucky/DiGr/Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Neg-Harvard-Round3.docx

504af0d8682d5a8f7d553c1d5b2607f9698b0e5d49d1c340936269abfb0beff9

2. Squo solves missile prolif---the MTCR’s strong and locked in

John Chipman 22, Director-General and Chief Executive, International Institute for Strategic Studies, et al., December 2022, “Missile Technology: Accelerating Challenges,” https://www.iiss.org/en/publications/strategic-dossiers/mdi-missile-technology-accelerating-challenges/

MTCR is a tech -focused export-control regime work is confidential , with expert groups exchanging sensitive info to derive useful guidelines member states expanded to address all WMD UAVs drones and cruise missiles transfers to non-state actors MTCR had notable successes it has evolved into global norm that increased security helped restrain missile prolif despite absence of a universal binding treaty MTCR’s working groups operate at highest levels of detail continually updated by world-leading experts outreach to non-member states supported aligning export controls these factors played role in stopping significant missile programmes

MTCR is a tech -focused export-control regime , comprising a voluntary association of 35 member states that apply agreed standards to address proliferation of nuclear-capable missiles MTCR was part of a global acquis to control missiles, alongside INF MTCR’s work is confidential , with expert working groups exchanging sensitive info rmation in order to derive useful guidelines for export controls MTCR provides all partner states with support to create and implement export controls consistent with the Guidelines member states expanded the MTCR to address all WMD , and UAVs , target drones and cruise missiles MTCR’s goals were expanded to address transfers to non-state actors MTCR includes particular restraint’ on sales and exports, and a ‘presumption of denial’ standard for the most concerning systems and their enabling technologies The ‘no undercut’ policy specifies partners and adherents will not undermine each other by granting an export licence when another state has already denied it based on the MTCR Guidelines MTCR has had several notable successes despite being a supply-side arrangement, it has evolved into a global norm that has increased security and helped restrain missile prolif eration despite the absence of a universal and legally binding treaty By limiting membership to states that possess the most advanced delivery systems and related technologies, the MTCR’s three expert working groups operate at the highest levels of detail expertise provided by MTCR working-group members also means the Annex is continually updated by world-leading experts on missile technology and export control MTCR’s programme of outreach to non-member states has supported them in adopting the MTCR’s controls through the ‘adherent’ system and aligning their export controls these factors have played a role in slowing or stopping several significant missile programmes , including ending the joint Argentine–Egyptian–Iraqi Condor II ballistic-missile programme; impeding the missile programmes of India and South Korea; and eliminating Libya’s Category I missiles.

tech INF confidential info all WMD , and UAVs , target drones and cruise missiles transfers to non-state actors several notable successes global norm restrain missile prolif absence of a universal and legally binding treaty highest levels of detail continually updated by world-leading experts slowing or stopping several significant missile programmes

['The MTCR is a technology-focused export-control regime, comprising a voluntary association of 35 member states that apply agreed standards (‘Guidelines for Sensitive Missile-Relevant Transfers’) designed to limit the export of technology that can be used for the uncrewed delivery of WMD.1 It was established by the G7 on 16 April 1987 to address the proliferation of nuclear-capable missiles, in particular by the Soviet Union and China but also through indigenous programmes in Argentina, Brazil, India, Israel, Pakistan and South Africa.2 The MTCR was part of a global acquis to control missiles, alongside US–Soviet Union bilateral arms-control initiatives – especially the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF), which was concluded two days before the MTCR was announced.3 The MTCR initially focused on missiles (along with components, technology and related equipment) capable of delivering a 500-kilogram warhead to a 300-kilometre distance.4', 'The MTCR Guidelines include a detailed Annex which defines complete delivery systems and production facilities (Category I items), as well as supporting equipment, software and technologies that could contribute to building delivery systems (Category II items).5 The Annex contains clear guidance on the transfer of these items, requiring that six factors must be taken into account: concerns regarding WMD proliferation, the nature of the recipient’s missile and space programmes, the relationship between the transferred technology and WMD-delivery capabilities, the specific end use of the technology, the relationship to other agreements, and the risk of proliferation to non-state actors.6', 'Governance', 'France serves as the Point of Contact (POC) for the MTCR, with an informal secretariat based in Paris. To support and maintain the regime, MTCR member states convene through three sub-groups – the Technical Experts Meeting (TEM), the Information Exchange Meeting (IEM) and the Licensing and Enforcement Experts Meeting (LEEM) – and a plenary session, each of which takes place annually.', 'There are also monthly POC meetings in Paris, attended by representatives from member states’ local embassies, and intercessional Reinforced Point of Contact (RPOC) meetings in April or May.7 Individual member states volunteer to serve as the rotating annual MTCR chair, as part of the MTCR Troika composed of the previous, current and next chair countries. The current chair is Switzerland (Ambassador Benno Laggner). The chair is expected to lead outreach efforts, including Technical Outreach Meetings (TOMs), for MTCR partners and non-partners alike.8', 'MTCR membership is limited to states with significant capabilities related to missile-delivery systems, space-launch vehicles (SLVs) and associated technologies. The MTCR’s work is confidential, with expert working groups exchanging sensitive information in order to derive useful guidelines for export controls. The MTCR Annex includes a set of definitions of the highest technical complexity and is continually updated by experts from each of the member states. The Annex is used in a number of formats, including sanctions regimes and other export bans in UN, bilateral and other multilateral contexts. The MTCR provides all partner states with support to create and implement export controls consistent with the Guidelines. To date, Estonia, Kazakhstan and Latvia have been conferred status as formal MTCR adherents, with Israel, North Macedonia, Romania and Slovakia pledging their own unilateral compliance.9 Cyprus and Iraq have pledged to adopt the Guidelines as part of their implementation of UNSCR 1540, and China has also pledged adherence to them although suspicions remain about its proliferation record.10', 'Evolution', 'In 1992 the member states expanded the MTCR to address all WMD, and UAVs, target drones and cruise missiles.11 They also called on all other states to declare themselves ‘universal adherents’ to the regime and to agree to apply the MTCR Guidelines. After the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US, the MTCR’s goals were expanded to address transfers to non-state actors, reinforced by UNSCR 1540.12', 'The MTCR also includes the concepts of ‘particular restraint’ on sales and exports, and a ‘presumption of denial’ standard for the most concerning systems and their enabling technologies. However, the MTCR’s focus on WMD delivery somewhat undermines its effectiveness, especially as higher-precision conventionally armed systems are increasingly becoming the norm. At the time of the original MTCR negotiations, ballistic and cruise missiles were mostly inaccurate – with limited exceptions such as the United States’ UGM-109C Tomahawk land-attack cruise missile (LACM) – and therefore ballistic missiles in particular would have required a nuclear warhead in order to have a reliable effect on their targets.', 'The MTCR also contains three other important principles: ‘no undercut’, ‘catchall’ and ‘intangible technology transfer’. The ‘no undercut’ policy, introduced in 1994, specifies that partners and adherents will not undermine each other by granting an export licence when another state has already denied it based on the MTCR Guidelines (these concepts are also used by the Australia Group and the Nuclear Supplies Group).13 The ‘catchall’ provision, added to the Guidelines in September 2003, allows all regime partners to deny exports of items not included in the MTCR Annex if it is known that they will support a missile programme.14 It followed the adoption of similar provisions by the Australia Group in 2002.15 The MTCR Annex was also expanded to include ‘intangible’ technology transfers (of software, for example) in 2003.16', 'Strengths', 'The MTCR has had several notable successes since its signing. Firstly, despite being a supply-side arrangement, it has evolved into a global norm that has increased security and helped restrain missile proliferation. This has occurred despite the absence of a universal and legally binding treaty within the UN framework. The regime’s 35 member states include many of the most important possessors and producers of missiles and related technologies. By limiting membership to states that possess the most advanced delivery systems and related technologies, the MTCR’s three expert working groups operate at the highest levels of detail. The resulting MTCR Annex is an impressive document, with an agreed scope and a set of definitions of the highest technical complexity. The expertise provided by MTCR working-group members also means the Annex is continually updated by world-leading experts on missile technology and export control. The Annex features such an extraordinary level of detail, relevance and scope that it has been used as the basis for missile-technology controls enacted under other UNSC resolutions. 17 The MTCR’s programme of outreach to non-member states has supported them in adopting the MTCR’s controls through the ‘adherent’ system and aligning their export controls. The transparent adoption of standards and the regular outreach is a major step forward in formalising a previously informal process.', 'Together, these factors have played a role in slowing or stopping several significant missile programmes, including ending the joint Argentine–Egyptian–Iraqi Condor II ballistic-missile programme; eliminating the missile stockpiles of former Warsaw Pact states that had aspirations to join the European Union, NATO and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); (temporarily) impeding the missile programmes of India and South Korea; and eliminating Libya’s Category I missiles.18 Although other factors, including diplomatic and economic pressures and incentives, encouraged these positive outcomes, the MTCR played an important contributory role.']

[(5, 15), (102, 107)]

ndtceda

Dartmouth-VaWa-Neg-Texas-Round-6.docx

Dartmouth

VaWa

8aa4ce91da86c5b62114c1fad55c360c2ccd3a9503ec16477b718e217db53fd6

No causal relationship between democracy and peace---best studies.

Michael Mousseau 18. Professor of International Relations Theory at the University of Central Florida. 2018, "Grasping the scientific evidence: The contractualist peace supersedes the democratic peace," SAGE Journals, https://journals-sagepub-com.libproxy2.usc.edu/doi/abs/10.1177/0738894215616408, accessed 3-4-2019//JDi

correlation of democracy with peace is zero data yields no support for a causal interaction democracies tend to be dispersed account for non-fatal peace only evidence comes from 120 regressions, 101 of which are invalid only 15 are fatal and every one of these is mired by questionable practices defenders have not addressed corroborations of economic norms The notion that democracy and trade are synonymous is rooted in ignorance

No one challenged the multiple reports that contractualist economy is the strongest predictor of peace within and between nations The only controversy is whether democracy has any impact on peace investigated all five reasons offered in the literature to think democracy causes peace, and found no support for any correlation of democracy with peace is zero regardless of how conflict is measured the data yields no support for a causal interaction of democracy with contractualist economy, and offers no evidence of causation from democracy to peace democracies tend to be geographically dispersed , and this may account for the non-fatal peace , which does not exist in bordering dyads where everyone has an equal chance to fight non-fatal correlation is also marginal no claim of error should be perceived as resurrecting the correlation of democracy with peace unless it is shown to change results The only evidence -based defense of democratic peace that exists comes from DOR’s 120 regressions, 101 of which are invalid only 15 are of fatal dispute and every one of these 15 is mired by questionable practices : five include control for the DemocracyH term that is said to artificially inflate democracy If there is a correlation of democracy with peace, why cannot this be shown in a clear-cut regression? scientific assessment calls for acknowledgment of the imbalance of theory Defenders of democratic peace simply oppose the idea that democracy does not independently cause peace, with no reason democracy cannot explain peace. Causality, not statistics, lies at the core of this controversy defenders of democratic peace have not addressed any extensive corroborations of economic norms accrued in studies of civil conflict and democratization economic norms theory overwhelms any theory of democracy causing peace The notion that democracy , market development, and trade are synonymous is rooted in ignorance democracy causing peace, lacks the evidentiary core on which it is based; the observation of democratic peace is best explained by contract norms The variable to replace it is contractualist economy, which is now the most powerful non-trivial factor in the study of international conflict

The only controversy is whether democracy has any impact on peace correlation of democracy with peace is zero regardless of how conflict is measured no claim of error should be perceived as resurrecting the correlation of democracy with peace unless it is shown to change results If there is a correlation of democracy with peace, why cannot this be shown in a clear-cut regression? Defenders of democratic peace simply oppose the idea that democracy does not independently cause peace, with no reason defenders of democratic peace have not addressed any extensive corroborations of economic norms accrued in studies of civil conflict and democratization The notion that democracy , market development, and trade are synonymous is rooted in ignorance

['No one has challenged the multiple reports that contractualist economy is the strongest nontrivial predictor of peace both within (Mousseau, 2012b) and between nations (Mousseau, 2013; see also Nieman, 2015). The only matter in controversy is whether democracy has any impact on peace after consideration of contractualist economy. I investigated all five reasons offered in the literature (excluding already-refuted arguments) to think democracy causes peace, and found no support for any of them. The correlation of democracy with peace is zero regardless of how contractualist economy or interstate conflict is measured; the disaggregation of the data yields no support for a causal interaction of democracy with contractualist economy, and the state of knowledge offers no evidence of causation from democracy to contractualist economy and peace. While some correlation of democracy with peace appears in analyses of all disputes (at the 0.10 level), this appears to be a statistical artifact, since democracy is near zero in analyses of wars, fatal-only disputes (Mousseau, 2009, 2012a, 2013 and above), and militarized crises (Mousseau et al., 2013a, b). Analyses of all-disputes are less accurate than those of fatal disputes and crises because they are more likely to include events that are not state-to-state confrontations, and more likely to under-report events occurring in clientelist dyads. We saw that clientelist democracies tend to be geographically dispersed, and this may account for the non-fatal peace, which does not exist in bordering dyads where everyone has an equal chance to fight. The non-fatal correlation of democracy with peace is also marginal, as we saw in Table 4 that it includes only 27% of dyads and only 50% of joint-democratic dyads. This study largely investigated unsupported assertions of fact and showed them to lack support: neither DOR nor Ray (2013) properly supported their claims that multiple imputation, the treatment of ongoing dispute years, an interaction, the adoption of an alternative measure for contractualist economy, or reverse causality actually restore the evidence for the democratic peace. In this way this study merely corroborated what was already the state of knowledge, and it would be a mistake to think there are continuing factual differences in this controversy. I cannot promise that the analyses herein are error free, and I fully expect defenders of the democratic peace to carefully scrutinize them for errors, but no claim of error should be perceived as resurrecting the correlation of democracy with peace unless it is also shown to change results. Nor has anyone disputed the overturning of the democratic peace as reported in two studies (Mousseau, 2009, 2012a). While DOR (205) assert that the analyses in Mousseau (2009) are based on a misinterpreted interaction term, there is no such interaction term in Mousseau (2009). The only evidence-based defense of the democratic peace that exists today comes from DOR’s 120 regressions, 101 of which are invalid. Of the 19 valid ones, only 15 are of fatal disputes that count, and every one of these 15 regressions is mired by one of two questionable practices: five include control for the DemocracyH term that is said to artificially inflate the democracy coefficient; 10 are irrelevant because they include the inconsequential interaction term additionally calculated at the misleading 75th percentile of contractualist economy. If there is a correlation of democracy with peace, why cannot this be shown in a clear-cut regression? Beyond the facts, scientific assessment calls for acknowledgment of the imbalance of theory in this controversy. Economic norms theory does not deny the correlation of democracy with peace, and thus all prior evidence for it; rather, it offers a specific and falsifiable explanation for the correlation that identifies it as spurious. Defenders of the democratic peace are not putting forth a competing explanation for the correlation; rather, they simply oppose the idea that democracy does not independently cause peace, with no reason given for this opposition. However, democracy is not a random variable, so there are no scientific grounds that prohibit us from seeking to explain it, and there are no scientific grounds that preclude that whatever explains democracy cannot also explain the peace. Causality, not statistics, lies at the core of this controversy, and causality cannot be directly seen: it can only be theorized and corroborated. Yet defenders of the democratic peace have not addressed any of the extensive corroborations of economic norms theory accrued in studies of civil conflict and insurgency (Mousseau, 2012b), terrorism (Meierrieks 2012; Boehmer and Daube, 2013; Krieger and Meierrieks, 2015), democratization (Aytacx et al., 2016), and human rights (Mousseau and Mousseau, 2008). The weight of evidence for economic norms theory overwhelms any theory of democracy causing peace (Ungerer, 2012), yet defenders of the proposition have sought only to report some statistically significant correlation of democracy with peace, as if correlation equals causation (Dafoe, 2011; Dafoe and Russett, 2013; DOR; Ray, 2013; Russett, 2010). Nor is there any scientific basis for concluding that this controversy is ultimately unresolvable because the factors are closely related, as is frequently asserted without support (e.g. DOR: 203). The relevant factors are not closely related: contractualist economy is only moderately correlated with trade interdependence (0.31), income (0.71/0.56), and democracy (0.47) (Mousseau, 2013: 191–193). That contractualist nations are almost always democratic does not mean that democratic nations are almost always contractualist, and the majority 57% of democracies had clientelist economies from 1950 to 2010. The notion that democracy, market development, and trade are synonymous is rooted in ignorance, and ignorance cannot justify discarding, after the fact, our carefully constructed measures and datasets.13 The implications of this study are far from trivial: the democratic peace, defined as democracy causing peace, lacks the evidentiary core on which it is based; the observation of democratic peace is best explained by contract norms. If our field is to abide by scientific rules of evidence, then our scholars must stop describing democracy as a ‘‘known’’ cause, or correlate, of peace, and we must stop tossing in a variable for democracy, willy-nilly, in quantitative analyses of international conflict. The variable to replace it is contractualist economy, which not only subsumes democracy but is now the most powerful non-trivial factor in the study of international conflict, whose impact is more than 10 times that which we once thought democracy had. No historical study is immune to criticism, but the progress of knowledge will not be furthered with another (third) round of ardently asserted claims of error that are not shown to change results. I understand the prior view of democratic peace is known and intuitive and the contractualist peace is less so, and unsupported assertions are enough for many to believe in already-known claims. However, the purpose of science is to promote rather than stifle innovation, and to differentiate good ideas from bad ones. Better yet are new ideas that can help make the world a better place, and economic norms theory is clear on that: if the wealthy market-oriented nations wish to advance democracy and peace around the world, the way to do that is to promote economic opportunity.', '', '', '', '']

[(8, 19)]

ndtceda

Michigan-Margolin-Muse-Aff-Kentucky-Round2.docx

Michigan

MaMu

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Michigan/MaMu/Michigan-Margolin-Muse-Aff-Kentucky-Round2.docx

6ba302082245c9821ddc7ed3ab127d385deaf7d718265d8ade3cc68fc718d3e5

5---the legal system will exclude other protections unrelated to the aff.

Eva Bernet Kempers 22. “Transition rather than Revolution: The Gradual Road towards Animal Legal Personhood through the Legislature” Cambridge University Press. 04-13-22. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/transnational-environmental-law/article/transition-rather-than-revolution-the-gradual-road-towards-animal-legal-personhood-through-the-legislature/321523E062E9A3674804047908DC9A83

the legal sphere consisting of a range of legal entities that hold personhood in differing degrees relevant for a i status encompasses incidents of legal personhood while excluding fundamental protections humans need legal sphere populated by entities that possess rights in differing degrees (

image of the legal sphere – as consisting of a range of various legal entities that hold rights and incidents of personhood in differing degrees – might also be relevant for legal approaches to other non-humans . One could imagine that, for a rtificial i ntelligence or robots, a legal status might be envisioned that encompasses several incidents of legal personhood (such as the capacity to be held accountable ) and simple rights, while excluding some of the fundamental protections that humans and animals might need (such as the protection of bodily integrity). The portrayal of the legal sphere as populated by entities that possess rights and incidents in differing degrees ( as opposed to a select group of persons with rights in opposition to mere objects) fits well with the recent realization that we are living in the Anthropocene, in which the dialectical binary divisions that are based upon the opposition of nature versus culture are no longer tenable .

['The more pluralized image of the legal sphere – as consisting of a range of various legal entities that hold rights and incidents of personhood in differing degrees – might also be relevant for legal approaches to other non-humans. One could imagine that, for artificial intelligence or robots, a legal status might be envisioned that encompasses several incidents of legal personhood (such as the capacity to be held accountable) and simple rights, while excluding some of the fundamental protections that humans and animals might need (such as the protection of bodily integrity). Contrarily, the legal platform of natural objects that are vulnerable to human influence might need to encompass only the procedural incidents of personhood in order to secure their effectiveness. Hence, for other non-human entities, different roads towards better protection could be envisioned (potentially by drafting other alternative pyramids), contributing to a further pluralization of law. The portrayal of the legal sphere as populated by entities that possess rights and incidents in differing degrees (as opposed to a select group of persons with rights in opposition to mere objects) fits well with the recent realization that we are living in the Anthropocene, in which the dialectical binary divisions that are based upon the opposition of nature versus culture are no longer tenable. ', '']

[(11, 21), (24, 57)]

ndtceda

Emory-MiPi-Aff-Georgetown-College-Tournament-Round-2.docx

Emory

MiPi

82d57b13dd2db659ed2614eb3387cf8ce8f4292c3fe707a28253011a81a546b6

Ukraine for sure thumps.

Levite 22 - (Ariel E. Levite, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Technology and International Affairs Program; 6-29-2022, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, "Why security assurances are losing their clout as a nuclear nonproliferation instrument," doa: 8-21-2023) url: https://thebulletin.org/2022/06/why-security-assurances-are-losing-their-clout-as-a-nuclear-nonproliferation-instrument/

Ukraine not lost on allies states have held back nuc s but now reconsider especially Taiwan Japan So Ko Australia Gulf states Saudi Egypt Turkey Baltic s as well as Poland commitments value weakened by uncertainty and delay . problem with guarantees not confined to political will goes to the capacity to deliver.

Ukraine is not a singular case. And its sobering experience with the Budapest Memorandum and Russian invasion is not lost on both US allies and adversaries. Denmark, already a veteran NATO member , has also just decided in a national referendum to reverse course and terminate its EU security and defense op-out. In between is a third group of states , those that have thus far held back nuc lear weapon s program but may now be inclined to reconsider in light of a growing sense of vulnerability to attack or blackmail— especially those increasingly feeling threatened by the likes of China Taiwan Japan So uth Ko rea , and Australia immediately come to mind or Iran Gulf states Saudi Arabia Egypt Turkey Baltic state s as well as Poland The United States and NATO are working with many of them to bolster their security . But most of these efforts are proving increasingly challenging to sustain, let alone scale up, when the US acutely feels both resource constraints and diminished political appetite for overseas commitments. This all adds up to a remarkably somber assessment of what the future holds in store. new collective security commitments toward any additional party or parties value would be weakened by the uncertainty and delay in getting these ratified by the US Senate . The problem with future security guarantees is not confined to political will to assume or sustain them; it goes further, to the capacity to deliver. Emblematic of the situation is the growing anxiety on both Washington and Taipei about the credibility of US deterrence of Chinese aggression against Taiwan. This reticence is likely to be further reinforced by repeated demonstrations of the capacity of significantly inferior forces to exact a heavy cost from their foes should they be required to honor their security guarantees

sobering experience veteran NATO member reverse course held back Taiwan Japan So uth Ko rea Australia Gulf states Saudi Arabia Egypt Turkey Baltic state s Poland working with many bolster their security resource constraints diminished political appetite somber assessment new uncertainty delay security guarantees anxiety credibility of US deterrence capacity significantly inferior forces heavy cost

['', 'But Ukraine is not a singular case. And its sobering experience with the Budapest Memorandum and Russian invasion is not lost on both US allies and adversaries. Witness the recent decision by Finnish and Swedish governments, after reviewing their security posture in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis, to abandon their long-cherished neutrality and apply for NATO membership. Similarly motivated Denmark, already a veteran NATO member, has also just decided in a national referendum to reverse course and terminate its EU security and defense op-out. And Germany, which as a leading NATO member has long benefitted from NATOs security guarantees and a US nuclear tripwire, was shocked enough by the Ukrainian crisis not merely to dramatically increase its defense budget but also end its long procrastination on renewing an aging fleet of dual-use nuclear delivery aircraft.', 'Now consider the impact on US adversaries like Iran and North Korea. They are bound to feel vindicated in their reluctance to contemplate any serious concessions in their nuclear pursuits. After all, they have long focused on the contrast between the fates of Muammar Khadafy and Saddam Hussein who lost their regimes and heads to foreign “aggression” once they gave up on their nuclear weapons programs, and that of Kim Jung Un (and his dynastic ancestors) who were able to save both by holding on to their prized nuclear possessions. Going forward then, we can be confidently surmise that neither harsh sanctions nor soft external security “assurances” would lure them to relinquish their nuclear assets. In fact, they may even feel compelled under the current circumstances to expand their nuclear holdings both to better protect themselves and to enhance their diplomatic clout.', 'In between is a third group of states, those that have thus far held back (or walked back) nuclear weapons program but may now be inclined to reconsider in light of a growing sense of vulnerability to attack or blackmail—especially those increasingly feeling threatened by the likes of China (Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and Australia immediately come to mind) or Iran (the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia all the way to Egypt and Turkey) or Russia (the Baltic states as well as Poland). The United States and NATO are working with many of them to bolster their security. But most of these efforts are proving increasingly challenging to sustain, let alone scale up, when the US acutely feels both resource constraints and diminished political appetite for overseas commitments. It’s no surprise then to see the ever-growing public support in South Korea for either positioning of US nuclear weapons on its soil or acquiring an independent nuclear capability to hold at bay both North Korea and China.', 'Sanctions have historically been another potent tool the United States uses to dissuade adversaries and proliferators and reassure allies. But this much overused instrument is no longer proving either credible or comprehensive enough to impress on others that the United States masters both the resolve and the ability to fundamentally alter their and their adversaries’ cost-benefit calculus. Clearly, sanctions could not dissuade Russia from encroaching on any of its near abroad, dissuade Chinese militarization of the South China seas or terminate its intimidation of Taiwan, or reassure Ukraine about its future independence, let alone its territorial integrity. Just as crippling sanctions imposed on Iran in 2018 under the so-called Trump’s “maximum pressure” policy have failed to constrain Iranian nuclear advances, similarly intense pressure—reinforced by lofty promises of aid—could not whet North Korea’s appetite to reverse nuclear course.', 'Conventional arms transfer has also been frequently used by the US to stem proliferation by enhancing the confidence in and capacity of other states to defend themselves, by themselves, and in the process raise the price tag their aggressors will have to pay for taking them on. As is the case with Ukraine, such transfers are bound to remain a valuable tool in this arsenal, but their limitations are also now palpable. Conventional weapons by themselves have never possessed—even in the rare cases when they could be fielded affordably, in large quantity and quality—the unique ability to reassure and focus the minds the way nuclear weapons do. Endowing arms supplies with more cachet requires deployment of US troops as a “tripwire,” which brings us back to Washington’s reticence to undertake new such commitments.', 'This all adds up to a remarkably somber assessment of what the future holds in store. The United States, its European allies, and even a handful of others—such as those Ukraine now turns to provide it with fresh security guarantees, all the way from Poland, Turkey, and Canada to Israel—now have to agonize over how far they are able and willing to go to reassure other parties. Even in the unlikely event that a US administration would assume firmer new collective security commitments toward any additional party or parties, their value would be weakened by the uncertainty and delay in getting these ratified by the US Senate. This is not to mention the reawakened cache of isolationist/libertarian tendencies in the United States accompanied by explicit sympathy of some leading US political figures toward Russian President Vladimir Putin. This reality deprives the US of the sole mechanisms to endow its political commitments with congressional imprimatur that might provide others with some confidence about their endurance over time. But even if the Senate could be miraculously brought along to sanction new security treaties, their value appears uncertain, when presidents can unilaterally withdraw the United States at will even from binding commitments, as presidents of both parties have repeatedly done over time, as evidenced by US withdrawals from the Anti-Ballistic Missile, Open Skies, and Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces treaties.', 'The problem with future security guarantees is not confined to political will to assume or sustain them; it goes further, to the capacity to deliver. The challenge of confronting and prevailing over ever more impressive Chinese military capabilities looks daunting, when considering how it increasingly challenge US supremacy not just in key classical conventional and nuclear area but also in cyberspace and more recently space as well. Emblematic of the situation is the growing anxiety on both Washington and Taipei about the credibility of US deterrence of Chinese aggression against Taiwan. If one further allows for the realistic prospect that Russia and China would extend further their collaboration in challenging US supremacy, while much of the rest of the world opts to sit on the sidelines, then the appetite to take on either of them on would be further diminished not only for the typically circumspect and divided Europeans but also for the presumably single-minded United States. This reticence is likely to be further reinforced by repeated demonstrations of the capacity of significantly inferior forces (such as those of Ukraine, Iran, and even Hezbollah) to exact a heavy cost from their foes should they be required to honor their security guarantees.', '']

[(0, 9)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhJo-Aff-00---NDT-Round-2.docx

Minnesota

PhJo

2f8343aed1f53eb60a6305d726e3356291735672ce2790d3e9edb148a269e76d

Voting negative endorses a global systems paradigm – it’s the only way to generate a fuller understanding of African diaspora.

Allen ’14 [Richard B. Allen, Professor of History Framingham State University & Research Consultant and Editor Aapravasi Ghat Trust Fund (UNESCO World Heritage Site). Slaves, Convicts, Abolitionism and the Global Origins of the Post-Emancipation Indentured Labor System, Slavery & Abolition, 2014 Vol. 35, No. 2, 328–348, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039X.2013.870789 http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/Allen2014.pdf]

Northrup emphasized the need to view the movemen as a global system indentured labor studies remain hobbled by a failure to examine in comparative contexts. This historiographical inertia may be traced to continuing dominance of the slavery’ paradigm the new indentured labor trade arose in direct response to the abolition of slavery Recent research on the Indian Ocean reveals early experiments which neither few in number nor marginally important to understanding the indentured labor system’s origins emergence of an international labor market connected Europe with southern Africa and Southeast Asia

Northrup emphasized the need to view the movemen t of millions of indentured workers throughout and beyond the colonial plantation world also as a global system indentured labor studies remain hobbled by a failure to examine the indentured experience in well-developed local, regional, global and comparative contexts. This historiographical inertia may be traced to the continuing dominance of the slavery’ paradigm in both scholarly and public discourse ; a corresponding propensity to view this system’s origins largely, if not exclusively, through the prism of Atlantic-centric slaves the new indentured labor trade arose in direct response to the abolition of slavery in the colonies Recent research on the Indian Ocean reveals that the early experiments to which Northrup referred were, however, neither few in number nor marginally important to understanding the indentured labor system’s origins and subsequent development these experiments occurred in a truly global setting that stretched from the Caribbean to the South Atlantic and across the Indian Ocean to Southeast Asia and China the emergence of an international labor market which connected Europe with southern Africa and South and Southeast Asia , further illustrate the need for indentured labor historians to transcend the conceptual parochialism that inhibits the development of a much fuller understanding of this labor system in all of its complexity The challenge is to probe much more deeply and perceptively into the ways in which the complex dialog within and between these oceanic worlds shaped the nature and dynamics of a global migrant labor system, the legacy of which continues to resonate in our own day and age

also as a global system failure continuing dominance slavery’ paradigm scholarly and public discourse Atlantic-centric indentured labor trade arose global setting much fuller understanding of this labor system in all of its complexity probe much more deeply and perceptively

['In his excellent survey of indentured labor in the age of imperialism, David Northrup emphasized the need to view the movement of millions of indentured workers throughout and beyond the colonial plantation world not only in the context of its times, but also as a global system that invites comparison with the great European migrations of the day and age.93 Even a cursory survey of published scholarship since the appearance of Northrup’s book almost 20 years ago reveals, however, that indentured labor studies remain hobbled by a failure to examine the indentured experience in well-developed local, regional, global and comparative contexts. This historiographical inertia may be traced to various factors: the continuing dominance of the Tinkerian ‘new system of slavery’ paradigm in both scholarly and public discourse about indentured labor; a corresponding propensity to view this system’s origins largely, if not exclusively, through the prism of an Atlantic-centric abolitionism in which the 1834 emancipation of slaves in the British Empire has acquired iconic status; and an Indo-centrism that distracts attention from or obscures work on other indentured populations. Northrup’s comments about the origins of the indentured labor trade echo these historiographical preoccupations:', 'Despite the existence of a few earlier experiments, it is fair to say that the new indentured labor trade arose in direct response to the abolition of slavery in the colonies of Great Britain in the 1830s and to its subsequent abolition or decline in French, Dutch, and Spanish colonies.94', 'Recent research on free and forced labor migration in the Indian Ocean reveals that the early experiments to which Northrup referred were, however, neither few in number nor marginally important to understanding the indentured labor system’s origins and subsequent development. This research highlights, moreover, that these experiments occurred in a truly global setting that stretched from the Caribbean to the South Atlantic and across the Indian Ocean to Southeast Asia and China. That this was so should come as no surprise given recent scholarship on the trans-imperial movement of ideas, personnel and news with the British Empire, especially during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.95 As P.J. Marshall has trenchantly observed, if there were significant differences between the British experience in the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds, there were also significant similarities between these two components of a single imperial entity.96 Compelling work on the impact that public knowledge about and perceptions of empire had on British politics and identity underscores this point.97 So do astute assessments of the limitations inherent in oceanic basin approaches to studying labor migration and maritime history.98 Insights provided by the emerging field of global labor history, including case studies such as Jan Lucassen’s examination of the VOC’s role in the emergence of an international labor market which connected Europe with southern Africa and South and Southeast Asia, further illustrate the need for indentured labor historians to transcend the conceptual parochialism that inhibits the development of a much fuller understanding of this post-emancipation labor system in all of its complexity.99 The challenge before us is, accordingly, to probe much more deeply and perceptively into the ways in which the complex dialog within and between these oceanic worlds shaped the nature and dynamics of a global migrant labor system, the legacy of which continues to resonate in our own day and age.']

[(0, 5), (6, 9)]

ndtceda

Dartmouth-Shankar-Vergho-Neg-6%20-%20NDT-Doubles.docx

Dartmouth

ShVe

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Dartmouth/ShVe/Dartmouth-Shankar-Vergho-Neg-6%2520-%2520NDT-Doubles.docx

62ee37439773e70ae27d77fa0cd00966abdaed6f54cdf8d7e1c1f8c7985187aa

AND artificially discounts potential for backsliding and superior durability of amendments.

Denning ’2 [Brannon and John Vile; 2002; Research Associate and Senior Fellow at Yale Law School, J.D. from the University of Tennessee; Chair of Political Science at Middle State Tennessee University; Tulane Law Review, “The Relevance of Constitutional Amendments: A Response to David Strauss,” vol. 77]

Strauss's assumptions : that change advances, uninterrupted there is no reaction , no backlash that forestalls gains and no backsliding by legislatures these assertions are made on his authority Even in a failed amendment by putting change on the agenda , the amendment's acted as a catalyst Strauss ignores the unstable nature of informal change laws are subject to repeal may be rescinded overruled , distinguished , or ignored it is because the New Deal did not enshrine the Constitution that change was provisional and subject to more

We are faced with another of Strauss's troubling assumptions : that constitutional change advances, uninterrupted , toward whatever progressive norms that we relied on amendments to install in the Constitution In Strauss's world, there is no reaction , no backlash that forestalls future gains and no backsliding by courts or legislatures these assertions are made on his own authority , and he does not entertain the possibility that circumstances would have intervened that slowed change , or reversed its direction . Even in the case of a failed amendment by putting the change on the Nation's political agenda , the amendment's proponents acted as a catalyst for change, which, in the absence of an amending mechanism , would not have otherwise progressed Strauss ignores the inherently unstable nature of informal change . Congress may pass laws , but those laws are subject to repeal Executive orders may be rescinded . Court decisions may be overruled , distinguished , or ignored If Strauss's theory is correct , one would have expected the Supreme Court's decisions would have encountered more resistance it is precisely because the New Deal did not enshrine its changes in the Constitution that change was provisional and subject to more change in the future

troubling assumptions uninterrupted whatever amendments install no reaction no backlash forestalls future gains backsliding courts legislatures assertions own authority intervened slowed change reversed its direction failed amendment political agenda catalyst in the absence amending mechanism otherwise progressed ignores inherently unstable informal change pass laws repeal rescinded overruled distinguished ignored correct more resistance precisely because enshrine provisional more change

['C Strauss’s Whig Theory of Constitutional Change', "But let us concede, for the sake of argument, that informal channels for constitutional change would have developed.28 We are then faced with another of Strauss's troubling assumptions: that constitutional change advances, uninterrupted, toward whatever progressive norms that we have heretofore relied on amendments to install in the Constitution-racial equality, full political participation for women and eighteen-year-olds, and the elimination of barriers to full enfranchisement for the poor and other minorities.29 In Strauss's world, there is no reaction, no backlash that forestalls future gains (perhaps placing them out of reach), and no backsliding by courts or legislatures. Again and again, he assures us that whatever gains were secured by amendment were already secured in large part or would have been in due time, amendment or not. 30 But often these assertions are made on his own authority, and he does not entertain the possibility that circumstances would have intervened that slowed change, or reversed its direction. Even in the case of a failed amendment, one might argue that by putting the change sought on the Nation's political agenda, the amendment's proponents acted as a catalyst for that change, which, in the absence of an amending mechanism, would not have otherwise progressed in the same way.", "Strauss also ignores the inherently unstable nature of informal change. Congress may pass laws, but those laws are subject to repeal (or presidential veto). Executive orders may be rescinded. Court decisions may be overruled, distinguished, or ignored. And so on. Consider the New Deal. David Kyvig contrasts Reconstruction with the New Deal by noting the absence of any trace left by the latter in the text of the Constitution. 32 If Strauss's theory is correct, one would have expected that the Supreme Court's federalism decisions during the 1990s (and early 2000s) would have encountered more resistance from a public that had demanded substantial changes to the small-c-constitution effected after 1937. 33 Yet it is precisely because the New Deal did not enshrine its changes in the Constitution that change was provisional and subject to yet more change in the future. 34"]

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Neg-Ziggy-ONLINE-Wayne-State-Round-4.docx

Michigan

McSk

87704590eac0d25fbac5c3e724c5f42a26e3c647b28814ec3fc5c1d50c6e61ee

The opioid epidemic causes rainforest deforestation—harm reduction is key.

Rogers, 17 -- FiveThirtyEight science reporter

Opioid Epidemic Is Destroying the Rainforest drug cartels have more incentive to tear down rainforests Traffickers need a lot of land to move drugs to secure routes they cut forests some of the most vulnerable regions responsible for 50 percent we can curb this steering drug policy in the US toward recovery would ease a lot of the impacts

America's Opioid Epidemic Is Destroying the Rainforest The jungles in Guatemala are some of the most biodiverse drug trafficking has had a measurable effect Drug traffickers grab up land and tear down trees our addiction to painkillers is playing a role in the destruction of this precious ecosystem. Widespread addiction to opioid s expanded the US market for heroin With more demand for heroin in the US, drug cartels in Central and South America have even more incentive to continue tear ing down the rainforests statistics show deforestation has continued to climb right along pace with our growing appetite for heroin. Traffickers need a lot of land through which to move drugs to secure those routes , they buy up the land and cut forests These methods are causing increased deforestation, particularly in some of the most vulnerable ecological regions the drug trade is responsible for at least 30 percent of all deforestation in Central America, but as much as 50 percent in some regions systematic destruction of some of the most unique and valuable ecosystems on the planet These are totally dynamics made in the US there are ways we can curb this destruction steering drug policy in the US away from prohibition toward recovery and abuse reduction would ease a lot of the impacts on biodiversity

America's Opioid Epidemic Is Destroying the Rainforest tear some of the most vulnerable ecological regions at least 30 percent as much as 50 percent we can curb this destruction steering drug policy away from prohibition toward recovery would ease a lot of the impacts on biodiversity

['[Kaleigh, "America\'s Opioid Epidemic Is Destroying the Rainforest," Vice, 4-26-17, https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/3d9d8y/americas-opioid-epidemic-is-destroying-the-rainforest, accessed 5-30-20]', '', "America's Opioid Epidemic Is Destroying the Rainforest", 'Narco-deforestation has been a long recognized phenomenon, but a growing heroin market is adding extra strain.', "The jungles in Guatemala's northern reaches are some of the most biodiverse forests north of the Amazon. They're one of the last remaining homes for jaguars, tapirs, and scarlet macaws. And they're being systematically destroyed.", "There are a number of factors that contribute to deforestation in Guatemala, but the impact of drug trafficking has had a measurable effect. Drug traffickers set up shop in the region, grabbing up land and tearing down trees to build landing strips for airplanes, or to set up farms, which they use to launder money. Narco-deforestation, as it's known, has long been a problem, but America's opioid epidemic is almost certainly making it worse.", "It's a link that hasn't yet been made by researchers, but data from conservation, drug policy, and health literature add up to a compelling indication that our addiction to painkillers is playing a role in the destruction of this precious ecosystem.", 'Widespread addiction to opioid painkillers like OxyContin has expanded the US market for heroin, which is almost identical chemically to prescription opioids. Heroin is also usually cheaper than pills, can be more readily available, and is more potent. With more demand for heroin in the US, drug cartels in Central and South America have even more incentive to continue tearing down the rainforests, and statistics show that deforestation has continued to climb right along pace with our growing appetite for heroin.', 'I first learned about this connection during a reporting trip to central Guatemala. Fascinated by the networks at play influencing the opioid epidemic in the US, I was curious if it had had any impact in Central America. So one afternoon, while driving to visit some indigenous midwives in the hilly, bucolic Tecpán region, I turned to my interpreter to ask if she knew whether the drug trade had changed at all in recent years.', 'She nodded emphatically, telling me it\'s "gotten worse," and that drug cartels in the north of the country were "chopping down the rainforest."', '"Is it just cocaine?" I asked her.', '"Cocaine," she acknowledged. "But heroin, too."', "Between 1990 and 2005, 17 percent of Guatemala's total forest cover was torn down—a loss of roughly half a million hectares of trees—according to the European Space Agency, which tracks deforestation using satellite imagery. It's continued at a similar pace since then, particularly in the ecologically vulnerable rainforest areas, where an increase in drug trafficking coincided with as much as 10 percent forest loss between 2006 and 2010, according to study published in Science.", "And it's only getting worse.", '"It hasn\'t slowed down in the last four years," said Matthew Taylor, a professor of geography and the environment at the University of Denver, who has studied the impacts of drug trafficking on the environment. "From speaking with my sources and from evidence from being in the field, it\'s increasing."', 'Though agriculture and logging account for a large portion of this deforestation in Central and South America, the narco-deforestation has played a significant role, too. The actual cultivation of drugs like cocaine and heroin has an impact: The Organization of American States estimates that 2.5 million hectares of Amazonian forest in Peru have been destroyed to grow coca, while more than 1 million hectares of forest in Colombia have been culled to grow illicit drugs, including opium poppies for heroin.', 'But in Central America, the drug-related deforestation is caused instead by all of the activities surrounding the trafficking side of the supply chain, according to Kendra McSweeney, the study author and a professor of geography at Ohio State University.', '"[Traffickers] need a lot of land through which to move drugs," McSweeney told me. "In order to secure those routes, they like to buy up the land and cut forests for landing planes, landing boats, unloading, reloading, and driving out by car."', "Drug cartels also buy land and cut down forests to establish cattle ranches, which make handy businesses through which to launder money, McSweeney explained. It also gives them a diversification option: If the drug route gets cracked down, they still own the land, which they can sell off for major profits, since the original sale is usually made under duress (you can't really negotiate real estate prices with a drug cartel).", "These methods are causing increased deforestation, particularly in some of the most vulnerable ecological regions, McSweeney said. She and other researchers estimate that the drug trade is responsible for at least 30 percent of all deforestation in Central America, but as much as 50 percent in some regions—including Guatemala's northern rainforests, located in the Petén department.", "These drug trafficking organizations aren't dealing strictly in heroin. Cocaine is the biggest product by far, and they also dabble in marijuana farming and even cooking methamphetamine. But in recent years, heroin has become a growing export from Central America, according to the Drug Enforcement Agency, which reported that heroin seizures at the US-Mexico border more than doubled between 2010 and 2015.", "Much of the heroin is coming directly from Mexico, but the DEA also reports that heroin coming into the US is produced in Guatemala and Colombia, and trafficked through networks across Central America. It's difficult to pin down exactly how much of these cartels' business is heroin, but it's clearly playing a role.", '"What is and is not run by those groups is obviously not something that\'s public information," said Ben Hodgdon, the global director of forestry at the Rainforest Alliance, an NGO that works to preserve forest biodiversity. "But these are criminal organizations that are tied up with trafficking any number of different narcotics, so I think it\'s reasonable to highlight some kind of link."', 'At the same time this drug trafficking-related deforestation was ramping up in Central America, the market for heroin in the United States was exploding. Between 2001 and 2013, the use of heroin in the United States increased five-fold, according to a recent study. That means that by 2013, approximately 3.8 million US adults had used heroin at some point in their lifetime.', 'The Centers for Disease Control says that heroin use in the US has increased across practically all demographics. It has more than doubled in young adults ages 18-25, and heroin overdose deaths are also on the rise. By 2013, the rate of heroin-related overdose deaths had nearly quadrupled the rate from 2002, with more than 8,200 people overdosing in 2013. In 2015, opioid overdose deaths surpassed gun homicide deaths in America for the first time in history.', 'Not all painkiller addicts go on to use heroin, but studies show a significant amount of new heroin users have previously abused prescription opioids. Between 75 and 80 percent of new heroin users have previously abused painkillers, and individuals addicted to prescription opioids are 40 times more likely to become addicted to heroin. We call it the opioid epidemic, instead of the OxyContin epidemic, because this scourge goes beyond prescription pills.', 'All of these factors add up to a disturbing conclusion: Our widespread abuse of prescription painkillers has led thousands of Americans who never would have used heroin to become addicted to the narcotic. This has driven up the demand for heroin, giving drug traffickers across Central and South America a bigger market to fill, and more means to continue their systematic destruction of some of the most unique and valuable ecosystems on the planet.', '"These are totally dynamics made in the USA, no question," McSweeney told me.', "The experts I spoke to all said there are ways we can curb this destruction. McSweeney believes that steering drug policy in the US away from prohibition toward recovery and abuse reduction would ease a lot of the impacts on biodiversity conservation. Hodgson advocated for working to help local communities reclaim land rights in ancestral lands—his research shows drug cartels tend to steer clear of forest that's already occupied.", '']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-Johnson-Sun-Aff-1-NU-Round2.docx

Minnesota

JoSu

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/JoSu/Minnesota-Johnson-Sun-Aff-1-NU-Round2.docx

313b59ca629e59b4ca82b67577ca7a818a5b2d6cc651ecb0c1106edf6e815162

3—AI will proliferate and inevitably cause strain so balancing insurance before-hand is necessary.

Levy 20 (*David Levy: Co-founder of Kami Computing, 2020, “Intelligent no-fault insurance for robots,” Journal of Future Robot Life, vol. 1, https://content.iospress.com/articles/journal-of-future-robot-life/frl200001)

Another potential threat identified by Yoshikawa to the New Zealand scheme arises from certainty that AI could increase injury rates and make an insurance scheme unsustainable the inevitable increase in AI accidents demands insurance it is deciding on insurance best suited which poses the big question not whether or not insurance is the best solution

Another potential threat identified by Yoshikawa to the widespread adoption of a New Zealand -like scheme for robot insurance arises from certainty that proliferation of AI could increase injury rates and make an insurance scheme “ unsustainable ” I would argue that the inevitable increase in AI related accidents demands insurance it is deciding on the type of insurance best suited to such accidents which poses the big question not whether or not insurance is the best solution

Yoshikawa New Zealand unsustainable inevitable increase in AI demands insurance type of insurance big question best solution

['', 'Another potential threat identified by Yoshikawa, to the widespread adoption of a New Zealand-like scheme for robot insurance, arises from the certainty that the proliferation of AI could increase injury rates and make such an insurance scheme “unsustainable”. Against this fear I would argue that the inevitable increase in AI and robot related accidents demands insurance, and that it is deciding on the type of insurance best suited to such accidents which poses the big question, not whether or not insurance is the best solution.', '', '', '']

[(0, 7)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-JoPh-Neg-Georgetown-College-Tournament-Round-5.docx

Minnesota

JoPh

fc02e886c1f3f1a9eedc4960846f2c110d7d705db315c72d0275f5fa9f413da8

Human rights to oceans solves MPA enforcement

Hasegawa 18 – Environmental Specialist at the World Bank ENB Middle East and North Africa (Kanako, "Are human rights relevant to Marine Protected Areas in the high seas?," International Environmental Law-making and Diplomacy Review 2018, )

human rights relevant to MPAs socio-economic dimensions need to be considered flag-states have the freedom of navigation subject to international law. In addition to fish genetic resources can be subject to withdrawal For equitable management allocation of management rights needs to be examined since oceans are connected rights to participation. protection could be of concern to any individuals any individuals participate in process to protect environment This means measures need to be available instead of closed-door decisions the right to development must equitably meet developmental environmental needs rights to healthy ocean need to be considered when discussing conservation include human rights perspectives in MPAs developed under UNCLOS including access rights, withdrawal rights, participation and inter-generational rights rights could be reallocated through MPAs in the high seas considering human dimensions could provide a useful framework in enforcement of MPAs

human rights relevant to Marine Protected Areas in the high seas MPAs socio-economic dimensions need to be considered along with environmental issues. So far, the discussion on high seas MPAs has been primary on the conservation Under UNCLOS , flag-states have the freedom of navigation , overflight, laying of subma-rine cables and pipelines, construction of artificial islands or installations, subject to the conditions set by UNCLOS and other rules of international law. In addition to fish genetic resources can be subject to withdrawal in the high seas. this sense, individuals or groups of individuals, such as commercial operators conducting bioprospecting may be finan-cially impacted by the change in the withdrawal rights. Under the MPAs established by regional instruments, only a certain number of countries with-in their respective regions are eligible for and engaged with-in the management of the MPAs in these high-seas rights. For the equitable management of the high seas ecosystems and their services allocation of management rights needs to be fully examined since the oceans are connected and the management of the high seas may well have an impact on territorial waters. the question of the rights to participation. regulator. If these services are to be protected, the protection of the high seas could be of concern to any individuals prin-ciple, any individuals have rights to participate in a process to protect a safe and healthy environment . This means that appropriate measures and relevant informa tion need to be available instead of relying on closed-door decisions on the creation, management and monitoring of MPAs in ABNJ. the right to development must be fulfilled so as to equitably meet developmental and environmental needs of present and future generations rights of future generations to a healthy ocean and its natural resources need to be considered when discussing the conservation and sustainable management of the high seas. examples of MPAs in the territorial waters, as well as experiences from terrestrial protected areas, have shown the importance of socioec-onomic dimensions. S there is a possi-bility to better include human rights perspectives in developing high seas MPAs in the framework of a new ILBI to be developed under UNCLOS . Human rights are closely relevant to high seas MPAs including access rights, withdrawal rights, right to information, right to participation and inter-generational rights These rights could be reallocated through the establishment of MPAs in the high seas . I would recommend considering human dimensions , including human rights, together with other legal and scientific dimensions in the discussion on area-based management tools -based approaches, which have been used for conservation, could provide a useful framework in examining socio-economic impacts of any future governance process in enforcement of MPAs in the high seas.

human rights relevant to MPAs socio-economic dimensions subject to international law. In addition to fish individuals such as commercial operators may be finan-cially impacted by the change in the withdrawal rights. For the equitable management of the allocation of management rights needs to be fully examined since territorial rights to participation. protection of the high seas could be of concern to any individuals any individuals have rights to participate in process to protect healthy environment This means appropriate measures closed-door decisions the right to development must be fulfilled so equitably meet developmental rights of future generations to a healthy ocean and its natural resources considered when discussing conservation include MPAs developed under UNCLOS including access rights, withdrawal rights, participation and inter-generational rights MPAs in the high seas considering human dimensions in enforcement of MPAs

['6 Are human rights relevant to Marine Protected Areas in the high seas?', 'For the integrated management of MPAs in ABNJ, socio-economic dimensions need to be considered along with environmental issues. So far, the discussion on high seas MPAs has been primary on the conservation and sustainable management of ecosystem functioning and services. Limited attention has been paid to human dimensions in creating the high seas MPAs, perhaps due to the large distance from inhabited areas and assumptions that there are only limited socioeconomic impacts.', 'But, are human rights irrelevant to high seas MPAs?', 'First of all, the issue of access rights to the high seas MPAs can be considered. Under\xa0UNCLOS, flag-states have the freedom of navigation, overflight, laying of subma-rine cables and pipelines, construction of artificial islands or installations, fishing, and marine scientific research, subject to the conditions set by UNCLOS and other rules of international law.82\xa0Even though freedom of navigation is granted, ships may need to detour MPA-designated areas depending on the management rules set for the location. This means that access right to a certain area might change through the creation of an MPA. It should be noted that high-sea MPAs that have been es-tablished under regional as well as international agreements only apply to the mem-ber states of these agreements. This means that non-parties to these agreements may not be obliged to follow the management rules even when the MPA is in principle closed for access.', 'Secondly, withdrawal rights of states can be impacted by the presence of MPAs in\xa0ABNJ. For instance, under decisions by fisheries management organizations, state parties may decide to restrict their fishery activities in certain areas of the high seas.', 'These rules apply to the member states of respective regional bodies and the states may be required to give up withdrawal rights as well as the freedom of fishing. In case a non-member state to the relevant regional fisheries bodies does not comply with the guideline, it would be considered as a non-regulated fishery under the UN Fish Stock Agreement. This change in the withdrawal right will impact fishermen’s life especially in the short term as they may face economic losses due to the loss of fisheries ground and decreased catch.', 'In addition to fish, genetic resources can be subject to withdrawal in the high seas.', 'While there is a heated discussion as to whether marine genetic resources fall under the regime of common heritage of humankind or not,83\xa0withdrawal rights could be changed through the presence of MPAs. In this sense, individuals or groups of individuals, such as commercial operators conducting bioprospecting, may be finan-cially impacted by the change in the withdrawal rights.', 'Thirdly, management rights of certain coastal states can be examined. Under the\xa0MPAs established by regional instruments, only a certain number of countries with-in their respective regions are eligible for and engaged with-in the management of the MPAs in these high-seas. A relevant question is whether these states can be entrusted for the protection of the high seas if the high seas do not belong to any state. Certain costal states could be geographically located closer to the MPAs than other states, but it does not have to guarantee management rights. For the equitable management of the high seas ecosystems and their services, the allocation of management rights needs to be fully examined since the oceans are connected and the management of the high seas may well have an impact on territorial waters.', 'The issues of management rights lead to the question of the rights to participation.', 'It is relevant to ask who should participate in the creation, management and mon-itoring of high seas MPAs. The oceans, including the high seas, have an important function for human wellbeing including the generation of oxygen, food supply and absorption of heat as a climate regulator. If these services are to be protected, the protection of the high seas could be of concern to any individuals. As such, in prin-ciple, any individuals have rights to participate in a process to protect a safe and healthy environment. This means that appropriate measures and relevant informa-tion for participainforma-tion need to be available instead of relying on closed-door decisions on the creation, management and monitoring of MPAs in ABNJ.', 'Last but not least, other emerging rights such as inter-generational rights could be considered to be relevant to high seas MPAs. Conservation efforts do not produce results in one day, and a decision today will have an implication on future declarations.. Principle 3 of the Rio Declaration84\xa0states that ‘the right to development must be fulfilled so as to equitably meet developmental and environmental needs of present and future generations.’ In line with the Principle, the rights of future generations to a healthy ocean and its natural resources need to be considered when discussing the conservation and sustainable management of the high seas.', '7 Conclusion', 'Until now the creation of high-seas MPAs has been taking a technocratic approach focusing on conservation benefits, and the consideration for human dimensions has not been well made. However, examples of MPAs in the territorial waters, as well as experiences from terrestrial protected areas, have shown the importance of socioec-onomic dimensions. Some recent studies have started to analyze the impact of high seas MPAs on indigenous rights. For instance, in eastern and central Polynesia, non-fish natural resources such as whales, dolphins, tuna, and turtle are often considered to be totemic animals of extended families and clans. Property rights of indigenous people could, therefore, include rights to these traditional cultural resources, beyond fishing rights.85 Further research is needed to understand how to best consider hu-man rights in high seas MPAs.', 'Considering that UNCLOS and human rights law are interlinked, there is a possi-bility to better include human rights perspectives in developing high seas MPAs in the framework of a new ILBI to be developed under UNCLOS. Human rights are closely relevant to high seas MPAs including access rights, withdrawal rights, right to information, right to participation and inter-generational rights. These rights could be reallocated through the establishment of MPAs in the high seas. It could thus be concluded that human rights are relevant to high seas MPAs even though there may be no humans living in the high seas.', 'As the Intergovernmental Conference on an ILBI under UNCLOS on the conserva-tion and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond naconserva-tional juris-diction continues, I would recommend considering human dimensions, including human rights, together with other legal and scientific dimensions in the discussion on area-based management tools including MPAs. Rights-based approaches, which have been used for conservation, could provide a useful framework in examining socio-economic impacts of any future governance process for MPAs in ABNJ. It is to be hoped that human dimensions will be properly incorporated in the consider-ation of a mechanism for site-selection, management, monitoring and enforcement of MPAs in the high seas.', '']

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ndtceda

Northwestern-DeWe-Neg-Kentucky-Run-for-the-Roses-Round-7.docx

Northwestern

DeWe

ca572007f7ba93be6e047424e8be3540318cad222070cc2d076ef331391252ad

Russian nuclear use unlikely – Multiple intelligence assessments prove

Bugos, 23 (Shannon, June 2023, Arms Control Today, “Russian Use of Nuclear Weapons Still Unlikely, U.S. Says”, , accessed 8-21-23, AFB, ADA-)

the U.S. intelligence community continues to assert that the likelihood of Putin using nuclear weapons in the war remains low. “It is very unlikely” Director of National Intelligence Haines told Congress Berrier, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, also testified agreed with Haines Despite the Russian suspension, the U S has continued to provide data “The transparency among nuclear weapon states as extremely valuable for reducing the likelihood of misperception, miscalculation, and costly arms competitions,” the State Department said Russia and the United States have emphasized that they will continue to adhere to an ongoing 1988 agreement that requires the two nations to exchange notifications Russia also expressed its intention to continue adhering to a 1989 agreement that requires advance notification of major strategic exercises

Ahead of a widely expected counteroffensive by Ukraine in its war with Russia, the U.S. intelligence community continues to assert that the likelihood of Vladimir Putin using nuclear weapons in the war remains low. “It is very unlikely” that Russia would employ nuclear weapons, Director of National Intelligence Haines told Congress Gen. Scott Berrier, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, who also testified at the hearing, agreed with Haines , The assessment followed Russia’s suspension of (New START), Despite the Russian suspension, the U nited S tates has continued to provide broad unclassified data on its strategic nuclear arsenal “The United States continues to view transparency among nuclear weapon states as extremely valuable for reducing the likelihood of misperception, miscalculation, and costly arms competitions,” the State Department said Russia and the United States have emphasized that they will continue to adhere to an ongoing 1988 Soviet-U.S. agreement that requires the two nations to exchange notifications of launches of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Russia also expressed its intention to continue adhering to a 1989 Soviet-U.S. agreement that requires advance notification of major strategic exercises .

['Ahead of a widely expected counteroffensive by Ukraine in its war with Russia, the U.S. intelligence community continues to assert that the likelihood of Russian President Vladimir Putin using nuclear weapons in the war remains low. “It is very unlikely” that Russia would employ nuclear weapons, Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines told Congress during a May 4 hearing. Gen. Scott Berrier, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, who also testified at the hearing, agreed with Haines, but added that, “in the nature of conflict, there is always that possibility” of nuclear weapons use. The assessment followed Russia’s suspension in February of the 2010 New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), the last Russian-U.S. nuclear arms control agreement still standing. (See ACT, March 2023.) Moscow has conditioned a resumption of the treaty and its associated activities, such as on-site inspections and detailed data exchanges, on Washington withdrawing support from Kyiv. “Russia’s decision to suspend the [New] START may be reversible,” the Russian Foreign Ministry said in an April 20 statement. “However, for this, the United States must show political will and abandon its aggressive policy of undermining the security of our country, taking practical steps towards a real de-escalation.” Despite the Russian suspension, the United States has continued to provide broad unclassified data on its strategic nuclear arsenal. In this year’s first biannual data exchange, Washington reported that it deploys 1,419 warheads on 662 delivery vehicles, roughly the same data as in September. (See ACT, November 2022.) “The United States continues to view transparency among nuclear weapon states as extremely valuable for reducing the likelihood of misperception, miscalculation, and costly arms competitions,” the State Department said in a statement accompanying the publication of the data on May 12. Russia and the United States have emphasized that they will continue to adhere to an ongoing 1988 Soviet-U.S. agreement that requires the two nations to exchange notifications of launches of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Russia also expressed its intention to continue adhering to a 1989 Soviet-U.S. agreement that requires advance notification of major strategic exercises.']

[(0, 9)]

ndtceda

Emory-ChCh-Neg-Kentucky-Round-5.docx

Emory

ChCh

f9a1d8e5503e4fb099c685685c21b53be0aac885df610731e5fb6bb890752048

Open AI models democratize access and lower global inequality. That prevents disenfranchised agents with access to advanced tech from wreaking havoc.

Goertzel ’17 [Ben; July 21; Chief Scientist and Chairman @ SingularityNET, Chairman @ Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) Society, PhD in Mathematics @ Temple University; H+ Magazine, “The Corporatization of AI is a Major Threat to Humanity”; https://web.archive.org/web/20170724181750/http://hplusmagazine.com/2017/07/21/corporatization-ai-major-threat-humanity]

Risks of Inequality and discontent it fosters . developing world is home to tech geeks with disenfranchisement from world economy This has destructive potentials. As tech advances, it becomes easier for smaller groups to wreak havoc marginalized geeks in the developing world may appear more and more with chops and motivation to wreak havoc Open source software seems one route free open source software points in a promising direction we should develop advanced AIs in a way that is open-source, and open-process

The Risks of Global Wealth Inequality we should be worried about risks posed by global inequality and anger and discontent it fosters . the developing world is home to an increasing number of tech geeks with disenfranchisement from the modern world economy This represents a large opportunity lost for humanity it also has all sorts of destructive potentials. As tech nology advances, it becomes easier for smaller and smaller groups of people to wreak more and more havoc as there appear more marginalized geeks in the developing world there may well appear more and more people with chops and psychological situational motivation to wreak havoc . What we need is for AI to be developed in a way that focuses on tasks of importance to humanity rather than to increase differential wealth or status or military power of some particular social group Open source software and hardware seems one route toward achieving the above goals it appears to me that the odds of a positive outcome for humanity transhuman AGI positive according to human values will be higher if we can nudge things so advanced AI development is not heavily dominated by large corporations . big companies are not great at inclusiveness free and open source software points in a promising direction we want to have a large percentage of the world’s AI efforts to be put on this sort of project, not on advertising or killing or spying we should be develop i ng AGI and other advanced AIs in a way that is open-source, and also open-process the way Apache projects are

The Risks of Global Wealth Inequality discontent fosters disenfranchisement opportunity lost for humanity all sorts of destructive potentials. easier more and more havoc marginalized developing world chops and motivation to wreak havoc . humanity differential wealth military power software and hardware positive outcome for humanity nudge things large corporations inclusiveness promising direction not on advertising or killing or spying open-process Apache projects are

['The Risks of Global Wealth Inequality', 'Elon Musk, like Nick Bostrom and Eliezer Yudkowsky and others in the same community, seems especially concerned about the potential risks posed by massively superhuman AGIs once they appear. These risks are real and shouldn’t be ignored; I have given some views on this in a series of recent articles (see Infusing AIs with Humanlike Value Systems, and Superintelligence: Fears, Promises and Potentials). On the other hand, we should be at least equally worried about the risks posed by global wealth inequality and the anger and discontent it fosters.', 'As I’ve pointed out in a recent essay (How To Save The World), the developing world is home to an increasing number of tech geeks with solid science and engineering chops but a very justified sense of disenfranchisement from the modern world economy. This fact represents a large opportunity lost for humanity (everyone with a background in AI or mechatronics or biotech who ends up working in a low-tech job because of the country they were born in, is a loss for humanity’s progress toward a positive Singularity). And it also has all sorts of destructive potentials.', 'As technology advances, it becomes easier and easier for smaller and smaller groups of people to wreak more and more havoc. The reason more advanced-tech havoc is not sown in the world right now is that, by and large, the people with the most tech knowledge and chops don’t WANT to wreak havoc. But as there appear more and more marginalized science and tech geeks in the developing world — who can’t get visas to Silicon Valley, London or Beijing, and who get paid $4/hour on Upwork for doing the exact same work that someone in Silicon Valley gets paid $80/hour for — there may well appear more and more people with both the chops and the psychological/cultural/situational motivation to wreak havoc.', 'Government regulation that allows only well-connected corporations to create AI would not help mitigate this sort of risk. Rather, it would just cause wealth and opportunity to become more and more centralized and localized.', 'Some will argue that wealth inequality is just as it should be, because individuals of unequal ability and contribution deserve unequal compensation from society — just as individuals of varying ability may be able to reap varying rewards from the natural world. But still — it’s very hard to argue the morality or fairness of a new university graduate in, say, mechatronics earning 20x more if they happen to have been born in Los Angeles instead of Lalibela….', 'What we need, in order to avoid the immorality as well as the risk posed by increasing wealth inequality, is for AI to be developed in a way that', 'focuses on tasks of deeper and broader importance to humanity, rather than tasks oriented to increase the differential wealth or status or military power of some particular social group', 'includes a wide variety of humans around the world in its process of development.', 'At the current time, government regulation and close government control does not seem the best way to achieve these goals. Because the major national governments in the world, and most of the minor ones, appear to be largely under the thrall of relatively small numbers of big corporations and high net worth individuals.', 'Open source software and hardware development seems to be one route toward achieving the above goals. Democratizing educational media such as open online courseware is another part of the story. I have discussed the importance of these and other decentralizing technologies in the essay I mentioned above, “How To Save The World.”', 'But the modern corporatocracy makes even intrinsically democratizing phenomena like opensource complicated. Big tech companies now routinely release open source software, such as Google’s Tensorflow deep learning toolkit. Tensorflow is in many ways slicker and easier to use than comparable deep learning tools created by university teams — which is not surprising, as Google has used highly paid professionals to work on documentation, tutorials, user interfaces and other very useful bells and whistles that low-budget open source tools often lack. On the other hand, while Tensorflow is opensource code, it is developed in a rather “closed” manner. Periodically Google emits some fully-formed code embodying some new functionalities into the opensource Tensorflow codebase. The development process does not occur out in the open like with classic opensource projects. Insider Google developers and their manager get to make all the strategic decisions and core design choices — not random interested developers outside Google’s employ.', 'A cynic might argue that initiatives like Google’s Tensorflow, and Elon Musk’s OpenAI, are efforts to capture the opensource AI community into the orbit of certain big companies. These corporate-based opensource initiatives dangle shiny interfaces and slick APIs in front of opensource AI developers, thus cajoling them to work on problems and tools of interest to the corporations involved. These companies then have a large population of potential new hires to choose from, already trained in applying software created by said companies to problems of practical interest to said companies.', 'Another hallmark of current big-company AI efforts is that ambitious management talk that touches on AGI, is often coupled with technical work that focuses almost entirely on very narrow application-specific problems. There are a few islands of genuine AGI-oriented work within big corporations — but not nearly as much as a non-expert might think given the rhetoric bouncing around. IBM Watson is an expert system and a data mining framework, but from the marketing prose one might think it was a serious attempt to make a thinking machine. Google and Facebook and Baidu do have some fairly small teams doing directly AGI-ish work, but a vast majority of their AI staff are working on highly specific problems aimed at increasing corporate revenue.', 'The near disappearance of viable business models for journalism has seriously affected the ability of the general public to understand what kinds of progress big company AI divisions are and are not making. Since more and more people want to read news online now for reasons of convenience, and since most online ad revenue from news-reading individuals goes to big tech companies and not to news media companies, there is not much money around to pay journalists to carefully evaluate AI-related PR claims made by big companies. For instance, last year I read a bunch of incredibly glowing articles about Google’s revolutionary advances in machine translation, made via transfer learning between different languages. For a brief period I was almost snowed by the press-releases-cum-news-articles, and started to wonder if machine translation had been substantially solved. But a few examples sufficed to clarify that Google Translate’s English-Chinese translation remained pretty terrible. It even mangled “Long Live Chairman Mao”! But the average reader of the glowing articles probably would never have checked.', 'Of course media hype breeds more media hype. I myself have admittedly been complicit in various acts of media hype, in seeking wider attention for my own work on AI and robotics. But ultimately, while hyping technology can help out startups (especially if there is some reality underlying the hype, which has always been the case with my own tech publicity efforts), the big companies are almost always going to win due to their amply funded PR and marketing departments.', 'Some small companies hit the jackpot and become big companies. This is great and keeps the universe of big companies from becoming utterly stale. But even so, once a fresh and exciting startup becomes a megacorporation, it almost always become bureaucratized and starts acting a lot like the behemoths it displaced. Pete Townshend’s classic line “Meet the new boss, same as the old boss” applies in the tech-corporation world just like in politics.', 'Let’s Push For Free, Open and Beneficial Applications of AI and AGI', 'The world is complex and rapidly changing, and it’s not at all easy to predict which aspects of today’s society are going to seem positive, negative, ridiculous or beautiful in hindsight. On balance, though, it appears to me that the odds of a positive outcome for humanity — and for the creation of transhuman AGI minds that are positive according to human values — will be higher if we can nudge things so that advanced AI development is not heavily dominated by large corporations.', 'Big companies are part of our world and have contributed a lot as well as caused a lot of problems, and it’s unavoidable in context that they are going to play a big role in AI development. Big companies can do certain things really, really well; and some of these things are undeniably useful for AI.', 'However, big companies are not great at global inclusiveness; nor at increasing fairness and combating wealth inequality; nor at fostering creativity and imagination; nor at taking care of the Earth or the human psyche. To achieve these goals, we need our advanced AI development to be coupled with other forms of social organization.', 'Today’s “free and open source” software movement points in a promising direction — though obviously just open-sourcing of AI and AGI is not anywhere near a solution to the major challenges we face.', 'Applications of AI to domains of dramatic positive value such as medicine, education, elder-care and scientific research are also clearly pointing in the right direction.', 'I happen to be personally working on projects of this nature: an AI-based biomedical researcher’s assistant, an AI-powered teacher avatar for African children, and an AI-powered home health advisor for chronically ill elderly Chinese. And I can’t help mentioning here the “Loving AI” project I’m involved with, aimed at creating robots and avatars that will display and ultimately feel unconditional love toward humans.', 'But my own particular projects are not the main point here — the point is that if we want to increase the odds of a radically positive future, we want to have a large percentage of the world’s AI efforts to be put on this sort of project, not on advertising or killing or spying.', 'Also very positive are initiatives aimed at putting advanced AI on low-cost hardware that can be used throughout the developing as well as developed world (such as Raspberry Pi and other embedded boards).', 'In general, in terms of near term courses of action, it seems to me that if we want to create broadly beneficial outcomes for human beings and other sentiences, we should be developing AGI and other advanced AIs in a way that', 'is open-source, and also open-process … i.e. open-source the way Apache projects are rather than the way Tensorflow is', 'makes efforts to draw individuals from every part of the world and every socioeconomic class and culture into the process of developing and deploying AI', 'focuses AI development energy on applications of broadly positive value (rather than on applications aimed at differentially increasing the wealth or status of relatively small groups).', 'This attitude does not imply government regulation has no place. But it does oppose types of government regulation that give differential rights for AI development to large corporations with big lobbyist budgets and tight government connections.', 'We don’t need AI of the big corporations, by the big corporations and for the big corporations. We need AI of the people, by the people and for the people. This is the best way to increase the odds that, as people are joined on the planet by AGIs with equal and greater intelligence, these AGIs will be for the people as well as for the AGIs.']

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ndtceda

Dartmouth-ShVe-Aff-5---Georgetown-Quarters.docx

Dartmouth

ShVe

893d76273373170b7937f354e85b892f496d5000ddd2173efa17a38165f8cfef

Policy elites are uniquely opposed to the plan—it’s seen as unilateral retrenchment that necessitates nuclear acquisition.

Hanson 22 (*Marianne Hanson: Founding Director, Rotary Centre for International Studies in Peace and Conflict Resolution; Stipendiary Lecturer in Politics, Magdalen College, Oxford University; Former Visiting Scholar, Liu Centre for the Study of Global Issues, Department of International Relations at the University of British Columbia; Former Visiting Fellow, Department of International Politics, University of Wales, Aberystwyth; Former Visiting Scholar, Sciences Po, 2022, originally published 12-28-2021, "No-first-use of nuclear weapons: Australian perspectives and possible contributions," Asian Security, Vol. 18, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14799855.2021.2015651?journalCode=fasi20)

Resistance to NFU is evident among analysts and academics influential in Australia Opinions that NFU “would end strategic ambiguity ,” certain to have decision-makers re-examining options for an independent nuclear deterrent critics point to a deteriorating security environment rise in tensions with China To address fears, the Review noted determination to “ deepen Australia’s alliance with the U S .” fears drive policy elites to resist any move toward NFU. Australia’s security depends on “an end to unilateral decisions that affect security’ . Australia should ensure this next push doesn’t gain further traction and threaten crisis of confidence

There Is Likely to Be Resistance in Australia to NFU Resistance to NFU policies in light of Biden’s victory is evident among analysts and academics , who have been influential in Australia ’s Defense White Paper processes. Opinions offered are that NFU “would end US strategic ambiguity ,” that NFU is “ certain to have decision-makers re-examining options for acquiring an independent nuclear deterrent ,” and “a no-first-use posture would be bad for Australia and the region.” critics point to a deteriorating security environment , especially the rise in tensions with China , since the last Defense White Paper The 2020 Update argues modernization accelerated and “strategic competition between the United States and Chin a, will be the driver of strategic dynamics The chance of high-intensity conflict is deemed to have increased. To address fears, the Review noted substantial increases in the defense budget, including development and procurement of advanced missile capabilities , and a determination to “ continue to deepen Australia’s alliance with the U nited S tates .” it is these perennial fears which drive Australian policy elites to resist any move by Washington toward NFU. As happened in 2016, allies could become the real obstacle . a strident tone is being set: Australia’s security depends on “an end to unilateral decisions [such as NFU] in Washington that affect allies” security’ . This writer suggested Australia should start to build “a coalition among like-minded US allies and opponents of No-First-Use to ensure this next push doesn’t gain further traction and threaten another crisis of confidence in alliances .”

NFU analysts academics influential in Australia end US strategic ambiguity re-examining independent nuclear deterrent deteriorating security environment China advanced capabilities U S policy elites any move real obstacle Australia’s security depends on “an end to unilateral decisions that affect allies” security’ another crisis of confidence

['', 'Why There Is Likely to Be Resistance in Australia to NFU Proposals', 'Resistance to NFU policies in light of Biden’s election victory is already evident among some analysts and academics, who have been influential in Australia’s Defense White Paper processes.Footnote17 Opinions offered are that NFU “would end US strategic ambiguity,” that the prospect of NFU is “certain to have some decision-makers – notably in Tokyo and Seoul – re-examining their options for acquiring an independent nuclear deterrent,” and that “a no-first-use US nuclear posture would be bad for Australia and the region.”', 'Such critics inevitability point to a deteriorating security environment, especially the rise in tensions with China, since the last Australian Defense White Paper was released. The 2020 Defense Review Update argues that military modernization has accelerated “faster than envisaged” in the Indo-Pacific, and that “strategic competition, primarily between the United States and China, will be the principal driver of strategic dynamics in our region.”Footnote18 The chance of high-intensity military conflict between the US and China is deemed to have increased.', 'To address these fears, the Review noted substantial increases in the defense budget, including for the development and procurement of advanced missile capabilities, and a determination to “continue to deepen Australia’s alliance with the United States.” The overall tone of the Review is the need to develop a strong, self-reliant deterrent capability, to discourage military and nonmilitary coercion by China. However, while it is undeniable that Chinese missile capabilities are increasing rapidly, there are numerous ways Australia can respond without contributing to the Asia-Pacific’s accelerating arms race.Footnote19 One potential area for cooperation is promotion of regional arms control arrangements and even Australia-China dialogs on risk-reduction measures.', 'Nonetheless, it is these perennial fears which seem to drive a small group of Australian policy elites to resist any move by Washington toward NFU. As happened in 2016, US allies could become the real obstacle. Already, a strident tone is being set: Australia’s security, it is argued, depends on “an end to unilateral decisions [such as NFU] in Washington that affect allies” security’. This writer has suggested that Australia should start to build discreetly “a coalition among like-minded US allies and opponents of No-First-Use in Washington, to ensure that this next push doesn’t gain further traction and threaten another crisis of confidence in US alliances.”Footnote20', '']

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ndtceda

Minnesota-PhJo-Neg-6---USNA-Round-8.docx

Minnesota

PhJo

047897272f90df5439107ea04c157e7b9fb21e4eeb141146e490135e760c0191

The US can do it alone.

Ansdell ’10 (Megan; is a graduate student at the George Washington University Elliot School of International Affairs, focusing on space policy; Active Space Debris Removal: Needs, Implications, and Recommendations for Today’s Geopolitical Environment; ; accessed 8/29/19; MSCOTT/Julia)

certain pieces of space debris are more dangerous than others study found that annually removing as few as five of these objects will significantly stabilize the future space debris environment the threat posed by space debris could be significantly reduced by annually removing several large pieces from critical orbits potentially manageable by one nation

Effectiveness of Debris Removal NASA study that simulated active debris removal over the next 200 years showed that certain pieces of space debris are more dangerous than others in that they are more likely to cause debris-creating collisions The study found that annually removing as few as five of these objects will significantly stabilize the future space debris environment These results suggest that the threat posed by space debris could be significantly reduced by annually removing several large pieces from critical orbits This would make effective space debris removal much more straightforward and potentially manageable by one nation or a small group of nations. United States should take responsibility, but also now can take responsibility. Efforts to develop removal systems should begin immediately

certain pieces of space debris are more dangerous than others annually removing as few as five of these objects will significantly stabilize the future space debris environment threat posed by space debris could be significantly reduced by annually removing several large pieces from critical orbits would make effective space debris removal much more straightforward manageable by one nation removal systems

['Effectiveness of Debris Removal', 'A recent NASA study that simulated active debris removal over the next 200 years showed that certain pieces of space debris are more dangerous than others, in that they are more likely to cause debris-creating collisions (Liou and Johnson 2007). These more dangerous objects have masses of 1,000 to 1,500 kilograms and 2,500 to 3,000 kilograms; orbital inclinations of 70 to 75, 80 to 85, and 95 to 100 degrees; and orbital altitudes of 800 to 850, 950 to 1,000, and 1,450 to 1,500 kilometers. The study found that annually removing as few as five of these objects will significantly stabilize the future space debris environment (Liou and Johnson 2007, 3). These results suggest that the threat posed by space debris could be significantly reduced by annually removing several large pieces from critical orbits. This would make effective space debris removal much more straightforward and potentially manageable by one nation or a small group of nations. In other words, the countries responsible for the majority of the current space debris population—China, Russia, and the United States— not only should take responsibility, but also now can take responsibility. Efforts to develop removal systems should begin immediately. ', '', '']

[(0, 11)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaMa-Neg-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Round-4.docx

Kansas

PaMa

85be1b46f90985d85dc9bc6f39f5c56062c1aa52562fd2f47d28fd6aa0cd0999

They receive considerable support.

Dr. Brian Ikejiaku 21, Senior Lecturer in Law at Coventry University, PhD from the Research Institute of Law, Politics, & Justice (RILPJ) at Keele University, and Cornelia Dayao, LL.M in International Business Law, “Competition Law as an Instrument of Protectionist Policy: Comparative Analysis of the EU and the US”, Utrecht Journal of International and European Law, Volume 36, Issue 1, http://doi.org/10.5334/ujiel.513

export cartels receive considerable political support because they have efficiency-enhancing goals States promote, export cartels since effects are externalised States possess very little interest disciplining conduct States are not motivated to sanction because of positive domestic effect

export cartels receive considerable political support because they may also have strictly efficiency-enhancing goals such as sharing marketing and transportation costs Additional export revenues and increases in national welfare incentivises exporting States promote, export cartels since the adverse effects of export cartels are externalised or felt exclusively by importing States, exporting States possess ing the territorial jurisdiction over the cartel have very little interest in disciplining the conduct exporting States are not motivated to sanction the cartel because of its positive domestic effect

considerable political support promote, export cartels externalised possess very little interest not motivated positive domestic effect

['(iii) Export cartels', 'A cartel is an association of rivals agreeing to fix prices above the competitive level, limit output below the competitive level or allocate markets between or amongst themselves in order to maximise their profits.49 Cartels, generally, have been labelled as the ‘supreme evil of antitrust’50 and the ‘primary evil of global trade’.51 On the other hand, export cartels are cartels that only operate in foreign markets and do not directly affect the markets in the jurisdiction where the cartel members are located.52 While there is a consensus among the world’s competition authorities to prohibit hard-core cartels,53 there is lack of clarity and transparency surrounding the treatment of export cartels. It is argued that export cartels receive considerable political support,54 not only because of its benefits to the exporting country, but also because it is argued that export cartels are not necessarily pure evil like hard-core cartels.55 Export cartels may have the same goals as hard-core cartels – to fix prices or allocate markets – but they may also have strictly efficiency-enhancing goals such as sharing marketing and transportation costs.56', 'According to economic theory, export cartels raise domestic producer welfare without diminishing domestic consumer welfare.57 Additional export revenues and increases in national welfare incentivises exporting States to tolerate, if not promote, export cartels.58 Furthermore, since the adverse effects of export cartels are externalised or felt exclusively by importing States, exporting States possessing the territorial jurisdiction over the cartel have very little interest in disciplining the conduct.59 On the other hand, importing States which have the motivation to prevent the conduct due to its anticompetitive effect and corresponding reduction in their consumer welfare do not have the territorial jurisdiction and must rather apply their competition laws extra-territorially to sanction the cartel.60 However, since exporting States are not motivated to sanction the cartel, or even induced to promote or tolerate the cartel because of its positive domestic effect, they may block any extraterritorial enforcement by the importing States through exemptions or non-cooperation.61 This conflicting interest presents a competition law enforcement dilemma on export cartels.']

[(10, 18), (19, 21)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Aff-Harvard-Octas.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kentucky/DiGr/Kentucky-Di-Griffith-Aff-Harvard-Octas.docx

149a9b8b2caf67d6503ec687d4b9fd84258371fb27d287fff194f9fa863f7d9c

Memeing our disability is a key form of community building through the rhetorical performance in the 1ac.

Arkenbout and Scherz 22. Arkenbout, Chloë; Scherz, Laurence (Hg.): “I’M NOT LONELY, I HAVE MEMES: THE COGNITIVE, (DIS)EMBODIED EXPERIENCE OF DEPRESSION MEMES”. Critical Meme Reader II. Memetic Tacticality. Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures 2022. DOI: . [MEMES OMITTED FOR READABILITY BUT AVAILABLE UPON REQUEST, left citations for where memes were omitted in []’s ]

memes also provide the user with a virtual social community and mutual understanding; we can even see how ‘online self-disclosure is theorized to enhance relationships perceived social support through online interaction appears beneficial in reducing psychiatric symptom for the sake of our own mental health let’s try to look at memes in a positive light we can look at scrolling as a trance-like movement of the body our body during doom)scrolling is pretty active a user scrolling through memes create new forms of cyberculture, and cybersubjectivity’ online encounters are seen as new ways in which the individual is embodied. We might leave our body at the door the self and the body can only be formed from the imaginary perspective of others to the neurons when we see a representation The firing of the neuron occurs as if the observer were actually carrying out the act itself users experience cognitive recognition from the memetic narratives existing within depression memes. The depression meme not only makes us feel seen, it makes our brain feel seen. Thanks, honey. We needed that. Are we that skinny blonde girl that uploads a video of what she eats every day, a diet consisting solely of broccoli and vegan chicken? No Depression memes help debunk this seemingly perfect life the irony that makes depression memes is in their subversion of the happiness effect and the authenticity imperative The depression meme lets us be our truest, freest, most miserable self memes can be humorous tools for building community for cognitive representation that sizzles through not only our brains but also our bodies; tools that elevate, an authentic fuck you to all the fake, not-really-that-happy online personas out there we realize that not only are we not trash, we are treasure Our mind and body react as one, even online, making stories in our heads where there once were only memes Memes can be our symbols, our stories, our fuel for a healthy mind. We’re not lonely, for we will always have memes.

A long time ago a sad, dark thing clawed its way into our social media feeds: depression memes. These memes date back to as early as 2016 people (meme makers) have been saying to their audience (users with or without clinical depression and/or anxiety symptoms) that it’s okay to feel horrible and that if our therapist asks ‘What do we do when we feel this way?’ we do not reply ‘Add to cart’. The online world has given us clearance to lift the taboo (slightly) on mental health issues while simultaneously educating some boomers along the way, resulting in many users using memes ever since as the life raft they can be. , keeping every meme maker out there not only locked inside their home with time to devote themselves to memes, but also making them rather gloomy what do depression memes do for online users who suffer Research shows that depression memes can help alleviate certain negative emotions, because ‘the use of humour itself may down-regulate negative and up-regulate positive emotions memes also provide the user with a virtual social community and mutual understanding; we can even see how ‘online self-disclosure is theorized to enhance relationships to a greater extent than face-to-face disclosures perceived social support through online interaction appears beneficial in reducing psychiatric symptom s Psychologist and author Eleanor Morgan points out that ‘the way (mental health) coaches market themselves on social media feeds into the wider memefication of emotion If this isn’t a clear emblem of capitalism and individualism, I’m not sure what is. our old friend capitalism crashing the party uninvited once again Morgan goes on to question the therapeutic power of memes for the sake of our own mental health —pun very much intended— let’s try to look at depression memes in a positive light we can look at the act of scrolling as a trance-like movement of the body , complete with numbing of the mind perhaps our physical actions directly link to our thought processes’, we think kinesically , too’ This could mean that our body during ( doom)scrolling is , in fact, pretty active and—dare we even say it?—stimulated. a user scrolling through memes —depressive or not create new forms of cyberculture, and cybersubjectivity’ online encounters are seen as new ways in which the individual is embodied. technological boundaries, in a physical and social sense, are examples of embodiment and presence the sense of someone else We might have briefly thought to leave our body at the proverbial door the self and the body can only be formed from the imaginary perspective of others to the neurons in our brain when we so much as see a representation The firing of the neuron occurs as if the observer were actually carrying out the act itself what are the neurological implications of looking at a depression meme cathartically dealing with severe and quite dark—excuse the language—shit? Are we not bound to leave this interaction a little bit changed, hopefully for the better? What if we look at memes through a cognitive lens and see them not only as relatable and shareable—next to hopefully hilarious—but also as a tool for cognitive representation? if the ‘development of cognitive representation occurs through enactive, iconic and symbolic levels of representation in which the iconic is image-based then our online users can experience cognitive recognition from the memetic narratives existing within depression memes. Upon seeing this active cognitive load, what the brain does is encode past experience, processing it so that the experiences may prove relevant and useable in the present. A meme is a story for our brain to comprehend, react to, and link to other, past experiences—in this case, depressive experiences and how to deal with mental illness. The depression meme not only makes us feel seen, it makes our brain feel seen. Thanks, honey. We needed that. Now what would really make us feel better, is a little laugh... Studies show how, compared to non-depressed individuals, those with symptoms of depression reported increased ratings of not only humor, but relatability, shareability, and mood-improving potential Liking a silly possum alone in an empty room with a text that says When you clean your room so good, the only trash left is you might give you a few laughs (Fig.6 ), but will most likely not make you feel any less like trash. (Is this a good time to interject how we value and respect you? You are not a possum.) So, if we’re not trash, then what are we (online)? Are we that all-too-healthy, skinny blonde girl that uploads a video of what she eats every day, a diet consisting solely of broccoli and vegan chicken? No . Depression memes , thankfully, help debunk this girl’s seemingly perfect life To many, the irony that makes depression memes work is in their subversion of the happiness effect and the authenticity imperative The depression meme lets us be our truest, freest, most miserable self , as ‘the meaning to be reconstructed in a depression meme consists of peeling back the layer that demands from us to act as the best, happiest, version of ourselves online memes can be seen as humorous tools for building community for cognitive representation that sizzles through not only our brains but also our bodies; tools that elevate, , an authentic fuck you to all the fake, not-really-that-happy online personas out there . While looking at depression memes, we realize that not only are we not trash, we are treasure . Our mind and body react as one, even online, making stories in our heads where there once were only memes . It is this narrative or symbolic power [of cognitive representation] which gives a sense of the world—a concrete reality in the imaginative form of symbol and story—when abstract thought can provide nothing at all Memes can be our symbols, our stories, our fuel for a healthy mind. We’re not lonely, for we will always have memes.

that if our therapist asks ‘What do we do when we feel this way?’ we do not reply ‘Add to cart’. The online world has given us clearance to lift the taboo (slightly) on mental health issues while simultaneously educating some boomers along the way, resulting in many users using memes ever since as the life raft they can be. what do depression memes do for online users who suffer Research shows that depression memes can help alleviate certain negative emotions, because ‘the use of humour itself may down-regulate negative and up-regulate positive emotions memes also provide the user with a virtual social community and mutual understanding; we can even see how ‘online self-disclosure is theorized to enhance relationships to a greater extent than face-to-face disclosures perceived social support through online interaction appears beneficial in reducing psychiatric symptom s If this isn’t a clear emblem of capitalism and individualism, I’m not sure what is. our old friend capitalism crashing the party uninvited once again for the sake of our own mental health —pun very much intended— let’s try to look at depression memes in a positive light we can look at the act of scrolling as a trance-like movement of the body , complete with numbing of the mind perhaps our physical actions directly link to our thought processes’, we think kinesically , too’ This could mean that our body during ( doom)scrolling is , in fact, pretty active and—dare we even say it?—stimulated. a user scrolling through memes —depressive or not create new forms of cyberculture, and cybersubjectivity’ online encounters are seen as new ways in which the individual is embodied. We might have briefly thought to leave our body at the proverbial door the self and the body can only be formed from the imaginary perspective of others The firing of the neuron occurs as if the observer were actually carrying out the act itself Are we not bound to leave this interaction a little bit changed, hopefully for the better? What if we look at memes through a cognitive lens and see them not only as relatable and shareable—next to hopefully hilarious—but also as a tool for cognitive representation? then our online users can experience cognitive recognition from the memetic narratives existing within depression memes. Upon seeing this active cognitive load, what the brain does is encode past experience, processing it so that the experiences may prove relevant and useable in the present. A meme is a story for our brain to comprehend, react to, and link to other, past experiences—in this case, depressive experiences and how to deal with mental illness. The depression meme not only makes us feel seen, it makes our brain feel seen. Thanks, honey. We needed that. Now what would really make us feel better, is a little laugh... Liking a silly possum alone in an empty room with a text that says When you clean your room so good, the only trash left is you might give you a few laughs (Fig.6 ), but will most likely not make you feel any less like trash. (Is this a good time to interject how we value and respect you? You are not a possum.) So, if we’re not trash, then what are we (online)? Are we that all-too-healthy, skinny blonde girl that uploads a video of what she eats every day, a diet consisting solely of broccoli and vegan chicken? No . Depression memes , thankfully, help debunk this girl’s seemingly perfect life To many, the irony that makes depression memes work is in their subversion of the happiness effect and the authenticity imperative The depression meme lets us be our truest, freest, most miserable self , as ‘the meaning to be reconstructed in a depression meme consists of peeling back the layer that demands from us to act as the best, happiest, version of ourselves online memes can be seen as humorous tools for building community for cognitive representation that sizzles through not only our brains but also our bodies; tools that elevate, , an authentic fuck you to all the fake, not-really-that-happy online personas out there . While looking at depression memes, we realize that not only are we not trash, we are treasure . Our mind and body react as one, even online, making stories in our heads where there once were only memes . It is this narrative or symbolic power [of cognitive representation] which gives a sense of the world—a concrete reality in the imaginative form of symbol and story—when abstract thought can provide nothing at all Memes can be our symbols, our stories, our fuel for a healthy mind. We’re not lonely, for we will always have memes.

["A long time ago, well before the COVID-19 pandemic, a sad, dark thing clawed its way into our social media feeds: depression memes. These memes, shared on social platforms such as Instagram, Twitter, Reddit, 4chan, and TikTok, date back to as early as 2016, although it’s hard to tell precisely. What we do know is that people (meme makers) have been saying to their audience (users with or without clinical depression and/or anxiety symptoms) that it’s okay to feel horrible and that if our therapist asks ‘What do we do when we feel this way?’ we do not reply ‘Add to cart’. The online world has given us clearance to lift the taboo (slightly) on mental health issues while simultaneously educating some boomers along the way, resulting in many users using memes ever since as the life raft they can be. [Fig. 1: ‘Therapist: And what do we say when we’re sad? Me: ADD TO CART Therapist: No.’, posted on reddit by @u/caprileen, accessed last on August 15, 2022. Source: https://www.reddit.com/r/memes/ comments/eh5vsc/add_to_cart/.] The pandemic and its lockdowns boosted this trend even further, keeping every meme maker out there not only locked inside their home with time to devote themselves to memes, but also making them rather gloomy. A foolproof recipe for a lot of memes about depression: enter depression memes, your newest, saddest trend. Depression Memes to the Rescue But what, can we wonder, while pretending to have a completely healthy, worry-free mind, do depression memes do for online users who suffer from (clinical) depression and/or anxiety? Research done by several professors from the Northumbria University, Newcastle shows that depression memes can help alleviate certain negative emotions, because ‘the use of humour itself may down-regulate negative and up-regulate positive emotions.’1 These memes also provide the user with a virtual social community and mutual understanding; we can even see how ‘online self-disclosure is theorized to enhance relationships to a greater extent than face-to-face disclosures.’2 On top of this, ‘perceived social support through online interaction appears beneficial in reducing psychiatric symptoms.’3 And: depressed users tend to laugh harder at depression memes than the completely carefree folks out there, a sign that they cater to their audience quite nicely [Fig. 2: ‘I just think they’re neat’, posted on Instagram by @felixmeritisamsterdam, last accessed on August 15, 2022. Source: https://www.instagram.com/p/CaPV7BhI3b8/. ] What these memes also do is show us the dire situation of mental healthcare and how it is severely lacking in many countries around the world. This is a different conversation altogether, yet it is interesting to note how, in being freely accessible on the internet for all without any waiting lists or huge medical bills, depression memes hold an even greater power for a community around mental issues. There are even online mental health coaches at the ready, although naturally their psychological merit is to be taken with a grain of salt. Psychologist and author Eleanor Morgan points out that ‘the way (mental health) coaches market themselves on social media feeds into the wider memefication of emotion. […] If this isn’t a clear emblem of capitalism and individualism, I’m not sure what is.’4 And there we have it: our old friend capitalism crashing the party uninvited once again. Morgan goes on to question the true therapeutic power of memes and the subsequent shared misery online when she asks exactly ‘how much self-awareness is really generated when we scroll away?’5 A valid question. But, for the sake of our own mental health—pun very much intended—let’s try to look at depression memes in a positive light. For example: we can look at the act of scrolling as an almost trance-like movement of the body, complete with some numbing of the mind perhaps, but we can also look at it through a cognitive lens and see how ‘our physical actions directly link to our thought processes’,6 because ‘we think kinesically, too’.7 This could mean that our body, although seemingly abandoned during (doom)scrolling is, in fact, pretty active and—dare we even say it?—stimulated. [Fig. 3: ‘I had no idea you could buy this, I’ve been just using vintage cameras’, posted on Instagram by @memes_on_film, last accessed on August 15, 2022. Source: https://www.instagram.com/p/CdL5LS_ ooOY/.] The (Dis)embodied User Has Feelings Too, You Know Let’s talk some more about bodies. We might be inclined to say that a user scrolling through memes—depressive or not—is letting one single finger do all the work for them, and is not bodily involved in the digital realm at all. But is this true? We can, at least, see how ‘new forms of “online” contact create new forms of cyberculture, and cybersubjectivity’,8 which in turn means that ‘online encounters are seen as new ways in which the individual is embodied.’9 Moreover, ‘technological boundaries, in a physical and social sense, are examples of embodiment and presence, e.g. the sense of someone else (through the avatars) being in “your” space.’10 We might have briefly thought to leave our body at the proverbial door of the internet but our mind knows best, for ‘the self and the body can only be formed from the imaginary perspective of others.’11 What is also interesting in this regard is what happens to the neurons in our brain when we so much as see a representation (our good old meme) of an action: ‘The firing of the neuron occurs as if the observer were actually carrying out the act itself.’12 And if we believe for a moment that a meme is enough of a representation of an action, then what are the neurological implications of looking at a depression meme cathartically dealing with severe and quite dark—excuse the language—shit? Are we not bound to leave this interaction a little bit changed, hopefully for the better? [Fig. 4: ‘We need a pill that makes you feel like you’re buying stuff online,’ Posted on Instagram by o_naww, last accessed on August 15, 2022. Source: .] There is, as neuroscientist Lisa Feldman Barrett sees in Seven and a Half Lessons About the Brain, something called the ‘language network’; brain regions that process language and control the insides of your body, for example guiding your heart rate up and down. Other people’s words have a direct effect on your brain activity and your bodily systems, so she writes, and your words have that same effect on other people.13 A.k.a.: if one reads a meme (Fig. 4) that says We need a pill that makes you feel like you’re buying stuff online, then perhaps the darkness that lives in their heart will briefly lit up, if only for a second. Scrolling through memes thus becomes a thing of rare beauty; an ingenious thought process all on its own. Cognitive Representation? Yes, Please Thinking even while we scroll mindlessly, you say? Let’s take this even further. What if we look at memes through a cognitive lens and see them not only as relatable and shareable—next to hopefully hilarious—but also as a tool for cognitive representation? Human cognition is always situated in a complex, sociocultural world and cannot be unaffected by it;14 thus our online world, packed as it is with sociological and cultural dimensions, is a hotbed for cognitive impulses in which the meme belongs to one or more cognitive levels of representation. Furthermore, if the ‘development of cognitive representation […] occurs through enactive, iconic and symbolic levels of representation’15 in which the iconic is image-based (recognizing pictures or diagrams as signifiers) and the symbolic is language (or symbol) based, then our online users can experience cognitive recognition from the memetic narratives existing within depression memes. Upon seeing this active cognitive load, what the brain does is encode past experience, processing it so that the experiences may prove relevant and useable in the present.16 A meme is a story for our brain to comprehend, react to, and link to other, past experiences—in this case, depressive experiences and how to deal with mental illness. The depression meme not only makes us feel seen, it makes our brain feel seen. Thanks, honey. We needed that. Now what would really make us feel better, is a little laugh... One Humor, Two Humor, Three Humor Within depression memes there are different kinds of humor being deployed, something especially interesting when comparing the way depressed users experience these as opposed to those without any symptoms. We already know that depressed users laugh harder than others at these memes. [Fig. 5: ‘Hello darkness my old friend. Darkness (2 days later): Sorry just saw this’, posted on Instagram by @disturbingzone, accessed last on August 15, 2022. Source:https://www.instagram. com/p/CdAil3Ms-EM/.] Studies—from the same researchers at the Northumbria University—further show how, compared to non-depressed individuals, those with symptoms of depression reported increased ratings of not only humor, but relatability, shareability, and mood-improving potential.17 Even better: 47 percent of individuals reported engaging with the memes as a way of alleviating psychiatric symptoms.18 It is, of course, rather uncontroversial to regard humor as a coping mechanism, thus also beneficial for those suffering from depression, but this does depend on what kind of humor is active within the meme. For it is true that ‘those experiencing symptoms of depression reported greater use of positive self-enhancing humor and less use of selfdefeating humor’,19 which is unsurprising given that a depressed user’s sense of self is most likely already deflated due to unstable mental health. Even though self-defeating or self-deprecating humor can be relatable indeed, it does not really lift one out of their misery. Liking a silly possum alone in an empty room with a text that says When you clean your room so good, the only trash left is you might give you a few laughs (Fig.6), but will most likely not make you feel any less like trash. (Is this a good time to interject how we value and respect you? You are not a possum.) [Fig. 6: ‘When u clean ur room so good that the only trash left is you’, posted on Reddit by @u/ superbloggity, last accessed on August 15, 2022. Source: https://www.reddit.com/r/memes/ comments/jrf69l/god_dont_make_no_trash/.] Against the Tyranny of Happiness So, if we’re not trash, then what are we (online)? Are we that all-too-healthy, skinny blonde girl that uploads a video of what she eats every day, a diet consisting solely of broccoli and vegan chicken? No. Depression memes, thankfully, help debunk this girl’s seemingly perfect life. By turning around the tiresome narrative of ‘happy’ social media in which we see individuals sharing their best selves, best engagement pictures, best smiling selfies—the so-called ‘happiness effect’ of an online persona—depression memes offer a glimpse of authenticity in this perpetually sunny virtual world. They are here to keep it real. They are here to let us know that, let’s be honest, we all sad here, bitch. And that’s totally fine. This honesty is, as researcher Lucie Chateau also sees it, precisely the depression meme's appeal: ‘To many, the irony that makes depression memes […] work is in their subversion of the happiness effect and the authenticity imperative.’20 The depression meme lets us be our truest, freest, most miserable self, as ‘the meaning to be reconstructed in a depression meme consists of peeling back the layer that demands from us to act as the best, happiest, version of ourselves online.’21 So, the depression meme shows the internet’s true colors. Moreover, this habitat is intrinsic to its nature, or as Chateau puts it: ‘Online, the cultural context in which depression memes have risen to popularity is precisely that which gives them their reason for being. To understand this, we need to realize that, for the last decade, the symptoms that depression memes cultivate have been lying dormant under the tyranny of the happiness era of social media.’22 [Fig. 7: ‘Microdosing hell by waking up every morning’, posted on Instagram by @gothsdoingthings, accessed last on August 15, 2022. Source: ] And although it might seem like we’re rooting for depression memes even more by giving them the badge of online authenticity, if we briefly turn back to their neurological impact, we can ask ourselves how much is too much, or what it does to our brain when we become overexposed: the doom in doom-scrolling. David Eagleman, another neuroscientist, warns us in his book Livewired: The Inside Story of the Ever-Changing Brain that ‘what you spend your time on changes your brain. You’re more than what you eat; you become the information you digest.’23 Should we then, perhaps, collectively go on an anti-depressive information diet? The Stories We Tell Ourselves Depression memes can, in short, be seen as humorous tools for building community; activators for cognitive representation that sizzles through not only our brains but also our bodies; tools that elevate, albeit briefly, depressive psychiatric symptoms; plus, an—again excuse the language—authentic fuck you to all the fake, not-really-that-happy online personas out there. While looking at depression memes, we realize that not only are we not trash, we are treasure. Our mind and body react as one, even online, making stories in our heads where there once were only memes. To finish up with a personal favorite, here’s Oliver Sacks in The Man Who Mistook His Wife for A Hat, ending our tale on a positive note: ‘It is this narrative or symbolic power [of cognitive representation] which gives a sense of the world—a concrete reality in the imaginative form of symbol and story—when abstract thought can provide nothing at all.’24 Memes can be our symbols, our stories, our fuel for a healthy mind. We’re not lonely, for we will always have memes.", '']

[(0, 24)]

ndtceda

KansasState-SuSa-Aff-Hoosier-Invitational-HIT-Round-2.docx

KansasState

SuSa

7704c70f7e6d3372a6734dee1295aeaf751157fd5adadbf35c53559b1f2a4a67

Their faith in some ethereal social order is cruelly optimistic and will inevitably reproduce black ressentiment and anti-blackness – only recognizing blackness as the metaphysical foil of the Political through a nihilistic refusal of their redemptive project can create a space for black life

Warren 15 (Calvin L Warren, Assistant Professor of American Studies at George Washington University, Spring 2015, “Black Nihilism and the Politics of Hope,” CR: The New Centennial Review Volume 15 Number 1, modified) gz

the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering , perfection , betterment , struggle , work and utopian futurity are instruments that will never obviate suffering these place relief in a “not-yet-but (maybe)-to-come-social order” that can do little to keep struggling it mirrors black freedom that is inaccessible a collective Jouissance finding satisfaction in inefficacious action . sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination world depends on black death to sustain itself the nihilist resists “the point” but is subjected to it to have one’s voice heard placing hope in the structure that sustains metaphysical violence will never resolve anything wrest hope from the clutches of the Political Nihilism is not antithetical to hope it reconfigures it Moten conceptualizes blackness as a “pathogen” to metaphysics that has the ability to destroy anti-blackness a “blackened” world will end the world itself lack of a coherent grammar we must hope for the end of political hope

the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering . This preservation amounts to an exploitation of hope —when the Political colonizes the spiritual principle of hope and puts it in the service of extending the “will to power” of an anti- black organization of existence . The Politics of hope, then, is bound up with metaphysical violence , and this violence masquerades as a “solution” to the problem of anti-blackness. Temporal linearity , perfection , betterment , struggle , work , and utopian futurity are conceptual instruments of the Political that will never obviate black suffering or anti- black violence ; these concepts only serve to reproduce the conditions that render existence unbearable for blacks . Political theologians and black optimists avoid the immediacy of black suffering, the horror of anti -black pulverization, and place relief in a “not-yet-but -is (maybe)-to-come-social order” that , itself, can do little more but admonish blacks to survive to keep struggling . Political hope becomes a vicious and abusive cycle of struggle — it mirrors the Lacanian drive , and we encircle an object ( black freedom , justice, relief, redress, equality, etc.) that is inaccessible because it doesn’t really exist . The political theologian and black optimist, then, propose a collective Jouissance as an answer to black suffering— finding the joy in struggle , the victory in toil , and the satisfaction in inefficacious action . We continue to “struggle” and “work” as black youth are slaughtered daily , black bodies are incarcerated as forms of capital , black infant mortality rates are soaring , and hunger is disabling the bodies, minds, and spirits of desperate black youth these conditions are deep metaphysical problems —the sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination —and “work” and “struggle” avoid the terrifying fact that the world depends on black death to sustain itself . Black nihilism attempts to break this “drive” —to stop it in its tracks , as it were—and to end the cycle of [absurdity] that political hope perpetuates. The question that remains is a question often put to the black nihilist: what is the point? This compulsory geometrical structuring of thought —all knowledge must submit to, and is reducible to, a point —it is an epistemic flicker of certainty, determination, and, to put it bluntly, life Thought outside of this mandatory point is illegible and useless . To write outside of the “episteme of life” and its grammar will require a position outside of this point , a position somewhere in the infinite horizon of thought Writing in this way is inherently subversive and refuses the geometry of thought . Nevertheless, the nihilist is forced to enunciate his refusal through a “point,” a point that is contradictory and paradoxical all at once. To say that the point of this essay is that “the point” is fraudulent —its promise of clarity and life are inadequate— will not satisfy the hunger of disciplining the nihilist and insisting that one undermine the very ground upon which one stands. Black nihilistic hermeneutics resists “the point” but is subjected to it to have one’s voice heard within the marketplace of ideas. The “point” of this essay is that political hope is pointless . Black suffering is an essential part of the world , and placing hope in the very structure that sustains metaphysical violence , the Political, will never resolve anything . This is why the black nihilist speaks of “exploited hope,” and the black nihilist attempts to wrest hope from the clutches of the Political . Can we think of hope outside the Political? Must “salvation” translate into a political grammar or a political program? The nihilist, then, hopes for the end of political hope and its metaphysical violence. Nihilism is not antithetical to hope ; it does not extinguish hope but reconfigures it . Hope is the foundation of the black nihilistic hermeneutic. Moten conceptualizes blackness as a “pathogen” to metaphysics , something that has the ability to unravel , to [ stultify ], and to destroy anti-blackness blackness is the limit that Heidegger and Nietzsche were really after. It is a “blackened” world that will ultimately end metaphysics , but putting an end to metaphysics will also put an end to the world itself —this is the nihilism that the black nihilist must theorize through. This is a far cry from what we call “anarchy ,” however. The black nihilist has as little faith in the metaphysical reorganization of society through anarchy than [t]he[y] does in traditional forms of political existence. The black nihilist offers political apostasy as the spiritual practice of denouncing metaphysical violence, black suffering, and the idol of anti-blackness . The act of renouncing will not change political structures or offer a political program; instead, it is the act of retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political . Ultimately, it is impossible to end metaphysics without ending blackness , and the black nihilist will never be able to withdraw from the Political completely without a certain death-drive or being-toward-death . This is the essence of black suffering: the lack of reprieve from metaphysics , the tormenting complicity in the reproduction of violence, and the lack of a coherent grammar to articulate these dilemmas. After contemplating these issues for some time in my office, I decided to take a train home. As I awaited my train in the station, an older black woman asked me about the train schedule When I told her the trains were running slowly, she began to talk about the government shutdown. “They don’t care anything about us, you know,” she said. “I’m going to stop voting, and supporting this process she said You know, people think you’re crazy when you say things like this But I am a free woman ,” she emphasized “and I won’t go back.” at that moment I realized that her wisdom and courage penetrated my mind and demanded answers To the brave woman at the train station, I must say you are not crazy at all but thinking outside of metaphysical time, space, and violence. Ultimately, we must hope for the end of political hope

preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering exploitation of hope the Political colonizes the spiritual principle of hope anti- black organization of existence bound up with metaphysical violence masquerades as a “solution” Temporal linearity perfection betterment struggle work utopian futurity never obviate black suffering or anti- black violence reproduce the conditions that render existence unbearable for blacks place relief in a “not-yet-but -is (maybe)-to-come-social order” can do little more but admonish blacks to survive to keep struggling vicious and abusive cycle of struggle mirrors the Lacanian drive doesn’t really exist collective Jouissance as an answer joy in struggle victory in toil satisfaction in inefficacious action black youth are slaughtered daily black bodies are incarcerated as forms of capital black infant mortality rates are soaring hunger is disabling the bodies, minds, and spirits of desperate black youth these conditions are deep metaphysical problems sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination the world depends on black death to sustain itself break this “drive” stop it in its tracks end the cycle of [absurdity] what is the point? compulsory geometrical structuring of thought must submit to, and is reducible to, a point illegible and useless write outside of the “episteme of life” and its grammar outside of this point somewhere in the infinite horizon of thought Writing inherently subversive refuses the geometry of thought that the point of this essay is that “the point” is fraudulent will not satisfy the hunger of disciplining the nihilist resists “the point” subjected to it The “point” of this essay is that political hope is pointless Black suffering is an essential part of the world sustains metaphysical violence wrest hope from the clutches of the Political outside the Political? Nihilism is not antithetical to hope ; it does not extinguish hope but reconfigures it blackness as a “pathogen” to metaphysics unravel stultify destroy anti-blackness end metaphysics put an end to the world itself far cry from what we call “anarchy little faith in the metaphysical reorganization of society through anarchy political apostasy denouncing metaphysical violence, black suffering, and the idol of anti-blackness retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political it is impossible to end metaphysics without ending blackness death-drive or being-toward-death the lack of reprieve from metaphysics tormenting complicity lack of a coherent grammar stop voting, and supporting this process free woman you are not crazy at all but thinking outside of metaphysical time, space, and violence. Ultimately, we must hope for the end of political hope

['Throughout this essay, I have argued that the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering. This preservation amounts to an exploitation of hope—when the Political colonizes the spiritual principle of hope and puts it in the service of extending the “will to power” of an anti-black [End Page 242] organization of existence. The Politics of hope, then, is bound up with metaphysical violence, and this violence masquerades as a “solution” to the problem of anti-blackness. Temporal linearity, perfection, betterment, struggle, work, and utopian futurity are conceptual instruments of the Political that will never obviate black suffering or anti-black violence; these concepts only serve to reproduce the conditions that render existence unbearable for blacks. Political theologians and black optimists avoid the immediacy of black suffering, the horror of anti-black pulverization, and place relief in a “not-yet-but-is (maybe)-to-come-social order” that, itself, can do little more but admonish blacks to survive to keep struggling. Political hope becomes a vicious and abusive cycle of struggle—it mirrors the Lacanian drive, and we encircle an object (black freedom, justice, relief, redress, equality, etc.) that is inaccessible because it doesn’t really exist. The political theologian and black optimist, then, propose a collective Jouissance as an answer to black suffering—finding the joy in struggle, the victory in toil, and the satisfaction in inefficacious action. We continue to “struggle” and “work” as black youth are slaughtered daily, black bodies are incarcerated as forms of capital, black infant mortality rates are soaring, and hunger is disabling the bodies, minds, and spirits of desperate black youth. In short, these conditions are deep metaphysical problems—the sadistic pleasure of metaphysical domination—and “work” and “struggle” avoid the terrifying fact that the world depends on black death to sustain itself. Black nihilism attempts to break this “drive”—to stop it in its tracks, as it were—and to end the cycle of insanity [absurdity] that political hope perpetuates. The question that remains is a question often put to the black nihilist: what is the point? This compulsory geometrical structuring of thought—all knowledge must submit to, and is reducible to, a point—it is an epistemic flicker of certainty, determination, and, to put it bluntly, life. “The point” exists for life; it enlivens, enables, and sustains knowledge. Thought outside of this mandatory point is illegible and useless. To write outside of the “episteme of life” and its grammar will require a position outside of this point, a position somewhere in the infinite horizon of thought (perhaps this is what Heidegger wanted to do with his reconfiguration of thought). Writing in this way is inherently subversive and refuses the geometry of thought. Nevertheless, the [End Page 243] nihilist is forced to enunciate his refusal through a “point,” a point that is contradictory and paradoxical all at once. To say that the point of this essay is that “the point” is fraudulent—its promise of clarity and life are inadequate—will not satisfy the hunger of disciplining the nihilist and insisting that one undermine the very ground upon which one stands. Black nihilistic hermeneutics resists “the point” but is subjected to it to have one’s voice heard within the marketplace of ideas. The “point” of this essay is that political hope is pointless. Black suffering is an essential part of the world, and placing hope in the very structure that sustains metaphysical violence, the Political, will never resolve anything. This is why the black nihilist speaks of “exploited hope,” and the black nihilist attempts to wrest hope from the clutches of the Political. Can we think of hope outside the Political? Must “salvation” translate into a political grammar or a political program? The nihilist, then, hopes for the end of political hope and its metaphysical violence. Nihilism is not antithetical to hope; it does not extinguish hope but reconfigures it. Hope is the foundation of the black nihilistic hermeneutic. In “Blackness and Nothingness,” Fred Moten (2013) conceptualizes blackness as a “pathogen” to metaphysics, something that has the ability to unravel, to disable [stultify], and to destroy anti-blackness. If we read Vattimo through Moten’s brilliant analysis, we can suggest that blackness is the limit that Heidegger and Nietzsche were really after. It is a “blackened” world that will ultimately end metaphysics, but putting an end to metaphysics will also put an end to the world itself—this is the nihilism that the black nihilist must theorize through. This is a far cry from what we call “anarchy,” however. The black nihilist has as little faith in the metaphysical reorganization of society through anarchy than [t]he[y] does in traditional forms of political existence. The black nihilist offers political apostasy as the spiritual practice of denouncing metaphysical violence, black suffering, and the idol of anti-blackness. The act of renouncing will not change political structures or offer a political program; instead, it is the act of retrieving the spiritual concept of hope from the captivity of the Political. Ultimately, it is impossible to end metaphysics without ending blackness, and the black nihilist will never be able to withdraw from the Political completely without a certain death-drive or being-toward-death. This is the essence of black [End Page 244] suffering: the lack of reprieve from metaphysics, the tormenting complicity in the reproduction of violence, and the lack of a coherent grammar to articulate these dilemmas. After contemplating these issues for some time in my office, I decided to take a train home. As I awaited my train in the station, an older black woman asked me about the train schedule and when I would expect the next train headed toward Dupont Circle. When I told her the trains were running slowly, she began to talk about the government shutdown. “They don’t care anything about us, you know,” she said. “We elect these people into office, we vote for them, and they watch black people suffer and have no intentions of doing anything about it.” I shook my head in agreement and listened intently. “I’m going to stop voting, and supporting this process; why should I keep doing this and our people continue to suffer,” she said. I looked at her and said, “I don’t know ma’am; I just don’t understand it myself.” She then laughed and thanked me for listening to her—as if our conversation were somewhat cathartic. “You know, people think you’re crazy when you say things like this,” she said giving me a wink. “Yes they do,” I said. “But I am a free woman,” she emphasized “and I won’t go back.” Shocked, I smiled at her, and she winked at me; at that moment I realized that her wisdom and courage penetrated my mind and demanded answers. I’ve thought about this conversation for some time, and it is for this reason I had to write this essay. To the brave woman at the train station, I must say you are not crazy at all but thinking outside of metaphysical time, space, and violence. Ultimately, we must hope for the end of political hope.', '', '']

[(0, 9)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-RiSt-Neg-CEDA-Round-5.docx

Kentucky

RiSt

650d3e12a9f9a7ba7cb6afaa8f3ac937792f3c762f4f28b6714e30c518709c51

1. All TLAM-Ns are dismantled.

McKinley et al. 22, Carla McKinley, Graduate Researcher at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, Ph.D. candidate in Nuclear Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley; Speero M. Tannous, Nuclear Engineering Student at the University of California, Berkeley; Jake Hecla, Ph.D. candidate in Nuclear Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley; Aaron J. Berliner, Ph.D. candidate in Bioengineering and Biomedical Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley, M.S. in Nuclear Engineering from the University of California, Berkeley; Morgan Livingston, Science Policy Fellow at the Institute for Defense Analyses Science and Technology Policy Institute; Arnold Eng, Senior Systems Engineer at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, M.Eng. in Nuclear Engineering from the University of California, Berkeley, M.S. in Chemical Engineering from Purdue University; Jake Gutterman, Nuclear Engineering Student at the University of California, Berkeley; Alexandra Kennedy, Graduate Intern at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Ph.D. candidate in Nuclear Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley; Gregory Rose, Ph.D. candidate in Nuclear Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley, M.Eng. in Nuclear Engineering from the University of California, Berkeley; Stefanie Senjaya, Nuclear Engineering Student at the University of California, Berkeley; Karl van Bibber, Professor of Nuclear Engineering and Executive Associate Dean for the College of Engineering at the University of California, Berkeley, Ph.D. in Physics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Michael Nacht, Schneider Chair Emeritus and Professor of the Graduate School at the University of California, Berkeley, Richard & Rhoda Goldman School of Public Policy, Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University, “Nuclear Policy Re(V)iew from the Periscope: SLBM and SLCM Policy Options for the 2022 Biden White House,” University of California, Berkeley, 01-15-2022, https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/w5b37

U.S. considered the W93, but funding is not designated All TLAM-Ns were dismantled during the Obama administration

the U.S. considered developing the W93, but funding is not designated All TLAM-Ns were dismantled during the Obama administration

All TLAM-Ns were dismantled during the Obama administration

['In addition, the U.S. has also considered developing the W93, but funding for the W93 is not currently designated in the 2021 and 2022 defense budgets and it is un- known if the program will continue. If developed, this would be yet another standard yield warhead that uses the same delivery vehicle as the low-yield W76-2. The U.S. does not currently have any nuclear SLCMs in the arsenal. However, it does have a history with the weapon as it still uses the TLAM cruise missile, which once had a nuclear version, the TLAM-N. All TLAM-Ns were dismantled during the Obama administration. As previously mentioned, the 2018 NPR called for an investigation into future SLCM-N technologies.']

[(0, 18)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-GaSl-Neg-ADA-Nationals-Round-6.docx

Kentucky

GaSl

fb5c3e54fe09764d4e91c48afef5e7bd24c1d6a0ac2cbdbd79475292094f7686

They also do not care about space.

Benjamin Charlton 19, Senior Asia-Pacific Analyst at the Geopolitical Analysis and Consulting firm Oxford Analytica, MPhil in Chinese Studies from the University of Cambridge, BA in Japanese Studies from the University of Sheffield, “The Myth of the “New Space Race””, The Space Review, 11/25/2019, https://www.thespacereview.com/article/3838/1

space race” between China and U S doesn’t exist race requires speed and competition programs displayed neither for decades China is not racing because obsession is sensitive to prestige , and unsustainable spending Its budget is less than one-quarter US US is leader by a wide margin and cannot achieve political consensus behind a rush China’s capabilities fall far short US has three times satellites more powerful rockets China is not poised to overtake anytime soon calls ring hollow

Hawks and headline writers think space races are exciting especially space race” between China and the U S it doesn’t exist Private space is about to come of age robotic spacecraft are being built to rendezvous Vast swarms of sat s are set to make Internet truly global satellite imagery fed through a i promises powerful insights Dozens of countries are active The tired trope of the superpower space race does little to make sense of all this A race requires speed and competition . The US and Chinese space programs have displayed neither characteristic for decades China is not racing the U S because the single-minded obsession of top leadership is to avoid the fate of the Soviet Union. They are acutely sensitive to dangers of competition f prestige , and unsustainable fiscal spending There is no sign that China is trying to outspend the U S Its space budget is less than one-quarter of the US The US is not racing because it is the leader by a wide margin and cannot therefore achieve a political consensus behind a need to rush . Not since the Space Shuttle has the US managed to stick to any truly revolutionary goal or program long enough to finish it Each president ushered in a major change in direction Trump has already made two A variant is the “call to arms” op-ed, which claims that the Chinese alone are racing , while a dopey America risks falling behind The facts tell a different story : China’s space capabilities fall far short of the US’s except in a few very narrow areas US has three times as many satellites US has more powerful rockets China’s most powerful rocket remains out of service China does have ability to send astronauts into space but has done so just six times since 2003 The US is poised to regain its crewed launch capability when SpaceX’s Crew Dragon and Boeing’s Starliner enter service China is not poised to overtake the US anytime soon the calls to arms ring hollow . China still lags too far behind for the spectre of “victory” in a notional race to be convincing

U S it doesn’t exist space sat s a i tired trope speed competition neither decades not racing U S single-minded obsession prestige unsustainable fiscal spending no sign U S less than one-quarter leader by a wide margin political consensus Space Shuttle stick two Chinese alone are racing facts different story fall far short three times more powerful rockets out of service six times China is not poised to overtake the US anytime soon ring hollow convincing

['Hawks and headline writers think space races are exciting too, especially the “new space race” between China and the United States. That’s why they keep referring to it—even though it doesn’t exist.', 'Historic changes are indeed afoot in the space sector. Private crewed spaceflight is about to come of age. Mobile robotic spacecraft are being built to rendezvous with satellites to service them. Vast swarms of broadband satellites are set to make the Internet truly global for the first time, and increase the number of spacecraft in orbit tenfold. Back on Earth, satellite imagery fed through artificial intelligence algorithms promises powerful insights into all manner of human activity. Dozens of countries are active in space and the number is growing all the time. The tired trope of the superpower space race does little to make sense of all this.', 'What makes a race a race', 'A race requires speed and competition. The US and Chinese space programs have displayed neither characteristic for decades.', 'China is not racing the United States, because the single-minded obsession of the Communist Party’s top leadership is to avoid the fate of the Soviet Union. They are acutely sensitive to the dangers of ruinous competition for the sake of prestige, and understand that unsustainable fiscal spending poses a greater threat to national security than the US lead in space capabilities.', 'There is no sign that China is trying to outspend the United States. Its space budget is not publicly disclosed, but even the more generous estimates put it at less than one-quarter of what the US government spends on space.', 'Sustainability matters more to China. The Communist Party does not need to “beat” the US in order to impress the Chinese public and burnish its credentials as the champion of Chinese civilization. It just needs to demonstrate progress in achieving new milestones. Neither does China need to outclass the US in its military space capabilities. It just needs a convincing deterrent.', 'The US, meanwhile, is not racing because it is the leader by a wide margin and cannot therefore achieve a political consensus behind a need to rush. Not since the Space Shuttle has the US managed to stick to any truly revolutionary goal or program long enough to finish it.', 'Each US president from George W. Bush onwards has ushered in a major change in direction. The Trump Administration has already made two. Its latest, the Artemis program to land the first woman on the Moon by 2024, tries to recapture the urgency of the space race. It echoes Apollo’s unreasonably tight deadline, but without commensurate funding and the sense of impending defeat, it looks very unlikely to achieve it.', 'Calls to arms', 'A variant of the US-China space race story is the “call to arms” op-ed, which claims that the Chinese alone are racing, while a dopey America risks falling behind unless urgent action is taken.', 'The facts tell a different story: China’s space capabilities fall far short of the US’s except in a few very narrow areas.', 'The US has more than three times as many satellites in orbit as China: around 1,000 versus around 300. SpaceX alone has over 60 percent of the global commercial launch market; China’s share has not exceeded 10 percent since 2011 and has fallen to a negligible level in the past couple of years.', 'The US has more powerful rockets, able to lift heavier payloads to higher orbits: the reusable SpaceX Falcon Heavy can lift 64 tonnes into low Earth orbit; China’s most powerful rocket, the single-use Long March 5B, can lift just 25 tonnes, and remains out of service following a launch failure in 2017.', 'China does have the ability to send astronauts into space, which the US currently lacks, but it has done so just six times since its first crewed launch in 2003. The equivalent timespan up to the US Space Shuttle’s retirement in 2011 saw more than 60. The US is poised to regain its crewed launch capability when SpaceX’s Crew Dragon and Boeing’s Starliner enter service—enter late, yes, but Chinese programs suffer delays due to technical problems as often as US ones.', 'The first test flights of NASA’s new deep space launch vehicle, the Space Launch System, and SpaceX’s next-generation launch system are planned next year. There is justified skepticism over that timetable, but China’s deep space launcher, the Long March 9, is still on the drawing board, with a rough target for a first test flight of 2030 and ample precedent to suggest it will be later.', 'Both countries have deep-space crewed spacecraft in the pipeline, but the NASA-ESA Orion has already been built, whereas China’s unnamed prototype is the equivalent of Elon’s red Tesla: an empty shell that will be test-launched next year because China wants something expendable to put on the maiden launch of its improved Long March 5.', 'The space station China plans to start building next year will be in low Earth orbit, while NASA’s Gateway will be a similarly sized space station orbiting the Moon. Bigelow Aerospace has built innovative soft-bodied modules for a new Earth-orbiting space station, one of which has already been tested on the ISS and outperformed expectations so spectacularly that its lifespan has been extended from two years to 12.', 'China has grabbed headlines by deliberately targeting vacant niches, such as the Micius experimental quantum communication satellite in 2016, and the landing of humankind’s first rover on the far side of the Moon in January this year. But that same month, NASA’s New Horizons spacecraft sent back photographs of an object in the Kuiper Belt now known as Arrokoth, the furthest celestial object ever visited by a spacecraft. Next year China plans to launch a 250-kilogram rover to Mars for the first time; at the same time, NASA will launch a one-tonne rover, its fifth.', 'China’s incipient Internet satellite constellations number in the hundreds; SpaceX’s Starlink and Amazon’s Kuiper in the thousands. China’s private launcher startups are at least a decade behind their US counterparts, with just one successful orbital launch so far.', 'None of these comparisons belittle China’s achievements—the country is the world’s clear number two space power—but they do indicate that China is not poised to overtake the US anytime soon.', 'That’s why the calls to arms ring hollow. China still lags too far behind for the spectre of Chinese “victory” in a notional race to be convincing enough to panic US politicians into coughing up the money needed to bridge the gap in capabilities between what their country has now and mooted next steps such as settling the Moon or landing a person on Mars.']

[(9, 17), (18, 20)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-DiGr-Neg-UK-Doubles.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

aaba72a3a0b474cdef830e96dfae118f9a219d8960d7644825fd28d1086a70e7

2---Democratic biopolitics good---public health is key to prevent death and suffering.

Panagiotis Sotiris 20. Adjunct lecturer at the University of Crete, Panteion University, the University of the Aegean, and the University of Athens. His research interests include Marxist philosophy, the work of Louis Althusser, and social and political movements in Greece. Against Agamben: Is a Democratic Biopolitics Possible? https://www.viewpointmag.com/2020/03/20/against-agamben-democratic-biopolitics/

treating public health as biopolitics misses usefulness concept of ‘ naked life’ can better describe the pensioner on a waiting list for a respirator or an ICU bed than attempt to adjust practical exigencies ask whether democratic biopolitics is possible instead of a permanent individualized fea we move towards the idea of collective effort, This offers the possibility of a democratic biopolitics social movements insist on state power to channel resources from the private sector support those without assistance demand social change

simply treating public health as biopolitics misses potential usefulness these measures can reduce the burden the concept of ‘ naked life’ can better describe the pensioner on a waiting list for a respirator or an ICU bed , because of a collapsed public health system, than the attempt to adjust to the practical exigencies of social distancing or quarantine measures I would suggest a different return to Foucault we forget Foucault had a highly relational conception of power practices it is legitimate to ask whether a democratic or even communist biopolitics is possible Is it possible to have collective practices that actually help the health of populations Foucault himself points towards such a direction he suggested an alternative politics of bios based on a certain obligation and courage to tell the truth, in non-coercive ways In such a perspective, the decisions for the reduction of movement and for social or for not smoking or for avoiding individual and collective practices that harm the environment, would be the result of democratically discussed collective decisions based on the knowledge available and as part of a collective effort to care for others and ourselves. This means that we move to responsibility and from suspending sociality to consciously transforming it. In such a condition, instead of a permanent individualized fea r we move towards the idea of collective effort, coordination and solidarity This offers the possibility of a democratic biopolitics The increased access to knowledge, along with the need for popularization campaigns makes possible collective decision processes that are based on knowledge and understanding social movements have a lot of room to act. They can ask of immediate measures to help public health systems withstand the extra burden They can point to the need for solidarity and collective self-organization during such a crisis They can insist on state power (and coercion) being used to channel resources from the private sector to socially necessary directions . They can organize struggles for paid sick leave They can put their collective ingenuity in practice to create forms of support for the elderly and those without any assistance . They can project the fact that today the struggle against the pandemic is a struggle waged by labour, not capital, by doctors and nurses in understaffed public health systems, by precarious workers in the vital supply chains, by those that keep basics infrastructure running during the lock-down. And they can demand social change as a life-saving exigency .

naked life’ can better describe the pensioner on a waiting list for a respirator or an ICU bed practical exigencies democratic or even communist biopolitics is possible politics of bios responsibility instead of a permanent individualized fea r democratic biopolitics state power (and coercion) being used to channel resources from the private sector to socially necessary directions support for the elderly and those without any assistance demand social change as a life-saving exigency

['Moreover, it is obvious that simply treating measures of public health, such as quarantines or ‘social distancing’, as biopolitics somehow misses their potential usefulness. In the absence of a vaccine or successful anti-viral treatments, these measures, coming from the repertoire of 19th century public health manuals, can reduce the burden, especially for vulnerable groups.', 'This is especially urgent if we recognize that even in advanced capitalist economies public health infrastructure has deteriorated and cannot actually stand the peak of the pandemic, unless measures to reduce the rate of its expansion are taken. ', 'One might say that contra Agamben, the concept of ‘naked life’ can better describe the pensioner on a waiting list for a respirator or an ICU bed, because of a collapsed public health system, than the attempt to adjust to the practical exigencies of social distancing or quarantine measures. In light of the above I would like to suggest a different return to Foucault. I think that sometimes we forget that Foucault had a highly relational conception of power practices.4 In this sense, it is legitimate to ask whether a democratic or even communist biopolitics is possible.', 'To put this question in a different way: Is it possible to have collective practices that actually help the health of populations, including large-scale behaviour modifications, without a parallel expansion of forms of coercion and surveillance? ', 'Foucault himself, in his late work, points towards such a direction, around the notions of truth, parrhesia and care of the self.5 In this highly original dialogue with ancient philosophy, in particular Hellenistic and Roman, he suggested an alternative politics of bios that combines individual and collective care, based on a certain obligation and courage to tell the truth, in non-coercive ways.', 'In such a perspective, the decisions for the reduction of movement and for social distancing in times of epidemics, or for not smoking in closed public spaces, or for avoiding individual and collective practices that harm the environment, would be the result of democratically discussed collective decisions based on the knowledge available and as part of a collective effort to care for others and ourselves. This means that from simple discipline we move to responsibility, in regards to others and then ourselves, and from suspending sociality to consciously transforming it. In such a condition, instead of a permanent individualized fear, which can break down any sense of social cohesion, we move towards the idea of collective effort, coordination and solidarity within a common struggle, elements that in such health emergencies can be equally important to medical interventions. ', 'This offers the possibility of a democratic biopolitics. This can also be based on the democratization of knowledge. The increased access to knowledge, along with the need for popularization campaigns makes possible collective decision processes that are based on knowledge and understanding and not just the authority of experts.', 'Biopolitics from below', 'The battle against HIV, the fight of stigma, the attempt to make people understand that it is not the disease of ‘high risk groups’, the demand for education on safe sex practices, the funding of the development of therapeutic measures and the access to public health services, would not have been possible without the struggle of movements such as ACT UP. One might say that this was indeed an example of a biopolitics from below.', 'And in the current conjuncture, social movements have a lot of room to act. They can ask of immediate measures to help public health systems withstand the extra burden caused by the pandemic. They can point to the need for solidarity and collective self-organization during such a crisis, in contrast to individualized “survivalist” panics. They can insist on state power (and coercion) being used to channel resources from the private sector to socially necessary directions. They can organize struggles for paid sick leave and for an end to measures such as eviction. They can put their collective ingenuity in practice to create forms of support for the elderly and those without any assistance. They can project, in all possible ways, the fact that today the struggle against the pandemic is a struggle waged by labour, not capital, by doctors and nurses in understaffed public health systems, by precarious workers in the vital supply chains, by those that keep basics infrastructure running during the lock-down. And they can demand social change as a life-saving exigency.', '']

[(11, 22)]

ndtceda

Emory-CoRu-Aff-Gonzaga-Jesuit-Debates-Round-4.docx

Emory

CoRu

3eb3949980165fd5ae0755b9e4d5ea9d0c2014c279c28735a4bd6134ea81e989

Innovation critiques of the CWS are wrong---the plan causes inconsistent application and ignores current rapid pace of innovation.

Abbott ’21 [Alden; 4/2/21; Senior Research Fellow at the Mercatus Center, J.D. from Harvard Law School, former General Council for the FTC; Tracy Miller; Ph.D. in Economics from the University of Chicago, Senior Policy Research Editor at the Mercatus Center; "Antitrust Should Stay Focused on Consumer Welfare," https://www.nationalreview.com/2021/04/antitrust-should-stay-focused-on-consumer-welfare/]

consumer welfare Critics argue the s tandard should be ditched Before the 70s big is bad poorly understood economic effects we see the c w s in response to economic and legal scholarship revealing size and share manifest efficiency in a bipartisan approach Critics endorse regulation , new rulemaking, and legislation They would pursue broader objectives critiques favor interventionist antitrust sacrificing cost reductions that result from one firm producing growing share and integrating services Considering broader range in violation of law would increase uncertainty create confusion decisions could be arbitrary and inconsistent large market shares still face pressure to develop innovative products and services The c w s pace of innovation has been breathtaking . The last thing we should do is quickly impose amorphous restrictions

Although competition policy can be improved, promoting consumer welfare should continue to guide antitrust enforcement in the U nited S tates Critics claim antitrust is being neglected as competition weakens that failure to enforce antitrust allows unchecked abuses — not just by digital platforms , but by powerful firms in other market segments Critics attribute this to antitrust law’s emphasis on the goal of promoting consumer welfare . They argue the c onsumer- w elfare s tandard should be ditched Before the 19 70s , Supreme Court antitrust decisions generally reflected a “ big is bad ” philosop Many poorly understood business practices were condemned with no inquiry into their actual economic effects . Mergers fared particularly badly in court In the 70s, we started to see the rise of the c onsumer w elfare s tandard as courts changed their approach to antitrust in response to economic and legal scholarship revealing that large business size and market share often manifest ed wealth-creating efficiency , rather than poor economic performance. Subsequent judicial decisions enunciated legal standards that seek to preserve incentives for business conduct that benefits consumers. These decisions have also granted dominant firms greater leeway to engage in aggressive competition to better satisfy consumers Democratic and Republican enforcers adopted a bipartisan approach to federal antitrust enforcement that emphasized consumer-welfare promotion the consumer-welfare standard has come under siege . Critics They endorse digital platform regulation , new F ederal T rade C ommission rulemaking, and legislation to tighten antitrust laws, with a greater emphasis on condemning dominant firm behavior without regard for consumer welfare. They would also pursue a broader range of objectives , such as promoting fairness , protecting labor rights , and limiting monopoly as measured by firm size and market share expansive antitrust-reform proposals, including possible regulation or structural breakups of big platforms, may be considered Recent antitrust-reform hearings have featured condemnations of the consumer-welfare standard these critiques of consumer welfare miss the mark . Abandoning this approach in favor of broad-based interventionist antitrust policies would prove harmful Proposed reforms such as breaking up dominant firms or prohibiting most mergers are likely to make consumers worse off, sacrificing cost reductions that result from one firm producing a growing share of output and integrating many complementary services Considering a broader range of conduct to be in violation of antitrust law would likely increase uncertainty for firms as they endeavor to compete to attract additional customers having to assign weights to ill-defined objectives would create confusion . The resulting decisions could be arbitrary and inconsistent w ith the rule of law oft-cited studies claiming that competition is weakening are based on questionable evidence . The 2020 Economic Report showed that those studies rely on overbroad market definitions that tell us nothing about competition in specific markets , let alone across the entire economy while leading digital platforms often have large market shares , they still face competitive pressure from existing firms and startups to develop innovative new products and services . Indeed, market-leading platforms that fail to innovate can be displaced The antitrust c onsumer- w elfare s tandard has served consumers well. Competitive forces have yielded a bounty of highly affordable and greatly enhanced digital products and services. The pace of innovation has been breathtaking . The last thing we should do is quickly impose new and amorphous antitrust restrictions that threaten success

competition policy consumer welfare guide U S neglected competition weakens unchecked abuses digital platforms powerful firms goal consumer welfare c w s Supreme Court big is bad poorly understood c onsumer w elfare s tandard economic legal scholarship size market share efficiency granted greater leeway aggressive competition satisfy consumers bipartisan approach consumer-welfare regulation F T C fairness labor rights firm size market share regulation structural breakups consumer-welfare standard miss the mark interventionist antitrust breaking up cost reductions one firm growing share integrating broader range violation increase uncertainty compete ill-defined objectives confusion arbitrary inconsistent rule of law questionable evidence overbroad market definitions nothing specific markets entire economy large market shares competitive pressure innovative products services c w s Competitive forces pace of innovation has been breathtaking amorphous

['Politicians and policy analysts have expressed concern about the growing size and impact of large digital-platform companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, and Apple. Some are advocating more aggressive antitrust enforcement or major changes to the law. Although competition policy can be improved, promoting consumer welfare should continue to guide antitrust enforcement in the United States.', 'Critics claim that antitrust law, which is intended to condemn business practices that undermine competition or maintain monopolies, is being neglected as competition weakens across the economy. They claim that the failure to enforce antitrust law allows unchecked abuses — not just by digital platforms, but by powerful firms in other market segments as well.', 'Critics also attribute this monopoly-abuse problem to antitrust law’s emphasis on the goal of promoting consumer welfare. They argue that the consumer-welfare standard should be ditched in favor of broader policy goals in order to “revitalize” antitrust as a powerful interventionist tool.', 'Before the 1970s, Supreme Court antitrust decisions generally reflected a “big is bad” philosophy. Those opinions often viewed antitrust as a means of protecting smaller companies. Many poorly understood business practices were condemned with no inquiry into their actual economic effects. Mergers fared particularly badly in court. As Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart lamented in 1966, the only consistency in government merger challenges was that “the Government always wins.”', 'In the late 1970s, we started to see the rise of the consumer welfare standard as courts changed their approach to antitrust in response to economic and legal scholarship revealing that large business size and market share often manifested wealth-creating efficiency, rather than poor economic performance. While continuing to summarily condemn hard-core cartel activity, courts began to apply case-specific economic analysis. This involved weighing the potential benefits resulting from a firm’s conduct against its harmful effects.', 'In 1979 the Supreme Court underscored the new approach in its Reiter v. Sonotone opinion, stating that “Congress designed the Sherman Act as a ‘consumer welfare prescription.’” Subsequent judicial decisions enunciated legal standards that seek to preserve incentives for business conduct that benefits consumers. These decisions have also granted dominant firms greater leeway to engage in aggressive competition to better satisfy consumers.', 'In parallel with judicial developments by the mid-1990s, Democratic and Republican enforcers adopted a bipartisan approach to federal antitrust enforcement that emphasized consumer-welfare promotion.', 'Over the past few years, however, the consumer-welfare standard has come under siege. Critics of current antitrust policy cite the growing size and market share of dominant firms as signs of ineffective antitrust enforcement. These concerns were highlighted in 2020 studies by the House Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law and by the Washington Center for Equitable Growth. They endorse digital platform regulation, new Federal Trade Commission rulemaking, and legislation to tighten antitrust laws, with a greater emphasis on condemning dominant firm behavior out of hand, without regard for consumer welfare. They would also pursue a broader range of objectives, such as promoting fairness, protecting labor rights, and limiting monopoly as measured by firm size and market share.', 'In February 2021, Senator Amy Klobuchar (D., Minn.) introduced legislation that would toughen the standard for evaluating mergers (preventing many out of hand, based on the size of the acquiring firm). Her proposal would also lower the bar for convicting a firm of illegal monopolization. Other expansive antitrust-reform proposals, including possible regulation or structural breakups of big platforms, may be considered in Congress. Recent antitrust-reform hearings in both the Senate and House have featured condemnations of the consumer-welfare standard.', 'Yet these critiques of consumer welfare miss the mark. Abandoning this approach in favor of broad-based interventionist antitrust policies would prove harmful.', 'Proposed reforms such as breaking up dominant firms or prohibiting most mergers and acquisitions are likely to make consumers worse off, sacrificing the cost reductions that result from one firm producing a growing share of output and integrating many complementary services.', 'Considering a broader range of conduct to be in violation of antitrust law would likely increase uncertainty for firms as they endeavor to compete to attract additional customers. Moreover, having to assign weights to ill-defined objectives of labor rights and fairness (among other new goals) would create confusion. The resulting decisions could be arbitrary and inconsistent w', '', '', 'ith the rule of law.', 'Furthermore, oft-cited studies claiming that competition is weakening are based on questionable evidence. The 2020 Economic Report of the President showed that those studies rely on overbroad market definitions that tell us nothing about competition in specific markets, let alone across the entire economy.', 'What’s more, while leading digital platforms often have large market shares, they still face competitive pressure from existing firms and startups to develop innovative new products and services. Indeed, market-leading platforms that fail to innovate can be displaced — just ask Yahoo and MySpace.', 'Finally, the benefits that consumers derive from participating in some digital platforms will grow as the platforms expand their membership. Antitrust attacks aimed at “cutting monopoly platforms down to size” could undermine these benefits, harming consumers.', 'The antitrust consumer-welfare standard has served consumers well. Competitive forces have yielded a bounty of highly affordable and greatly enhanced digital products and services. The pace of innovation has been breathtaking. The last thing we should do is quickly impose new and amorphous antitrust restrictions that threaten this success story.', '', '', '']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Michigan-Agrawal-Mikelson-Neg-Harvard-Round4.docx

Michigan

AgMi

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Michigan/AgMi/Michigan-Agrawal-Mikelson-Neg-Harvard-Round4.docx

5b290cd75ed1b3f1183fc0d12ec1e815dd851b5205dc91095fc0223f4013b6b4

Plan makes it easier to do their work.

Anderson 18 - (*Robert D. Anderson, **William E. Kovacic, ***Anna Caroline Müller and ****Nadezhda Sporysheva *Senior Counsellor and Team Leader for Government Procurement and Competition Policy, Intellectual Property, Government Procurement and Competition Division, WTO Secretariat; Honorary Professor, School of Law @ University of Nottingham, UK **Global Competition Professor of Law and Policy and Director @ Competition Law Center @ George Washington University Law School; Visiting Professor @ Dickson Poon School of Law, King's College London; and Non-Executive Director, UK Competition and Markets Authority ***Legal Affairs Officer, Intellectual Property, Government Procurement and Competition Division, WTO Secretariat ****Legal/Economic Analyst, Intellectual Property, Government Procurement and Competition Division, WTO Secretariat; 10-21-2018, World Trade Organization Economic Research and Statistics Division, "Competition Policy, Trade And The Global Economy: Existing WTO Elements, Commitments In Regional Trade Agreements, Current Challenges And Issues For Reflection," doa: 6-4-2021) url: https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/reser_e/ersd201812_e.pdf

inefficiencies occur with regard to investigation international cartels and lead to under-enforcement In the absence of institutionalized cooperation mechanisms multiple jurisdictions repeat the same steps resulting in extra costs for competition authorities might be unable to obtain necessary ev

Even where international cartel activity can be tackled effectively inefficiencies may occur with regard to the investigation of international cartels and lead to under-enforcement of competition policy In the absence of well-functioning and institutionalized cooperation mechanisms , multiple jurisdictions may repeat the same investigative steps , resulting in extra costs for businesses subject to investigations competition authorities will suffer from the unnecessary duplication of efforts; and might in practice be unable to obtain necessary ev idence from other jurisdictions harmful cartel activity could go unpunished , additional costs could be imposed on the global economy , and consumers would be harmed

tackled effectively investigation of international cartels lead to under-enforcement well-functioning institutionalized cooperation mechanisms multiple jurisdictions may repeat the same investigative steps extra costs competition authorities ev harmful cartel activity could go unpunished additional costs could be imposed global economy consumers would be harmed

['', 'Even where international cartel activity can be tackled effectively by national competition laws, inefficiencies may occur with regard to the investigation of international cartels and lead to under-enforcement of competition policy and laws. In the absence of well-functioning and institutionalized cooperation mechanisms, multiple jurisdictions may repeat the same investigative steps, resulting in extra costs for businesses subject to investigations. More importantly, competition authorities will suffer from the unnecessary duplication of efforts; and might in practice be unable to obtain necessary evidence from other jurisdictions.278 As a result, harmful cartel activity could go unpunished, additional costs could be imposed on the global economy, and consumers would be harmed.', '']

[(0, 11)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Aff-9-ADA-Round4.docx

Minnesota

PhRa

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/PhRa/Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Aff-9-ADA-Round4.docx

b5b5915bc4382595564efeed35acca59ed0ccf17eeb9531394c1c728212e12af

The counterplan confers guardianship upon animals, this does not mean animals are persons it just means animals can have legal Gaurdians. This is historically supported.

Nolen, 11 (R. Scott, 3-18-2011, "After more than a decade, has pet guardianship changed anything?", American Veterinary Medical Association, https://www.avma.org/javma-news/2011-04-01/after-more-decade-has-pet-guardianship-changed-anything)//Neo

Boulder added "guardian" to the section of its municipal code addressing animal ownership The campaign started tallying successes around the country owners in 17 cities, can legally refer to themselves as animal guardians. Pet guardianship thought of as a force to potentially redefine society's relationship with companion animals

Boulder , Colo., made history in 2000 when the city added "guardian" to the section of its municipal code addressing animal ownership referring to the legal relationship between a person and a pet As explained by In Defense of Animals The campaign started tallying successes around the country , pet- owners in 17 cities, one state, and two counties in California can legally refer to themselves as animal guardians. Pet guardianship thought of as a force to potentially redefine society's relationship with companion animals

added "guardian" to the section of its municipal code addressing animal ownership successes around the country , can legally refer to themselves as animal guardians. Pet guardianship thought of as a force to potentially redefine society's relationship with companion animals

['Boulder, Colo., made history in 2000 when the city added "guardian" to the section of its municipal code addressing animal ownership. It was the first instance of a city referring to the legal relationship between a person and a pet as something other than owner and property.', 'The city council reasoned that Boulderites who internalize the idea they are pet guardians and not just property owners may be more inclined to treat animals humanely and be responsible pet owners.', "As explained by In Defense of Animals, the San Rafael, Calif.-based animal protection organization behind the national guardian campaign, a pet guardian doesn't buy a pet but adopts a homeless animal instead. She provides the pet with veterinary care, doesn't let it run loose, and trains the animal not to be aggressive. Such are the potential benefits of identifying the owner-pet relationship as guardianship, according to the IDA.", 'The campaign started tallying successes around the country, most notably in Rhode Island, where in 2001 the legislature added "guardian" to the state animal ownership statutes. Today, pet-owners in 17 cities, one state, and two counties in California can legally refer to themselves as animal guardians.', "Pet guardianship was, and is still today, thought of as a force to potentially redefine society's relationship with companion animals, for better or for worse."]

[(0, 9)]

ndtceda

Dartmouth-CaVa-Neg-Wake-Round-6.docx

Dartmouth

CaVa

9cd862833d4fcca8339fb8b938742b52483ed9f180b4f1513f8101520cdaa226

It’s defined in U.S. code.

U.S. Code ’90 [U.S. Code; November 29; Title 28 of United States legal code; Legal Information Institute, “28 U.S. Code § 3002 – Definitions,” ]

“ U S means a Federal corporation

“ U nited S tates” means a Federal corporation 2NC – AT: Subjectivity Shift

U S Federal

['(15) “United States” means—', '(A) a Federal corporation;', '(B) an agency, department, commission, board, or other entity of the\xa0; or', '(C) an instrumentality of the\xa0.', '2NC – AT: Subjectivity Shift']

[(0, 13)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Neg-Indiana-Round-6.docx

Michigan

McSk

7db56abdeb53f4e9f9beb09566cab130bd67734178387b40e881900e75c9002b

Plank 5 solves warming.

Jamie Kwong 23. fellow in the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "How Climate Change Challenges the U.S. Nuclear Deterrent". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 7-10-2023. https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/07/10/how-climate-change-challenges-u.s.-nuclear-deterrent-pub-90130

the U S should mitigate and adapt to these challenges DOD conduct in- depth assessments of how and when climate change could impact all U.S. nuclear bases and facilities DOD should devote resources to monitoring and modeling climate change DOD should expand climate monitoring investments incorporate climate modeling Establishing funding to these initiatives at all nuclear facilities would develop robust local relationships to ensure the department is prepared to address worsening climate conditions

Given the high-stakes nature of the nuclear enterprise, the U nited S tates should undertake concerted efforts to better prepare for, mitigate , and adapt to these challenges . The following recommendations describe actions the DOD and other key stakeholders can take at the installation, system, and broader deterrent levels to do so. Drawing on more extensive resources and information, the DOD and DOE should conduct in- depth assessments of how and when climate change could impact all U.S. nuclear bases and facilities Implementing mitigation and adaptation plans, especially those that require infrastructure updates or changes, will be long-term endeavors given the nature of budget and resource decisionmaking and planning Modernization efforts for each leg of the U.S. nuclear triad are actively progressing. To address this issue, the DOD should devote additional resources to monitoring and modeling climate change and regularly update their decisions and planning accordingly. The DOD’s existing climate tools are an important starting point the DOD , with support from Congress, should continue to make and expand its climate monitoring investments , luding by building expertise to ensure personnel are adequately trained to incorporate climate modeling into future planning. The DOD should not undertake these efforts alone The department would benefit from improved interagency and cross-government collaboration Establishing and, importantly, contributing funding to these initiatives at all nuclear facilities , including landlocked bases that may not seem as vulnerable to the worst effects of climate change would help the DOD develop robust local relationships and mitigation measures to ensure the department is best prepared to address worsening climate conditions . how climate change impacts could affect the full costs of maintaining and operating the system later this century Congress could mandate these assessments through a dedicated law

mitigate challenges depth assessments nuclear bases facilities resource decisionmaking and planning Modernization efforts additional resources monitoring modeling climate change climate monitoring investments building expertise climate modeling Establishing DOD develop robust local relationships department prepared address worsening climate conditions .

['RECOMMENDATIONS', 'The analysis presented here highlights potential ways in which climate change could impact the U.S. nuclear triad. Given the high-stakes nature of the nuclear enterprise, the United States should undertake concerted efforts to better prepare for, mitigate, and adapt to these challenges. The following recommendations describe actions the DOD and other key stakeholders can take at the installation, system, and broader deterrent levels to do so.', 'CONDUCT CLIMATE CHANGE VULNERABILITY ASSESSMENTS OF ALL NUCLEAR INSTALLATIONS AND FACILITIES', 'The analysis of the potential impacts of climate change on the U.S. nuclear deterrent presented here is not only limited by its primary focus on three installations but also by information available in the open source. Drawing on more extensive resources and information, the DOD and DOE should conduct in-depth assessments of how and when climate change could impact all U.S. nuclear bases and facilities. These dedicated, site-specific studies should account for the unique nuclear systems, operations, and activities at each site. Importantly, these assessments also need to consider the implications for U.S. nuclear deterrence if the missions at each site are compromised, undermined, or threatened by climate change in any way. Focusing on individual nuclear bases and facilities, as well as deterrence implications, would add important specificity to the DOD’s broader, high-level assessments of climate change impacts, which to date have not provided sufficient or sustained attention to the U.S. deterrent.123', 'It is reasonable that such studies be conducted at the classified level owing to sensitive information about the U.S. nuclear enterprise. Some people might argue that publicly identifying climate vulnerabilities could potentially undermine the credibility of the deterrent. However, it is important to also produce unclassified assessments that include as much information as possible. Being transparent about climate change challenges and threats can encourage greater collaboration with interagency and nongovernmental entities to identify and implement mitigation or adaptation measures—and will also encourage greater accountability to follow through on such measures. Implementing mitigation and adaptation plans, especially those that require infrastructure updates or changes, will be long-term endeavors given the nature of budget and resource decisionmaking and planning. Therefore, it is urgent that the DOD and DOE conduct installation vulnerability assessments as soon as possible to ensure those efforts are well underway before climate change effects worsen.', 'INVEST IN DYNAMIC CLIMATE CHANGE MODELING AND PARTNERSHIPS', 'Modernization efforts for each leg of the U.S. nuclear triad are actively progressing. Given the expected—or, in the B-21 case, assumed—service lives of the modernized systems, key nuclear decisions are made decades in advance of their full implementation. Yet, climate models cannot necessarily project climate change effects over such extended timelines. The above analysis demonstrates that some climate hazards, especially extreme weather events, cannot be adequately modeled at all whether due to the complexity of interactions among various factors that drive these hazards, a lack of observational data of already variable events, or competing perspectives and theories on event attribution.124 Modernization decisions therefore cannot fully account for the potential impacts of climate change. To address this issue, the DOD should devote additional resources to monitoring and modeling climate change and regularly update their decisions and planning accordingly.', 'The DOD’s existing climate tools are an important starting point. The DCAT, for example, can give nuclear decisionmakers an initial steer in assessing the vulnerability of nuclear installations to climate hazards, although additional efforts are needed to address limitations of the tool, as considered below. To ensure decisions are informed by the most accurate climate change projections, these tools should be dynamic, incorporating regular updates to ensure projections account for current trends and the latest climate science. If governments undertake substantial mitigation and adaptation efforts to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions, for example, projected sea level rise trends may become less severe. The opposite, of course, is also possible if governments do not undertake such efforts. Meanwhile, at a more local level, preventive mitigation efforts taken at Kings Bay may also positively impact projections of how climate change could impact the base. Consequently, changes in projected trends could significantly impact climate change risks at nuclear facilities and must therefore be regularly monitored and factored into nuclear decisions and planning.', 'Beyond these existing tools, the DOD, with support from Congress, should continue to make and expand its climate monitoring investments, including by building expertise to ensure personnel are adequately trained to incorporate climate modeling into future planning. Climate change–related investments cannot simply focus on installations or regions where disasters have already struck but must be proactive in anticipating possible future conditions and challenges, especially where the United States’ nuclear installations are involved. Moreover, as this paper demonstrates, different climate hazards stand to challenge different nuclear facilities and missions. The DOD, therefore, cannot standardize its efforts across installations and regions but rather must diversify its modeling and monitoring efforts.', 'The DOD should not undertake these efforts alone. The department would benefit from improved interagency and cross-government collaboration, as well as more partnerships with nongovernmental stakeholders. For instance, since the DOD appears to rely on FEMA flood data to conduct its EISs for its nuclear modernization programs, the department should work directly with FEMA to ensure it has the resources and access it needs to complete and regularly update flood mapping of all nuclear installations and their surrounding communities. Doing so would allow for more comprehensive assessments that more accurately consider and account for possible future flooding vulnerabilities or challenges. The DOD can also expand successful programs like the Readiness and Environmental Protection Integration Program and the Sentinel Landscapes Partnership—both of which bring together local, state, and federal stakeholders to implement conservation and resilience measures that help preserve military and local interests—to include all nuclear installations.125 Establishing and, importantly, contributing funding to these initiatives at all nuclear facilities, including landlocked bases that may not seem as vulnerable to the worst effects of climate change, would help the DOD develop robust local relationships and mitigation measures to ensure the department is best prepared to address worsening climate conditions.', 'MANDATE “IMPACT OF ENVIRONMENT STATEMENTS”', 'Informed by rigorous research and engagement with key stakeholders, EISs are important assessments designed to determine how major federal actions will affect the environment. This process does not, however, adequately consider how the environment may in turn impact the action being considered. Just nine pages of the nearly 1,000-page Sentinel EIS, for example, explicitly discuss climate change, providing fairly general depictions of climate change effects in the Great Plains and Southwest regions where Sentinel construction activities will take place.126 Given the potential impacts climate change could have on nuclear and other federal actions, unidirectional EISs are no longer sufficient.', 'To complement these statements, the DOD and other agencies should also be required to complete “Impact of Environment Statements.” These statements should be forward-looking, dedicated assessments of how climate change may impact the federal action at hand. Conducted with as much rigor and engagement as EISs, they should draw on advanced climate modeling—including worst-case scenario projections—to identify relevant climate change hazards over the lifetime of the action. They should evaluate the potential impacts of those hazards at the installation, system, and broader mission levels and identify how and when these impacts can best be mitigated. The statements should also identify how these hazards may affect the lifetime costs of the action, including by factoring in cost estimates of potential mitigation plans. Importantly, the statements should be updated at regular intervals to account for changes in climate modeling.', 'Congress may have a particular interest in mandating these Impact of Environment Statements especially given the potentially substantial budgetary implications of climate change for planned actions. This carries particular relevance for nuclear modernization efforts, which the Congressional Budget Office estimates will cost $634 billion (in 2021 dollars) throughout the 2020s.127 Congress should be interested in determining, for example, whether the Sentinel program plans laid out in the Sentinel EIS have adequately accounted for climate change and, if not, how climate change impacts could affect the full costs of maintaining and operating the system later this century. A Sentinel Impact of Environment Statement would help to address this concern and increase the DOD’s accountability to effectively plan for and respond to climate change impacts. Congress could mandate these assessments through a dedicated law, similar to how the National Environmental Policy Act mandates EISs, or as part of the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) process. To initiate this effort and complement the second B-21 EIS currently underway, Congress should require the DOD to complete an Impact of Environment Statement for the B-21 as part of the NDAA for Fiscal Year 2024.', '', '']

[(6, 14)]

ndtceda

Emory-ShSh-Neg-Kansas-Swing-#2-Round-2.docx

Emory

ShSh

93877637b2634ebff5e809a526406979e73bb490efd5f2eec16673ab9a0b716b

No net benefit.

Guy Burton 23. Adjunct professor of International Affairs at the Brussels School of Governance. “Neither China Nor Iran Will Get What They Want From Their Relationship.” https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/neither-china-nor-iran-will-get-what-they-want-from-their-relationship/.

Xi wanted to push for resolution over nuclear program neither unlikely to get what they want Iran is struggling economically Inflation is high GDP growth slowing may have hoped visit to China would unlock funds media suggested investments would be substantial there is little sign Russia bigger investor in Iran return to the JCPOA first step toward unlocking Chinese investment current affairs benefit Chinese more than Iran regime fear becoming too dependent public opinion skeptical

Behind the smiles from Iranian and Chinese leaders in Beijing this week, there may well be frustration Ebrahim Raisi visited the Chinese capital with the hope of shoring up his country’s international support and extracting economic advantages from his country’s relationship with China Xi Jinping wanted to use the visit to push for a resolution to the ongoing negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program Unfortunately for both neither are unlikely to get what they want For Raisi , it was important to show that Iran is not the international pariah that many in the West presume. Iran is also struggling economically Inflation is high , at 40 percent, while GDP growth has been slowing from 4.7 percent in 2021 to 3 percent in 2022 and a projected 2 percent this year, according to the IMF Raisi may have hoped that the visit to China would unlock more funds and investment Although media reports suggested that the investments involved would be substantial there is little sign that is happening Russia has become a bigger investor in Iran than China A return to the JCPOA could be a helpful first step toward unlocking more Chinese investment That may be what Xi was thinking when he implicitly blamed U.S. behavior for the current deadlock in talks the current state of affairs benefit s the Chinese more than Iran Iran has had to rely on Chinese purchases, which worked to China’s advantage by letting it purchase Iranian oil for cheaper than the global market price some in the regime fear becoming too dependent on China, but wider public opinion is also skeptical

frustration neither are unlikely to get what they want funds investment little sign bigger investor unlocking more Chinese investment U.S. behavior benefit s the Chinese more than Iran skeptical

['Behind the smiles from Iranian and Chinese leaders in Beijing this week, there may well be frustration. Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi visited the Chinese capital with the hope of shoring up his country’s international support and extracting economic advantages from his country’s relationship with China. Meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping wanted to use the visit to push for a resolution to the ongoing negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program. Unfortunately for both, neither are unlikely to get what they want. For Raisi, it was important to show that Iran is not the international pariah that many in the West presume. Iran is also struggling economically; in addition to coping with the sanctions that were reimposed on the country after then-U.S. President Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran’s economy has been sluggish, despite the apparent end of the pandemic. Inflation is high, at 40 percent, while GDP growth has been slowing, from 4.7 percent in 2021 to 3 percent in 2022 and a projected 2 percent this year, according to the IMF. Raisi may have hoped that the visit to China would unlock more funds and investment. In 2021, the two countries signed a 25-year cooperation agreement. Although media reports suggested (with no reputable sourcing) that the investments involved would be substantial, worth up to $400 billion, there is little sign that is happening. In 2022, Chinese firms accounted for only $185 million, or 3 percent of total investments. Indeed, in recent years Russia has become a bigger investor in Iran than China. Instead, Raisi had to make do with Iran and China signing more agreements, around 20 in total, including on trade and tourism. A return to the JCPOA, whereby sanctions are removed in exchange for Iran freezing its nuclear program, could be a helpful first step toward unlocking more Chinese investment. That may be what Xi was thinking when he implicitly blamed U.S. behavior for the current deadlock in talks. Certainly, the Chinese feel it should be the Americans who make the first move. However, Xi’s words obscure potential difficulties that the Chinese may face. One is the imbalance in the relationship between the two countries. Economically, the current state of affairs benefits the Chinese more than Iran. This is especially notable when it comes to oil sales in the post-JCPOA period. Since the reimposition of sanctions, Iran’s ability to sell its primary export has become more limited. Increasingly, Iran has had to rely on Chinese purchases, which worked to China’s advantage by letting it purchase Iranian oil for cheaper than the global market price. The disparity between the two has not gone unnoticed in Tehran. Not only do some in the regime fear becoming too dependent on China, but wider public opinion is also skeptical.']

[(4, 13)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-DaPa-Aff-3--Harvard-Round-1.docx

Minnesota

DaPa

de398f09005b4dc4ae85808ddc250396f5b1ba7b36c07bee7e23d130ec50ef9e

That causes extinction.

OnPassive. 2020. ONPASSIVE is an AI Technology Company that builds fully autonomous SaaS products. “The AI Revolution: Our Immortality or Extinction – Part 1”. OnPassive. 5-24-20. https://onpassive.com/blog/the-ai-revolution-our-immortality-or-extinction-part-1/

Artificial superintelligence capable of solving every problem stop CO2 emissions by creating way to generate energy Then build innovative way to remove extra CO2 from atmosphere diseases? No problem health and medicine revolutionized advancement in Nanotech transform garbage into meat and distribute across the world using advanced transportation figure out debates over how economies should work reevaluate death Nanobots providing perfect nutrition to cells advising anything unhealthy to go through the body people expect intelligent machine to be human lead to belief that AI could be evil moral apply only to human behaviour AI’s will do with relentless efficiency what it is programmed to do Any prediction that superintelligent system be over with their original objective is anthropomorphizing

Equipped with superintelligence and all the technology superintelligence would know how to build, Artificial superintelligence would be capable of solving every problem in humanity. Global warming? Artificial superintelligence could first stop CO2 emissions by creating a much better way to generate energy without using fossil fuels. Then it could build some innovative way to begin to remove extra CO2 from the atmosphere diseases? No problem for ASI—the health and medicine industry would be revolutionized beyond imagination. There would be a huge advancement in the Nanotech industry that could transform a bunch of garbage into fresh meat and distribute this food across the world using advanced transportation . Artificial superintelligence could even figure out the complicated macro issues and our debates over how economies should work and how world trade is best managed AI will make you reevaluate your notion of death . Evolution had no good sense to boost our lifespans any longer than they are now. The possibilities for new human experiences are boundless Nanobots will be in charge of providing perfect nutrition to the cells of the body, intelligently advising anything unhealthy to go through the body without affecting anything. AI will perform its task with determined and unstoppable efficiency There is a buzz of developing AI through a humanist approach, depending on human values and human rights because most people think about only humans with intelligence and expect an intelligent machine to be human . This expectation may lead to the belief that AI could either be friendly & moral or evil & immoral. aspects, such as moral /immoral, apply only to human behaviour , and non-human, non-biological entities are amoral by default AI’s code will drive it to do with relentless efficiency what it is programmed to do by its maker. Any prediction that once superintelligent , a system would be over it with their original objective and onto more alluring or meaningful things is anthropomorphizing . AI does not have to change from ‘friendly’ to ‘unfriendly.’ It just has to be doing its work while getting more expert and efficient at the task.

['What AI Could Do For Us Equipped with superintelligence and all the technology superintelligence would know how to build, Artificial superintelligence would be capable of solving every problem in humanity. Global warming? Artificial superintelligence could first stop CO2 emissions by creating a much better way to generate energy without using fossil fuels. Then it could build some innovative way to begin to remove extra CO2 from the atmosphere. Cancer and other major or minor diseases? No problem for ASI—the health and medicine industry would be revolutionized beyond imagination. There would be a huge advancement in the Nanotech industry that could transform a bunch of garbage into a huge vat of fresh meat and distribute all this food across the world using advanced transportation. Artificial superintelligence could even figure out the complicated macro issues and our debates over how economies should work and how world trade is best managed, even our haziest doubts in philosophy or ethics—would all be very easy to ASI. ASI could grant us to conquer our mortality Learning and reading about AI will make you reevaluate everything you thought you were sure, among other things – your notion of death. Evolution had no good sense to boost our lifespans any longer than they are now. The possibilities for new human experiences are boundless. Nanobots will be in charge of providing perfect nutrition to the cells of the body, intelligently advising anything unhealthy to go through the body without affecting anything. The expectation that AI will perform its task with determined and unstoppable efficiency has got some of the amazing contemporary thinkers like Stephan Hawking, Bill Gates, and Elon Musk very busy. AI is a machine and a superintelligent one. There is a buzz of developing AI through a humanist approach, depending on human values and human rights and projecting human values on a non-human entity. This is because most people think about only humans with intelligence and expect an intelligent machine to be human. This expectation may lead to the belief that AI could either be friendly & moral or evil & immoral. A few aspects, such as moral /immoral, apply only to human behaviour, and non-human, non-biological entities are amoral by default. While humans breathe and live by a moral code, AI’s code will drive it to do with relentless efficiency what it is programmed to do by its maker. Any prediction that once superintelligent, a system would be over it with their original objective and onto more alluring or meaningful things is anthropomorphizing. AI does not have to change from ‘friendly’ to ‘unfriendly.’ It just has to be doing its work while getting more expert and efficient at the task. A virtual assistant algorithm like Siri performs tasks like listening to your voice, learn your preferences, and make life easier for you to get a good experience out of a smartphone device.', '']

[(0, 9), (13, 16)]

ndtceda

Emory-KiLo-Aff-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Round-1.docx

Emory

KiLo

a9532013d8da83db806be69ad452eef4ee003bf13d4b79846bb0fc9580dd50af

3. China won’t escalate---strategic vulnerabilities and economic interests dissuade

Blaxland 21 [John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, “China does not want war, at least not yet. It’s playing the long game,” 05-04-21, The Conversation, ]

Scholars identified flash points including Korea E C S S C S Taiwan , but war is not likely ambiguity served US well, providing assurance to Taiwan while discouraging PRC from invading China is avoiding open war actions speak louder China’s actions have avoided crossing threshold into open war refusing to present a “ nail ” to a US “hammer” If war break out, China would be vulnerable it shares borders with 14 countries , bringing potential for attack on numerous fronts there are economic concerns . China has significant Japanese , US and Eu investments , and is overwhelmingly dependent on goods passing through Malacca Strait To avoid war , China operate paramilitary force

Talk of war has become louder but drumbeat ” has been heard for some time now China does not want war It’s playing the long game and its evident intentions have become more unnerving Scholars have identified four flash points for a possible conflict with China, including Korea , the E ast C hina S ea, the S outh C hina S ea and Taiwan , but conventional war is not likely at this stage ambiguity has served US interests well, providing assurance to Taiwan while discouraging the PRC from invading China is so far avoiding open war China has metamorphosed both economically and militarily actions speak louder than words. And China’s actions so far have avoided crossing the threshold into open war fare, refusing to present a “ nail ” to a US “hammer” . This is for good reason If war did break out, China would be vulnerable it shares land borders with 14 countries , bringing potential for heightened challenges, if not open attack on numerous fronts there are the economic concerns . China has significant Japanese , US and Eu ropean industrial investments , and is also overwhelmingly dependent on energy and goods passing through Malacca Strait between Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia Malacca dilemma explain why China has invested so much capital in its Belt and Road Initiative and studiously avoided open conflict To avoid outright war , China evidently reckons it is better to operate a paramilitary force

drumbeat some time now not want war long game flash points Korea E C S S C S Taiwan war not likely assurance discouraging PRC from invading actions avoided crossing the threshold open war nail US “hammer” vulnerable borders 14 countries economic concerns Japanese US Eu industrial investments overwhelmingly dependent energy and goods Malacca Strait Malacca dilemma avoided open conflict avoid war paramilitary force

['Talk of war has become louder in recent days, but the “drumbeat” has been heard for some time now as China’s military capabilities have grown. China does not want war, at least not yet. It’s playing the long game and its evident intentions have become more unnerving.', 'Scholars like Brendan Taylor have identified four flash points for a possible conflict with China, including Korea, the East China Sea, the South China Sea and Taiwan, but conventional war is not likely at this stage.', '[Paragraphs Condensed]', 'Where tensions are currently high The armistice between North and South Korea has held for nearly 70 years. The pandemic has severely constrained North Korea’s economy and its testing of intercontinental ballistic missiles has ceased, for now. China has a stake in keeping Kim Jong-un’s regime in power in the North, but the prospects of reverting to a hot war have flowed and ebbed. Just south of Korea, in the East China Sea, China has intensified its military activities around the Japanese-claimed but uninhabited Senkaku Islands. China appears to be wearing down Japan’s resolve to resist its claims over what it calls the Diaoyu Islands. The United States has assured Japan the islands fall under their mutual defence security guarantee. But a confrontation with China could test US backing and possibly set the stage for escalated confrontation elsewhere. Similarly, China’s industrial-scale island building in the South China Sea has resulted in extensive military hardware and infrastructure. This will enable the Chinese to consolidate their position militarily and assert control over the so-called nine-dash line — its vast claim over most of the sea. The US Navy continues to conduct freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the sea to challenge China’s claims. With thousands of marked and unmarked Chinese vessels operating there, however, the risk of an accident triggering an escalation is real. In 2016, an international tribunal rejected China’s claims to the waters in a case brought by the Philippines. Despite being a signatory to the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea, China has ignored the tribunal’s ruling and continued to intrude on islands claimed by both the Philippines and Indonesia. Recently, 220 Chinese vessels were anchored for months at a reef inside the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone. China’s actions appear premised on the dictum that possession is nine-tenths of the law. Like China’s seizure of the Scarborough Shoal in 2012 that preceded its massive island construction further south, China could conceivably take the unwillingness of the US to challenge its latest moves as a cue for more assertive action over Taiwan. This is, after all, the main prize Beijing seeks to secure President Xi Jinping’s legacy.', '[Paragraphs Resumed]', 'Why Taiwan’s security matters', 'Taiwan presents the US and its allies with a conundrum. It is a liberal open democracy and the world’s leading computer chip maker. It also sits in the middle of what military strategists refer to as the “first island chain” stretching from Japan in the north to the Philippines in the south. Its strategic significance is profound.', 'Having adopted a “One China” policy since 1979, the US security guarantee for Taiwan is conditional and tenuous. Reflecting growing unease over China’s actions, polls show strong US public support for defending Taiwan.', 'So far, ambiguity has served US interests well, providing some assurance to Taiwan while discouraging the PRC from invading.', 'This guarantee has been important for Japan, as well. With its pacifist constitution, and occasional concern over US commitment to its defence, Japan would be closely watching how the US approaches its Taiwan policy.', 'China is so far avoiding open war', 'Meanwhile, China has metamorphosed both economically and militarily. An exponential growth in China’s military capabilities has been matched by a steep rise in the lethality, accuracy, range and quantity of its weapons systems. On top of this, Beijing has ratcheted up its warlike rhetoric and tactics.', 'Last month, Xi made a muscular speech to the Boao Forum Asia, calling for an acceptance of China not only as an emerging superpower but also as an equal in addressing global challenges.', "China's navy has been significantly upgraded.", 'Sometimes actions speak louder than words. And China’s actions so far have avoided crossing the threshold into open warfare, refusing to present a “nail” to a US “hammer”. This is for good reason.', 'If war did break out, China would be vulnerable. For starters, it shares land borders with 14 countries, bringing the potential for heightened challenges, if not open attack on numerous fronts.', 'Then there are the economic concerns. China has significant Japanese, US and European industrial investments, and is also overwhelmingly dependent on energy and goods passing through the Malacca Strait between Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia, the Indo-Pacific’s jugular vein.', 'This reliance on the Malacca Strait — referred to by one analyst as the “Malacca dilemma” — helps explain why China has invested so much capital in its Belt and Road Initiative and studiously avoided open conflict, at least until it is more self-reliant.', 'To avoid outright war, China evidently reckons it is better to operate a paramilitary force with white-painted ships and armed fishing vessels in the thousands to push its claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea and constrict Taiwan’s freedom of action.', 'It also recently passed a new law allowing its coast guard to act more like a military body and enforce maritime law — again in violation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.', '', '']

[(0, 11)]

ndtceda

MichiganState-GuMi-Neg-Northwestern-Round-3.docx

MichiganState

GuMi

edb593ea199b2ea65fc56f2f8b3198f58c3daf1fa9a1e2fc9f645675a2cd747f

4---The perm orders: doesn’t solve the net benefit---guidance is key.

Friend & Karlan 20 [Alice, Vice President for research and analysis at the Institute for Security and Technology, adjunct professor at the School of International Service, American University, Mara, Director of Strategic Studies and Associate Professor at John Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, “TOWARDS A CONCEPT OF GOOD CIVILIAN GUIDANCE’, 5-29-2020, https://warontherocks.com/2020/05/towards-a-concept-of-good-civilian-guidance/]

getting guidance right fundamental to effective civil oversight rarely been more important to master than now though officers acknowledge principle of military subordination many both in and out of uniform question civil leadership eroding faith overwhelm formal authority with informal bureaucratic practices for those who question civilians cred implementing good guidance is critical civilians can t rely only on their prerogatives to exercise control over defense matters

getting guidance right is fundamental to the effective exercise of civil ian oversight It has rarely been more important to master than it is now though officers will acknowledge the principle of military subordination to civil control, many both in and out of uniform nevertheless question civil leadership . This eroding faith in civilians threatens to overwhelm their formal authority with informal bureaucratic practices for those who question whether civilians can have the cred to have the final word in defense policymaking implementing good guidance is critical In short, civilians can no t rely only on their prerogatives to exercise control over defense matters There are skill sets involved. Such civil skill sets just haven’t been captured as systematically as military ones have.

getting guidance right fundamental rarely been more important now many both in and out of uniform cred is critical In short, civilians can no t rely only on their prerogatives to exercise control over defense matters

['', 'Therefore, getting guidance right is fundamental to the effective exercise of civilian oversight. It has also rarely been more important to master than it is now. Although officers will acknowledge the principle of military subordination to civilian control, many Americans both in and out of uniform nevertheless question the wisdom, sincerity, and competence of civilian leadership. This eroding faith in civilians threatens to overwhelm their formal authority with informal bureaucratic practices such as dominating the process of writing guidance itself. And, for those who question whether civilians can have the expertise and credibility necessary to have the final word in defense policymaking, proffering and implementing good guidance is critical to efficacy. In short, civilians cannot rely only on their prerogatives to exercise control over defense matters. There are — and always have been — skill sets involved. Such civilian skill sets just haven’t been captured as systematically as military ones have.', '']

[(0, 18), (18, 18), (19, 461)]

ndtceda

MichiganState-KoLe-Neg-NDT-Doubles.docx

MichiganState

KoLe

bd5a008b3b52bb446f6229e929df877320cb663ecdd6385adccb1703314ff918

The iterative, ongoing nature of debate ensures that we can make space for the queer Other in debate – only a discursive refusal of traditional norms of debate can challenge the commodified roles that constitute queer existence.

Heckert et al 12, *PhD, now a yoga teacher? **Associate Professor of Sociology @ Emory ***Sociology PhD, UConn (Jamie, DericMichael Shannon, and Abbey Willis. 2012. “Loving-Teaching: Notes for Queering Anarchist Pedagogies.” Educational Studies 48 (1): 12–29. doi:10.1080/00131946.2011.637258.)

Queer theories critique binaries apply this to dropping walls around the roles of teacher and student necessary aspect of anarchist education if we are committed to non-hierarchical relationships we need to assume egalitarian social relations gender is iterative of particular norms set in place by dominant and normative cultural status quos we are iterating available social roles—we are pulling from already-constructed (and enforced) available gender identities we don't choose roles to perform; rather, we are constituted by such roles, and in our iterations we buttress cultural norms challenge roles by iterations roles constitute us as social beings we can l subvert within iteration uncover genealogies that create socially viable ways of being Discursive constitution is not discursive determinism Norms are not individually created or iterated—they are co-created over time a " cumulative power of related speech, writing, and other discourse movements are shaped by culture and reshape it Educators must conceive of students, and students themselves as subjects whose actions and identities depend on, and can make changes to, discourses that precede and exceed them undermining this false dichotomy in critical pedagogy is intertwined with the queer project of subverting the imaginary divisions We can blur the distinction between the roles of teacher and student by committing ourselves to learning from each other in a dynamic and fluid way the classroom can be a space of love, separations and hierarchies might unravel, creating space for something Other. "The meanings we make alongside those we love, particularly across lines of difference, allow us to remake our assumptions and widen our vision of the political field

Queer and (some) gender theories critique the binaries of hetero/homo, man/woman We can likewise apply this project of unpacking and releasing borders of gender and sexuality to the project of dropping the walls around the roles of teacher and student " (in the academic world and beyond). breaking down this false binary is a necessary aspect of anarchist education if we are committed to non-hierarchical relationships and practicing prefigurative politics. For a consistent and ethical practice, we need to assume egalitarian social relations in our classrooms in contrast to the hierarchical relationships promoted through various mechanisms by academic institutions. Educational and pedagogical philosophers have written and spoken at length about the benefits of this Queer theory offers us new theoretical bases from which we can deconstruct those kinds of binary understandings and create a social practice that tries to blur those distinctions in real time. Butler has written at length on gender performativity—by which she means that gender is not only socially constructed, but that it is iterative of particular norms set in place by dominant and normative cultural status quos Performativity does not mean that one merely performs their gender (or other identities) in the same way an actor takes on a role this invisibilizes one of the more important angles of Butler's point: that we are iterating available social roles—we are pulling from already-constructed (and enforced) available gender identities we don't freely choose roles to perform; rather, we are constituted by such roles, and in our iterations (our repetitions of such roles in our own localized contexts), we simultaneously buttress such cultural norms —or—we challenge such roles by our strategic and unfaithful iterations . This is where anarchist/queer vitality comes in. Instead of obediently reproducing our idea of what a particular role should be, we might play with what a role could be. Butler theorizes that because gender is performative and iterative of cultural norms and status quos, that these roles simultaneously constitute us as social beings (in these particular roles ) all the while caging us within their particular borders. The place, then, that we can l ook to subvert these status quos and norms is located within the act of iteration itself. We need to iterate roles (that are simultaneously reiterative) to become a social being—we will not be able to do away with (re)iterations because we cannot escape the world of discourse. This is where Butler locates our agency( ies ) within a discursive society might uncover the genealogies that have created (and continue to create ) socially viable ways of being and recognize how they encourage obedience to the status quo Discursive constitution is not discursive determinism ." This is great news because it means we can be unfaithful to our expected repetitions and be subversive when we perform roles such as teacher and/or student; (Butler [10]; Heckert [42]). Instead, we might be faithful to what is alive within us. Norms are not individually created or iterated—they are co-created over time . What we mean here is that there is a " cumulative power of related speech, writing, and other discourse Identity categories are "cumulatively produced" by such things as "advertising, school texts, sitcoms, legal discourse, social movements are not just shaped by culture ; they also shape and reshape it If we both live within discursive regimes that constitute our identities, and also have access to a vital agency that allows us to iterate roles and identities differently and subversively, what might (or does) this look like in the classroom Educators must conceive of students, and students themselves , not as autonomous agents, nor as passive recipients of tradition, but rather as subjects whose actions and identities both depend on, and can make changes to, discourses that precede and exceed them undermining this false dichotomy in critical pedagogy is intertwined with the queer project of subverting the imaginary divisions of hetero/homo and man/woman. Because the role of student and teacher are embodied roles we need to be aware of our bodies and how they are being related to each other; to learn how we might release the postures of authority or submission. We can blur the distinction between the roles of teacher and student by committing ourselves to learning from each other in a dynamic and fluid way . the classroom can be a space of love, separations and hierarchies might unravel, creating space for something Other. "The meanings we make alongside those we love, particularly across lines of difference, allow us to remake our assumptions and widen our vision of the political field

necessary aspect of anarchist education if we are committed to non-hierarchical relationships Performativity does not mean that one merely performs their gender (or other identities) in the same way an actor takes on a role we are constituted by such roles, and in our iterations we simultaneously buttress such cultural norms This is where Butler locates our agency( ies ) within a discursive society might uncover the genealogies that have created (and continue to create ) socially viable ways of being and recognize how they encourage obedience to the status quo we might be faithful to what is alive within us. Norms are not individually created or iterated—they are co-created over time cumulative power of related speech, writing, and other discourse Educators must conceive of students, and students themselves , not as autonomous agents, nor as passive recipients of tradition, but rather as subjects whose actions and identities both depend on, and can make changes to, discourses that precede and exceed them learning from each other in a dynamic and fluid way . the classroom can be a space of love, separations and hierarchies might unravel, creating space for something Other. "The meanings we make alongside those we love, particularly across lines of difference, allow us to remake our assumptions and widen our vision of the political field

['QUEERING ANARCHIST PEDAGOGIES', 'Part of poststructuralist, queer, and gender theories\' contributions to social theory are criticisms of binary thinking and understandings of our world(s). Queer and (some) gender theories critique the binaries of hetero/homo, man/woman, etc. (e.g., see Butler [11]; Halperin [38]; Sedgwick [74]; Queen and Schimel [68]; Warner [82]). We can likewise apply this project of unpacking and releasing borders of gender and sexuality to the project of dropping the walls around the roles of teacher and student" (in the academic world and beyond). In fact, breaking down this false binary of teacher/student is a necessary aspect of anarchist education if we are committed to non-hierarchical relationships and practicing prefigurative politics. For a consistent and ethical practice, we need to assume egalitarian social relations in our classrooms in contrast to the hierarchical relationships promoted through various mechanisms by academic institutions. Educational and pedagogical philosophers have written and spoken at length about the benefits of this (e.g., see DeLeon [18], [19], [20], [21]; Armaline [ 3]; DeLeon and Love 2009; Shukaitis [77]; Kahn [50]; Suissa [78]).', "Queer theory offers us new theoretical bases from which we can deconstruct those kinds of binary understandings and create a social practice that tries to blur those distinctions in real time. Judith Butler has written at length on gender performativity—by which she means that gender is not only socially constructed, but that it is iterative of particular norms set in place by dominant and normative cultural status quos (Butler [ 8], [10]). Performativity does not mean that one merely performs their gender (or other identities) in the same way an actor takes on a role. This incorrect (yet often misunderstood as such) notion would assume that we have agency that allows us to choose any gender we desire to perform, and this, for obvious reasons, invisibilizes one of the more important angles of Butler's point: that we are iterating available social roles—we are pulling from already-constructed (and enforced) available gender identities (Butler [ 8], [10]). Her point here is more to illustrate that we don't freely choose roles to perform; rather, we are constituted by such roles, and in our iterations (our repetitions of such roles in our own localized contexts), we simultaneously buttress such cultural norms—or—we challenge such roles by our strategic and unfaithful iterations. This is where anarchist/queer vitality comes in. Instead of obediently reproducing our idea of what a particular role should be, we might play with what a role could be.", 'If we look at the roles of teacher and student as iterative performances in a similar light as Butler\'s notion of gender performativity, we can get an inkling as to where we can strategically challenge normative roles such as teacher and student and the relationship between the two. For instance, Butler theorizes that because gender is performative and iterative of cultural norms and status quos, that these roles simultaneously constitute us as social beings (in these particular roles) all the while caging us within their particular borders. The place, then, that we can look to subvert these status quos and norms is located within the act of iteration itself. We need to iterate roles (that are simultaneously reiterative) to become a social being—we will not be able to do away with (re)iterations because we cannot escape the world of discourse. But what we can do, as Butler ([ 8], [10]) notes, is subvert such status quos (teacher and student) by iterating in a fresh, lively way—by iterating differently. This is where Butler locates our agency(ies) within a discursive society (regime). We might uncover the genealogies that have created (and continue to create) socially viable ways of being and recognize how they encourage obedience to the status quo. As Claudia W. Ruitenberg ([72], 265) writes, "Discursive constitution is not discursive determinism." This is great news because it means we can be unfaithful to our expected repetitions and be subversive when we perform roles such as teacher and/or student; (Butler [10]; Heckert [42]). Instead, we might be faithful to what is alive within us.', "It's important to note that when we are dreaming of ways that we can do the roles of teacher and student differently, that as important as our own strategic and playful iterations of status quos (gently allowing for the subversion of hierarchical roles and creating newer, freer, and more fluid roles) are, those of us in the situation will bring our body-memories of roles. We might find ourselves acting out teacher or student, even though we didn't mean to. Or others might be caught up in their own expectations and not understand that it's possible to do things differently. From my past experiences:", "I was in a high school once, teaching sex education. As we went around the circle introducing ourselves, I came to realize that three of the young men were stoned. 'Oh, no!' I thought to myself. As I was explaining how this would be different from our school usually was, one of them asked me to slow down and repeat. He was confused, and I don't think it was just from cannabis. That might have simply made him more honest and less concerned about appearing confused. I knew that what I was doing was radically unschool-like because I had been iterating myself differently for some years. But for them, it was brand new and I couldn't simply tell them it would be different. Why should they believe me against the weight of their experience? I had to show them through my practice and give them time to adjust, to understand that another classroom was possible. I'm grateful to the young man for reminding me of this.", 'Norms are not individually created or iterated—they are co-created over time. What we mean here is that there is a "cumulative power of related speech, writing, and other discourse" (Ruitenberg [72], 263). Identity categories are "cumulatively produced" by such things as "advertising, school texts, sitcoms, legal discourse, and so on" (Ruitenberg [72], 263). Although we still feel excited about subverting the status quo of such roles in small places such as within our own classrooms—we understand our lively and subversive iterations as one strategy among many others that might be taken up to truly change the relationships and constitutions of the roles of teacher and student.', 'Johnston and Klandermans suggest "a performative view of culture stresses that social movements are not just shaped by culture; they also shape and reshape it" ([47], 9). If we both live within discursive regimes that constitute our identities, and also have access to a vital agency that allows us to iterate roles and identities differently and subversively, what might (or does) this look like in the classroom? What kind of behavior can we see when teachers and students iterate their roles differently, fluidly, and prefiguring the participatory and egalitarian (and creative!) world(s) in which we want to (and could) live?', 'Ruitenberg ([72], 265–266) writes "Educators must conceive of students, and students themselves, not as autonomous agents, nor as passive recipients of tradition, but rather as subjects whose actions and identities both depend on, and can make changes to, discourses that precede and exceed them." We argue that teachers, themselves, might well take this to heart in considering their own roles as subjects. From my experiences:', "As a new graduate student, I am slowly discovering the little ways with which I can reorganize the physical architecture of the classroom I'm given. For instance, I prefer to have the classroom set up as a circle of chairs rather than a room that positions myself at the front with all the students facing me. However, I think it's most likely better practice to actually ask the students how they would prefer to have the room set up, although I like to explain the reasons why I prefer the classroom in this way.", 'We take heart from a long tradition in critical pedagogy questioning the relationship between teachers and students. As Paulo Freire ([32]) wrote, "Education must begin with the solution of the teacher–student contradiction, by reconciling the poles of the contradiction so that both are simultaneously students and teachers" (72). And as Luhmann ([56]) points out, undermining this false dichotomy in critical pedagogy is intertwined with the queer project of subverting the imaginary divisions of hetero/homo and man/woman. Because the role of student and teacher are embodied roles (Shapiro and Shapiro [76]), we need to be aware of our bodies and how they are being related to each other; to learn how we might release the postures of authority or submission. We can blur the distinction between the roles of teacher and student by committing ourselves to learning from each other in a dynamic and fluid way. How would we want classrooms to function in the worlds we desire to live in? We would like to see classrooms where participants are invited to honor their own experience (while questioning their stories about that experience) above and beyond ideas or practices offered by teachers. That is, we want to see practices of self-loving in the classroom. We also value the open-hearted honesty of teachers who are able to talk about what they/we learn from the experience of working with those labeled students. What mutuality exists without that acknowledgment, out of a desire to maintain clear identities, out of fear? As bell hooks ([45]) has argued, fear and love cannot occupy the same space. If the classroom can be a space of love, separations and hierarchies might unravel, creating space for something Other. "The meanings we make alongside those we love, particularly across lines of difference, allow us to remake our assumptions and widen our vision of the political field" (Carillo Rowe [12], 43). The key for the so-called teacher, then, is to learn to release fear, to be present with it without getting caught up in it. To let themselves be loving.', '', '']

[(0, 16)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Spiers-McCarthy-Aff-Wake-Round1.docx

Kansas

SpMc

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/SpMc/Kansas-Spiers-McCarthy-Aff-Wake-Round1.docx

62cdb11075e5a4ddd89cb65ea2c1c5bc2b0834e5f50990d74978aa48d7bcbc04

Biden is spending PC on shipping alliances now

Greenstein 3/2/22, partner in the Washington, D.C. office of Constantine Cannon, (Seth, UPDATE: The End of the Ocean Carriers’ Antitrust Exemption? )

President called on Congress to pass reforms that address antitrust immunity for ocean shipping alliances echoed this in State of the Union Costa issued a press release describing bipartisan Ocean Shipping Antitrust Enforcement Act as the answer Shipping Act exemptions command attention of the White House

the President called on Congress to pass “ reforms that address the current antitrust immunity for ocean shipping alliances . Biden echoed this message in his State of the Union address Costa issued a press release following the State of the Union address describing his bipartisan Ocean Shipping Antitrust Enforcement Act as the answer to President Biden’s call for shipping reform We can expect this drive to revive competition in the shipping industry to continue Shipping Act antitrust exemptions continue to command the attention of the White House

continue to command the attention of the White House

['President Joe Biden’s call for shipping reform during his State of Union address is the latest indicator that the longstanding antitrust exemption for ocean carriers may be running aground. On January 7, 2022, this blog asked whether supply chain delays and skyrocketing container shipping prices could lead to the end of ocean carriers’ historical immunity from the antitrust laws under the Shipping Act of 1916. Given events in the ensuing weeks, the answer may well be “yes.” The White House released a Fact Sheet on February 28, entitled “Lowering Prices and Leveling the Playing Field in Ocean Shipping.” After citing estimates that in 2021 the pandemic enabled the container shipping industry to reap profits seven times higher than its 2020 profits, and five times its profit over the entire prior decade, the Biden administration announced several steps designed to “lower consumer prices and level the playing field in ocean shipping.” Id. Among those initiatives, the President called on Congress to pass “reforms that address the current antitrust immunity for ocean shipping alliances.” Id. President Biden echoed this message in his State of the Union address. After commenting that “capitalism without competition isn’t capitalism,” it is “exploitation,” President Biden observed: “During the pandemic, these foreign-owned companies raised prices by as much as 1,000% and made record profits.” Id. He then announced a “crackdown” on ocean carriers “overcharging American businesses and consumers.” Id. In fact, Congress did not wait for the State of the Union to put the shipping antitrust exemption on the chopping block. Representative Jim Costa issued a press release following the State of the Union address describing his bipartisan Ocean Shipping Antitrust Enforcement Act as the answer to President Biden’s call for shipping reform. The bill, which would eliminate the shipping antitrust exemption in its entirety, was introduced in the House on February 28 by Rep. Costa and co-sponsors- Rep. Dusty Johnson and Rep. John Garimendi (whose Ocean Shipping Reform Act passed the House in December 2021 by a 364-60 bipartisan vote). This legislation would thus go even further than the Free Market Antitrust Immunity Reform (“FAIR”) Act bill proposed in 1999-2001, which would have eliminated the exemption for ocean carriers while preserving the exemption for marine terminal operators. We can expect this drive to revive competition in the shipping industry to continue. Reps. Costa and Johnson are the Chair and Ranking Member, respectively, of the House Agriculture Subcommittee on Livestock and Foreign Agriculture. Agricultural export interests have been severely affected by ocean carrier practices during the pandemic, including the shipping of empty containers back to foreign ports.) Our January 7 post observed that Congress could consider more granular approaches. In addition to the FAIR Act approach, we noted that a pro-competitive bill could eliminate the exemptions that enable fuel profiteering while “permitting ocean carriers to continue entering into vessel-sharing agreements that at least in theory promote efficiency by combining containers from multiple carriers onto a single ship—similar to airline codesharing arrangements.” The adverse market effects of the Shipping Act antitrust exemptions continue to command the attention of the White House and Congress. The days of ocean carriers’ antitrust immunity, though more than a century old, may now indeed be numbered.', '', '']

[(0, 14)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Harris-Wilkus-Aff-10%20-%20NJDDT-Semis.docx

Kansas

HaWi

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/HaWi/Kansas-Harris-Wilkus-Aff-10%2520-%2520NJDDT-Semis.docx

2b3a86266289b8d494123b42968c358ccf5a48224e566d6180adc3fc07653c95

Plank 6 solves terminal to LIO.

Richard N. Haass & Charles A. Kupchan 21. *President of the Council on Foreign Relations. Former Director of Policy Planning for the United States Department of State and a close advisor to Secretary of State Colin Powell. *Professor of International Affairs at Georgetown University, a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and was Director for European Affairs on the National Security Council. “The New Concert of Powers”. Foreign Affairs. 3-23-2021. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2021-03-23/new-concert-powers

global concert of major powers Fashioning major-power consensus on international norms advancing shared approaches to crises to preserve peace in a multipolar world China, the European Union, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States relying on dialogue to build consensus

The best vehicle for promoting stability in the twenty-first century is a global concert of major powers A concert’s inclusivity means that it puts at the table the geopolitically influential and powerful states that need to be there A concert’s informality means that it eschews binding and enforceable procedures and agreements By providing a vehicle for genuine and sustained strategic dialogue, a global concert can realistically mute and manage inescapable geopolitical and ideological differences A global concert would be a consultative, not a decision-making, body It would address emerging crises yet ensure that urgent issues would not crowd out important ones, and it would deliberate on reforms to existing norms and institutions Fashioning major-power consensus on international norms that guide statecraft, accepting both liberal and illiberal governments as legitimate and authoritative, advancing shared approaches to crises to preserve peace in a multipolar world A global concert would have six members China, the European Union, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States The concert’s members would collectively represent roughly 70 percent of both global GDP and global military spending. Including these six heavyweights in the concert’s ranks would give it geopolitical clout while preventing it from becoming an unwieldy talk shop Members would send permanent representatives of the highest diplomatic rank to the global concert’s standing headquarters A global concert would shun codified rules, instead relying on dialogue to build consensus the concert would provide an ideal venue for discussing globalization’s impact on sovereignty include sponsoring terrorists

global concert of major powers Fashioning major-power consensus on international norms advancing shared approaches to crises to preserve peace in a multipolar world China, the European Union, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States dialogue to build consensus sponsoring terrorists

['The best vehicle for promoting stability in the twenty-first century is a global concert of major powers. As the history of the nineteenth-century Concert of Europe demonstrated—its members were the United Kingdom, France, Russia, Prussia, and Austria—a steering group of leading countries can curb the geopolitical and ideological competition that usually accompanies multipolarity.', 'Concerts have two characteristics that make them well suited to the emerging global landscape: political inclusivity and procedural informality. A concert’s inclusivity means that it puts at the table the geopolitically influential and powerful states that need to be there, regardless of their regime type. In so doing, it largely separates ideological differences over domestic governance from matters of international cooperation. A concert’s informality means that it eschews binding and enforceable procedures and agreements, clearly distinguishing it from the UN Security Council. The UNSC serves too often as a public forum for grandstanding and is regularly paralyzed by disputes among its veto-wielding permanent members. In contrast, a concert offers a private venue that combines consensus building with cajoling and jockeying—a must since major powers will have both common and competing interests. By providing a vehicle for genuine and sustained strategic dialogue, a global concert can realistically mute and manage inescapable geopolitical and ideological differences.', 'A global concert would be a consultative, not a decision-making, body. It would address emerging crises yet ensure that urgent issues would not crowd out important ones, and it would deliberate on reforms to existing norms and institutions. This steering group would help fashion new rules of the road and build support for collective initiatives but leave operational matters, such as deploying peacekeeping missions, delivering pandemic relief, and concluding new climate deals, to the UN and other existing bodies. The concert would thus tee up decisions that could then be taken and implemented elsewhere. It would sit atop and backstop, not supplant, the current international architecture by maintaining a dialogue that does not now exist. The UN is too big, too bureaucratic, and too formalistic. Fly-in, fly-out G-7 or G-20 summits can be useful but even at their best are woefully inadequate, in part because so much effort goes toward haggling over detailed, but often anodyne, communiqués. Phone calls between heads of state, foreign ministers, and national security advisers are too episodic and often narrow in scope.', 'Fashioning major-power consensus on the international norms that guide statecraft, accepting both liberal and illiberal governments as legitimate and authoritative, advancing shared approaches to crises—the Concert of Europe relied on these important innovations to preserve peace in a multipolar world. By drawing on lessons from its nineteenth-century forebearer, a twenty-first-century global concert can do the same. Concerts do lack the certitude, predictability, and enforceability of alliances and other formalized pacts. But in designing mechanisms to preserve peace amid geopolitical flux, policymakers should strive for the workable and the attainable, not the desirable but impossible. ', 'A GLOBAL CONCERT FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY', 'A global concert would have six members: China, the European Union, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States. Democracies and nondemocracies would have equal standing, and inclusion would be a function of power and influence, not values or regime type. The concert’s members would collectively represent roughly 70 percent of both global GDP and global military spending. Including these six heavyweights in the concert’s ranks would give it geopolitical clout while preventing it from becoming an unwieldy talk shop.', 'Members would send permanent representatives of the highest diplomatic rank to the global concert’s standing headquarters. Although they would not be formal members of the concert, four regional organizations—the African Union, Arab League, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Organization of American States (OAS)—would maintain permanent delegations at the concert’s headquarters. These organizations would provide their regions with representation and the ability to help shape the concert’s agenda. When discussing issues affecting these regions, concert members would invite delegates from these bodies as well as select member states to join meetings. For example, were concert members to address a dispute in the Middle East, they could request the participation of the Arab League, its relevant members, and other involved parties, such as Iran, Israel, and Turkey.', 'A global concert would shun codified rules, instead relying on dialogue to build consensus. Like the Concert of Europe, it would privilege the territorial status quo and a view of sovereignty that precludes, except in the case of international consensus, using military force or other coercive tools to alter existing borders or topple regimes. This relatively conservative baseline would encourage buy-in from all members. At the same time, the concert would provide an ideal venue for discussing globalization’s impact on sovereignty and the potential need to deny sovereign immunity to nations that engage in certain egregious activities. Those activities might include committing genocide, harboring or sponsoring terrorists, or severely exacerbating climate change by destroying rainforests.']

[(11, 18), (30, 40)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Scott-McMahon-Neg-Wake-Round5.docx

Kansas

ScMc

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/ScMc/Kansas-Scott-McMahon-Neg-Wake-Round5.docx

625944a3b8e665a93f006cd89bd5cfd61062477c94428e36aefd933e2deb86c4

No AI impact---too far off, technical complexities overwhelm

Edward Moore Geist, 15 - MacArthur Nuclear Security Fellow at Stanford University's Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC). Previously a Stanton Nuclear Security Fellow at the RAND Corporation, he received his doctorate in history from the University of North Carolina in 2013; "Is artificial intelligence really an existential threat to humanity?," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 8-9-2015, https://thebulletin.org/2015/08/is-artificial-intelligence-really-an-existential-threat-to-humanity/

optimal use will forever remain unattainable because it is too computationally demanding to be implemented in any computer over 60 years AI researchers realiz there is far mo re to intelligence than deploying faster alternative history suggests superintelligence is a practical impossibility

probabilistically optimal use of available information will forever remain unattainable because it is too computationally demanding to be implemented in any physical computer over the course of 60 years of attempts to create thinking machines AI researchers realiz there is far mo re to intelligence than deploying a faster mechanical alternative to neurons history of a i suggests superintelligence is a practical impossibility

forever remain unattainable too computationally demanding far mo a i impossibility

['Convinced that sufficient “intelligence” can overcome almost any obstacle, Bostrom acknowledges few limits on what artificial intelligences might accomplish. Engineering realities rarely enter into Bostrom’s analysis, and those that do contradict the thrust of his argument. He admits that the theoretically optimal intelligence, a “perfect Bayesian agent that makes probabilistically optimal use of available information,” will forever remain “unattainable because it is too computationally demanding to be implemented in any physical computer.” Yet Bostrom’s postulated “superintelligences” seem uncomfortably close to this ideal. The author offers few hints of how machine superintelligences would circumvent the computational barriers that render the perfect Bayesian agent impossible, other than promises that the advantages of artificial components relative to human brains will somehow save the day. But over the course of 60 years of attempts to create thinking machines, AI researchers have come to the realization that there is far more to intelligence than simply deploying a faster mechanical alternative to neurons. In fact, the history of artificial intelligence suggests that Bostrom’s “superintelligence” is a practical impossibility.', '', '']

[(13, 22)]

ndtceda

Michigan-Margolin-Muse-Neg-ADA-Round6.docx

Michigan

MaMu

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Michigan/MaMu/Michigan-Margolin-Muse-Neg-ADA-Round6.docx

e63551736f6fb9eb67417de8d3763a94c3c0cec8cb8009c80a66345de60a64da

Impact is global war.

Haas 17—(President of the Council on Foreign Relations, former Director of Policy Planning for the US State Department (2001-2003), and President George W. Bush's special envoy to Northern Ireland and Coordinator for the Future of Afghanistan). Richard Haas. A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order. 1-10-17. Penguin Press.

maintaining order will fall on the U S . the U S will remain the most powerful country . Iran ISIS China and Russia are actors to contend with. climate world trading terror or disease . Foreign policy begins at home . the world cannot come up with a working order absent the U S . National security requires financial resources . The better the U S is economically , the more resources to devote abroad . The most basic test will be econ growth

the burden of maintaining order at the global level will fall on the U nited S tates . This is inevitable the U nited S tates is and will remain the most powerful country in the world for decades to come . no other country or group of countries has either the capacity or the mind-set to build a global order. There is more than self-interest at stake certain actors are incompatible with U.S. interests . Examples include Iran ISIS China and Russia . The sheer number and range of challenges is daunting. are actors and forces to contend with. no country can contend with global climate a world trading system or successfully combat terror ism or disease . the Middle East and Europe and Asia and South Asia focus on foreign policy is not enough . what the U nited S tates does at home is as much a part of national security as foreign policy. to lead and compete and act effectively in the world, the United States needs to put its house in order. Foreign policy begins at home . the world cannot come up with the elements of a working order absent the U nited S tates . the U nited S tates cannot lead or act effectively in the world if it does not have a strong domestic foundation . National security inevitably requires significant amounts of human , physical , and financial resources to draw on . The better the U nited S tates is doing economically , the more it will have available in the way of resources to devote to what it needs to do abroad without igniting a divisive and distracting domestic debate as to priorities . respect for the U S will increase only if it is seen as successful The most basic test of the success of the model will be econ omic growth .

maintaining order global level U S inevitable U S the most powerful country decades to come group capacity mind-set certain actors incompatible U.S. interests Iran ISIS China Russia number range global climate a world trading system terror disease not enough U S as much a part lead and compete and act effectively begins world a working order U S U S a strong domestic foundation human physical financial U S doing economically available the way of resources a divisive and distracting domestic debate respect only if most basic test econ growth

['', 'A large portion of the burden of creating and maintaining order at the regional or global level will fall on the United States. This is inevitable for several reasons, only one of which is that the United States is and will likely remain the most powerful country in the world for decades to come. The corollary to this point is that no other country or group of countries has either the capacity or the mind-set to build a global order. Nor can order ever be expected to emerge automatically; there is no invisible hand in the geopolitical marketplace. Again, a large part of the burden (or, more positively, opportunity) falls on the principal power of the day. There is more than a little self-interest at stake. The United States cannot remain aloof, much less unaffected by a world in disarray. Globalization is more reality than choice. At the regional level, the United States actually faces the opposite problem, namely, that certain actors do have the mind-set and means to shape an order. The problem is that their views of order are in part or in whole incompatible with U.S. interests. Examples would include Iran and ISIS in the Middle East, China in Asia, and Russia in Europe. ', 'It will not be an easy time for the United States. The sheer number and range of challenges is daunting. There are a large number of actors and forces to contend with. Alliances, normally created in opposition to some country or countries, may not be as useful a vehicle in a world in which not all foes are always foes and not all friends are always friendly. Diplomacy will count for a great deal; there will be a premium on dexterity. Consultations that aim to affect the actions of other governments and their leaders are likely to matter more than negotiations that aim to solve problems. ', 'Another reality is that the United States for all its power cannot impose order. Partially this reflects what might be called structural realities, namely, that no country can contend with global challenges on its own given the very nature of these challenges. The United States could reduce its carbon footprint dramatically, but the effect on global climate would be modest if India and China failed to follow suit. Similarly, on its own the United States cannot maintain a world trading system or successfully combat terrorism or disease. Adding to these realities are resource limits. The United States cannot provide all the troops or dollars to maintain order in the Middle East and Europe and Asia and South Asia. There is simply too much capability in too many hands. Unilateralism is rarely a serious foreign policy option. Partners are essential. That is one of the reasons why sovereign obligation is a desirable compass for U.S. foreign policy. Earlier I made the case that it represents realism for an era of globalization. It also is a natural successor to containment, the doctrine that guided the United States for the four decades of the Cold War. There are basic differences, however. Containment was about holding back more than bringing in and was designed for an era when rivals were almost always adversaries and in which the challenges were mostly related to classical geopolitical competition.1 Sovereign obligation, by contrast, is designed for a world in which sometime rivals are sometime partners and in which collective efforts are required to meet common challenges. ', 'Up to this point, we have focused on what the United States needs to do in the world to promote order. That is what one would expect from a book about international relations and American foreign policy. But a focus on foreign policy is not enough. National security is a coin with two sides, and what the United States does at home, what is normally thought of as belonging to the domestic realm, is every bit as much a part of national security as foreign policy. It is best to understand the issue as guns and butter rather than guns versus butter. ', 'When it comes to the domestic side, the argument is straightforward. In order to lead and compete and act effectively in the world, the United States needs to put its house in order. I have written on what this entails in a book titled Foreign Policy Begins at Home.2 This was sometimes interpreted as suggesting a turn away from foreign policy. It was nothing of the sort. Foreign policy begins at home, but it ends there only at the country’s peril.3 ', 'Earlier I mentioned that the United States has few unilateral options, that there are few if any things it can do better alone than with others. The counterpart to this claim is that the world cannot come up with the elements of a working order absent the United States. The United States is not sufficient, but it is necessary. It is also true that the United States cannot lead or act effectively in the world if it does not have a strong domestic foundation. National security inevitably requires significant amounts of human, physical, and financial resources to draw on. The better the United States is doing economically, the more it will have available in the way of resources to devote to what it wants and needs to do abroad without igniting a divisive and distracting domestic debate as to priorities. An additional benefit is that respect for the United States and for the American political, social, and economic model (along with a desire to emulate it) will increase only if it is seen as successful. ', 'The most basic test of the success of the model will be economic growth. U.S. growth levels may appear all right when compared with what a good many other countries are experiencing, but they are below what is needed and fall short of what is possible. There is no reason why the United States is not growing in the range of 3 percent or even higher other than what it is doing and, more important, not doing.4', '', 'FTC CP—', '']

[(0, 7)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Neg-7%20-%20Texas-Round3.docx

Minnesota

PhRa

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/PhRa/Minnesota-PhoenixFlood-Rao-Neg-7%2520-%2520Texas-Round3.docx

1ac9602280e5fe5f4caffd5333399e44614f5e7af81f266765b8b39276260fc6

Capitalism solves the environment and makes growth sustainable—it’s too late for degrowth, but not too late for the free market. Try or die.

Fred Krupp et al. 19. Nathaniel , and Eric Pooley. *President of Environmental Defense Fund, a United States-based nonprofit environmental advocacy group. **Vice president for international climate at the Environmental Defense Fund. He used to be in academia at Yale University and served in the White House as special assistant to President Barack Obama. ***Senior Vice President, Strategy & Communications at the Environmental Defense Fund. 4-1-2019. "Less Than Zero: Can Carbon-Removal Technologies Curb Climate Change?" Foreign Affairs. https://search-proquest-com.libproxy2.usc.edu/docview/2186099162/594BA6C689D844ABPQ/13?accountid=14749/. accessed 4-16-2019//JDi

it is not too late innovation made the green economy feasible it is cheaper to build renewable energy governments corporations are reducing carbon pollution negative emission tech remove carbon already there To manage risk emissions need to be cut even that will not be enough To stabilize atmospheric concentration the world will have to reach net negative emissions some emissions are impossible to eliminate embracing nets sooner makes economic sense Because marginal cost of reductions rise as more are cut it will be cheaper than waiting there are nets that could be deployed today biomass removes carbon from the atmosphere permanent storage is possible by midcentury nets could remove five billion tons annually Removing carbon will require perfecting technologies currently in development direct air capture is being tested mineralization is possibil pumping carbon underground is possible to make tech scale rapidly, policymakers tap into the profit motive a price creates an incentive reward better tech to capture carbon spurring innovation would ease the way politically climate change will be stopped by economic incentives

carbon dioxide emissions risen by an estimated 2.7 percent and atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide pessimism may seem justified it is not too late to solve the climate crisis extraordinary innovation made the green ing of the global economy not only feasible but likely The market favors clean energy it is cheaper to build new renewable energy plants than run existing coal plants regional, and federal governments , as well as corporations , are making progress on reducing carbon pollution 21 countries have reduced greenhouse gas emissions while growing their economies negative emission tech nologies are different from conventional approaches to climate mitigation they seek to remove carbon dioxide that's already there How much time is left The truth is impossible to answer with precision Scientists know human activity is warming but still don't fully understand sensitivity of the climate downside risks are enormous there is no risk-free level of climate change To manage enormous risk s of climate change, global emissions need to be cut sharply and as soon as possible That will require transforming energy, land, transport, and industrial systems so they emit less carbon dioxide reducing short-lived climate pollutants such as methane, which stay in the atmosphere for only a fraction of the time that carbon dioxide does but have a disproportionate effect on near-term warming even that will not be enough To stabilize the total atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases [GHGs], the world will have to reach net negative emissions - Achieving that through emission reductions since some emissions are impossible to eliminate Countering emissions requires technologies that carbon dioxide from the atmosphere By deploying technology that removes existing carbon dioxide the world can reduce the risk of catastrophe the world no longer has the luxury of waiting for emission-reduction strategies alone embracing nets sooner rather than later makes economic sense Because marginal cost s of emission reductions rise as more emissions are cut it will be cheaper to deploy nets at the same time as emission-reduction technologies rather than waiting there are already nets that could be deployed today The most technologically sophisticated net is carbon capture and storage or BECCS It is a negative emission technology because growing biomass removes carbon from the atmosphere What makes BECCS exciting is its potential to remove more carbon than other approaches do the fact that private companies have been successfully injecting carbon dioxide into depleted oil and gas reservoirs offers good evidence permanent storage is possible on a large scale by midcentury , nets could remove five billion tons of carbon dioxide annually Removing carbon dioxide will require perfecting technologies currently in development direct air capture is being tested technologies are real-albeit expensive taking them to scale means solving technological challenges progress suggests they can overcome carbon mineralization is full of possibil ity when rock from the earth's mantle is exposed to air, it binds with carbon dioxide Another is pumping carbon dioxide underground carbon-dioxide fluids injected into basalt or peridotite react with the rock, converting dissolved carbon dioxide into solid carbon-containing minerals Pilot projects demonstrated this is possible since carbon dioxide is converted to solid rock, the effect is permanent to make tech nologies economically viable and scale them rapidly, policymakers will have to tap into the profit motive Putting a price on carbon emissions creates an economic incentive to find cheaper, faster ways to cut pollution a system would provide new revenue streams for landowners who restored forest cover and for farmers and ranchers who increased carbon stored in their soils It would reward inventors and entrepreneurs who developed new, better tech nologies to capture carbon By spurring innovation incentives would ease the way politically for ensuring the world meets climate goals nets are ready to be deployed and they make the difference between two degrees and failing climate change will be stopped by creating economic incentives that unleash innovation of the private sector human ingenuity offers an endless source of hope

extraordinary innovation made the green of the global economy not only feasible but likely regional, and federal governments , as well as corporations , are making progress on reducing carbon pollution negative emission tech nologies are different from conventional approaches to climate mitigation downside risks are enormous there is no risk-free level of climate change even that will not be enough net negative emissions - Countering emissions requires technologies that carbon dioxide from the atmosphere the world no longer has the luxury of waiting for emission-reduction strategies alone there are already nets that could be deployed today or BECCS What makes BECCS exciting is its potential to remove more carbon than other approaches do by midcentury , nets could remove five billion tons of carbon dioxide annually perfecting technologies currently in development direct air capture is being tested progress suggests they can overcome possibil Another is pumping carbon dioxide underground since carbon dioxide is converted to solid rock, the effect is permanent the profit motive a system would provide new revenue streams for landowners who restored forest cover and for farmers and ranchers who increased carbon stored in their soils By spurring innovation incentives would ease the way politically for ensuring the world meets climate goals nets are ready to be deployed and they make the difference between two degrees and failing

['', 'When it comes to generating support for climate policy, a warranted sense of alarm is only half the battle. And the other half-a shared belief that the problem is solvable-is lagging far behind. The newfound sense of urgency is at risk of being swamped by collective despair. A scant six percent of Americans, according to the Yale study, believe that the world "can and will" effectively address climate change. With carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels having risen by an estimated 2.7 percent in 2018 and atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide, which will determine the ultimate extent of warming, at their highest level in some three million years, such pessimism may seem justified-especially with a climate change denier in the White House. But it is not too late to solve the global climate crisis. A decade of extraordinary innovation has made the greening of the global economy not only feasible but also likely. The market now favors clean energy: in many U.S. states, it is cheaper to build new renewable energy plants than to run existing coal-fired power plants. By combining solar power with new, efficient batteries, Arizona and other sunny states will soon be able to provide electricity at a lower cost per megawatthour than new, efficient natural gas plants. Local, regional, and federal governments, as well as corporations, are making measurable progress on reducing carbon pollution. Since 2000, 21 countries have reduced their annual greenhouse gas emissions while growing their economies; China is expected to see emissions peak by 2025, five years earlier than it promised as part of the negotiations for the Paris climate agreement in 2015. At the UN climate talks held late last year in Poland, countries agreed on rules for how to report progress on meeting emission-reduction commitments, an important step in implementing the Paris accord. What\'s more, an entirely new arsenal is emerging in the fight against climate change: negative emission technologies, or nets. Nets are different from conventional approaches to climate mitigation in that they seek not to reduce the amount of greenhouse gases emitted into the atmosphere but to remove carbon dioxide that\'s already there. These technologies range from the old-fashioned practice of reforestation to high-tech machines that suck carbon out of the sky and store it underground. The window of opportunity to combat climate change has not closed-and with a push from policymakers, nets can keep it propped open for longer. THE HEAT IS ON How much time is left to avoid climate catastrophe? The truth is that it is impossible to answer the question with precision. Scientists know that human activity is warming the planet but still don\'t fully understand the sensitivity of the climate system to greenhouse gases. Nor do they fully comprehend the link between average global warming and local repercussions. So far, however, most effects of climate change have been faster and more severe than the climate models predicted. The downside risks are enormous; the most recent predictions, ever more dire. The Paris agreement aims to limit the increase in global average temperatures above preindustrial levels to well below two degrees Celsius, and ideally to no more than 1.5 degrees Celsius. Going above those levels of warming would mean more disastrous impacts. Global average temperatures have already risen by about one degree Celsius since 1880, with two-thirds of that increase occurring after 1975. An October 2018 special report by the un\'s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a body of leading scientists and policymakers from around the world, found that unless the world implements "rapid and far-reaching" changes to its energy and industrial systems, the earth is likely to reach temperatures of 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels sometime between 2030 and 2052. Limiting warming to that level, the ipcc found, would require immediate and dramatic cuts in carbon dioxide: roughly a 45 percent reduction in the next dozen years. Even meeting the less ambitious target of two degrees would require deep cuts in emissions by 2030 and sustained aggressive action far beyond then. The ipcc report also warns that seemingly small global temperature increases can have enormous consequences. For example, the half-degree difference between 1.5 degrees Celsius and two degrees Celsius of total warming could consign twice as many people to water scarcity, put ten million more at risk from rising sea levels, and plunge several hundred million more people into poverty as lower yields of key crops drive hunger across much of the developing world. At two degrees of warming, nearly all of the planet\'s coral reefs are expected to be lost; at 1.5 degrees, ten to 30 percent could survive. The deeper message of the IPCC report is that there is no risk-free level of climate change. Targets such as 1.5 degrees Celsius or two degrees Celsius are important political markers, but they shouldn\'t fool anyone into thinking that nature works so precisely. Just as the risks are lower at 1.5 degrees Celsius than at two degrees Celsius, so are they lower at two degrees Celsius than at 2.5 degrees Celsius. Indeed, the latter difference would be far more destructive, since the damages mount exponentially as temperatures rise. To manage the enormous risks of climate change, global emissions of greenhouse gases need to be cut sharply, and as soon as possible. That will require transforming energy, land, transport, and industrial systems so they emit less carbon dioxide. It will also require reducing short-lived climate pollutants such as methane, which stay in the atmosphere for only a fraction of the time that carbon dioxide does but have a disproportionate effect on near-term warming. Yet even that will not be enough. To stabilize the total atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases [GHGs], the world will have to reach net negative emissions-that is, taking more greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere than are being pumped into it. Achieving that through emission reductions alone will be extremely difficult, since some emissions, such as of methane and nitrous oxide from agriculture, are nearly impossible to eliminate. Countering the emissions that are hardest to abate, and bring concentrations down to safer levels, requires technologies that actually remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. That\'s where nets come in-not as a substitute for aggressive efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions but as a complement. By deploying technology that removes existing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, while accelerating cuts in emissions, the world can boost its chances of keeping warming below two degrees and reduce the risk of catastrophe. Scientists and activists have tended to regard these technologies as a fallback option, to be held in reserve in case other efforts fail. Many fear that jumping ahead to carbon dioxide removal will distract from the critical need to cut pollution. But the world no longer has the luxury of waiting for emission-reduction strategies to do the job alone. Far from being a Plan B, nets must be a critical part of Plan A. What\'s more, embracing nets sooner rather than later makes economic sense. Because the marginal costs of emission reductions rise as more emissions are cut, it will be cheaper to deploy nets at the same time as emission-reduction technologies rather than waiting to exhaust those options first. The wider the solution set, the lower the costs. And the lower the costs, the easier it is to raise ambitions and garner the necessary political support. THE FUTURE IS NOW Even though removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere may sound like the stuff of science fiction, there are already nets that could be deployed at scale today, according to a seminal report released by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine in October 2018. One category involves taking advantage of carbon sinks-the earth\'s forests and agricultural soils, which have soaked up more carbon dioxide since the Industrial Revolution than has been released from burning petroleum. To date, the growth of carbon sinks has been inadvertent: in the United States, for example, as agriculture shifted from the rocky soils of the Northeast to the fertile Midwest, forests reclaimed abandoned farmland, breathing in carbon dioxide in the process. But this natural process can be improved through better forest management-letting trees grow longer before they are harvested and helping degraded forests grow back more quickly. The large-scale planting of trees in suitable locations around the world could increase carbon sinks further, a process that must go hand in hand with efforts to curb tropical deforestation and thereby continue to contain the vast amounts of carbon already stored in the earth\'s rainforests. Farmland provides additional potential for negative emissions. Around the world, conventional agricultural practices have reduced the amount of carbon in soils, decreasing their fertility in the process. Smarter approaches can reverse the process. Small and large landholders alike could add agricultural waste to soil, maximize the time that the soil is covered by living plants or mulch, and reduce tilling, which releases carbon dioxide. All these steps would decrease the amount of carbon that is lost from soil and increase the amount of carbon that is stored in it. The most technologically sophisticated net available in the near term is known as "bioenergy with carbon capture and storage," or BECCS. It is also the riskiest. Broadly defined, beccs involves burning or fermenting biomass, such as trees or crops, to generate electricity or make liquid fuel; capturing the carbon dioxide produced in the process; and sequestering it underground. It is considered a negative emission technology, and not a zero emission technology, because growing the biomass used in the process removes carbon from the atmosphere. What makes BECCS so exciting is its potential to remove significantly more carbon from the atmosphere than other approaches do. But it also brings challenges. For one, it is expensive: electricity generated from beccs could cost twice as much as that generated with natural gas, because biomass is an inefficient fuel source and capturing and sequestering carbon dioxide is costly. The technology would also require careful monitoring to ensure that the carbon dioxide pumped underground stays there and clear rules for legal liability in the event of leaks. But the fact that private companies have been successfully injecting carbon dioxide into depleted oil and gas reservoirs for decades offers good evidence that permanent storage is possible on a large scale. More worrying are the additional climate risks that BECCS poses. If BECCS drives demand for biomass and more of the carbon that is stored in the forest ecosystem is released as a result, it could end up raising the level of carbon in the atmosphere rather than reducing it. Another concern is competition for land: converting farms or forests to grow energy crops, something that the large-scale use of BEccs might require, could drive up the cost of food, reduce agricultural production, and threaten scarce habitats. These problems could be mitigated by using only biomass waste, such as residues from logging and agriculture, but that would reduce the potential scale. Although BEccs deserves consideration as part of the arsenal, these risks mean that its contribution will likely end up being smaller than some proponents claim. Taking all these land-based nets together, and factoring in the considerable economic, practical, and behavioral hurdles to bringing them to scale, the National Academies report concludes that by midcentury, nets could remove as much as five billion tons of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere annually. Given the significant risks involved, that estimate is probably too bullish. Even if it were not, that\'s still only half of the ten billion tons of carbon dioxide that will likely need to be removed each year to zero out the remaining greenhouse gas emissions, even with aggressive cuts. CLOSING THE GAP Removing from the atmosphere the balance of the carbon dioxide necessary will require perfecting technologies currently in development. Two deserve particular mention; both are full of promise, although neither is ready for widespread use. The first is called "direct air capture"- essentially, sucking carbon from the sky. The technology is already being tested in Canada, Iceland, Italy, and Switzerland at pilot plants where massive arrays of fans direct a stream of air toward a special substance that binds with the passing carbon dioxide. The substance is then either heated or forced into a vacuum to release the carbon dioxide, which is compressed and either stored or used as feedstocks for chemicals, fuels, or cement. These technologies are real-albeit prohibitively expensive in their current form. As a recent study led by David Sandalow of Columbia University\'s Center on Global Energy Policy concludes, taking them to scale means solving a variety of technological challenges to bring down the costs. Above all, these processes are highly energy intensive, so scaling them would require enormous amounts of low-carbon electricity. (A direct-air-capture facility powered by coal-fired electricity, for example, would generate more new carbon dioxide than it would capture.) These obstacles are serious, but the surprising progress of the past decade suggests that they can be overcome in the next one. The second technology, enhanced carbon mineralization, is even further from being realized, but it is full of even more possibility. Geologists have long known that when rock from the earth\'s mantle (the layer of the earth between its crust and its core) is exposed to the air, it binds with carbon dioxide to form carbon-containing minerals. The massive tectonic collisions that formed the Appalachian Mountains around 460 million years ago, for example, exposed subsurface rock to weathering that resulted in the absorption of substantial amounts of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. That took tens of millions of years; enhanced carbon mineralization seeks to fast-forward the process. Scientists are exploring two ways to do this. In one approach, rocks would be brought to the surface to bind with carbon from the air. Such natural weathering already occurs in mine tailings, the waste left over from certain mining operations. But mimicking this process on a large scale-by grinding up large quantities of rock containing reactive minerals and bringing it to the earth\'s surface-would be highly energy intensive and thus costly, roughly on par with direct air capture. Another potential approach is pumping the carbon dioxide underground to meet the rock. As the National Academies report explains, carbon-dioxide-rich fluids injected into basalt or peridotite formations (two kinds of igneous rock that make up much of the earth\'s mantle) react with the rock, converting the dissolved carbon dioxide into solid carbon-containing minerals. Pilot projects in Iceland and the United States have demonstrated that this is possible. There is also evidence for how this could work in the natural world. Peridotite usually lies deep inside the earth, but some rock formations around the globe contain pockets of it on the surface. For example, scientists are studying how the surface-level peridotite in Oman\'s rock formations reacts with the air and absorbs large amounts of carbon. In theory, this approach offers nearly unlimited scale, because suitable rock formations are widespread and readily accessible. It would also be cheap, because it takes advantage of chemical potential energy in the rock instead of costly energy sources. And since the carbon dioxide is converted to solid rock, the effect is permanent, and it carries few of the side effects that other nets could bring. GETTING TO LESS These technologies do not come cheap. The National Academy of Sciences recommends as much as $1 billion annually in U.S. government funding for research on nets. And indeed, such funding should be an urgent priority. But to make these technologies economically viable and scale them rapidly, policymakers will also have to tap into a much more powerful force: the profit motive. Putting a price on carbon emissions creates an economic incentive for entrepreneurs to find cheaper, faster ways to cut pollution. Valuing negative emissions-for example, through an emission-trading system that awards credits for carbon removal or a carbon tax that provides rebates for them-would create an incentive for them to join the hunt for nets. Forty-five countries, along with ten U.S. states, have put in place some mechanism to price carbon. But only a handful of them offer rewards for converting land into forest, managing existing forests better, or increasing the amount of carbon stored in agricultural soils, and none offers incentives for other nets. What\'s needed is a carbon pricing system that not only charges those who emit carbon but also pays those who remove it. Such a system would provide new revenue streams for landowners who restored forest cover to their land and for farmers and ranchers who increased the amount of carbon stored in their soils. It would also reward the inventors and entrepreneurs who developed new, better technologies to capture carbon from the air and the investors and businesses that took them to scale. Without these incentives, those players will stay on the sidelines. By spurring innovation in lower-cost nets, incentives would also ease the way politically for an ambitious pollution limit-which, ultimately, is necessary for ensuring that the world meets it climate goals. Simply put, humanity\'s best hope is to promise that the next crop of billionaires will be those who figure out low-cost ways to remove carbon from the sky. The biggest hurdle for such incentives is the lack of a global market for carbon credits. Hope on that front, however, is emerging from an unlikely place: aviation. Currently responsible for roughly two percent of global greenhouse gases, aviation\'s emissions are expected to triple or quadruple by midcentury in the absence of effective policies to limit them. But in 2016, faced with the prospect that the eu would start capping the emissions of flights landing in and taking off from member states, the un body that governs worldwide air travel, the International Civil Aviation Organization, agreed to cap emissions from international flights at 2020 levels. The airline industry supported the agreement, hoping to avoid the messy regulatory patchwork that might result if the eu went ahead and states beyond the eu followed suit with their own approaches. The resulting program, called the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (corsia), requires all airlines to start reporting emissions this year, and it will begin enforcing a cap in 2021. Once in full swing, at least 100 countries are expected to participate, covering at least three-quarters of the forecast increase in international aviation emissions. Airlines flying between participating countries will have two ways to comply: they can lower their emissions (for example, by burning less fuel or switching to alternative fuels), or they can buy emission-reduction credits from companies. Because the technologies for reducing airline emissions at scale are still a long way off, the industry will mostly choose the second option, relying on carbon credits from reductions in other sectors. It is estimated that over the first 15 years of corsia, demand for these credits will reach between 2.5 billion and 3.0 billion tons-roughly equal to the annual greenhouse gas emissions from the U.S. power and manufacturing sectors. With this new option to sell emission-reduction credits to airlines, there is a good possibility that a pot of gold will await companies that cut or offset their carbon emissions. In short, corsia could catalyze a global carbon market that drives investment in low-carbon fuels and technologies-including nets. To realize its promise, corsia must be implemented properly, and there are powerful forces working to see that it is not. Some countries, including ones negotiating on behalf of their state-owned companies, are trying to rig the system by allowing credits from projects that do not produce legitimate carbon reductions, such as Brazil\'s effort to allow the sale of credits from huge hydroelectric dams in the Amazon that have already been built and paid for (and thus do not represent new reductions). Allowing such credits into the system could crowd out potential rewards for genuine reductions. But there are also powerful, sometimes unexpected allies who stand to gain from a global carbon market that works. For example, some airlines are motivated to act out of a fear that millennials, concerned about their carbon footprint, may eventually begin to shun air travel. The new regulations, by creating demand for emission reductions and spurring investment in nets to produce jet fuel, could be the industry\'s best hope of protecting its reputation-and a critical step toward a broader global carbon market that moves nets from promising pilot projects to a gamechanging reality. Skeptics say that nets are too speculative and a possibility only, perhaps, in the distant future. It is true that these innovations are not fully understood and that not all of them will pan out. But no group of scholars and practitioners, no matter how expert, can determine exactly which technologies should be deployed and when. It is impossible to predict what future innovations will look like, but that shouldn\'t stop the world from pursuing them, especially when the threat is so grave. The fact remains that many nets are ready to be deployed at scale today, and they might make the difference between limiting warming to two degrees and failing to do so. Ultimately, climate change will be stopped by creating economic incentives that unleash the innovation of the private sector-not by waiting for the perfect technology to arrive ready-made, maybe when it\'s already too late. No one is saying that achieving all of this will be easy, but the road to climate stability has never been that. Hard does not mean impossible, however, and the transformative power of human ingenuity offers an endless source of hope.', '']

[(5, 20)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-Johnson-Sun-Aff-1-NU-Round5.docx

Minnesota

JoSu

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/JoSu/Minnesota-Johnson-Sun-Aff-1-NU-Round5.docx

947394076f5ba5a8e5f4877ebb176ddd762136be7c50a6494e0609b59d2b3cb6

Verification without categorical prohibition fails to assuage concerns

Hornung 22 [Jeffrey W. Hornung, senior political scientist at the RAND Corporation, former associate professor for the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, PhD political science, George Washington University, MA international relations, Japan studies, Johns Hopkins University-School of Advanced International Studies, BA political science, international affairs, Marquette University, “Ground-Based Intermediate-Range Missiles in the Indo-Pacific: Assessing the Positions of U.S. Allies,” RAND Corporation Research Report, RR-A393-3, 2022, https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RRA300/RRA393-3/RAND_RRA393-3.pdf]

reluctance stem from a misunderstanding that GBIRMs are nuclear-armed Even if the U S refrained from deploying nuclear if the public believed were nuclear capable or left open the door it would be politically difficult to obtain consent to host particularly if info op s push

Despite Japan being a close U.S. ally, there are reasons to believe Japan would oppose hosting U.S. GBIRMs From the start, Japanese officials were vocal in their opposition to the U.S. INF Treaty withdrawal , with the foreign minister calling it “extremely regrettable” and the chief cabinet secretary and foreign press secretary calling it “undesirable.” Despite these negative comments , Japan relies heavily on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and U.S. deterrence capabilities. After the United States withdrew from the treaty, then–Defense Minister Kōno spoke about the idea of hosting U.S. GBIRMs, saying, “The US doesn’t have non-nuclear missiles that can be deployed yet. Maybe they’re in the phase of development.” This suggested that Japan might host U.S. GBIRMs should nonnuclear missiles be developed reluctance likely would stem from two possibilities: political awareness that introducing new U.S. presence into Japan would be difficult or a misunderstanding that U.S. GBIRMs are only nuclear-armed commentators have pointed out that Washington has not indicated whether specific facilities and systems overseas are to be explicitly nonnuclear a problem for Japan given its history with nuclear weapons and its Three Non-Nuclear Principles Even if the U nited S tates refrained from deploying nuclear capabilities , if the Japanese public believed that such capabilities were nuclear capable or left open the door to such capabilities, it would be politically difficult to obtain local consent to host these capabilities, particularly if China ( or Russia ) engaged in info rmation op eration campaign s to push this idea

Japan would oppose hosting vocal opposition INF Treaty withdrawal Despite negative comments host nonnuclear missiles reluctance stem from political awareness misunderstanding GBIRMs nuclear-armed Even if U S refrained from deploying nuclear capabilities if public believed nuclear capable or left open the door politically difficult consent host China or Russia info rmation op eration campaign s

['Comments on the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty or Hosting U.S. GBIRMs', 'Despite Japan being a close U.S. ally, there are reasons to believe Japan would oppose hosting U.S. GBIRMs. From the start, Japanese officials were vocal in their opposition to the U.S. INF Treaty withdrawal, with the foreign minister calling it “extremely regrettable” and the chief cabinet secretary and foreign press secretary calling it “undesirable.”126 Even then–Prime Minister Abe, while saying he understood U.S. thinking, noted that the treaty’s termination was “not a situation that is desirable.”127', 'Despite these negative comments, Japan relies heavily on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and U.S. deterrence capabilities. After the United States withdrew from the treaty, then–Defense Minister Kōno spoke about the idea of hosting U.S. GBIRMs, saying, “The US doesn’t have non-nuclear missiles that can be deployed yet. Maybe they’re in the phase of development.”128 This suggested that Japan might host U.S. GBIRMs should nonnuclear missiles be developed. Kōno admitted, however, that his government and that of the United States had not yet talked about the idea.129 Should his comment indicate reluctance to host U.S. GBIRMs, the reluctance likely would stem from two possibilities: political awareness that introducing new U.S. presence into Japan would be difficult or a misunderstanding that U.S. GBIRMs are only nuclear-armed. For the latter point, commentators have pointed out that Washington has not indicated whether specific facilities and systems overseas are to be explicitly nonnuclear.130 This could pose a problem for Japan given its history with nuclear weapons and its Three Non-Nuclear Principles.131 Even if the United States refrained from deploying nuclear capabilities, if the Japanese public believed that such capabilities were nuclear capable or left open the door to such capabilities, it would be politically difficult to obtain local consent to host these capabilities, particularly if China (or Russia) engaged in information operation campaigns to push this idea.', '', '']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

MichiganState-GuMi-Aff-NDT-Round-5.docx

MichiganState

GuMi

97d242c676ef5a048dc00795220a55334841f8fef245180f7970042813999130

Reconciliation is key to pandemic preparedness

Kates 11-10-2021, PhD @ GWU, Senior Vice President and Director of Global Health & HIV Policy at KFF, where she oversees policy analysis and research focused on the U.S. government’s role in global health and on the global and domestic HIV epidemics. Widely regarded as an expert in the field, she regularly publishes and presents on global health and HIV policy issues and is particularly known for her work analyzing donor government investments in global health; assessing and mapping the U.S. government’s global health architecture, programs, and funding; and tracking and analyzing major U.S. HIV programs and financing, and key trends in the HIV epidemic, an area she has been working in for close to thirty years. Prior to joining KFF in 1998, Dr. Kates was a Senior Associate with The Lewin Group, a health care consulting firm, where she focused on HIV policy, strategic planning/health systems analysis, and health care for vulnerable populations. Among other prior positions, she directed the Office of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Concerns at Princeton University. Dr. Kates has served on numerous federal and private sector advisory committees on global health and HIV issues, including PEPFAR’s Scientific Advisory Board, the NIH Office of AIDS Research Advisory Council, the CDC/HRSA Advisory Committee on HIV, Viral Hepatitis and STD Prevention and Treatment (CHACHSPT), the board of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and the Governing Council of the International AIDS Society. She is also a lecturer at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. (Jennifer and Adam Wexler, “Public Health Infrastructure and Pandemic Preparedness Provisions in the Build Back Better Act,” KFF, )

B B B is 1.75 trillion Among provisions are several designed to strengthen health infrastructure and pandemic preparedness the bill provides 19.2 billion for public health and pandemic prep The following identifies the provisions of the bill related to pandemic preparedness preparedness testing disease surveillance contact tracing organizational capacity improve core infrastructure at the CDC Funding for medical residency FUNDING FOR CDC laboratories for rapid outbreak detection genomic sequencing capabilities to detect emerging diseases and biosafety and biosecurity capacity Surge capacity to respond to a public health emergency Expanded global and domestic vaccine production Activities to mitigate supply chain risks vaccine raw materials Research and Development for advanced research including vaccines

B B B is broad A more recent version is estimated 1.75 trillion Among the provisions in the bill are several designed to strengthen the public health infrastructure and support pandemic preparedness the bill provides $ 19.2 billion for public health infrastructure and pandemic prep aredness The following identifies the provisions of the bill related to pandemic preparedness Funding to support core public health infrastructure activities Activities include preparedness testing disease surveillance contact tracing organizational capacity improve core public health infrastructure and activities at the CDC Funding for direct payments and awards to support medical residency training programs FUNDING FOR NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE CORPS FUNDING FOR THE NURSE CORPS FUNDING FOR LABORATORY ACTIVITIES AT THE CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL to renovate, improve, expand, and modernize CDC laboratories for rapid outbreak detection genomic sequencing capabilities to detect emerging diseases and biosafety and biosecurity capacity Surge capacity to respond to a public health emergency Expanded global and domestic vaccine production capacity Activities to mitigate supply chain risks and enhance supply chain elasticity and resilience for critical drugs and vaccine raw materials Research and Development for advanced research including vaccines

B B B 1.75 trillion $ 19.2 billion for public health infrastructure and pandemic prep aredness preparedness testing disease surveillance contact tracing for rapid outbreak detection Research and Development for advanced research vaccines

['', 'The Build Back Better Act, originally introduced in Congress on September 27, 2021, is a broad funding and programmatic package supported by President Biden. The bill, as first introduced by the House, was estimated to total $3.5 trillion. A more recent version now under consideration in the House is estimated to total significantly less, at $1.75 trillion, due to pressures to reduce the bill’s cost. Among the provisions in the bill are several designed to strengthen the public health infrastructure, including the workforce, and to support pandemic preparedness. While the original version of the bill provided $51.8 billion for these purposes (with $36 billion directed toward improving the public health infrastructure and $15.8 billion toward pandemic preparedness), the new version of the bill provides 63% less, or $19.2 billion, including $16.2 billion for public health infrastructure and $3 billion for pandemic preparedness. Almost all public health and preparedness areas in the original bill saw reductions, and several were eliminated. The following table identifies the provisions of the bill related to public health infrastructure and pandemic preparedness, their specific funding amounts, and activities supported.1 Unless otherwise specified, all funding would be made available until expended, and, if ultimately enacted, would build on funding provided in previous emergency spending bills passed by Congress to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. Area/Provision Amount Activities HEALTH CARE INFRASTRUCTURE AND WORKFORCE $16,160,000,000 SEC. 31001. FUNDING TO SUPPORT CORE PUBLIC HEALTH INFRASTRUCTURE FOR STATE, TERRITORIAL, LOCAL, AND TRIBAL HEALTH DEPARTMENTS AT THE CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION $7,000,000,000 (provided between 2022-2026) Funding to support core public health infrastructure activities to strengthen the public health system and expand and improve activities of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Activities include: health equity activities; workforce capacity and competency; all hazards public health and preparedness; testing capacity, including test platforms, mobile testing units, and personnel; health information, health information systems, and health information analysis (including data analytics); epidemiology and disease surveillance; contact tracing; policy and communications; financing; community partnership development; and relevant components of organizational capacity. Funding Allocation: To support core public health infrastructure activities throughout the U.S. Population-Based Grants: $3,500,000,000 provided to each State or territorial health department, and to local health departments that serve counties with a population of at least 2,000,000 or cities with a population of at least 400,000 people. Formula must consider population size and the Social Vulnerability Index. Competitive Grants: $1,750,000,000 provided through competitive grants to State, territorial, local, or Tribal health departments. NOTE: Of the grant funding provided to State health departments through formula and competitive awards, at least 25% must be reallocated to local health departments. CDC: $1,750,000,000 to expand and improve core public health infrastructure and activities at the CDC. SEC. 31002. FUNDING FOR HEALTH CENTER CAPITAL GRANTS $2,000,000,000 Funding to be awarded through grants and cooperative agreements to support community health centers for capital improvement projects. SEC. 31003. FUNDING FOR TEACHING HEALTH CENTER GRADUATE MEDICAL EDUCATION $3,370,000,000 Funding for direct payments and awards to support the establishment of new as well as the maintenance and expansion of existing graduate medical residency training programs. SEC. 31004. FUNDING FOR CHILDREN’S HOSPITALS THAT OPERATE GRADUATE MEDICAL EDUCATION PROGRAMS $200,000,000 Funding to support children’s hospitals that operate graduate medical education programs. SEC. 31005. FUNDING FOR NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE CORPS $2,000,000,000 Funding to support the National Health Service Corps. SEC. 31006. FUNDING FOR THE NURSE CORPS $500,000,000 Funding to support the Nurse Corps. SEC. 31007. FUNDING FOR SCHOOLS OF MEDICINE IN UNDERSERVED AREAS $500,000,000 Funding to be awarded to support the establishment, improvement, or expansion of an allopathic or osteopathic school of medicine, with priority given to minority-serving institutions, and taking into consideration equitable distribution of awards among the geographical regions of the United States (including rural populations) in order to reach disadvantaged, rural, underserved, underrepresented, and low-income individuals. Among other things, supported activities include: recruiting, enrolling, and retaining students; curricula development, implementation, expansion, and modernization; facilities construction, modernization, or expansion; accreditation; and the hiring of faculty and staff. SEC. 31008. FUNDING FOR SCHOOLS OF NURSING IN UNDERSERVED AREAS $500,000,000 Funding to be awarded to support schools of nursing to enhance and modernize nursing education programs and increase the number of faculty and students at such schools, taking into consideration equitable distribution of awards among the geographical regions of the United States, the capacity of a school of nursing to provide care in underserved areas, and with priority to reach disadvantaged, rural, underserved, underrepresented, and low-income individuals. Among other things, supported activities include: recruiting, enrolling, and retaining students; creating, modernizing, enhancing, or expanding curricula and programs; hiring and retention of faculty; modernizing school infrastructure; and establishing partnerships with healthcare providers as well as interdisciplinary programs to further educational opportunities. SEC. 31009. FUNDING FOR PALLIATIVE CARE AND HOSPICE EDUCATION AND TRAINING $25,000,000 Funding to be awarded through grants and contracts to support the training of health professionals in palliative and hospice care as well as foster patient and family engagement, integration of palliative and hospice care with primary care and other appropriate specialties, and collaboration with community partners to address gaps in health care for individuals in need of palliative or hospice care with priority given to rural, medically underserved populations and communities, Indian Tribes or Tribal Organizations, or Urban Indian organizations. SEC. 31010. FUNDING FOR PALLIATIVE MEDICINE PHYSICIAN TRAINING $20,000,000 Funding to be awarded through grants and contracts to accredited schools of medicine, schools of osteopathic medicine, teaching hospitals, and graduate medical education programs for the purpose of providing support for projects that fund the training of physicians or specialists who plan to teach or practice palliative medicine. SEC. 31011. FUNDING FOR PALLIATIVE CARE AND HOSPICE ACADEMIC CAREER AWARDS $20,000,000 Funding to be awarded to accredited schools of medicine, osteopathic medicine, nursing, social work, psychology, allied health, dentistry, or chaplaincy applying on behalf of board-certified or board-eligible individuals to promote the academic career development as hospice and palliative care specialists. SEC. 31012. FUNDING FOR HOSPICE AND PALLIATIVE NURSING $20,000,000 Funding to be awarded as grants and contracts to accredited schools of nursing, health care facilities, programs leading to certification as a certified nurse assistant, or partnerships of such schools and facilities to develop and implement programs and initiatives to train and educate individuals in providing interprofessional, interdisciplinary, team-based palliative care in health-related educational, hospital, hospice, home, or long-term care settings. SEC. 31013. FUNDING FOR DISSEMINATION OF PALLIATIVE CARE INFORMATION $5,000,000 Funding to be provided through the award of grants or contracts to public and nonprofit private entities to disseminate information to inform patients, families, caregivers, direct care workers, and health professionals about the benefits of palliative care throughout the continuum of care for patients with serious or life-threatening illness. PANDEMIC PREPAREDNESS $3,000,000,000 SEC. 31021. FUNDING FOR LABORATORY ACTIVITIES AT THE CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION $1,400,000,000 Acting through the Director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, funding shall be used to renovate, improve, expand, and modernize State and local public health laboratory infrastructure as well as CDC laboratories. Activities supported include improving and enhancing: testing and response capacity; the Laboratory Response Network for rapid outbreak detection; genomic sequencing capabilities to detect emerging diseases and variant strains; and biosafety and biosecurity capacity. Funding may also be used to enhance the ability of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to monitor and exercise oversight over biosafety and biosecurity of State and local public health laboratories. SEC. 31022. FUNDING FOR PUBLIC HEALTH AND PREPAREDNESS RESEARCH, DEVELOPMENT, AND COUNTERMEASURE CAPACITY $1,300,000,000 Acting through the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response Activities, funding shall be used to support: Surge capacity, including through construction, expansion, or modernization of facilities, to respond to a public health emergency, for procurement and domestic manufacture of drugs, active pharmaceutical ingredients, vaccines and other biological products, diagnostic technologies and products, personal protective equipment, medical devices, vials, syringes, needles, and other components or supplies for the Strategic National Stockpile Expanded global and domestic vaccine production capacity, including by developing or acquiring new technology and expanding manufacturing capacity through construction, expansion, or modernization of facilities Activities to mitigate supply chain risks and enhance supply chain elasticity and resilience for critical drugs, active pharmaceutical ingredients, and supplies (including essential medicines, medical countermeasures, and supplies in shortage or at risk of shortage), drug and vaccine raw materials, and other supplies through the construction, expansion, or modernization of facilities, adoption of advanced manufacturing processes, and other activities to support domestic manufacturing of such supplies Activities conducted by the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority for advanced research, standards development, and domestic manufacturing capacity for drugs, including essential medicines, diagnostics, vaccines, therapeutics, and personal protective equipment Increased biosafety and biosecurity in research on infectious diseases, including by modernization or improvement of facilities. SEC. 31023. FUNDING FOR INFRASTRUCTURE MODERNIZATION AND INNOVATION AT THE FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION $300,000,000 Funding provided to improve and modernize infrastructure at the Food and Drug Administration and to enhance food and medical product safety as follows: $150,000,000 for improving technological infrastructure, including through developing integrated systems, and improving the interoperability of information technology systems. $150,000,000 for modernizing laboratory infrastructure of, or used by, the Food and Drug Administration, including modernization of facilities related to, and supporting, such laboratory infrastructure, including through planning for, and the construction, repair, improvement, extension, alteration, demolition, and purchase of, fixed equipment or facilities.']

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ndtceda

Kansas-Harris-Wilkus-Neg-4%20-%20Shirley-Round1.docx

Kansas

HaWi

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/HaWi/Kansas-Harris-Wilkus-Neg-4%2520-%2520Shirley-Round1.docx

711b363380df891c4cda512e9fc778336f999f863773214e8f357bedfc5ae931

Devolved state authority is uniform, not pre-empted, and solves case without federal enforcement.

Zimmerman 9—(Professor of Political Science, University of Albany). Joseph F. Zimmerman. September 5, 2009. “Congressional Devolution of Powers and Preemption of State Regulatory Powers: Countervailing Trends”. Presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. . Accessed 1/9/22.

Congress is free to devolve its powers to states national legislature may turn over a specified responsibility to the states, return authority in a new field exempt from preemption a uniform state law . the McCarran Ferguson Act exempt state regulation from the antitrust statutes devolving the power to regulate Congress threatened to impose national licensing The act convinced state legislatures to harmonize regulations providing for interstate reciprocity This preemption can be designed to encourage minimum national standards under threat of losing primacy . This type of preemption in effect multiplies federal resources

Congress is free to devolve its domestic powers to states There are nine types of devolution statutes with savings clauses in preemption acts the most common type. a national legislature may devolve its legislative executive and administrative powers to one or more territorial governmental units. Each devolution statute may be classified as one of following eleven types. A statute may turn over a specified regulatory responsibility to the states, include declaration of intent not to preempt return to states regulatory enforcement authority in a new completely preempted field exempt from preemption a uniform state law enacted by a state legislature empower governors to initiate actions not authorized by their respective state constitution and statutes, States historically regulated the business of insurance The court in 1944 reversed this decision by holding insurance involves interstate commerce . the McCarran Ferguson Act of 1945 exempt state regulation of the industry from the antitrust statutes devolving to states the power to regulate Insurance companies became frustrated with nonharmonious state regulations and lobbied Congress to enact the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Modernization Act establishing maximum regulatory standards and threatened to impose a national licensing system if twenty-six states failed to adopt a uniform system states were certified as having a uniform system The act convinced the National Association of Insurance Commissioners that state legislatures must initiate additional actions to harmonize insurance regulations providing for interstate reciprocity enacted by forty-seven state legislatures Minimum Standards Preemption This preemption type involves devolution of congressional powers and can be described as “ contingent ” complete preemption designed to encourage states to initiate action to meet minimum national regulatory standards under the threat of losing primacy in a regulatory field . Congress decided water pollution could not be abated by state and local governmental regulation aided by federal conditional grants-in-aid, and a new problem-solving approach was necessary . To continue to exercise regulatory authority a state must submit a plan containing standards at least as stringent as national ones to the appropriate federal agency for approval The agency devolves “ regulatory primacy ” to the state and the role of the agency is limited to monitoring the state’s performance This type of preemption encourages states to become responsible for implementing national regulatory policies and in effect multiplies federal government resources by incorporating resources of the states in national programs. Congress “ commandeers ” resources of reluctant states

devolve its domestic powers to states savings clauses national legislature legislative executive administrative powers turn over specified regulatory responsibility intent not to preempt new completely preempted field uniform state law insurance reversed this decision McCarran Ferguson Act from the antitrust statutes power to regulate nonharmonious state regulations maximum regulatory standards national licensing system uniform system uniform system additional actions to harmonize insurance regulations interstate reciprocity Minimum Standards Preemption contingent minimum national regulatory standards losing primacy water pollution new problem-solving approach was necessary exercise regulatory authority as stringent as national ones approval regulatory primacy monitoring the state’s performance encourages states to become responsible national regulatory policies multiplies federal government resources commandeers

['', 'Congress is free to devolve its domestic powers to states with the exception of coinage and in 1789 enacted the first statute devolving powers to state, and in 1790 enacted the first two of 615 preemption statutes removing regulatory powers from the states. There are nine types of devolution statutes with savings clauses in preemption acts the most common type. Preemption statutes vary in length from less than one page to hundreds of pages, and some are included in another preemption statute or in an omnibus consolidated appropriation act. Courts play a key role in determining whether a statute is a preemptive if it lacks an explicit preemption statement. ', 'The proliferation of these statutes has produced a democratic deficit by making it difficult for citizens to determine which plane of government is responsible for many regulatory functions. Congress could clarify to an extent the responsibilities of each plane by directing national regulatory departments and agencies to prepare a Code of Restrictions for each partial preemption statute and implementing regulations. Furthermore, Congress should enact additional innovative preemption statutes respecting state sovereignty while promoting more harmonious state regulation. ', 'Congress first devolved some of its constitutionally delegated powers to the states in 1789 and enacted its first two preemption statutes in 1790 removing completely two state regulatory powers. Subsequently, numerous statutes containing devolution and/or preemption provisions have been enacted and illustrate the Association’s 2009 annual meeting theme of “Politics in Motion.” These countervailing trends reveal Congress has been the principal architect of constitutionally authorized changes in regulatory power distribution in the United States federal system. ', 'The first devolution statute granted power to states to regulate marine pilots in ports and the first two preemption statutes—Copyright Act and the Patent Act—completely removed state regulatory powers in these fields.1 The United States federal system today is the most complex federal system in the world and stands in sharp contrast to the relatively simple and easy to understand system during the early decades of the economic union and the political union when interactions between the national government and the states were limited. The theory of dual federalism had general validity during this time period. ', 'The first part of this paper examines briefly powers devolved by Congress to the states. The second part focuses Congress’ use of its preemption powers to remove regulatory powers from the states, mandate that they initiated specified actions, and forbid states to initiate specified actions. The concluding part contains recommendations addressed to Congress to enact innovative statutes encouraging states to harmonize their regulations, preserve the discretionary authority of states, and improve national-state relations. ', 'Devolution of Powers \t', 'Textbooks on the federal system explain the powers delegated by the United States Constitution to Congress and the President by Articles I and II, respectively, and note the Tenth Amendment reserves unspecified powers to the states. Generally omitted are powers devolved by the constitution to each state legislature to (1) determine the times, places, and manner of holding elections for United States Senators and Representatives subject to alteration by Congress, (2) enter into compacts with sister states with the consent of Congress, (3) appoint presidential and vice presidential electors, (4) require Congress to call a convention for the purpose of proposing constitutional amendments, and (5) regulate or prohibit drinking of intoxicating liquors.2', 'Unless constitutionally prohibited, a national legislature may devolve its legislative, executive, and administrative powers to one or more territorial governmental units.3 The above constitutionally devolved powers are outweighed in importance by congressionally devolved powers, including consent to interstate compacts allowing states to initiate actions otherwise unconstitutional.4', 'Each devolution statute is relatively short in length and may be classified as one of following eleven types. A statute may (1) turn over a specified regulatory responsibility to the states, (2) include one or more savings clauses preventing complete prevention of a field such as a declaration of intent not to preempt, (3) return to states regulatory enforcement authority in a new completely preempted field, (4) authorize a national department or agency to delegate regulatory primacy to states, (5) grant authority to states to establish regulatory standards more stringent than national standards without the approval of a federal agency, (6) permit a state veto of a national government officer’s decision subject to an override by Congress, (7) exempt from preemption a uniform state law enacted by a state legislature, (8) include an opt-in provision and/or an opt-out provision in a preemption statute, (9) empower governors to initiate actions not authorized by their respective state constitution and statutes, (10) grant authority to each state attorney general to file a law suit to enforce a preemption statute, and (11) authorize a state agency to administer a federal program.5', 'Powers Devolved to State Legislatures ', 'A number of devolved powers are relatively insignificant as illustrated by the requirement all appraisals of properties involving federal government transactions must be made by state-licensed or state-certified appraisers, and authorization for a state to register pesticides to meet special local needs. Space limitations prevent a listing of all devolved powers and attention is focused on devolution statutes involving four regulatory fields.6', 'Marine Ports and Water Safety', 'Congress in 1789 granted states authority to regulate marine pilots and the current Shipping Statute provides “pilots in the bays, rivers, harbors, and ports of the United States shall be regulated only in conformity with the laws of the States.”7', 'The Port and Tanker Safety Act of 1978 directs the United States Secretary of Transportation to require federally licensed pilots on all domestic and foreign self-propelled vessels “engaged in foreign trade when operating in the navigable waters of the United States in areas and under circumstances where a pilot is not otherwise required by state law.”8 This act also devolves power to states to prescribe higher “safety equipment requirements or safety standards” than federal ones for bridges and other structures on or in the navigable waters of the United States.9', 'The Coast Guard Authorization Act of 1984 directs the Secretary of Transportation to develop standards for determining whether an individual is intoxicated while operating a marine recreational vessel.10 In 1987, the Coast Guard encouraged state legislatures to enact such standards by promulgating a rule adopting a state blood-alcohol-content (BAC) standard if it exists, but also establishing a national BAC standard of 0.08 percent in the absence of a state standard.11 The Coast Guard similarly promulgated a regulation exempting from preemption a state which has a life jacket requirement for persons on boats.12', 'Insurance Regulation ', 'States historically regulated the business of insurance and the United States Supreme Court in 1868 opined the business does not involve commerce and hence is not subject to regulation by Congress.13 The court in 1944 reversed this decision by holding insurance involves interstate commerce.14 States successfully lobbied Congress to enact the McCarran Ferguson Act of 1945, the most important devolution statute unrelated to a preemption statute, exempting state regulation of the industry from the antitrust statutes and devolving to states the power to regulate the business of insurance.15', 'Insurance companies with the passage of time became increasingly frustrated with nonharmonious state regulations that required up to eighteen months to secure the approval of all states for a new product, and lobbied Congress to enact the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Modernization Act of 1999 that partially preempts thirteen specified areas of insurance regulation by establishing maximum regulatory standards and threatened to impose a national licensing system for insurance agents if twenty-six states failed to adopt a uniform system by November 12, 2002.16 A federal licensing system was averted when thirty-five states on September 10, 2002, were certified as having a uniform system. ', 'The act convinced the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) that state legislatures must initiate additional actions to harmonize insurance regulations, and drafted the Producer Licensing Model Act, providing for interstate reciprocity, that has been enacted by forty-seven state legislatures.17 NAIC also drafted the Interstate Insurance Product Regulation Compact creating a commission with authority to protect consumers by establishing uniform regulatory standards for annuity, disability income, life insurance, and long-term health care products.18 Thirty-four state legislatures and the Puerto Rico legislature by September 1, 2009, enacted the compact creating a commission as a central filing and decision-making body for regulatory approval of new insurance products. The commission acts expeditiously on applications for approval of new products and the time to render a decision on each application averages thirty-one days. ', 'A number of large insurance companies currently are lobbying Congress to authorize a national charter for insurance companies, and thereby establish a dual insurance charter system somewhat similar to the dual bank charter system. The failure of federal financial regulatory agencies to use successfully powers granted to them by eleven congressional statutes and the success of state attorneys general in prosecuting financial services companies for fraud constitute strong evidence that Congress should not establish a dual insurance charter system at this time.19', 'Minimum Standards Preemption', 'This preemption type involves devolution of congressional powers and can be described as “contingent” complete preemption designed to encourage states to initiate action to meet minimum national regulatory standards under the threat of losing primacy in a regulatory field. Congress in 1965 decided water pollution could not be abated by state and local governmental regulation aided by federal conditional grants-in-aid, and a new problem-solving approach was necessary.20 To continue to exercise regulatory authority under a minimum preemption statute, a state must submit a plan containing standards at least as stringent as national ones to the appropriate federal agency for approval and provide evidence the state possesses qualified enforcement personnel and equipment essential for effective enforcement. The agency, after approving a plan, devolves “regulatory primacy” to the state and the role of the agency is limited to monitoring the state’s performance and providing technical advice. A state on occasion has returned “regulatory primacy” to the Environmental Protection Agency, but reaccepted primacy after negotiating an agreement with the agency. ', 'This type of preemption encourages states to become responsible in large measure for implementing national regulatory policies and in effect multiplies federal government resources by incorporating resources of the states in national programs. Although this statement suggests Congress “commandeers” resources of reluctant states to achieve its policy goals, this suggestion is not entirely accurate. A state prior to minimum standards preemption may have wished to initiate more stringent regulatory programs, but was reluctant to do so for fear industrial firms would be discouraged from expanding their facilities within the state which also would acquire an anti-business image injuring its industrial recruitment program. ', 'Congress to date has enacted eight minimum standards regulatory acts: Water Quality Act of 1965 (now Clean Water Act), Air Quality Act of 1967 (now Clean Air Act), Safe Drinking Water Act of 1974, Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977, Hazardous Liquid Pipe Line Safety Act of 1979, Pipeline Safety Improvement Act of 2002, Fax Prevention Act of 2005, and Secure and Fair Enforcement for Mortgage Licensing Act of 2008. 21', '', '', '', '', '', 'Regulation Counterplan—', '']

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ndtceda

Minnesota-Amundsen-Frese-Neg-Mid%20America%20Championships-Round2.docx

Minnesota

AmFr

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/AmFr/Minnesota-Amundsen-Frese-Neg-Mid%2520America%2520Championships-Round2.docx

49ef45b61172ba85cd72423fbc1cd11a7c00c749a5775afbffb473f1059a11ff

‘Devaluation’ is a crucial first step.

Nick Ritchie 14. Senior Lecturer in International Security at the Department of Politics, University of York. PhD at the University of Bradford. “Waiting for Kant: Devaluing and Delegitimizing Nuclear Weapons.” International Affairs, Volume 90, Number 3.

deep devaluing qualitative changes in nuclear doctrine posture practice restrict nuclear deterrence move towards disarmament steps are pragmatic interim measures not a substitute for end goal n f u weaken political force of nuclear weapons diminish imacy of nuclear war-fighting change conceptions of nuclear deterrence restrict deterrent to narrow strictly defined threats If world ever become free of nuclear weapons the first essential step is n f u No weapon considered legitimate eliminated goal calls for delegitimization of nuclear weapons before process must start with diminishing military role shift debate from state-centric stability to ethics of humanity

collective purpose deep devaluing qualitative changes in nuclear doctrine posture practice that restrict compass of nuclear deterrence significant diminution of value of nuclear weapons in national security to move nuclear-armed states towards disarmament steps are pragmatic interim practical measures pending nuclear disarmament not a substitute for this end goal formal n o f irst u se agreement weaken political force of explicit and implicit threats to initiate use of nuclear weapons diminish legit imacy of tactical nuclear war-fighting capabilities and plans n o f irst u se change conceptions of nuclear deterrence in ways that diminish requirements for large nuclear forces restrict residual deterrent value of nuclear weapons to narrow strictly defined set of existential military threats to world free of nuclear weapons If the world ever to become free of nuclear weapons the first essential step nuclear nations must take is to adopt n o- f i rst- u se No weapon considered legitimate likely to be eliminated goal of nuclear weapon-free world calls for delegitimization of nuclear weapons before eliminated process must start with diminishing military role n o f irst u se Embedding first use of nuclear weapons shift basis of debate from state-centric conceptions of strategic stability to ethics of common humanity

deep devaluing significant diminution towards disarmament practical measures not a substitute n f u explicit and implicit threats nuclear war-fighting n f u residual deterrent value strictly defined existential military threats first essential step n f u considered legitimate delegitimization must start n f u state-centric conceptions strategic stability common humanity

['This collective purpose can be labelled ‘deep’ devaluing: qualitative changes in nuclear doctrine, posture and practice that restrict the compass of nuclear deterrence; a shift in practices of nuclear deterrence towards the ‘weaponless’ end of the deterrence spectrum; and a significant diminution of the value of nuclear weapons in national security planning and international politics in order to move nuclear-armed states towards disarmament. In this respect NNWS are quite clear that these steps are ‘pragmatic, interim and practical measures’ pending nuclear disarmament and not a permanent substitute for this end goal.28 Negative security assurances NNWS have long sought legally binding assurances from the NWS that they will not be subject to nuclear attack or blackmail. Such negative security assurances (NSAs) were considered during the negotiation of the NPT in the 1960s but did not survive the final draft.29 The 118-member Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has been pressing for negotiation of a universal, legally binding negative security assurance in treaty form, and reiterated its longstanding policy at the 2010 NPT Review Conference: ‘Pending the total elimination of nuclear arsenals, efforts for the conclusion of a universal, unconditional and legally binding instrument on security assurances to the Non-Nuclear Weapon States Parties to the Treaty should be undertaken as a matter of priority.’30 The NWS issued separate and different non-use declarations for NNWS at the UN General Assembly’s First Special Session on Disarmament in 1978. These were further refined in 1995 when new security assurances were issued to garner support for indefinite extension of the NPT.31 These were noted in United Nations Security Council Resolution 984 (1995). A number of these statements included caveats, including a so-called ‘Warsaw Pact clause’ that exempted NNWS that attacked an NWS in association or alliance with another NWS. This caveat was removed from updated NSAs issued by the US and UK in 2010.32 China, in contrast, extends a blanket, unconditional NSA to all states.33 Beijing’s position and language mirror the NAM’s case for universal and legally binding NSAs.34 NSAs have been closely tied to the formation of nuclear weapon-free zones.35 The NWS have steadily codified their NSAs in legal form for an increasing number of states through protocols to some of these zones. The UK, for example, has legally codified its NSA for nearly 100 countries by ratifying the protocols annexed to the treaties establishing nuclear weapon-free zones (NWFZ)in South America and the Caribbean, the South Pacific, and Africa.36 This total will increase by 15 more countries if the UK resolves outstanding differences to enable signature of the protocols to the treaties establishing similar zones in South-East Asia and Central Asia.37 NSAs are seen as conducive to diminishing the value of nuclear weapons by constraining nuclear practice through formal and legally binding undertakings.38 Under a universal and legally binding NSA regime, nuclear weapon politics would become an exclusive feature of relations between nuclear weapon states and, potentially, states outside the NPT or those in breach of NPT commitments. This would shrink the political realm in which nuclear weapons have salience in interstate relations, reducing it from a global space in which nuclear weapons can be framed as a legitimate response to general ‘strategic uncertainty’ to a much narrower one defined by existential emergencies involving a discrete number of nuclear-armed states pending disarmament. No first use Proposals to formalize no first use of nuclear weapons remain controversial. China has consistently declared, since its first nuclear test in 1964, that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons.39 This is reflected in its operational posture whereby, according to Kulacki: ‘China keeps all of its warheads in storage. China’s nuclear warheads and nuclear-capable missiles are kept separate and the warheads are not mated to the missiles until they are prepared for launch.’40 India has also adopted a conditional policy of no first use. No other nuclear-armed states have formally ruled out the possibility of using nuclear weapons first in a crisis. NNWS have consistently advocated a formal no first use agreement since the early 1960s, again with a view to restricting the scope of nuclear deterrent threats and the practice of nuclear deterrence, following the examples of the 1975 Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) and 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). These banned possession of chemical and biological weapons and were facilitated by established norms against their use in customary international law and the 1925 Geneva Protocol.41 A legally binding and unconditional42 no first use policy would mean NWS could not legally threaten pre-emptive use of nuclear weapons against other states (nuclear-armed or otherwise) or retaliatory nuclear use in response to a massive conventional attack, or even engage in nuclear ‘signalling’ during a severe crisis by firing a ‘sub-strategic’ ‘warning shot indicating intent to escalate to a full nuclear exchange should aggression continue’.43 It would limit nuclear deterrence policy and planning to an exclusively defensive posture whereby NWS could consider nuclear use only for two categories of retaliation: (1) to a nuclear attack; (2) possibly to a massive conventional/chemical/biological weapon onslaught that threatened the very survival of the state, that is, in which the state faced destruction through hostile occupation or being bombed or poisoned past the point of recovery (in fact, some have argued for a non-WMD first use agreement that stigmatizes first use of chemical, biological or nuclear weapons as an integrated category44). This would consign all other potential missions for nuclear weapons to the doctrinal dustbin with corresponding effects on alert procedures, operational war plans and perhaps procurement decisions.45 The US Joint Chiefs of Staff, for example, outlined in their 2005 draft ‘Doctrine for Nuclear Operations’ a range of scenarios for the first use of nuclear weapons that would have to be repealed under a formal no first use agreement, such as countering ‘potentially overwhelming adversary conventional forces’.46 This would reinforce the ‘firebreak’ between use of conventional and nuclear weapons, ‘weaken the political force of explicit and implicit threats to initiate the use of nuclear weapons’ and diminish the legitimacy of tactical nuclear war-fighting capabilities and plans.47 Acceptance and normalization of no first use would begin to change conceptions of nuclear deterrence in ways that diminish ‘requirements’ for large and diverse nuclear forces. It would restrict the residual deterrent value of nuclear weapons to a narrow and strictly defined set of existential military threats to the survival of the state as a part of the long transition to a world free of nuclear weapons. As K. Subrahmanyam argues: If the world ever is to become free of nuclear weapons the first essential step nuclear-armed nations must take is to adopt the no-first-use policy. No weapon considered legitimate is ever likely to be eliminated. The goal of a nuclear weapon-free world calls for delegitimization of nuclear weapons before they can be eliminated, a process that must start with diminishing their military role.48 The strategic environment for a no first use agreement has improved markedly since the end of the Cold War with the expansion of NWFZs, the diminishing utility of nuclear weapons in addressing complex global security challenges, progressive consolidation of NSAs that constitute no-use pledges to NNWS, and major power interdependence that increasingly and collectively renders the first use of nuclear weapons non-credible.49 Prohibiting the first use of nuclear weapons in international law50 without conditions would go a considerable way to devaluing nuclear weapons and constitute a significant step towards the goal of prohibiting possession.51 For some, a no first use agreement would, in effect, prohibit their use at all, though there is a difference between a ‘no use’ agreement, with the implication that nuclear weapons have little value or legitimacy, and a ‘no first use’ agreement that could still legitimate nuclear retaliation against a state that transgresses that agreement.52 Others have taken no first use a step further and argued that the use of nuclear weapons be declared a crime against humanity.53 Embedding the first use of nuclear weapons as a crime under international law would shift the basis of debate from state-centric conceptions of strategic stability among NWS to an ethics of common humanity embodied in international humanitarian law — an issue explored further below.54 ', '']

[(5, 15)]

ndtceda

Emory-MiPi-Aff-2---Kentucky-Round-2.docx

Emory

MiPi

b70a0590fdcf19fcfc50f91b69bb2cb69e1934db2dfcaec77b3ce0a46ebf0cc3

2—Legislative and judicial action are key to restoring deterrence and clarity that were destroyed by First and Third Circuit decisions that gutted Actavis—that’s Soter AND …

Lasting 21 (Hannah M. Lasting is a J.D. Candidate, Class of 2021, Seattle University School of Law, 1-17-2021, accessed on 7-15-2021, Seattle University School of Law Digital Commons, "Big Pharma, Big Problems: COVID-19 Heightens Patent-Antitrust Tension Caused by Reverse Payments", )

legislative reform most succinctly addresses antitrust concerns courts would create a uniform standard Lawmakers should act now

legislative reform most succinctly addresses patent and antitrust policy concerns . reform should be made through common law, where federal courts would work to create a uniform standard in approaching pay-for-delay Lawmakers should act now ⎯ tensions are too high between patent and antitrust law to continue in this COVID-19 pandemic absent a uniform standard

Lawmakers should act now

['', 'Although legislative reform is no small task,181 this legislative reform most succinctly addresses patent and antitrust policy concerns. However, because legislative reform is such a sizeable goal, reform should be made through common law, where federal courts would work to create a uniform standard in approaching pay-for-delay settlement litigation arising out of the Hatch-Waxman Act.', 'Lawmakers should act now⎯tensions are too high between patent and antitrust law to continue in this COVID-19 pandemic absent a uniform standard for addressing reverse payments.', '', '']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-Frese-Parrish-Aff-UMW%20Debate%20Tournament-Round6.docx

Minnesota

FrPa

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Minnesota/FrPa/Minnesota-Frese-Parrish-Aff-UMW%2520Debate%2520Tournament-Round6.docx

adda004b5192c7308b95b361669ebb26804100e08ef6cb97f5b2121b85478033

The DOJ is already prepared to engage in more antitrust litigation over SEP’s---tradeoffs inevitable.

Love 21, *Bruce Love, writer at the National Law Journal; (June 15th, 2021, “As DOJ Confirms a Change in Antitrust Patent Policy, Lawyers Prepare for Shifting Demand”, https://www.mckoolsmith.com/assets/htmldocuments/2021%2006%2016%20As%20DOJ%20Confirms%20a%20Change%20in%20Anittrust%20Patent%20Policyk%20Lawyers%20Prepare%20for%20Shifting%20Demand%20-%20The%20National%20Law%20Journal.pdf)

The Justice Department confirmed it is looking to develop new policies surrounding standard-essential patents the government might be walking back the relaxed approach implemented under Trump A spokesperson confirmed it will change its policy on SEPs and antitrust A greater focus on SEPs might mean more litigation

The Justice Department has confirmed it is looking to develop new policies surrounding how standard-essential patents might be used as tools for anticompetitive practices The policy change was hinted during an online event in late May when Richard Powers gave an indication that the government might be walking back the relaxed approach implemented by the DOJ under the Trump administration A DOJ spokesperson confirmed it will change its policy on SEPs and antitrust behavior U.S. law has often shied away from enforcing essential patent obligations That’s set to change Trump’s DOJ had “ taken its foot off the gas ” when it came to SEPs we weren’t busy in the antitrust arena A greater focus on SEPs not just by the DOJ but also other agencies might mean more litigation

new policies standard-essential patents anticompetitive practices walking back relaxed approach Trump administration change its policy SEPs antitrust behavior shied away That’s set to change taken its foot off the gas weren’t busy antitrust greater focus more litigation

['The Justice Department has confirmed it is looking to develop new policies surrounding how standard-essential patents might be used as tools for anticompetitive practices. The change in policy will mean big business for law firms that can combine highly technical IP advice with their antitrust and litigation practices, with one lawyer likening the demanding skill set to “three-dimensional chess.” Standard-essential patents, or SEPs, are a fundamental piece of intellectual property for business and innovation because they are used under license so frequently by manufacturing companies other than the patent owners. The policy change was hinted at during an online event in late May, when Richard Powers, the acting attorney general of DOJ’s antitrust division, gave an indication that the government might be walking back the relaxed approach implemented by the DOJ under the Trump administration. A DOJ spokesperson confirmed in an email Tuesday to Law.com that it will change its policy on SEPs and antitrust behavior, with the agency still working out the details. The new administration, said the DOJ spokesperson, is rethinking what policies at the intersection of IP and anti- trust will best serve competition and consumers. “New Department leadership is working with career staff on developing a more balanced approach,” said the DOJ spokesperson. “The department wants to develop neutral and balanced policies in this area that recognize the importance of both antitrust enforcement and JUNE 15, 2021 As DOJ Confirms a Change in Antitrust Patent Policy, Lawyers Prepare for Shifting Demand BY BRUCE LOVE U.S. law has often shied away from enforcing essential patent obligations. That’s set to change. The result could be “a significant change in the volume and nature of business for IP trial lawyers and their clients,” one lawyer said. Office of the Attorney General at the U.S. Department of Justice in Washington, D.C. June 6, 2020. THE NATIONAL LAW JOURNAL JUNE 15, 2021 intellectual property protection to our economy and that do not favor one set of interests over others.” Such policy changes could result in a swell of business for law firms with deep, technical IP benches and strong experience representing the industry in enforcement actions, lawyers said. Trump’s DOJ had “taken its foot off the gas” when it came to SEPs as the focus of anti-competitive behavior, said one Washington-based lawyer, speaking on the condition of anonym- ity because he currently has active cases that involve both SEP enforcement and defense. “It didn’t mean we weren’t busy as litigators. There was a lot of work enforcing SEPs against infringers and defending against infringement allegations,” he said. “But we weren’t busy in the antitrust arena. A greater focus on SEPs—not just by the DOJ but also other agencies—might mean more litigation, but it will also mean a more transparent field of play. It doesn’t do companies any good for there to be unfettered SEP enforcement.”']

[(0, 7)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Soper-Mansoor-Aff-Northwestern-Round5.docx

Kansas

SoMa

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/SoMa/Kansas-Soper-Mansoor-Aff-Northwestern-Round5.docx

26bfd69ac1ad46975ebed9a4407d03bc2be890e26313702ab753b52b8333558e

Congress is in recess until after the midterms---normal means for the plan is post-election

Jeff Carlson 9-29, writer for Thomson Reuters, 9/29/22, “Congress Expected to Recess Until Mid-November,” https://tax.thomsonreuters.com/news/congress-expected-to-recess-until-mid-november/

House will be out six weeks starting October 1 Senate to follow to campaign for midterm

The House will be out for six weeks starting October 1 the Senate is expected to follow to allow members to campaign for midterm

six weeks starting October 1

['The House of Representatives will be out for six weeks starting October 1 and the Senate is expected to follow suit in order to allow members to campaign for November’s midterm elections.']

[(5, 17)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-AgRu-Aff-UMW-Debate-Tournament-Semis.docx

Northwestern

AgRu

7938a66afb40d39b419a967f597f599aa83f3bf02693962e421de921aeeafb0a

Neuro-symbolic models enable human reasoning.

Chehreghani ’22 [Mostafa Haghir; September 14; PhD, Computer Science, ETH Zurich, Professor, Computer Engineering Software, Amirkabir University of Technology; Arxiv, “The Embeddings World and Artificial General Intelligence,” https://arxiv.org/abs/2209.06569]

n n consists of input output and hidden layers. Each layer takes output of previous layer as input generates embedding enormously improves learning depicts neuro-symbolic AI improve reasoning studies show neuro-symbolic models outperform deep models reasons for success is embeddings make it easy to reason

algorithms for speech natural language processing and analysis are based on computing embeddings for input object s we can pre-train them using general objective function shows example of a n n that consists of the input layer output layer and hidden layers. Each layer takes the output of its previous layer as input generates an embedding hidden layers can be pre-trained enormously improves efficiency and learning domain that depicts strength is neuro-symbolic AI symbolic AI can improve learning and reasoning to use d l to manipulate and reason Recent studies show that for reasoning neuro-symbolic models outperform deep models one of key reasons for success of neuro-symbolic AI is high quality embeddings that are learned to capture objects, and make it easy to reason

speech language analysis input s pre-train general n n input output hidden output previous embedding pre-trained enormously efficiency learning strength neuro-symbolic symbolic learning reasoning d l manipulate reason Recent studies reasoning neuro-symbolic outperform neuro-symbolic embeddings capture easy reason

['4.4 Learning and reasoning', 'State of the art algorithms for learning and reasoning in different domains, including speech recognition [9, 28] natural language processing [12, 16] and graph data analysis [21, 4, 2], are based on computing embeddings for input objects. Instead of computing these embeddings when solving an specific task, we can pre-train them using a general-purpose objective function. Then, for each task a simple method that instead of objects, takes their pre-trained embeddings as input, usually works fine [1]. Figure 1 shows an example of a neural network that consists of the input layer, the output layer and a number of hidden layers. Each layer takes the output of its previous layer as input and using some train- able parameters, generates an embedding. The hidden layers (or at least some of them) can be pre-trained, so that only the output layer is trained during an specific learning task. This may slightly decrease the quality of the results, but enormously improves the efficiency and run time of the learning process.', 'A domain that particularly depicts the strength of pre-trained embeddings, is neuro-symbolic AI. Neuro-symbolic AI states that combining deep neural models', '<<FIGURE OMITTED>>', 'Figure 1: In this simple neural network, each hidden layer produces an embed- ding of the input object. If we produce most of hidden layers during pre-training (using a general-purpose objective function), one or a few layers will be left for the learning and reasoning phase, which can be done very efficiently.', 'with classical rules-based symbolic AI can improve the learning and reasoning process. More precisely, it suggests to use deep learning for feature extraction and embedding learning, and rule-based symbolic AI to manipulate and reason with these embeddings [31]. Recent studies [25] show that for tasks such as visual reasoning [20], neuro-symbolic models outperform deep models, when a limited training dataset is available. We think one of key reasons for the success of neuro-symbolic AI is the high quality embeddings that are learned to capture and encode different aspects of objects, and make it easy to reason about them.']

[(0, 15)]

ndtceda

Michigan-PiPh-Aff-Dartmouth-RR-Round-3.docx

Michigan

PiPh

e2920c1a61ddd77c0988948f1e571d9f515d9b03144f6466c97d05fcd9b361ec

No reciprocation---asymmetry, pocketing, lack of pressure, AND economic incentives.

Costlow 18, is a Senior Analyst at the National Institute for Public Policy. He has an MS in defense and strategic studies from Missouri State University. (Matthew R., 12-17-2018, “Unilaterally Cutting U.S. ICBMs Would Undermine Prospects for Arms Control,” National Institute For Public Policy, Issue No. 435)

If U S eliminate ICBMs effects on arsenal are unlikely to be benign so eliminating 400 ICBMs would eliminate 400 warheads Russia places multiple eliminating 318 result in 800 asymmetric outcome seems unlikely Russia engage in reciprocal elimination more likely would be pocketing concession Putin does not swayed by public pressure Ukraine INF assassination has little effect Putin views defense as fuel to feed economy , creating real growth increased defense spending will drive economic prosperity leaders consider eliminating strategically and fiscally unwise

If the U S were to unilaterally eliminate its ICBMs the effects on Russia’s nuclear arsenal are unlikely to be benign Putin and Russian leadership embrace gesture seems least likely for a variety of reasons while the raison d'être for Russian ICBMs would supposedly disappear doubtfully assuming Russian leaders believe their ICBMs have only one mission a much larger portion of its nuclear arsenal would actually be cut compared to the U.S. arsenal so eliminating the 400 ICBMs would necessarily eliminate 400 warheads Russia places multiple warheads on its ICBMs: eliminating 318 ICBMs result in 800 warheads With such an asymmetric outcome , it seems unlikely that Russia would engage in the reciprocal elimination of ICBMs A more likely option Russia take in response to U S eliminating its ICBMs would be pocketing the concession Putin does not appear to be the type of leader who is easily swayed by foreign public pressure . If that were the case invading Ukraine , cheating INF and assassination of political opponents with chemical and radiological weapons has had arguably little effect Putin views the defense industry as fuel to feed the engines of modernization in our economy , creating real growth and a situation where government expenditure funds new jobs, supports market demand, and facilitates scientific research Putin appears to believe that increased defense spending , especially on nuclear forces, will drive economic prosperity so cutting defense would be equal to cutting the prospects for growth Russian leaders likely consider eliminating their ICBMs to be strategically and fiscally unwise

unlikely benign least likely raison d'être supposedly disappear doubtfully assuming one mission much larger portion actually be cut 400 400 multiple 318 800 asymmetric outcome unlikely reciprocal more likely pocketing the concession does not appear type of leader foreign public pressure Ukraine INF assassination chemical radiological arguably little effect defense industry feed the engines economy creating real growth increased defense spending drive economic prosperity strategically fiscally unwise

['The Likely Response to Unilateral U.S. Reductions ', 'If the United States were to unilaterally eliminate its ICBMs, while asking Russia to reciprocate, the effects on Russia’s nuclear arsenal are unlikely to be benign. Russia could choose from a host of options. One option is that Vladimir Putin and the rest of the Russian leadership embrace the U.S. gesture and respond in kind by also eliminating all of their ICBMs. ', "This option seems least likely for a variety of reasons. Most prominently, while the raison d'être for Russian ICBMs would supposedly disappear (doubtfully assuming Russian leaders believe their ICBMs have only one mission), a much larger portion of its nuclear arsenal would actually be cut compared to the U.S. arsenal. U.S. ICBMs are currently loaded with a single warhead, so eliminating the 400 U.S. ICBMs would necessarily eliminate 400 warheads from the arsenal (assuming they are not redeployed). 13 Russia, however, reportedly places multiple warheads on its ICBMs: eliminating its approximately 318 ICBMs apparently would result in about 800 warheads being removed from the arsenal.14 With such an asymmetric outcome, it seems unlikely that Russia would engage in the reciprocal elimination of ICBMs. ", 'Another more likely option Russia could take in response to the United States unilaterally eliminating its ICBMs would be pocketing the concession and then claiming to begin discussions with China to bilaterally eliminate their ICBMs – which would necessarily involve bringing in India to the discussion as well. One does not have to be a hardened cynic to think Russia would relish the opportunity to be viewed as promoting world peace and security by leading the negotiations (with the United States on the sideline – having already done its part). Of course, any such negotiations would likely go nowhere as both Russia and China would likely want to secure the advantage of retaining their ICBMs when the United States would have none.', 'If Russia were to fail to reciprocate, however, there could be public pressure on Russia from around the world to quickly reciprocate by eliminating its ICBMs in a verifiable manner. And yet, Vladimir Putin does not appear to be the type of leader who is easily swayed by foreign public pressure. If that were the case, one would think Russia would have refrained from invading Ukraine, cheating on the INF Treaty, and possibly ordering the assassination of political opponents with chemical and radiological weapons – all illegal acts to which world opinion has had arguably little effect. It is highly questionable how effective foreign public pressure could be with regard to the perfectly legal act of not reciprocating the U.S. elimination of ICBMs.', 'The economic incentive for Russian elimination of ICBMS in response to U.S. elimination may appear to be strong. Yet even this observation likely misreads how Vladimir Putin views the defense industry in Russia. As he wrote in Foreign Policy in 2012: ', 'In other words, we should not tempt anyone by allowing ourselves to be weak. We will, under no circumstances, surrender our strategic deterrent capability. Indeed, we will strengthen it… The huge resources invested in modernizing our military industrial complex and re-equipping the army must serve as fuel to feed the engines of modernization in our economy, creating real growth and a situation where government expenditure funds new jobs, supports market demand, and facilitates scientific research.15', 'Essentially, Putin appears to believe that increased defense spending, especially on nuclear forces, will drive economic prosperity – so cutting defense would be equal to cutting the prospects for growth. As the noted Russian military analyst Alexei Nikolsky recently concluded after reviewing the state of Russia’s military-industrial base: “That is why, despite all the financial and non-financial constraints, the capability of the Russian strategic nuclear deterrent remains a top priority for which Russia will spare no effort or resources. A reliable nuclear deterrent will minimize the detrimental impact of setbacks in the development and procurement of some conventional weapons systems, and continue to serve as the lynchpin of Russian military security.”16 Russian leaders would likely consider eliminating their ICBMs to be strategically and fiscally unwise.']

[(0, 7), (8, 10)]

ndtceda

Kansas-LoPh-Neg-05---MAC-Semis.docx

Kansas

LoPh

a886cfb39d4751e51f64256c1f8fb8cd5ea3edeb06077dedbd2c8596ecf7bfc4

2---Sector-specific antitrust has no effect on other parts of the economy

Dr. Paul Krugman 1-18, Distinguished Professor in the Graduate Center Economics Ph.D. Program and Distinguished Scholar at the Luxembourg Income Study Center at the City University of New York, Professor Emeritus at the Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, Sole Recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for Work on International Trade Theory, PhD from MIT, “Why Are Progressives Hating on Antitrust?”, The New York Times, 1/18/2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/18/opinion/biden-inflation-monopoly-antitrust.html

Biden is trying to toughen antitrust where is the harm ? toughening antitrust in sectors there’s no hint will lead to irresponsible policies elsewhere I haven’t seen any figure call for price controls it’s hard to imagine Biden hard-line of big business antitrust won’t do harm

One thing Biden has been doing is trying to toughen up antitrust policy there’s hardly any controversy Biden’s linkage of monopoly power to inflation is facing vehement criticism including many progressive commentators where is the policy harm ? On one side, toughening up antitrust enforcement in sectors like meatpacking is something the U.S. government should be doing in any case there’s no hint that the administration’s antimonopoly rhetoric will lead to irresponsible policies elsewhere And I haven’t seen any important Democratic figure , inside or outside the administration, call ing for Nixon-style price controls it’s hard to imagine Biden sounding hard-line and critical of big business So why the barrage of criticism Part is an obsession with intellectual purity Give Biden and his people a break on their antitrust crusade. It won’t do any harm . It won’t get in the way of the big stuff

antitrust hardly any policy harm sectors meatpacking no hint rhetoric elsewhere any call price controls hard-line critical barrage of criticism obsession intellectual purity It won’t do any harm big stuff

['One thing the Biden administration has been doing, however, is trying to toughen up antitrust policy, arguing that highly concentrated ownership in many industries — largely a result of decades of lax regulation — is helping keep prices high and possibly contributing to recent inflation.', 'I’d describe this initiative as controversial, except that there’s hardly any controversy, at least in the media: Biden’s linkage of monopoly power to inflation is facing vehement, almost hysterical, criticism from all sides, including many progressive commentators. And I find that vehemence puzzling; I think it says more about the commentators than it does about the administration.', 'Let’s stipulate that monopolies aren’t the reason inflation shot up in 2021 — because there was already plenty of monopoly power in America back in 2020. True, profit margins, as measured by the share of profits in gross domestic product, have increased quite a lot recently:', 'Most of that rise, however, probably reflects big returns to companies, like shippers, that happen to own crucial assets at a time of supply-chain bottlenecks. It’s possible, as Senator Elizabeth Warren has suggested, that some companies are using general inflation as an excuse to jack up prices, abusing their monopoly power in ways that might have provoked a backlash in normal times; that’s certainly not a crazy argument, and making it doesn’t make Warren the second coming of Hugo Chavez. Still, such behavior can’t explain more than a small fraction of current inflation.', 'But as far as I can see, the Biden administration and its allies aren’t claiming otherwise. They’re simply emphasizing monopoly power because it’s one thing they might be able to do something about.', 'And where is the policy harm? On one side, toughening up antitrust enforcement in sectors like meatpacking is something the U.S. government should be doing in any case. On the other side, there’s no hint that the administration’s antimonopoly rhetoric will lead to irresponsible policies elsewhere. ', 'As I said, all indications are that Biden and company will leave the Fed alone as it raises interest rates in an effort to cool demand. And I haven’t seen any important Democratic figure, inside or outside the administration, calling for Nixon-style price controls. The most interventionist policy that seems remotely possible would be something like John F. Kennedy’s jawboning of the steel industry after an obviously coordinated jump in steel prices — and it’s hard to imagine Biden sounding nearly as hard-line and critical of big business as Kennedy did in that speech, as you can see in the video below.', 'So why the barrage of criticism, not just from the right — which was to be expected — but from the center and even the center-left?', 'I don’t really know the answer, but I have a few suspicions.', 'Part of the problem, I think, is an obsession with intellectual purity. Some policy wonks outside the administration apparently expect the policy wonks inside the administration — many of them friends and former colleagues — to keep sounding exactly the way they did when they weren’t political appointees. But look, that’s not the way the world works. Political appointees are supposed to serve the politicians who appointed them. Dishonesty or gross misrepresentation of reality isn’t OK, but emphasizing the good things one’s employers are trying to do is OK — and part of the job.', 'Beyond that, it sure looks as if many people who consider themselves progressive are made deeply uncomfortable by anything that sounds populist — even when a bit of populist outrage is entirely justified by the facts. Imagine the reaction if Biden gave a speech sounding anything like Kennedy on the steel companies (again, video below). How many Democratic-leaning economists would have fainting spells?', 'So here’s my suggestion: Give Biden and his people a break on their antitrust crusade. It won’t do any harm. It won’t get in the way of the big stuff, which is mostly outside Biden’s control in any case. At worst, administration officials will be using inflation as an excuse to do things they should be doing in any case. And they might even have a marginal impact on inflation itself.']

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ndtceda

Kansas-Park-Semrick-Aff-6%20-%20Texas-Round4.docx

Kansas

PaSe

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/PaSe/Kansas-Park-Semrick-Aff-6%2520-%2520Texas-Round4.docx

5976009ca1feaf8539718b023e7825731c3132cc7a45802ae507f7d37586befd

Not binding.

Christine S. Wilson 21, Commissioner at the Federal Trade Commission, 6-9-21, “Hey, I’ve Seen This One: Warnings for Competition Rulemaking at the FTC,” https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/public_statements/1591666/wilson_statement_back_to_the_future_of_rulemaking.pdf

vertical merger guidelines provide a cautionary tale of agency inaction The old version was issued in 84 and there had been consensus they required an update Pitofsky said his guiding principle was to ignore guidelines the FTC and courts disregard guidelines

it took a relatively short period to draft new vertical merger guidelines creating guidelines can be completed quickly But guidelines provide a cautionary tale of agency inaction . The old version was issued in 19 84 , and there had been broad consensus for years that they required an update Pitofsky said his guiding principle in deciding whether to challenge a vertical merger was to ignore guidelines the FTC and courts can disregard outdated guidelines

vertical merger guidelines quickly agency inaction 19 84 broad consensus update guiding principle challenge disregard guidelines

['Second, yes, it took a relatively short period to draft and finalize our new vertical merger guidelines. Draft vertical merger guidelines were announced and released on January 10, 2020.20 After workshops and a short extension of the comment period, the final guidelines were released only six months later in June 2020.21 So the process of creating guidelines, unlike formal rulemaking, can be completed quickly. But these guidelines also provide a cautionary tale of agency inaction. The old version was issued in 1984, and there had been broad consensus for many years that they required an update. 22 In fact, in an interview after his tenure as FTC Chairman ended, Bob Pitofsky said that his guiding principle in deciding whether to challenge a vertical merger was to ignore the vertical merger guidelines.23 While the FTC and courts can disregard outdated guidelines, bright-line rules are difficult to ignore']

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ndtceda

Northwestern-Deo-Fridman-Aff-FullerTown-Octas.docx

Northwestern

DeFr