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In the same "Entertainment Weekly" article, Corgan disclosed that things went wrong at some of the very first recording sessions. "...it was like, 'What do you mean the guitar's out of tune? What do you mean I have to be there at 11? What do you mean I can't order $100 of lobster every day?' I mean, like, bad. But it was too late. It was already public. The album was going out. So I did what I always did: try to make the best of a situation and start covering up. Put on a good face. And honestly, I'm glad the thing didn't sell, because if it had sold well it would have been really tough. I would look like I was going to walk away from something that I'd just built."

In the same "Entertainment Weekly" article, Corgan disclosed that things went wrong at some of the very first recording sessions. "...it was like, 'What do you mean the guitar's out of tune? What do you mean I have to be there at 11? What do you mean I can't order $100 of lobster every day?' I mean, like, bad. But it was too late. It was already public. The album was going out. So I did what I always did: try to make the best of a situation and start covering up. Put on a good face. And honestly, I'm glad the thing didn't sell, because if it had sold well it would have been really tough. I would look like I was going to walk away from something that I'd just built."

In the same "Entertainment Weekly" article, Corgan disclosed that things went wrong at some of the very first recording sessions. "...it was like, 'What do you mean the guitar's out of tune? What do you mean I have to be there at 11? What do you mean I can't order $100 of lobster every day?' I mean, like, bad. But it was too late. It was already public. The album was going out. So I did what I always did: try to make the best of a situation and start covering up. Put on a good face. And honestly, I'm glad the thing didn't sell, because if it had sold well it would have been really tough. I would look like I was going to walk away from something that I'd just built."

In the same "Entertainment Weekly" article, Corgan disclosed that things went wrong at some of the very first recording sessions. "...it was like, 'What do you mean the guitar's out of tune? What do you mean I have to be there at 11? What do you mean I can't order $100 of lobster every day?' I mean, like, bad. But it was too late. It was already public. The album was going out. So I did what I always did: try to make the best of a situation and start covering up. Put on a good face. And honestly, I'm glad the thing didn't sell, because if it had sold well it would have been really tough. I would look like I was going to walk away from something that I'd just built."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

He also stated that he can no longer listen to "Mary Star of the Sea", because to him it sounds like "thousands of lies upon lies upon lies. It's a shame because there's tons of music unreleased that will just sit in a box until I can stomach it." When asked which of his two former bands would ever reform, he said, "Pumpkins. You'll never see Zwan. I'll never go anywhere near those people. Ever. I mean, I detest them. You can put that in capital letters. Bad people. James and D'arcy are good people. They might be misguided people, but they're good people."

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

Matt Sweeney, who initiated the band with Corgan, said in 2017, "We had a friendship from before he was famous. One on one, we had a pretty great thing going. We had a great year where we made like a hundred songs. Nobody’s ever heard that stuff. But once it went public, everything was different. I was confused, it started to feel like fulfilling a commitment where the game had changed. It was interesting, I’m still sort of unpacking that experience. We all had to sign confidentiality agreements, so I can’t really talk about it." Pajo was also still negative about the band in 2017.

The building was designed by Nicholas & Dixon-Spain and opened in 1927 as a part of a development which also included the adjacent Newcastle City Baths. It has since become a venue for orchestras, rock and pop bands, and comedy acts, as well as for celebrity recitals, talks and civic functions. The city hall formed the east side of the complex and, like the city baths, the design involved a tall portico with central Doric order columns between flanking antae with five square windows above.

The building was designed by Nicholas & Dixon-Spain and opened in 1927 as a part of a development which also included the adjacent Newcastle City Baths. It has since become a venue for orchestras, rock and pop bands, and comedy acts, as well as for celebrity recitals, talks and civic functions. The city hall formed the east side of the complex and, like the city baths, the design involved a tall portico with central Doric order columns between flanking antae with five square windows above.

In November 2012, Newcastle City Council announced that, as part of a wider cost-cutting process, the future of the City Hall and the adjacent City Pool was under review, with a number of options being considered including closure or handing over the venue to an external operator. Council leader Nick Forbes pre-empted the outcome of the consultations process by stating that the City Hall has ""No long-term future"". In response, a 13,000 name petition against closure was presented to Newcastle City Council by members of the Facebook "North East Music History Group" on 31 January 2013.

In November 2012, Newcastle City Council announced that, as part of a wider cost-cutting process, the future of the City Hall and the adjacent City Pool was under review, with a number of options being considered including closure or handing over the venue to an external operator. Council leader Nick Forbes pre-empted the outcome of the consultations process by stating that the City Hall has ""No long-term future"". In response, a 13,000 name petition against closure was presented to Newcastle City Council by members of the Facebook "North East Music History Group" on 31 January 2013.

Secondary notation provides redundant (more than necessary) information; if the visual cues are the only way that some information is provided, such as in traffic lights, or a chart's key, it is not secondary. Secondary notation is often not a part of the formal notation itself. Rather, it is a method of organizing the formal notation to allow it to be more easily understood. Thus, secondary notation does not change the actual meaning of the formal notation, rather it allows for the meaning to be readily understood. In text such as programming languages, this can be done using cues such as indentation and coloring. In formal graphical notations, this can be done through the use of symmetry or proximity to indicate relatedness.

Secondary notation provides redundant (more than necessary) information; if the visual cues are the only way that some information is provided, such as in traffic lights, or a chart's key, it is not secondary. Secondary notation is often not a part of the formal notation itself. Rather, it is a method of organizing the formal notation to allow it to be more easily understood. Thus, secondary notation does not change the actual meaning of the formal notation, rather it allows for the meaning to be readily understood. In text such as programming languages, this can be done using cues such as indentation and coloring. In formal graphical notations, this can be done through the use of symmetry or proximity to indicate relatedness.

While inadequate use of secondary notation can significantly increase the amount of effort necessary to understand a model, misuse of secondary notation can also be a detriment. Use of symmetry can make a graphic more visually appealing, but can also convey misconceptions if used incorrectly. For instance, placing unrelated items close together may cause a reader to perceive them as being related. Additionally, arbitrary use of coloring may distract a reader as they wonder about the meanings of the various colors.

While inadequate use of secondary notation can significantly increase the amount of effort necessary to understand a model, misuse of secondary notation can also be a detriment. Use of symmetry can make a graphic more visually appealing, but can also convey misconceptions if used incorrectly. For instance, placing unrelated items close together may cause a reader to perceive them as being related. Additionally, arbitrary use of coloring may distract a reader as they wonder about the meanings of the various colors.

Mounir played the part of the blind poetry professor "Bashir" in the controversial 2005 film "Dunia", which centers around the title character Dunia, a belly dancer and poet played by Egyptian actress Hanan Tork. When the film aired at the 2005 Cairo International Film Festival, it left the audience split between those supporting the film's calls for intellectual freedom and its anti-female circumcision stance, and those disapproved of either the title character's desire to physically express herself through dance, or of the filming of scenes in the Cairo's slums, which could be seen to tarnish Egypt's international image.

Mounir played the part of the blind poetry professor "Bashir" in the controversial 2005 film "Dunia", which centers around the title character Dunia, a belly dancer and poet played by Egyptian actress Hanan Tork. When the film aired at the 2005 Cairo International Film Festival, it left the audience split between those supporting the film's calls for intellectual freedom and its anti-female circumcision stance, and those disapproved of either the title character's desire to physically express herself through dance, or of the filming of scenes in the Cairo's slums, which could be seen to tarnish Egypt's international image.

From 1699 on the Alexander Church was used for evangelic Lutheran services. During this year Sweden became the ruling faction. The Catholics bought a house with several additional buildings and out of a barn "a church like building" was developed. During 1700 to 1803 Hannover ruled, Catholics were not allowed to build a new church. Only in 1810, when Oldenburg took over Wildeshausen the Catholics were allowed freedom to follow their religion. They built their church, which opened on November 24, 1811. The church had to be closed again due to structural mistakes, making it unsafe. In 1824 the current church was finally built, without a tower. The tower was erected in 1910.

From 1699 on the Alexander Church was used for evangelic Lutheran services. During this year Sweden became the ruling faction. The Catholics bought a house with several additional buildings and out of a barn "a church like building" was developed. During 1700 to 1803 Hannover ruled, Catholics were not allowed to build a new church. Only in 1810, when Oldenburg took over Wildeshausen the Catholics were allowed freedom to follow their religion. They built their church, which opened on November 24, 1811. The church had to be closed again due to structural mistakes, making it unsafe. In 1824 the current church was finally built, without a tower. The tower was erected in 1910.

The Pestruper Burial Ground is the only preserved such structure in Europe. It is situated about 800 meters from the river Hunte.500 tombs, different in form and size, are evidence of the settlement that 600 years B.C. buried their urns with the ashes there. For each individual urn a hill would be erected, created with sods of grass. During the examination of the "kings tombs (Königshügel) traces of the earlier stone age. Ritual plough traces from the Bronze Age were discovered. 1100-700 B.C.

The Pestruper Burial Ground is the only preserved such structure in Europe. It is situated about 800 meters from the river Hunte.500 tombs, different in form and size, are evidence of the settlement that 600 years B.C. buried their urns with the ashes there. For each individual urn a hill would be erected, created with sods of grass. During the examination of the "kings tombs (Königshügel) traces of the earlier stone age. Ritual plough traces from the Bronze Age were discovered. 1100-700 B.C.

He may have been from Aldabra, an atoll in the Seychelles. This anecdotal report has not been confirmed. The animal was one of four tortoises that lived at Robert Clive's estate at Barrackpore, in the northern suburbs of Kolkata. Clive was said to have received the tortoises following his victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757, in which the British East India Company defeated the Nawab of Bengal and his French allies, thereby securing India for Britain in the long run. Adwaita was transferred to the Alipore Zoo in Calcutta in 1875 or 1876 by Carl Louis Schwendler, the founder of the zoo. Adwaita lived in his enclosure in the zoo until his death on 22 March 2006 at an estimated age of 255.

He may have been from Aldabra, an atoll in the Seychelles. This anecdotal report has not been confirmed. The animal was one of four tortoises that lived at Robert Clive's estate at Barrackpore, in the northern suburbs of Kolkata. Clive was said to have received the tortoises following his victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757, in which the British East India Company defeated the Nawab of Bengal and his French allies, thereby securing India for Britain in the long run. Adwaita was transferred to the Alipore Zoo in Calcutta in 1875 or 1876 by Carl Louis Schwendler, the founder of the zoo. Adwaita lived in his enclosure in the zoo until his death on 22 March 2006 at an estimated age of 255.

Greek-letter literary and philosophical societies, starting with Phi Beta Kappa (est. 1779), rose at American universities as an outlet for students frustrated with the traditional curriculum centered on the classics. Some early organizations to use the phrase "commons club" were of this type, their name referring to the democracy and debates of the British House of Commons. In the mid-19th century, general or "social" fraternities supplanted the literary fraternities, to the point where "independent" students became disadvantaged in campus awards and activities as opposed to "Greeks" and considered to occupy a lower position in the social hierarchy of the time.

Greek-letter literary and philosophical societies, starting with Phi Beta Kappa (est. 1779), rose at American universities as an outlet for students frustrated with the traditional curriculum centered on the classics. Some early organizations to use the phrase "commons club" were of this type, their name referring to the democracy and debates of the British House of Commons. In the mid-19th century, general or "social" fraternities supplanted the literary fraternities, to the point where "independent" students became disadvantaged in campus awards and activities as opposed to "Greeks" and considered to occupy a lower position in the social hierarchy of the time.

The Wesleyan Commons Club was the oldest, founded in 1899. Wesleyan President Bradford Paul Raymond met with a group of non-fraternity students, to discuss the possibility of all non-fraternity students rooming and boarding together in a Wesleyan-owned building. Together, they would constitute a 'college commons'. This new organization was announced in the official Wesleyan University Bulletin of June 1899 : "Two conferences have been held recently by President Raymond with students interested in the formation of a commons, under the direction of College authorities. At each meeting the details of the proposed scheme were discussed at some length, and at the close of the second session the President announced that he had received pledges of membership from a sufficient number of men now in college to justify him in proceeding with the arrangement for establishing the commons next year."

The Wesleyan Commons Club was the oldest, founded in 1899. Wesleyan President Bradford Paul Raymond met with a group of non-fraternity students, to discuss the possibility of all non-fraternity students rooming and boarding together in a Wesleyan-owned building. Together, they would constitute a 'college commons'. This new organization was announced in the official Wesleyan University Bulletin of June 1899 : "Two conferences have been held recently by President Raymond with students interested in the formation of a commons, under the direction of College authorities. At each meeting the details of the proposed scheme were discussed at some length, and at the close of the second session the President announced that he had received pledges of membership from a sufficient number of men now in college to justify him in proceeding with the arrangement for establishing the commons next year."

The next academic year, still in 1899, sixteen non-fraternity men, led by Frederick Clark, Thomas Travis, and Herbert Ward, formally established the Wesleyan Commons Club. The University also organized the Commons Club as a boarding club, beginning with thirty-eight members, setting the price of board at $2.25 a week. The next fall, the membership increased to seventy and the college enlarged the building in which they were dining to provide meeting rooms for the group. Because of the financial aid provided, the University felt free to make a condition that all undergraduate members of the college, not belonging to fraternities, should be offered an election to the group regardless of race, color or creed.

The next academic year, still in 1899, sixteen non-fraternity men, led by Frederick Clark, Thomas Travis, and Herbert Ward, formally established the Wesleyan Commons Club. The University also organized the Commons Club as a boarding club, beginning with thirty-eight members, setting the price of board at $2.25 a week. The next fall, the membership increased to seventy and the college enlarged the building in which they were dining to provide meeting rooms for the group. Because of the financial aid provided, the University felt free to make a condition that all undergraduate members of the college, not belonging to fraternities, should be offered an election to the group regardless of race, color or creed.

The success of the Wesleyan Commons Club inspired the founding of similar organizations at Dartmouth College, Middlebury College, and Norwich University. These four formed the National Federation of Commons Clubs in 1906, which would add thirteen additional members by 1918 as well as numerous non-aligned Commons Clubs on campuses throughout the United States and Canada. Along with the increase in chapter memberships, went a great many improvements, following the easiest course in imitation of the older Greek-letter societies which were close at hand in every college, rather than in sticking to original principles or in making novel but difficult improvements. The Commons Clubs adopted, one after the other, most of the characteristics of the Greek-letter fraternities, not, however, without a fight at every adoption by the sterner, more democratic element in every chapter. The innovations consisted of yearly conventions, an annual magazine, initiation and installation rituals, robes, secret hand grips, badges, pennants, private fraternity houses, alumni organizations, and the like.

The success of the Wesleyan Commons Club inspired the founding of similar organizations at Dartmouth College, Middlebury College, and Norwich University. These four formed the National Federation of Commons Clubs in 1906, which would add thirteen additional members by 1918 as well as numerous non-aligned Commons Clubs on campuses throughout the United States and Canada. Along with the increase in chapter memberships, went a great many improvements, following the easiest course in imitation of the older Greek-letter societies which were close at hand in every college, rather than in sticking to original principles or in making novel but difficult improvements. The Commons Clubs adopted, one after the other, most of the characteristics of the Greek-letter fraternities, not, however, without a fight at every adoption by the sterner, more democratic element in every chapter. The innovations consisted of yearly conventions, an annual magazine, initiation and installation rituals, robes, secret hand grips, badges, pennants, private fraternity houses, alumni organizations, and the like.

The success of the Wesleyan Commons Club inspired the founding of similar organizations at Dartmouth College, Middlebury College, and Norwich University. These four formed the National Federation of Commons Clubs in 1906, which would add thirteen additional members by 1918 as well as numerous non-aligned Commons Clubs on campuses throughout the United States and Canada. Along with the increase in chapter memberships, went a great many improvements, following the easiest course in imitation of the older Greek-letter societies which were close at hand in every college, rather than in sticking to original principles or in making novel but difficult improvements. The Commons Clubs adopted, one after the other, most of the characteristics of the Greek-letter fraternities, not, however, without a fight at every adoption by the sterner, more democratic element in every chapter. The innovations consisted of yearly conventions, an annual magazine, initiation and installation rituals, robes, secret hand grips, badges, pennants, private fraternity houses, alumni organizations, and the like.

The success of the Wesleyan Commons Club inspired the founding of similar organizations at Dartmouth College, Middlebury College, and Norwich University. These four formed the National Federation of Commons Clubs in 1906, which would add thirteen additional members by 1918 as well as numerous non-aligned Commons Clubs on campuses throughout the United States and Canada. Along with the increase in chapter memberships, went a great many improvements, following the easiest course in imitation of the older Greek-letter societies which were close at hand in every college, rather than in sticking to original principles or in making novel but difficult improvements. The Commons Clubs adopted, one after the other, most of the characteristics of the Greek-letter fraternities, not, however, without a fight at every adoption by the sterner, more democratic element in every chapter. The innovations consisted of yearly conventions, an annual magazine, initiation and installation rituals, robes, secret hand grips, badges, pennants, private fraternity houses, alumni organizations, and the like.

Because membership was open, a Commons Club could grow to a size unwieldy to govern, inadequate for forming close friendships, and unsuited to the effective advancement of their stated ideals. Factions and in some cases whole clubs split away and sought petitions from national fraternities or declared themselves a local fraternity. In 1905, ten members of the Middlebury Commons Club, including President George E. Kimball, left to form a new organization which later became the Kappa Delta Rho national fraternity. The weak organization of the Federation itself left it vulnerable to splits along competing visions. The never-solved problems of the national order included that of financial support of an adequate system of national control and chapter assistance, without so raising the cost of membership as to defeat the democratic principles of the order; and that of maintaining an efficient and progressive national administration, while still fostering freedom of action of chapters and of individual members. Most of the national officials, by terms of the constitution, were unpaid undergraduates with little power and with scant financial allotment. National control was entirely lacking. Local autonomy allowed the chapters to develop without any spirit of national unity.

Because membership was open, a Commons Club could grow to a size unwieldy to govern, inadequate for forming close friendships, and unsuited to the effective advancement of their stated ideals. Factions and in some cases whole clubs split away and sought petitions from national fraternities or declared themselves a local fraternity. In 1905, ten members of the Middlebury Commons Club, including President George E. Kimball, left to form a new organization which later became the Kappa Delta Rho national fraternity. The weak organization of the Federation itself left it vulnerable to splits along competing visions. The never-solved problems of the national order included that of financial support of an adequate system of national control and chapter assistance, without so raising the cost of membership as to defeat the democratic principles of the order; and that of maintaining an efficient and progressive national administration, while still fostering freedom of action of chapters and of individual members. Most of the national officials, by terms of the constitution, were unpaid undergraduates with little power and with scant financial allotment. National control was entirely lacking. Local autonomy allowed the chapters to develop without any spirit of national unity.

Because membership was open, a Commons Club could grow to a size unwieldy to govern, inadequate for forming close friendships, and unsuited to the effective advancement of their stated ideals. Factions and in some cases whole clubs split away and sought petitions from national fraternities or declared themselves a local fraternity. In 1905, ten members of the Middlebury Commons Club, including President George E. Kimball, left to form a new organization which later became the Kappa Delta Rho national fraternity. The weak organization of the Federation itself left it vulnerable to splits along competing visions. The never-solved problems of the national order included that of financial support of an adequate system of national control and chapter assistance, without so raising the cost of membership as to defeat the democratic principles of the order; and that of maintaining an efficient and progressive national administration, while still fostering freedom of action of chapters and of individual members. Most of the national officials, by terms of the constitution, were unpaid undergraduates with little power and with scant financial allotment. National control was entirely lacking. Local autonomy allowed the chapters to develop without any spirit of national unity.

Because membership was open, a Commons Club could grow to a size unwieldy to govern, inadequate for forming close friendships, and unsuited to the effective advancement of their stated ideals. Factions and in some cases whole clubs split away and sought petitions from national fraternities or declared themselves a local fraternity. In 1905, ten members of the Middlebury Commons Club, including President George E. Kimball, left to form a new organization which later became the Kappa Delta Rho national fraternity. The weak organization of the Federation itself left it vulnerable to splits along competing visions. The never-solved problems of the national order included that of financial support of an adequate system of national control and chapter assistance, without so raising the cost of membership as to defeat the democratic principles of the order; and that of maintaining an efficient and progressive national administration, while still fostering freedom of action of chapters and of individual members. Most of the national officials, by terms of the constitution, were unpaid undergraduates with little power and with scant financial allotment. National control was entirely lacking. Local autonomy allowed the chapters to develop without any spirit of national unity.

An attempt was made by the national officers to postpone the 1918 annual convention in an effort to consolidate the interior position of the order, but the storm which had been hovering for years was far too advanced to stem. Ironically, the Wesleyan Commons Club hastened the storm by proposing in a 1917 round robin letter that the order use a Greek-letter name "Phi Mu Delta." The "progressives" insisted upon meeting and settling the question. Only a small representation attended the convention, delegates from seven of the remaining thirteen chapters. The progressives controlled the delegates of four chapters, the democrats of three. A compromise was tried but found unacceptable to either side. The progressives insisted upon a Greek-letter name and exclusive membership policies and the democrats leaned over backwards on the fundamental democratic principles of the order and insisted that the original wide open membership plan be strictly enforced and the old name retained.

An attempt was made by the national officers to postpone the 1918 annual convention in an effort to consolidate the interior position of the order, but the storm which had been hovering for years was far too advanced to stem. Ironically, the Wesleyan Commons Club hastened the storm by proposing in a 1917 round robin letter that the order use a Greek-letter name "Phi Mu Delta." The "progressives" insisted upon meeting and settling the question. Only a small representation attended the convention, delegates from seven of the remaining thirteen chapters. The progressives controlled the delegates of four chapters, the democrats of three. A compromise was tried but found unacceptable to either side. The progressives insisted upon a Greek-letter name and exclusive membership policies and the democrats leaned over backwards on the fundamental democratic principles of the order and insisted that the original wide open membership plan be strictly enforced and the old name retained.

An attempt was made by the national officers to postpone the 1918 annual convention in an effort to consolidate the interior position of the order, but the storm which had been hovering for years was far too advanced to stem. Ironically, the Wesleyan Commons Club hastened the storm by proposing in a 1917 round robin letter that the order use a Greek-letter name "Phi Mu Delta." The "progressives" insisted upon meeting and settling the question. Only a small representation attended the convention, delegates from seven of the remaining thirteen chapters. The progressives controlled the delegates of four chapters, the democrats of three. A compromise was tried but found unacceptable to either side. The progressives insisted upon a Greek-letter name and exclusive membership policies and the democrats leaned over backwards on the fundamental democratic principles of the order and insisted that the original wide open membership plan be strictly enforced and the old name retained.

An attempt was made by the national officers to postpone the 1918 annual convention in an effort to consolidate the interior position of the order, but the storm which had been hovering for years was far too advanced to stem. Ironically, the Wesleyan Commons Club hastened the storm by proposing in a 1917 round robin letter that the order use a Greek-letter name "Phi Mu Delta." The "progressives" insisted upon meeting and settling the question. Only a small representation attended the convention, delegates from seven of the remaining thirteen chapters. The progressives controlled the delegates of four chapters, the democrats of three. A compromise was tried but found unacceptable to either side. The progressives insisted upon a Greek-letter name and exclusive membership policies and the democrats leaned over backwards on the fundamental democratic principles of the order and insisted that the original wide open membership plan be strictly enforced and the old name retained.

The 1918 convention split into two separate meetings, Union College, University of Connecticut, University of Vermont, and University of New Hampshire delegates retiring. Clarence Dexter Pierce, a member of the University of Vermont Commons Club, successfully sponsored a resolution to declare the Federation a Greek-letter fraternity, with its attendant structure and selectivity. The Commons Clubs at the University of Vermont, University of New Hampshire, and University of Connecticut ratified the plan, forming what is now the Phi Mu Delta national fraternity. While the Union College Commons Club intended to join its counterparts in organizing Phi Mu Delta, the group instead elected to refound the Alpha Charge of Theta Delta Chi in 1923 because of pressure from its alumni.

The 1918 convention split into two separate meetings, Union College, University of Connecticut, University of Vermont, and University of New Hampshire delegates retiring. Clarence Dexter Pierce, a member of the University of Vermont Commons Club, successfully sponsored a resolution to declare the Federation a Greek-letter fraternity, with its attendant structure and selectivity. The Commons Clubs at the University of Vermont, University of New Hampshire, and University of Connecticut ratified the plan, forming what is now the Phi Mu Delta national fraternity. While the Union College Commons Club intended to join its counterparts in organizing Phi Mu Delta, the group instead elected to refound the Alpha Charge of Theta Delta Chi in 1923 because of pressure from its alumni.

The 1918 convention split into two separate meetings, Union College, University of Connecticut, University of Vermont, and University of New Hampshire delegates retiring. Clarence Dexter Pierce, a member of the University of Vermont Commons Club, successfully sponsored a resolution to declare the Federation a Greek-letter fraternity, with its attendant structure and selectivity. The Commons Clubs at the University of Vermont, University of New Hampshire, and University of Connecticut ratified the plan, forming what is now the Phi Mu Delta national fraternity. While the Union College Commons Club intended to join its counterparts in organizing Phi Mu Delta, the group instead elected to refound the Alpha Charge of Theta Delta Chi in 1923 because of pressure from its alumni.

The 1918 convention split into two separate meetings, Union College, University of Connecticut, University of Vermont, and University of New Hampshire delegates retiring. Clarence Dexter Pierce, a member of the University of Vermont Commons Club, successfully sponsored a resolution to declare the Federation a Greek-letter fraternity, with its attendant structure and selectivity. The Commons Clubs at the University of Vermont, University of New Hampshire, and University of Connecticut ratified the plan, forming what is now the Phi Mu Delta national fraternity. While the Union College Commons Club intended to join its counterparts in organizing Phi Mu Delta, the group instead elected to refound the Alpha Charge of Theta Delta Chi in 1923 because of pressure from its alumni.

Those from Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts, remaining, revised the Commons Club constitution, providing for compulsory adherence to the wide open membership policies of the original Wesleyan Commons Club. The revised Commons Clubs secured the ratification of their more strict democratic constitution by the Hobart chapter and by the nominally-existing but really war-casualty St. Lawrence chapter, and with the three convention stand-patters: Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts; carried on as the National Federation of Commons Clubs. By 1928 all the remaining chapters had withdrawn from the Federation and it died.

Those from Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts, remaining, revised the Commons Club constitution, providing for compulsory adherence to the wide open membership policies of the original Wesleyan Commons Club. The revised Commons Clubs secured the ratification of their more strict democratic constitution by the Hobart chapter and by the nominally-existing but really war-casualty St. Lawrence chapter, and with the three convention stand-patters: Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts; carried on as the National Federation of Commons Clubs. By 1928 all the remaining chapters had withdrawn from the Federation and it died.

Those from Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts, remaining, revised the Commons Club constitution, providing for compulsory adherence to the wide open membership policies of the original Wesleyan Commons Club. The revised Commons Clubs secured the ratification of their more strict democratic constitution by the Hobart chapter and by the nominally-existing but really war-casualty St. Lawrence chapter, and with the three convention stand-patters: Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts; carried on as the National Federation of Commons Clubs. By 1928 all the remaining chapters had withdrawn from the Federation and it died.

Those from Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts, remaining, revised the Commons Club constitution, providing for compulsory adherence to the wide open membership policies of the original Wesleyan Commons Club. The revised Commons Clubs secured the ratification of their more strict democratic constitution by the Hobart chapter and by the nominally-existing but really war-casualty St. Lawrence chapter, and with the three convention stand-patters: Wesleyan, Tufts, and Massachusetts; carried on as the National Federation of Commons Clubs. By 1928 all the remaining chapters had withdrawn from the Federation and it died.

The most important transplanting of this seed was in the formation of the American Association of Commons Clubs (AACC), while never actually a formal part of the federation, it is an historical descendant of it. The seed of the idea was carried to the campus of Denison University as early as 1914, during the extension campaign, and was harbored there. The resultant local Denison Commons Club was assisted by literature of the federation and by the Allegheny College chapter, at the time of its formation in 1916-17, and again in 1920 by the Federation officers, just prior to the completion of a movement at Denison University to organize a union of local Commons Clubs of the Midwest. Founded as a "non-fraternity" (but never anti-fraternity) organization, the Denison Commons Club sought to make available to all unaffiliated male students the advantages of fraternity life—which tended to be restricted to an exclusive segment of the campus. During the fall and winter of 1916, a group consisting of interested men met to develop an organization to provide social advantages to unaffiliated men. The President of Denison, C.W. Chamberlain, offered his support to the group. J. Thomas Allison was elected chairman, and those interested in forming an organization signed their names to a list. J. Leslie Putnam, J.T. Allison, and George B. Cressey were appointed to draw up a constitution.

The most important transplanting of this seed was in the formation of the American Association of Commons Clubs (AACC), while never actually a formal part of the federation, it is an historical descendant of it. The seed of the idea was carried to the campus of Denison University as early as 1914, during the extension campaign, and was harbored there. The resultant local Denison Commons Club was assisted by literature of the federation and by the Allegheny College chapter, at the time of its formation in 1916-17, and again in 1920 by the Federation officers, just prior to the completion of a movement at Denison University to organize a union of local Commons Clubs of the Midwest. Founded as a "non-fraternity" (but never anti-fraternity) organization, the Denison Commons Club sought to make available to all unaffiliated male students the advantages of fraternity life—which tended to be restricted to an exclusive segment of the campus. During the fall and winter of 1916, a group consisting of interested men met to develop an organization to provide social advantages to unaffiliated men. The President of Denison, C.W. Chamberlain, offered his support to the group. J. Thomas Allison was elected chairman, and those interested in forming an organization signed their names to a list. J. Leslie Putnam, J.T. Allison, and George B. Cressey were appointed to draw up a constitution.

The most important transplanting of this seed was in the formation of the American Association of Commons Clubs (AACC), while never actually a formal part of the federation, it is an historical descendant of it. The seed of the idea was carried to the campus of Denison University as early as 1914, during the extension campaign, and was harbored there. The resultant local Denison Commons Club was assisted by literature of the federation and by the Allegheny College chapter, at the time of its formation in 1916-17, and again in 1920 by the Federation officers, just prior to the completion of a movement at Denison University to organize a union of local Commons Clubs of the Midwest. Founded as a "non-fraternity" (but never anti-fraternity) organization, the Denison Commons Club sought to make available to all unaffiliated male students the advantages of fraternity life—which tended to be restricted to an exclusive segment of the campus. During the fall and winter of 1916, a group consisting of interested men met to develop an organization to provide social advantages to unaffiliated men. The President of Denison, C.W. Chamberlain, offered his support to the group. J. Thomas Allison was elected chairman, and those interested in forming an organization signed their names to a list. J. Leslie Putnam, J.T. Allison, and George B. Cressey were appointed to draw up a constitution.

The most important transplanting of this seed was in the formation of the American Association of Commons Clubs (AACC), while never actually a formal part of the federation, it is an historical descendant of it. The seed of the idea was carried to the campus of Denison University as early as 1914, during the extension campaign, and was harbored there. The resultant local Denison Commons Club was assisted by literature of the federation and by the Allegheny College chapter, at the time of its formation in 1916-17, and again in 1920 by the Federation officers, just prior to the completion of a movement at Denison University to organize a union of local Commons Clubs of the Midwest. Founded as a "non-fraternity" (but never anti-fraternity) organization, the Denison Commons Club sought to make available to all unaffiliated male students the advantages of fraternity life—which tended to be restricted to an exclusive segment of the campus. During the fall and winter of 1916, a group consisting of interested men met to develop an organization to provide social advantages to unaffiliated men. The President of Denison, C.W. Chamberlain, offered his support to the group. J. Thomas Allison was elected chairman, and those interested in forming an organization signed their names to a list. J. Leslie Putnam, J.T. Allison, and George B. Cressey were appointed to draw up a constitution.

The ideals for which the chapters strove were Democracy, Brotherhood, University First, Open Door, and non-Greek but not anti-Greek. Under these ideals, there were no membership restrictions based on race, creed or religion. All unaffiliated male students in good standing on campus were eligible for membership. The membership always included a wide variety of racial, national and religious—as well as social and economic—backgrounds. In line with the "Open Door" policy and the principles of democracy, no more than a 50 percent vote was required to elect a man to membership or qualified Pledges to Active status and entitled them to the ritual. The right to select members was thus recognized, but it was not carried to the extreme of a "blackball" system. Unlike most other fraternities, it took a majority vote to deny membership. The "Open Door" swung out as well as in, for a man could leave if he found that he did not fit in with the group or wished to join another fraternity, however, each officer took an oath not to exercise that right during his term of office. The Denison Commons Club strove to give as many men as possible the influence of fraternity life, and looked to what it could do for the man, not what he could do for the Commons Club. The Denison Commons Club was known for its inclusiveness from its very beginnings. Many of its members were minorities, bi-racial or otherwise disenfranchised members of society.

The ideals for which the chapters strove were Democracy, Brotherhood, University First, Open Door, and non-Greek but not anti-Greek. Under these ideals, there were no membership restrictions based on race, creed or religion. All unaffiliated male students in good standing on campus were eligible for membership. The membership always included a wide variety of racial, national and religious—as well as social and economic—backgrounds. In line with the "Open Door" policy and the principles of democracy, no more than a 50 percent vote was required to elect a man to membership or qualified Pledges to Active status and entitled them to the ritual. The right to select members was thus recognized, but it was not carried to the extreme of a "blackball" system. Unlike most other fraternities, it took a majority vote to deny membership. The "Open Door" swung out as well as in, for a man could leave if he found that he did not fit in with the group or wished to join another fraternity, however, each officer took an oath not to exercise that right during his term of office. The Denison Commons Club strove to give as many men as possible the influence of fraternity life, and looked to what it could do for the man, not what he could do for the Commons Club. The Denison Commons Club was known for its inclusiveness from its very beginnings. Many of its members were minorities, bi-racial or otherwise disenfranchised members of society.

The ideals for which the chapters strove were Democracy, Brotherhood, University First, Open Door, and non-Greek but not anti-Greek. Under these ideals, there were no membership restrictions based on race, creed or religion. All unaffiliated male students in good standing on campus were eligible for membership. The membership always included a wide variety of racial, national and religious—as well as social and economic—backgrounds. In line with the "Open Door" policy and the principles of democracy, no more than a 50 percent vote was required to elect a man to membership or qualified Pledges to Active status and entitled them to the ritual. The right to select members was thus recognized, but it was not carried to the extreme of a "blackball" system. Unlike most other fraternities, it took a majority vote to deny membership. The "Open Door" swung out as well as in, for a man could leave if he found that he did not fit in with the group or wished to join another fraternity, however, each officer took an oath not to exercise that right during his term of office. The Denison Commons Club strove to give as many men as possible the influence of fraternity life, and looked to what it could do for the man, not what he could do for the Commons Club. The Denison Commons Club was known for its inclusiveness from its very beginnings. Many of its members were minorities, bi-racial or otherwise disenfranchised members of society.

The ideals for which the chapters strove were Democracy, Brotherhood, University First, Open Door, and non-Greek but not anti-Greek. Under these ideals, there were no membership restrictions based on race, creed or religion. All unaffiliated male students in good standing on campus were eligible for membership. The membership always included a wide variety of racial, national and religious—as well as social and economic—backgrounds. In line with the "Open Door" policy and the principles of democracy, no more than a 50 percent vote was required to elect a man to membership or qualified Pledges to Active status and entitled them to the ritual. The right to select members was thus recognized, but it was not carried to the extreme of a "blackball" system. Unlike most other fraternities, it took a majority vote to deny membership. The "Open Door" swung out as well as in, for a man could leave if he found that he did not fit in with the group or wished to join another fraternity, however, each officer took an oath not to exercise that right during his term of office. The Denison Commons Club strove to give as many men as possible the influence of fraternity life, and looked to what it could do for the man, not what he could do for the Commons Club. The Denison Commons Club was known for its inclusiveness from its very beginnings. Many of its members were minorities, bi-racial or otherwise disenfranchised members of society.

At a convention held in 1921 on April 22 and 23 in Granville, Ohio, delegates from the commons clubs of Denison University, Ohio University, and Hillsdale College met for the express purpose of forming a new national organization. The official delegates who gathered for this purpose were T.V. Caulkins, Jr., and D.S. Cowles of the Denison Commons Club; Dennis West and W.V. Wilkerson of the Ohio University Commons Club; and Clinton Douglas and L.L. Latham of the Hillsdale College Commons Club. The Ohio Wesleyan group decided not to attend. The new organization was known official as the American Association of Commons Clubs. The new organization, commonly known as the American Commons Club, was an American letter fraternity for men without restrictions as to race, creed, or color. The American Association was augmented by a chapter at Wabash College, which was a remnant of a former Federation chapter there.

At a convention held in 1921 on April 22 and 23 in Granville, Ohio, delegates from the commons clubs of Denison University, Ohio University, and Hillsdale College met for the express purpose of forming a new national organization. The official delegates who gathered for this purpose were T.V. Caulkins, Jr., and D.S. Cowles of the Denison Commons Club; Dennis West and W.V. Wilkerson of the Ohio University Commons Club; and Clinton Douglas and L.L. Latham of the Hillsdale College Commons Club. The Ohio Wesleyan group decided not to attend. The new organization was known official as the American Association of Commons Clubs. The new organization, commonly known as the American Commons Club, was an American letter fraternity for men without restrictions as to race, creed, or color. The American Association was augmented by a chapter at Wabash College, which was a remnant of a former Federation chapter there.

At a convention held in 1921 on April 22 and 23 in Granville, Ohio, delegates from the commons clubs of Denison University, Ohio University, and Hillsdale College met for the express purpose of forming a new national organization. The official delegates who gathered for this purpose were T.V. Caulkins, Jr., and D.S. Cowles of the Denison Commons Club; Dennis West and W.V. Wilkerson of the Ohio University Commons Club; and Clinton Douglas and L.L. Latham of the Hillsdale College Commons Club. The Ohio Wesleyan group decided not to attend. The new organization was known official as the American Association of Commons Clubs. The new organization, commonly known as the American Commons Club, was an American letter fraternity for men without restrictions as to race, creed, or color. The American Association was augmented by a chapter at Wabash College, which was a remnant of a former Federation chapter there.

At a convention held in 1921 on April 22 and 23 in Granville, Ohio, delegates from the commons clubs of Denison University, Ohio University, and Hillsdale College met for the express purpose of forming a new national organization. The official delegates who gathered for this purpose were T.V. Caulkins, Jr., and D.S. Cowles of the Denison Commons Club; Dennis West and W.V. Wilkerson of the Ohio University Commons Club; and Clinton Douglas and L.L. Latham of the Hillsdale College Commons Club. The Ohio Wesleyan group decided not to attend. The new organization was known official as the American Association of Commons Clubs. The new organization, commonly known as the American Commons Club, was an American letter fraternity for men without restrictions as to race, creed, or color. The American Association was augmented by a chapter at Wabash College, which was a remnant of a former Federation chapter there.

All chapters active prior to World War II succeeded in resuming operation after the war. The two in Colorado, however, were lost in 1948 and 1956. One new chapter was installed in 1949, but after a few years became weak and was asked for its charter in 1961. Many felt the Commons Club movement lost its relevance and withered in the more liberal climate of student life after World War II. With the withdrawal in 1963 of the Cincinnati Chapter, which had long been active in the Association, the remaining chapters at Denison and Adrian felt it futile to maintain a national organization with just two chapters. Accordingly, at a Special Convention held at Adrian April 4, 1964, the delegates voted unanimously to suspend national operation as of June 15. By 1964 only the founding chapter at Denison University remained, and in 1969 the American Association of Commons Clubs became an organization of only alumni while the active chapter became a member of Delta Chi national fraternity. At the time of the suspension of the Association, the national officers then current were designated as a permanent Executive Committee to act in the interests of the Association in all matters regarding protection and use of insignia, maintenance of records, disposition of assets, and other matters. These officers included the following: Allan M. Dewey (Denison '37), President; Edward G. Voss (Denison '50), General Secretary; R.A. Wiley (Adrian '50) Treasurer; and John N. Miller (Denison '54), Editor. A complete file of Association Convention proceedings, bulletins, handbooks, mimeographed documents, and publications, including The American Commoner, is deposited in the archives of the William Howard Doane Library at Denison.

All chapters active prior to World War II succeeded in resuming operation after the war. The two in Colorado, however, were lost in 1948 and 1956. One new chapter was installed in 1949, but after a few years became weak and was asked for its charter in 1961. Many felt the Commons Club movement lost its relevance and withered in the more liberal climate of student life after World War II. With the withdrawal in 1963 of the Cincinnati Chapter, which had long been active in the Association, the remaining chapters at Denison and Adrian felt it futile to maintain a national organization with just two chapters. Accordingly, at a Special Convention held at Adrian April 4, 1964, the delegates voted unanimously to suspend national operation as of June 15. By 1964 only the founding chapter at Denison University remained, and in 1969 the American Association of Commons Clubs became an organization of only alumni while the active chapter became a member of Delta Chi national fraternity. At the time of the suspension of the Association, the national officers then current were designated as a permanent Executive Committee to act in the interests of the Association in all matters regarding protection and use of insignia, maintenance of records, disposition of assets, and other matters. These officers included the following: Allan M. Dewey (Denison '37), President; Edward G. Voss (Denison '50), General Secretary; R.A. Wiley (Adrian '50) Treasurer; and John N. Miller (Denison '54), Editor. A complete file of Association Convention proceedings, bulletins, handbooks, mimeographed documents, and publications, including The American Commoner, is deposited in the archives of the William Howard Doane Library at Denison.

All chapters active prior to World War II succeeded in resuming operation after the war. The two in Colorado, however, were lost in 1948 and 1956. One new chapter was installed in 1949, but after a few years became weak and was asked for its charter in 1961. Many felt the Commons Club movement lost its relevance and withered in the more liberal climate of student life after World War II. With the withdrawal in 1963 of the Cincinnati Chapter, which had long been active in the Association, the remaining chapters at Denison and Adrian felt it futile to maintain a national organization with just two chapters. Accordingly, at a Special Convention held at Adrian April 4, 1964, the delegates voted unanimously to suspend national operation as of June 15. By 1964 only the founding chapter at Denison University remained, and in 1969 the American Association of Commons Clubs became an organization of only alumni while the active chapter became a member of Delta Chi national fraternity. At the time of the suspension of the Association, the national officers then current were designated as a permanent Executive Committee to act in the interests of the Association in all matters regarding protection and use of insignia, maintenance of records, disposition of assets, and other matters. These officers included the following: Allan M. Dewey (Denison '37), President; Edward G. Voss (Denison '50), General Secretary; R.A. Wiley (Adrian '50) Treasurer; and John N. Miller (Denison '54), Editor. A complete file of Association Convention proceedings, bulletins, handbooks, mimeographed documents, and publications, including The American Commoner, is deposited in the archives of the William Howard Doane Library at Denison.

All chapters active prior to World War II succeeded in resuming operation after the war. The two in Colorado, however, were lost in 1948 and 1956. One new chapter was installed in 1949, but after a few years became weak and was asked for its charter in 1961. Many felt the Commons Club movement lost its relevance and withered in the more liberal climate of student life after World War II. With the withdrawal in 1963 of the Cincinnati Chapter, which had long been active in the Association, the remaining chapters at Denison and Adrian felt it futile to maintain a national organization with just two chapters. Accordingly, at a Special Convention held at Adrian April 4, 1964, the delegates voted unanimously to suspend national operation as of June 15. By 1964 only the founding chapter at Denison University remained, and in 1969 the American Association of Commons Clubs became an organization of only alumni while the active chapter became a member of Delta Chi national fraternity. At the time of the suspension of the Association, the national officers then current were designated as a permanent Executive Committee to act in the interests of the Association in all matters regarding protection and use of insignia, maintenance of records, disposition of assets, and other matters. These officers included the following: Allan M. Dewey (Denison '37), President; Edward G. Voss (Denison '50), General Secretary; R.A. Wiley (Adrian '50) Treasurer; and John N. Miller (Denison '54), Editor. A complete file of Association Convention proceedings, bulletins, handbooks, mimeographed documents, and publications, including The American Commoner, is deposited in the archives of the William Howard Doane Library at Denison.

The main activities of WIRES is to respond to individual public reports of sick, injured or orphaned wildlife. If necessary, trained WIRES volunteers will "rescue" (collect) the animal, "foster" it (provide treatment and care until it is healthy), and release it back into the wild. WIRES operates under an authority from a government agency, the National Parks and Wildlife Service, allowing it to rescue and rehabilitate native animals, a practice which is generally forbidden by law in Australia. WIRES offers a short rescue and immediate care course that equips people to work with common species.

The main activities of WIRES is to respond to individual public reports of sick, injured or orphaned wildlife. If necessary, trained WIRES volunteers will "rescue" (collect) the animal, "foster" it (provide treatment and care until it is healthy), and release it back into the wild. WIRES operates under an authority from a government agency, the National Parks and Wildlife Service, allowing it to rescue and rehabilitate native animals, a practice which is generally forbidden by law in Australia. WIRES offers a short rescue and immediate care course that equips people to work with common species.

Plamondon was first elected to the Canadian House of Commons in the 1984 federal election, defeating Liberal Party incumbent Jean-Louis Leduc in Richelieu. The Progressive Conservatives won a landslide majority government in this election under Brian Mulroney's leadership, and Plamondon entered parliament as a government backbencher. He was associated with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party and soon became known as a . In 1986, he criticized justice minister John Crosbie for appointing an anglophone to replace the sole francophone judge on the Ontario Court of Appeal. He later criticized industry minister Sinclair Stevens for awarding a multimillion-dollar untendered contract to a shipbuilding company in Quebec City. Plamondon also expressed sympathy with fellow MP Robert Toupin, who left the Progressive Conservatives in May 1986 to sit as an independent.

Plamondon was first elected to the Canadian House of Commons in the 1984 federal election, defeating Liberal Party incumbent Jean-Louis Leduc in Richelieu. The Progressive Conservatives won a landslide majority government in this election under Brian Mulroney's leadership, and Plamondon entered parliament as a government backbencher. He was associated with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party and soon became known as a . In 1986, he criticized justice minister John Crosbie for appointing an anglophone to replace the sole francophone judge on the Ontario Court of Appeal. He later criticized industry minister Sinclair Stevens for awarding a multimillion-dollar untendered contract to a shipbuilding company in Quebec City. Plamondon also expressed sympathy with fellow MP Robert Toupin, who left the Progressive Conservatives in May 1986 to sit as an independent.

Plamondon was first elected to the Canadian House of Commons in the 1984 federal election, defeating Liberal Party incumbent Jean-Louis Leduc in Richelieu. The Progressive Conservatives won a landslide majority government in this election under Brian Mulroney's leadership, and Plamondon entered parliament as a government backbencher. He was associated with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party and soon became known as a . In 1986, he criticized justice minister John Crosbie for appointing an anglophone to replace the sole francophone judge on the Ontario Court of Appeal. He later criticized industry minister Sinclair Stevens for awarding a multimillion-dollar untendered contract to a shipbuilding company in Quebec City. Plamondon also expressed sympathy with fellow MP Robert Toupin, who left the Progressive Conservatives in May 1986 to sit as an independent.

Plamondon was first elected to the Canadian House of Commons in the 1984 federal election, defeating Liberal Party incumbent Jean-Louis Leduc in Richelieu. The Progressive Conservatives won a landslide majority government in this election under Brian Mulroney's leadership, and Plamondon entered parliament as a government backbencher. He was associated with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party and soon became known as a . In 1986, he criticized justice minister John Crosbie for appointing an anglophone to replace the sole francophone judge on the Ontario Court of Appeal. He later criticized industry minister Sinclair Stevens for awarding a multimillion-dollar untendered contract to a shipbuilding company in Quebec City. Plamondon also expressed sympathy with fellow MP Robert Toupin, who left the Progressive Conservatives in May 1986 to sit as an independent.

Plamondon was also one of the more pro-labour members of the Tory caucus. In 1985, he promoted a partnership between the federal and Quebec governments and the Quebec Federation of Labour's Solidarity Fund. Two years later, he stood with striking letter carriers in Sorel and criticized his own government's decision to approve replacement workers. He was prominent among a group of Quebec Tory MPs who tried to reduce the party's reliance on corporate donations. Ricardo López, a right-wing Quebec Tory MP, once suggested that Plamondon would be more suited to the social democratic New Democratic Party.

Plamondon was also one of the more pro-labour members of the Tory caucus. In 1985, he promoted a partnership between the federal and Quebec governments and the Quebec Federation of Labour's Solidarity Fund. Two years later, he stood with striking letter carriers in Sorel and criticized his own government's decision to approve replacement workers. He was prominent among a group of Quebec Tory MPs who tried to reduce the party's reliance on corporate donations. Ricardo López, a right-wing Quebec Tory MP, once suggested that Plamondon would be more suited to the social democratic New Democratic Party.

Plamondon was also one of the more pro-labour members of the Tory caucus. In 1985, he promoted a partnership between the federal and Quebec governments and the Quebec Federation of Labour's Solidarity Fund. Two years later, he stood with striking letter carriers in Sorel and criticized his own government's decision to approve replacement workers. He was prominent among a group of Quebec Tory MPs who tried to reduce the party's reliance on corporate donations. Ricardo López, a right-wing Quebec Tory MP, once suggested that Plamondon would be more suited to the social democratic New Democratic Party.

Plamondon was also one of the more pro-labour members of the Tory caucus. In 1985, he promoted a partnership between the federal and Quebec governments and the Quebec Federation of Labour's Solidarity Fund. Two years later, he stood with striking letter carriers in Sorel and criticized his own government's decision to approve replacement workers. He was prominent among a group of Quebec Tory MPs who tried to reduce the party's reliance on corporate donations. Ricardo López, a right-wing Quebec Tory MP, once suggested that Plamondon would be more suited to the social democratic New Democratic Party.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1988 federal election, as the Progressive Conservatives won a second majority government across the country. Over the following year, he became even more strongly aligned with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party. He supported Quebec premier Robert Bourassa's use of the Canadian constitution's notwithstanding clause to prohibit outdoor English-language signs, and expressed regret that the ban was not extended to indoor signs. He also criticized D'Iberville Fortier, Canada's official languages commissioner, for suggesting that Quebec was acting in an unjust manner toward its anglophone minority.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1988 federal election, as the Progressive Conservatives won a second majority government across the country. Over the following year, he became even more strongly aligned with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party. He supported Quebec premier Robert Bourassa's use of the Canadian constitution's notwithstanding clause to prohibit outdoor English-language signs, and expressed regret that the ban was not extended to indoor signs. He also criticized D'Iberville Fortier, Canada's official languages commissioner, for suggesting that Quebec was acting in an unjust manner toward its anglophone minority.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1988 federal election, as the Progressive Conservatives won a second majority government across the country. Over the following year, he became even more strongly aligned with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party. He supported Quebec premier Robert Bourassa's use of the Canadian constitution's notwithstanding clause to prohibit outdoor English-language signs, and expressed regret that the ban was not extended to indoor signs. He also criticized D'Iberville Fortier, Canada's official languages commissioner, for suggesting that Quebec was acting in an unjust manner toward its anglophone minority.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1988 federal election, as the Progressive Conservatives won a second majority government across the country. Over the following year, he became even more strongly aligned with the Quebec nationalist wing of his party. He supported Quebec premier Robert Bourassa's use of the Canadian constitution's notwithstanding clause to prohibit outdoor English-language signs, and expressed regret that the ban was not extended to indoor signs. He also criticized D'Iberville Fortier, Canada's official languages commissioner, for suggesting that Quebec was acting in an unjust manner toward its anglophone minority.

Consistent with his nationalist views, Plamondon was a vocal supporter of the Mulroney government's proposed Meech Lake Accord on constitutional reform and opposed Jean Charest's efforts to modify the accord in early 1990. During this period, Plamondon speculated that sovereignty-association between Quebec and Canada would be "logical and reasonable" if the accord failed and added that he might become a "Quebec-only MP" in that event. When the accord was rejected in June 1990, Plamondon resigned from the Progressive Conservative caucus and informed the House of Commons that he could no longer support a united Canada.

Consistent with his nationalist views, Plamondon was a vocal supporter of the Mulroney government's proposed Meech Lake Accord on constitutional reform and opposed Jean Charest's efforts to modify the accord in early 1990. During this period, Plamondon speculated that sovereignty-association between Quebec and Canada would be "logical and reasonable" if the accord failed and added that he might become a "Quebec-only MP" in that event. When the accord was rejected in June 1990, Plamondon resigned from the Progressive Conservative caucus and informed the House of Commons that he could no longer support a united Canada.

Consistent with his nationalist views, Plamondon was a vocal supporter of the Mulroney government's proposed Meech Lake Accord on constitutional reform and opposed Jean Charest's efforts to modify the accord in early 1990. During this period, Plamondon speculated that sovereignty-association between Quebec and Canada would be "logical and reasonable" if the accord failed and added that he might become a "Quebec-only MP" in that event. When the accord was rejected in June 1990, Plamondon resigned from the Progressive Conservative caucus and informed the House of Commons that he could no longer support a united Canada.

Consistent with his nationalist views, Plamondon was a vocal supporter of the Mulroney government's proposed Meech Lake Accord on constitutional reform and opposed Jean Charest's efforts to modify the accord in early 1990. During this period, Plamondon speculated that sovereignty-association between Quebec and Canada would be "logical and reasonable" if the accord failed and added that he might become a "Quebec-only MP" in that event. When the accord was rejected in June 1990, Plamondon resigned from the Progressive Conservative caucus and informed the House of Commons that he could no longer support a united Canada.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

In its original form, the Bloc Québécois was a loose alliance of parliamentarians rather than a formal political party. Plamondon was one of the first Bloquistes to promote the creation of a strong party organization to challenge the Progressive Conservative Party's Quebec machine in the next federal election. Others, including Lucien Bouchard, initially favoured a weaker party structure that would simply allow Bloc candidates to have their party designation appear on the ballot. The vision favoured by Plamondon ultimately won out, and the Bloc became a strong political organization throughout Quebec.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1993 federal election, as the Bloc won fifty-four out of seventy-five seats in Quebec to become the official opposition in the House of Commons. The Liberal Party won a majority government under the leadership of Jean Chrétien. At his own request, Plamondon was left out of the Bloc's initial shadow cabinet. He pleaded guilty to the charge against him in April 1994, maintaining his innocence but adding that he simply wanted to resolve the matter as quickly as possible. He received an absolute discharge and does not have a criminal record.

Plamondon was re-elected without difficulty in the 1993 federal election, as the Bloc won fifty-four out of seventy-five seats in Quebec to become the official opposition in the House of Commons. The Liberal Party won a majority government under the leadership of Jean Chrétien. At his own request, Plamondon was left out of the Bloc's initial shadow cabinet. He pleaded guilty to the charge against him in April 1994, maintaining his innocence but adding that he simply wanted to resolve the matter as quickly as possible. He received an absolute discharge and does not have a criminal record.