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@@4000241 I think it is safe to say that ours is the only dining room in West Los Angeles on whose table -- an eight-foot-long , two-hundred-pound behemoth on which I have taken my meals for many years -- rest piles of photocopies of articles on suicide , all of which were printed in the Encyclopaedia Britannica over the past 220 years . They represent the convergence of two crucially important strands in my own life . Indeed , as I look at the articles , arrayed before me in fanlike tiers , I get the odd feeling that the old oak ruble on which I have eaten so many thousands of dinners has been set not with its customary china and silver but with my intellectual autobiography . <p> My special relationship with the Britannica is of long standing . It is relevant to report that I was a sickly child and stayed home from school a great deal . The reader can readily imagine the sort of boy I was : frail , bookish , and undersized ( I was small to begin with , and continued to shrink , comparatively speaking , as I was double-promoted four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . Our house , fifteen miles and seventy years from the one in which my wife and I live today , resembled those of many Eastern European Jewish immigrant families with intellectual aspirations . There were copies of Shakespeare , Tolstoy , Dostoyevsky , Conrad , and Mann , diligently assembled from the local Lincoln Heights Library 's list of " The 100 Best . " There was a windup Victrola and records of operatic arias sung by Caruso and Farrar . And in the center of all this -- the jewel in the Shneidman family 's cultural crown-there was the Ninth Edition of the Britannica , enshrined in a Stickley bookcase with glass doors and its own little key . The suite of Craftsman furniture to which the bookcase belonged also included a sofa , a chair , and a table . All of them are in my home today . <p> Among the happiest hours of my childhood were those spent alone at home , circa 1925 . My parents would be working in their clothing store , my brother and sister would be in school , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , tucked in their 1910 Grand Rapids mahogany bed between two billowy white sheets , listening to Farrar sing Gilda and reading the encyclopedia . I have little doubt that more than half of what I know today I learned from the pages of the Ninth Edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica . I suspect that this accounts for my essentially nineteenth-century ideas about science . And I muse that my frenetic and nervous way of studying ( or reading or writing ) -- a lifelong habit -- could well be a happy remnant of the fact that my first earnest perusals of " The Geometry " or " Kant " were interrupted every few minutes by the need to leap out of my parents ' bed either to change the 78-rpm record or to wind the Victrola . It seems unlikely that I would so deeply love the intellectual life today had I not initially found my young mind 's independence within such a cozy and easeful setting . <p> Fast-forward to 1949 , the year that , quite by accident , I met my life 's second great strand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Brentwood Veterans Administration hospital . On that particular morning I was in the subbasement of the old Los Angeles Hall of Records , in the coroner 's vault , looking at file folders containing the records of certified deaths . The director of my hospital had asked me to prepare letters to two young widows whose husbands had recently committed suicide while they were hospital patients . My intention was to look at the two men 's folders , make some notes , and get back to work . <p> The first folder contained something I had not seen before : a genuine suicide note . The second folder did not . Who could stop at this point ? I looked at several dozen folders . It seemed that every so often I would open a folder -- about one out of every fifteen suicide folders-and find a suicide note . I did a quick count of the folders on one shelf and estimated that I was standing in a room that contained approximately two thousand suicide notes . I felt like a cowpoke who , wandering home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of oil and is just sober enough to realize he has found his fortune . <p> Had I indulged my initial urge to read the letters right there in the coroner 's vault , I might have learned a good deal about individual human tragedy , but I would have done nothing to advance the study of suicide , which was then an almost nonexistent field . Instead , in a decision that changed my life , I made photocopies of more than seven hundred genuine suicide notes and put them aside without reading them , so that my colleague Norman Farberow and I could later compare them , in blind controlled studies , with simulated suicide notes that would be elicited from nonsuicidal people . The result was the first work on suicide notes -- and indirectly on suicide itself -- that followed scientific protocols . My subsequent career -- helping to found the Los Angeles Suicide Prevention Center , developing a program in suicide prevention for the National Institute of Mental Health , thinking about suicide , writing about suicide -- all dates from that morning in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I have been continuously intrigued by the topic of suicide and drawn to people who are on the brink of serf-destruction . I am not a suicidal person myself ; my fascination is , I suppose , partly voyeuristic and partly scientific . I have always been attracted to excitement , and few things could be more exciting than the pursuit of understanding in a virgin field that involved such strong and intimate human emotions . <p> The reader can surmise what it meant to me , a quarter century after I happened upon those suicide notes , to be invited to contribute my own seven pages of printed text , headed " Suicide , " to volume 21 of the 1973 edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica , the same set of books that once was my Testament , Koran , and Upanishads . <p> I have come close to implying that the Ninth Edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica was a kind of father figure to me . It is true that I treated those books and the information in them with a respect bordering on awe , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cathedra . At that time , all these sentiments were also true of my unquestioned attitudes toward my father . Writing my own article for the EB was a psychological landmark ; it gave me a voice of my own . I suddenly felt like Ernest Pontifex , in The Way of All Flesh , who was finally able to contravene his father without feeling that he was either destroying or betraying him . <p> Before I wrote my 1973 article , I looked at two or three earlier pieces . It did not occur to me then to view them as documents of intellectual history ; I merely wished to identify my predecessors ' pitfalls -- such as an overreliance on dreary tables of statistics -- so I could avoid stepping into them myself . I wrote the article and proudly added the Fourteenth Edition of the Britannica to the Ninth Edition that still reposed in the glass-fronted Stickley bookcase that I had inherited . Two and a half decades passed . Then , as I approached the age of eighty , I had another thought . It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unlikely to have in one 's twenties or even fifties , when the habit of looking back is not so fully developed . Why not examine the articles on suicide in all the editions since the first one , in 1768 ? <p> The idea allowed me simultaneously to become , all over again , the unformed child in a soft bed who had learned about the world from his parents ' encyclopedia , and also to read these articles on suicide -- including my own -- and see , from the emancipated vantage point of old age , their flaws , their anachronisms , their generational gaps of knowledge . If the Britannica was the most authoritative popular repository of knowledge during the various eras of its existence , would not its successive treatments of suicide reflect , in a long chronological march , our culture 's changing attitudes toward the subject that had consumed my life ? With the help of the Chicago staff of the EB , the New York Public Library , and Harvard 's Houghton Library , I assembled copies of the encyclopedia 's fourteen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story -- the attempt , over time , to answer such crucial questions as : Is suicide a sin ? Is it a crime ? Is it the responsibility of the individual or of society ? What causes it ? Can human suffering be reduced to statistics ? How can suicide be prevented ? Should it be prevented ? And that story is what is now spread out , with my wife 's indulgence , all over our dining table . <p> The Encyclopaedia Britannica , while not the first encyclopedia -- its forerunners include the remarkable Encyclopedie ou Dictionnaire raisonne des Sciences , des Arts et des Metiers of Diderot and d'Alembert , published in France starting in 1751 -- has remained the most constant and influential . Its first edition was published in Edinburgh in 1768 . There have been fourteen editions since then , of which the Eleventh Edition , of 1910 , is generally considered the greatest . Roughly speaking , a new edition was published every ten or twenty years ( in the interim there were sometimes several printings with minor variations ) until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a half century , there were only relatively modest alterations : some articles were dropped , some added , some contributors replaced . With the Fifteenth Edition , in 1974 , there was a radical restructuring of the overall format of the EB : the timehonored , strictly alphabetical arrangement was dropped in favor of a thesaurus-like approach , including a one-volume Propaedia ( an overview ) , a Micropaedia ( a comprehensive survey ) , and a Macropaedia ( topics discussed in detail ) . The latest version of the Britannica , " published " in 1994 , is on CD-ROM -- a hundred pounds of books reduced to about an ounce . <p> There was no article on suicide in the first edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica . That is understandable ; the word itself was fairly new . ( The words suicide and encyclopedia seem to have a common vintage and perhaps even a common creator . The vintage is the fifth decade of the seventeenth century , 1642 for suicide and 1646 for encyclopedia ; the creator is Sir Thomas Browne , the author of Religio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Second Edition of the EB was published , it contained a memorable article called " Self-Murder . " <p> " Self-Murder " is one page long . Whatever else can be said about it , it is not dull . It jerks you awake with the first sentence , hectors and shakes you until the finish , and , at the very end , makes an unconvincing attempt to soften its Draconian stance . It has the smell of fire and brimstone , the sound of a wrathful sermon by Cotton Mather . The article begins with a beautifully expressed but horrendously cruel definition : " SELF-MURDER , the pretended heroism , but real cowardice , of the Stoic philosophers , who destroyed themselves to avoid those ills which they had not the fortitude to endure , though the attempting it seems to be countenanced by the civil law , yet was punished by the Athenian law with cutting off the hand which committed the desperate deed . " It continues in a vein that joins the religious and the legal : <p> And also the law of England wisely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to destroy life but by commission from God and the author of it ; and as the suicide is guilty of a double offence ; one spiritual , in invading the prerogative of the Almighty , and rushing into his immediate presence uncalled for ; the other temporal , against the king , who hath an interest in the preservation of all his subjects ; the law has therefore ranked this among the highest crimes , making it a peculiar species of felony ; a felony committed on one 's self . <p> And it concludes with an answer to the obvious question : If the felon is dead , how can human laws punish him ? <p> They can only act upon what he has left behind him , his reputation and fortune ; on the former , by an ignominious burial in the highway , with a stake driven through his body ; or the latter , by a forfeiture of all his goods and chattels to the king , hoping that his care for either his own reputation or the welfare of his family would be some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ act . . . . And tho ' it must be owned that the letter of the law herein borders a little on severity ; yet it is some alleviation , that the power of mitigation is left in the breast of the sovereign , who upon this ( as on all other occasions ) is reminded by the oath of his office , to execute judgment in mercy . <p> The last sentence strikes me as conveying the same dubious comfort as a hangman 's blessing . The anonymous author of this mean-spirited little article -- whose only mention of prevention is its approving note on the custom , prevalent at the time , of besmirching the self-murderer 's reputation and confiscating his worldly goods -- is clearly far more interested in flagellating the suicide than in keeping him alive . <p> By 1788 , when the Third Edition was published , the word suicide had gained sufficient currency to constitute the article 's title . And this time the EB had much more to say : five pages ' worth , starting with a far briefer and more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or the person who commits it . " The first section of the article is a historical survey of suicide among the Jews , the ancient Greeks , the Brahmins , the Hindus , the Japanese , the Scythians , the tribes of Scandinavia , and others . The tone of this report can be gathered from the paragraph on suicide among the Jews : <p> Suicide is one of those crimes which we are led to believe not common among savage nations . The first instances of it recorded in the Jewish history are those of Saul and Ahitophel ; for we do not think the death of Samson a proper example . We have no reason to suppose it became common among the Jews till their wars with the Romans , when multitudes slaughtered themselves that they might not fall alive into the hands of their enemies . But at this period the Jews were a most desperate and abandoned race of men , had corrupted the religion of their fathers , and rejected that pure system which their promised Messiah came to Jerusalem to announce . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ until 1852 . <p> As for the causes of suicide in England , they are ascribed to " the variableness of the climate , the great use of animal food , strong spiritous liquors and to tea , and to the sulphurous exhalations of the pit-coal used as fuel . . . . We are rather surprised that coal is mentioned even as a distant cause of suicide , for it is one of the blessings of our island ; and a good coal fire we have always found rather conducive to good spirits rather than injurious to them . " It is rare to find such a cozy passage in the staid pages of the EB . <p> Having disposed of history and causation , the article moves on to the aspects that had constituted the entirety of the 1777 article : the morality and legality of suicide . It reasserts that suicide is a felo-de-se ( a felony against oneself ) , a crime against God and the king . But it ends with a sentence that indicates that the times are changing : " Suicide , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is a difficult matter to find an effectual remedy . . . . Punishment will not be a preventive , even if it could be always inflicted ; and that it is seldom inflicted , though the laws have decreed it , is well known . " This Concluding emphasis on prevention , complete with a humble acknowledgment of its difficulty , sounds surprisingly modern . <p> The historical portions of this entry appeared essentially unchanged for sixty-four years in the Fourth ( 1801 ) , Fifth ( 1815 ) , Sixth ( 1820 ) , and Seventh ( 1830 ) Editions . <p> But changes were coming . The entry for " Suicide " in the Eighth Edition ( 1852-1860 ) in many ways repeats the contents of the Seventh . However , it is notable for including landmark quotations from two major nineteenth-century intellectual figures . <p> The first quotation is from Henry Thomas Buckle , chess prodigy and scientifically minded historian . Buckle believes that " the progress of every people is regulated by principles . . . as certain as those which govern the physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suicide rates over years and points to the folly of enacting laws against it . He states that <p> suicide is merely the product of the general condition of society , and that the individual only carries into effect what is a necessary consequence of preceding circumstance . . . thus we are able to predict within a small limit of error the number of voluntary deaths for each ensuing period , assuming , of course , that the social circumstances do not undergo marked change . <p> Buckle 's morally neutral stance , which transfers blame from the individual to his society , neatly moves suicide from the purview of religion to that of social science and presages the key role that demography was soon to play in its study . <p> The second quotation is from the great philosopher and economist John Stuart Mill . In his essay " On Liberty " -- in which he opposed any legislation that would interfere with the sale of poisons on the ground that it would exert unnecessary state control over individual freedom-he wrote ( and is quoted in the 1860 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a necessity , but only a danger of mischief , no one but the person himself can judge of the sufficience of the motive which may prompt him to incur the risk of buying poison . In this case therefore ( unless he is a child , or delirious or in some state of excitement or absorption incompatible with the full use of the reflecting faculty ) , he ought , I conceive , be only warned of the danger , not forcibly prevented from exposing himself to it . <p> This prescient paragraph contains the core arguments of current controversies and debates : Do people own their own lives ( and deaths ) , or are we as a society responsible for saving our fellows from their own errors ? <p> Mill 's libertarian voice was destined to be outshouted by the subsequent inundation of articles that concentrated on numbers rather than ethics . The Ninth Edition ( 1875-1889 ) contains a six-page article by Wynnard Hooper , a financial journalist who , tellingly , also wrote the pieces on statistics and population . ( This was the edition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , remember reading this article then . ) Hooper includes five tables of European suicide statistics and one table for certain American states , and discusses these figures in terms of race , sex , climate , population density , occupations , seasons , and methods of suicide . He concludes that " it can not be said that any satisfactory result has been obtained from these investigations , owing no doubt to the fact that the phenomenon is too minute to furnish numbers large enough for the proper application of the statistical method . " His article marks a radical swing to the demographic and statistical approach , reflecting and foreshadowing the work of Morselli , Durkheim , Halbwachs , and Dublin . It cut the pattern for the next hundred years . <p> The Tenth Edition ( 1902 ) contains an unmemorable two-page article , essentially a shortened version of the article in the previous edition , by H. H. Littlejohn , a professor of forensic medicine at the University of Edinburgh . Littlejohn also wrote the article on suicide in the great Eleventh Edition of 1910 ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Like Buckle and Hooper , Littlejohn regards suicide as " a sign of the presence of maladies in the body politic which deserve careful consideration . " He asserts that " suicide as a whole conforms to certain general laws , and is influenced by conditions other than mere individual circumstances or surroundings . " His article , mainly concerned with British suicide statistics for the 1880s and 1890s , was repeated in the Twelfth ( 1921 ) and Thirteenth ( 1926 ) Editions . <p> The article on suicide in the Fourteenth Edition ( 1929-1940 ) went through numerous versions in different printings . The first , in 1929 , was a two-page article by S. de Jastrzebski , the assistant registrar general of Great Britain , that included updated figures for sex and age and for methods of suicide in England and Wales as well as an interesting and highly topical section on the " Influence of the World War " : <p> The following figures for 1911-1914 , 1915-1918 , 1921-1925 , relating as they do to nine of the belligerent countries and two non-belligerents closely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doubt the profound effect produced upon the suicide-rate by the World War . . . . In every case the war period is marked by a notable decline in the suicide-rate . To the theory that nervous strain is one of the prime causes which lead to self-destruction , they give a complete and emphatic contradiction . <p> The 1955-1961 printings of the Fourteenth Edition contained a short piece by Ruth S. Cavan , an American sociologist , which was perhaps the most succinct and most comprehensive to date . Within the compass of a single page , it includes pithy paragraphs on a variety of subtopics : international comparisons ; age , sex , and marital conditions ; urban-rural rates ; methods of suicide ; suicide and other means of violent death ; and interpretations . Cavan concludes : <p> Although suicide rates differ with various social conditions , the explanation does not lie in external forces but in the attitudes and emotions of people . . . . Some people are subjected to greater social pressures than others . Finally , some countries provide more adequate guidance and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may turn for help . <p> This brief bit of wisdom touches both the inner and the outer worlds of suicide with more empathy than any of Cavan 's predecessors had shown . <p> My turn came in 1973 , in an article that deliberately owed little to its forerunners . Its seven pages contained not a single statistical table . ( As I reread them in the company of the other articles on my dining table , I felt that in my urge to rescue the study of suicide from the numbing forces of statistics , I had gone too far and given short shrift to the field 's legitimate demographic aspects . ) The sections included : definition , complexities of definitions , major threads of study , psychological characteristics of suicide , attempted suicide , partial death and substitutes for suicide , suicide and religion , suicide and the law , myths about suicide , romantic suicide and the artist , statistics on suicide , suicide notes , and **35;476;TOOLONG . <p> One example will suffice to convey the article 's general tenor . Under " Main @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the locus of blame for suicide . Saint Augustine and Saint Thomas Aquinas called suicide a grievous sin and located its source within the deficient person ; Rousseau emphasized the natural and innocent state of man and transferred the locus of blame from man to society ; Hume tried to sanitize suicide entirely by arguing that it was neither a crime nor a sin ; Durkheim focused on society 's inimical effects on the individual ; and Freud , eschewing the notions of sin and crime , gave suicide back to the individual but put the main locus of action in the unconscious mind . In other words , I attempted to present a variety of views on suicide instead of the single opinions that had dominated most of the earlier articles . My own expressed opinion is that each instance of suicide is a multidimensional event ( with biological , physiological , sociocultural , and existential components ) , but that the main trunk of the suicidal tree is the psychological drama that occurs in the individual 's mind : the need to escape from unbearable psychological pain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of death or cessation as the effective exit . Here is the heart of what -- now that I have read all the earlier articles -- I feel the EB had previously omitted : a recognition of suicide as a response to individual human suffering , a tragedy that befalls real people . <p> This article had a noteworthy personal consequence . For many years -- from 1950 , when I met him , until his death in 1988 at the age of ninety-five -- the psychological epicenter of my intellectual life was Henry A. Murray : physician , psychoanalyst , biologist , Melville scholar , director of the Harvard Psychological Clinic , and author of Explorations in Personality . ( There is a marvelous portrait of Henry Murray in the winter 1969 issue of THE AMERICAN SCHOLAR , by then-editor Hiram Haydn . ) Murray 's peerless writings influenced me more than any others , and I tried to spend as much time as possible in his presence . I was at Harvard for two extended stays -- as research associate in the early sixties and as visiting professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as often as I could arrange it . It was one of life 's high privileges for me to know him and to be made , by him , much more than I otherwise could have been . <p> In 1963 , in a paper about Melville titled " Dead to the World , " Murray had defined suicide as " no more than an urgently felt necessity to stop unbearable anguish , that is , to obtain relief by interrupting the stream of suffering . " He asked : " For what is suicide in most instances but an action to put an end to intolerable affect ? " You can see right away that my main ideas about the central role in suicide of psychological pain and negative emotions all flow from his fountain . In any event , in February 1973 , Harry wrote me : <p> Your encyclopaedia article is masterful . . . handsomely written to a marked extent in your own terminology . I could n't help thinking that this was possibly the timely moment to consider a shift in focus of spirit and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paragraph changed my life . I knew Harry well enough to put aside his hyperbolic praise and to know that the real meat of that paragraph -- his covertly intended message -- lay in the serious criticism implied in the second sentence . He was telling me what I already knew inside : that I was temporarily burned out on the topic of suicide and ought to consider a shift of focus for a while . Harry 's note resonated with my own suspicion , which I had not fully admitted to myself until I read his words , that my EB article had been a mite too discursive and idiosyncratic . Accordingly , I shifted my clinical focus from patients who were suicidal to cancer patients who were coming to death unwillingly . I transformed myself from clinical suicidologist to clinical thanatologist , someone who deals with illness and mourning . When I returned to suicide a few years later , I believe I did so with a refreshed vision of self-destruction as well as a better understanding of the dynamics involved in the wrestling match with death . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> My piece was superseded in the Fifteenth Edition ( 1974-1984 ) by a wise and comprehensive five-page article by the late Erwin Stengel , professor of psychiatry at the University of Sheffield . Its most innovative section is headed " Suicide in the Future , " and Stengel 's predictions are not particularly rosy . He writes : <p> It is difficult to imagine man in the future without this potential , which has sometimes been proclaimed as one of the basic human freedoms . There are no prospects of an antisuicidal substance in the foreseeable future . There are certain aspects of present-day society that make a decline in the incidence of suicidal acts unlikely including the increased number of the aged . . . the young who are more openly aggressive . . . the continued increase in population . The outlook for suicide would be very black indeed if it were not for the strong urge to self-preservation inherent in the individual and in society . The emergence of nonprofessional movements toward self-help in the struggle against suicide can be seen as a manifestation of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he thoroughly understood the value of statistics , also understood that suicide is a philosophical act . This is manifestly an encyclopedia article and not a novel . But Stengel 's empathetic sadness , deepened by his own background as a refugee from the Nazis , clearly shows through his prose and , in my view , makes it finer . Inexplicably , there are printings of the Fifteenth Edition in which Stengel 's indispensable essay on suicide does not appear . In these cases , I strongly advise the reader to seek another printing . <p> In the 1985-1997 printings of the Fifteenth Edition there is a half-page article in the Micropaedia ( Stengel 's piece is in the Macropaedia ) . Its concluding paragraph is especially topical : <p> No single approach can be expected to succeed in substantially reducing the incidence of suicide , but early detection and treatment of mental disorders are important deterrents . Since the 1950s special centres and organizations for the prevention of suicide have been created in many countries . . . . The telephone is commonly used as a means of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and advisers who are available by day and night . There is evidence that this kind of service may help to avert suicidal acts . <p> The Encyclopaedia Britannica -- along with our society -- has obviously traveled several light-years since 1777 , when it excoriated suicide as cowardly , sinful , illegal , and shameful . The emphasis has shifted to the question , " How can we help ? " <p> My march through the centuries is complete , but a few ideas still swirl in the wake of my dual obsessions , suicide and the EB . The first idea is that there might be something to learn from similar Britannica surveys of other socially sensitive tag words . One might look , from 1768 ( or whenever the word first appears ) to the present date , at Addiction , Adultery , Childhood , Homosexuality , Insanity , and so forth . Scholars in different fields could suggest candidates for the word list . Put together , these would yield a lexicographic history of the past two centuries that might give some fresh insights into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ returns to the study of suicide . Why not take a look at the word in dictionaries of the past couple of hundred years ? Authoritative definitions are important . Indeed , dictionaries might provide us with a microcosm of what was happening in the encyclopedias of their times . <p> I believe I have good reason , beyond the fact that it is my own field , to think that our society 's views of suicide are important to all of us . I learned from a study I once did with the coroner of Marin County , California , that more than a quarter of all deaths -- all deaths , not just overt suicides -- are probably interlaced with threads of imprudence , disregard , excess , indifference , or ennui that bring an end to life sooner than is necessary . In other words , some people who have died what I call " subintentioned deaths " from heart attacks or automobile accidents may have a good deal in common with people who are termed " suicides . " In that sense alone , suicide is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk of moving up the dates on our own tombstones . <p> The definition of any important term such as suicide gives it power-and also gives it honorific , neutral , or pejorative overtones . Denotation influences connotation . The connotative meanings of a word govern society 's responses to it . These community responses can cover a wide range : in the case of suicide , one extreme includes scorn , indifference , and punishment , and the other extreme includes empathy and therapy . And even within the realm of therapy , the very modalities are influenced by definition . Whether the therapeutic response is primarily pharmacological ( pills ) , surgical ( lobotomy ) , electrical ( shock ) , institutional ( hospitalization ) , or psychodynamic ( talk ) -- differences that are not trivial-may depend on the inner , unspoken definition of suicide and its connotative associations that one 's physician happens to hold . <p> Anthropologically speaking , dictionaries and encyclopedias are the two key books in any literate society . Each of us lives within ( or rebels against ) the reigning mores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ words . Much of our English-American Zeitgeist is reflected in the long history of the Encyclopaedia Britannica . As I look at the piles of articles fanned out on my dining table , I feel that the pages , though they all deal with death , are in some sense alive , and that they are spreading their exhalations into many vast and tiny places . <p> By Edwin Shneidman <p> <p> Edwin Shneidman is Professor of Thanatology Emeritus at UCLA . He was the founder , in 1968 , of the American Association of Suicidology , and is the author of Deaths of Man , Voices of Death , Definition of Suicide , and The Suicidal Mind . <p>
@@4000341 The high point of my freshman-year English literature survey course , taught by that sweet man and Emily Dickinson biographer Richard Sewall , came early in the fall . Struggling through the Middle English of The Canterbury Tales , I arrived at the point in the story where the narrator of the poem -- referred to by critics as " Chaucer the pilgrim " -- becomes a character in it . At the conclusion of " The Prioress 's Tale , " the host notices " me " for the first time and asks , " What man artou ? ... Thou lookest as thou woldest find an hare , / For evere upon the ground I see thee stare . " He asks Chaucer to contribute " a tale of mirth . " The narrator replies that he knows only " a rym I lerned longe agoon . " This turns out to be " The Tale of Sir Thopas , " a turgid bit of doggerel about an ineffectual and effeminate knight . It goes on for a couple of dozen stanzas , and then , in the middle of a line , the host breaks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Goddes dignitee ! ... By God , ' quod he , ' for plainly , at oo one word , / Thy drasty rubbishy rhyming is not worth a tord . ' " <p> I found this thrilling , for reasons that were n't immediately clear . Turning to E. T. Donaldson 's commentary in the back of my Chaucer book , I read , " The relation between the creator and the created that the situation implies is revealed by a mind almost godlike in the breadth and vision of its ironic vision . " That was helpful . It led me to understand , in due time , that I responded powerfully in estimable works of art to moments when the artist ... winks : acknowledges , implicitly or explicitly , that what we are experiencing is after all a piece of human handiwork and he or she is the creator of it . It is a gesture simultaneously of humility and of majesty , in both cases honoring the potency of art . <p> The next year , in a seminar on Romantic poetry , my ears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keats 's " Ode to a Nightingale " when he muses that the nightingale 's song has " Charm 'd magic casements , opening on the foam / Of perilous seas , in faery lands forlorn . " The stanza ends , and the new one starts with , " Forlorn ! the very word is like a bell / To toll me back from thee to my sole self ! " The echoing of the word forlorn , the professor claimed ( arguably but provocatively ) , was the first moment in the history of English verse that a poem took itself as its subject . In the final lecture of a Shakespeare survey , I got goose bumps when Alvin Kernan , another terrific teacher , recited the speech in which Prospero tells the audience that " The cloud-capped towers , the gorgeous palaces , / The solemn temples , the great globe itself , / Yea , all which it inherit , shall dissolve , / And like this insubstantial pageant faded / Leave not a rack behind . " The " great globe , " he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the play was being performed . Moreover , Prospero 's forsaking his magic was implicitly compared to Shakespeare himself giving up the magic of playwriting , The Tempest being his final work . And moreover ( not to put too fine a point on it ) , this was Kernan 's final lecture , before leaving teaching for administrative work , so we understood that he , too , was implicitly saying he was giving up his magic . Great stuff . <p> All this happened in the 1970s , when postmodernism was barely a concept . Now it 's a frayed cultural clich . The self-reference I responded to in Chaucer and Shakespeare long ago acquired an academic moniker -- " reflexivity . " A related phenomenon , works referring to other works , was dubbed " intertextuality . " Together they are subsumed under the ubiquitous term " meta , " at one time a useful prefix for self-conscious endeavors , now an annoying , nearly all-purpose adjective . ( " The Matrix is very meta . " ) Practice has , if anything , outstripped theory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comedians playing themselves , movies ( like Adaptation ) about the process of making a movie , buildings or paintings or poems or novels that refer to themselves as buildings or paintings or poems or novels : we have all , probably , had enough of them . <p> But I still respond to -- indeed , delight in -- reflexivity and intertextuality in one art form . That would be popular music . Flipping the radio dial , I get chills when I come on James Taylor 's " That 's Why I 'm Here " ( " Fortune and fame 's such a curious game / Perfect strangers can call you by name / Pay good money to hear ' Fire and Rain ' / Again and again and again " ) , or the Beatles ' " Glass Onion " ( " I told you ' bout Strawberry Fields , / You know the place where nothing is real " ) , Pink 's " Do n't Let Me Get Me " ( " Tired of being compared to / Damn Britney Spears / She 's so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or even Eminem 's " White America " ( " Let 's do the math . / If I was black , I would 've sold half " ) . And I actually grin when a country station plays a recent hit by Alan Jackson that 's about , and is , a " Three Minute Positive Not Too Country Uptempo Love Song . " For years -- decades -- I have been collecting these songs , just as bird-watchers do with their sightings , separating my life list into categories and subcategories , and ranking all entries according to originality , profundity , and ultimate value . <p> I will share my system with you in a minute , as soon as I try to rebut the charge that self-reference in pop music does not escape the curses of preciousness , self-regard , clich , and portentousness it is subject to elsewhere . A clue to its avoidance strategy is the word itself : the music -- the melody , the singing , the instrumentation , the beat -- takes attention and a portion of the burden from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about popular music . The words to a song may lie leaden on the page in a CD booklet or an ill-conceived Collected Lyrics , but , through a strange alchemy , reverberate like poetry when they are accompanied by melody . In the same way , the music can remove the self-importance from a level of reflexivity that , drunk neat , would be deadly . <p> American popular song lyrics have always had a wide self-conscious streak . Possibly the most successful popular song of all time was Irving Berlin 's 1911 " Alexander 's Ragtime Band , " a song about music . Ira Gershwin 's first lyrics to be sung in public , in 1918 , were to " The Real American Folk Song Is a Rag " ; a later effort was " What Can You Say in a Love Song ( That Has n't Been Said Before ) ? " from the musical comedy " Life Begins at 8:40 , " beginning " Darling , here 's that song you inspired / In a style I acquired / Living with songs of the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alley , the mythical locus of the popular songwriting industry , continually nudged one another in the ribs with reminders of what it was they were doing . The Alley was a closed cosmos , with songs commenting on predecessors and begetting successors : first , " Meet Me Tonight in Dreamland , " then " When I Met You Tonight in Dreamland " and " Dreamland Brings Memories of You . " <p> The great American songwriters , all of whom either started on Tin Pan Alley or were begotten by it , liked to tip their hats to one another . In " They Ca n't Take That Away from Me , " Gershwin name-checks one of Irving Berlin 's classics : " The song is ended , but as the songwriter wrote / ' The Melody Lingers On . ' " Berlin , who normally looked straight ahead in his lyrics , permitted himself , " Tuneful , tasteful , soulful , smart . / Music : Rodgers . Lyrics : Hart . " In " You 're the Top , " Cole Porter paired " Waldorf @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " gifted humans like Vincent Youmans , " surely one of the all-time great rhymes . It was Porter who took this sort of thing beyond intramural bantering to high wit . He wrote the immortal couplet " But how strange / The change from major to minor , " which is sung just as the key of the song ( " Every Time We Say Goodbye " ) changes from major to minor . " It 's De-Lovely , " from the musical " Anything Goes , " begins , " I feel a sudden urge to sing / The kind of ditty that invokes the spring . / So control your desire to curse / While I crucify the verse . / This verse I 've started seems to me / The ' Tin-Pan-tithesis ' of melody . / So to spare you all the pain , / I 'll skip the darn thing and sing the refrain . " Tin-Pan-tithesis : the formulation deserves a moment of silence . <p> Hoagy Carmichael 's " Stardust , " which some authorities consider the greatest American song , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " haunts my reverie ... Now my consolation / Is in the stardust of a song . " Is the song " Stardust " ? It 's a mystery , but a sweet one . <p> Tin Pan Alley was zoned out of existence a long time ago . But today 's generically striated pop universe -- country , hip-hop , rock , and so forth , each with its own further gradations -- is just as self-referential . In fact , it 's more so , and in order to assess the field adequately I 'll need to break it into two groups , the reflexive and the intertextual , each with a meta offshoot . <p> The first category consists of songs that refer to or are about themselves , in the manner of " Ode to a Nightingale " and " It 's De-Lovely . " And so : Elton John 's " Your Song " ; James Taylor 's " Hey Mister , That 's Me Up On the Jukebox " ( " I 'm the one who 's singing this sad song " ) ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Song By Heart " ; George Harrison 's " This Song " ( the two-word phrase occurs in most of these entries ) ; Simon and Garfunkel 's " Song for the Asking " ; Carly Simon 's " You 're So Vain " ( " You probably think this song is about you " ) ; The Doors ' " Hello , I Love You " ( " When she moves , my brain sings out this song " ) ; Jim Croce 's " I 'll Have to Say I Love You in a Song " ; Public Enemy 's " Bring the Noise " ( " Radio stations I question their blackness / They call themselves black , / But we 'll see if they play this " ) ; Three Dog Night 's " Old-Fashioned Love Song " ; Spandau Ballet 's " True " ( " Why do I find it hard to write the next line ? " ) ; Steely Dan 's " Deacon Blues " ( " I cried when I wrote this song / Sue me if I play too long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Broke My Promise " ( " That I would n't write another song about you . / I guess I lied " ) ; the Beatles ' " Only a Northern Song " ( " If you 're listening to this song / You may think the chords are going wrong " ) and " Michelle " ( " These are words that go together well " ) . <p> One thing should be immediately apparent from the list : reflexiveness can be associated with both good and bad songs . You do n't have to be familiar with every title to grasp that , merely with the two biggest chartbusters , by Elton John and Three Dog Night . " Old-Fashioned Love Song " is a bland and genial ditty , saved -- barely -- from complete negligibility by its self-reference . Bernie Taupin 's lyrics to " Your Song , " swept along by John 's potent melody , are , like many lyric poems , convincingly about the challenges of doing justice in words to the loved one 's qualities . Toward the end , they double @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ word is like a bell " fashion , the singer admitting , haltingly , " You see I 've forgotten if they 're green or they 're blue . / Anyway the thing is , what I really mean , / Yours are the sweetest eyes I 've ever seen . " <p> There 's nothing special or mysterious about what makes good self-conscious songs good -- just adequate artistry , originality , wit , and feeling . The last is especially important , but the other qualities can go a long way as well . The rapper Nas does some dazzlingly reflexive sleight of hand , in the braggadocious mode hip-hop has claimed for its own , when he raps , " They shootin ! / Aw , made you look . / You a slave to a page in my rhyme book . " <p> In this subgenre , the song about itself , one trope has inspired some particularly ingenious lyric writing : imagining the effect the song will have on listeners when it comes out of the radio or , especially in country music , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is reminiscent of the Aeolian Harp or Lyre , a common image in Romantic poetry : the winds of the world would blow through it and make haunting melodies . ) The country singer David Allan Coe has a number called " I 'm Going to Hurt Her on the Radio , " and Buck Owens 's 1979 song " Play ' Together Again ' Again " asks a bystander to put in a quarter and punch the numbers of an earlier Owens hit . Bruce Springsteen 's moving " Bobby Jean , " addressed to a friend or lover who 's unexpectedly taken a powder , conjectures : " Maybe you 'll be out there on that road / Somewhere in some bus or train / Traveling along in some motel room / There 'll be a radio playing and you 'll hear me sing this song . / Well , if you do , you 'll know I 'm thinking of you . " <p> Loudon Wainwright III 's mordant " Pretty Good Day " is a catalogue of small victories . The singer wakes up and finds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ streets without hearing any sirens or getting shot or even seeing any snipers , and when he gets home , he says , " Nobody was frightened , wounded , hungry , or cold . " The final stanza is unanticipatedly cathartic : " I slept through the night , got through to the dawn / I flipped the switch and the light went on . / I wrote down my dream , I wrote this song . " Those last four words turn the closing refrain -- " It 's a pretty good day so far " -- from ironic self-protection to a welcome truth . <p> None of the lyrical maneuvers or tropes I 've described above should be unfamiliar to past or present English majors , who would do well to equip their computers with a global key that produces the phrase , " Just as in the poem ... " Indeed , it is accepted wisdom that reflexivity is an , if not the , obsession of modern poetry . You find it explicitly in , for example , Archibald MacLeish 's " Ars Poetica " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " ) , and implicitly pretty much wherever you look -- in Pound , Eliot , Stevens . But there 's an advanced class of pop-music reflexivity that is little seen in these poets , although , come to think of it , it 's everywhere in Whitman , who even gave it a name : " Song of Myself . " In popular music , this is a post-Beatles phenomenon . In the pre-rock era , a popular singer -- think Frank Sinatra -- was manifestly an actor , convincingly giving voice to the playwright 's ( songwriter 's ) words and music . One of the few figures who combined singing and songwriting ( as well as a capacious ego ) was George M. Cohan , and his work was full of explicitly autobiographical representations , most famously in " The Yankee Doodle Boy . " <p> Now singers and bands are expected to have composed their own material , and the Cohan stance is standard . Most blatantly , there is the song about the singer or singers : sometimes merely saying his , her , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrating . For some reason , the one that always comes to mind is the Monkees ' theme song , the one that starts , " Hey , hey , we 're the Monkees . " ( Surely Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five were paying homage to those boys in " The Message " when they rapped , " Hey , we 're Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five . " A later rap ensemble kicked it up a notch and were n't paying homage to anybody in a song piquantly titled , " Wu-Tang Clan Ai n't Nuthing to **** Wit " ) . But there are many others . The late-seventies band Devo memorably chanted , " Are we not men ? / We are Devo ! " The Mamas and the Papas ' " Creeque Alley " is a musical memoir in the form of a shaggy-dog story : " John and Mitchy were getting kind of itchy / Just to leave the folk music behind / Zol and Denny workin ' for a penny / Tryin ' to get a fish on the line . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sang " The Ballad of John and Yoko , " just as Mott the Hoople sang " The Ballad of Mott the Hoople . " Grand Funk Railroad protested too much in " We 're an American Band , " and Jennifer Lopez recently used autobiography as spin control when she tried to convince her longtime fans that despite all the magazine covers and bling-bling , she was still " Jenny from the Block . " John Eddie has a painfully funny recent song about a special circle of hell for the singer-songwriter : the bar where a drunk loudly asks , " Who the Hell is John Eddie ? " ( The title of the song is the heckler 's command -- " Play Some Skynyrd . " ) The blustery " I Write the Songs " indulged in enough egotism to taint both the author ( Bruce Johnston of the Beach Boys ) and the bellower of the highest-charting version ( Barry Manilow ) . Moving from the ridiculous to the sublime : It is n't surprising that thoughtful singer-songwriters like Neil Young , Joni Mitchell , Merle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about music 's significance to them , in , respectively , " From Hank to Hendrix , " " For Free , " " After I Sing My Songs , " and " Old . " <p> A subtler , off-center kind of introspection can be found in the alter-ego song or group of songs , presented in the voice of a performer who has something but not everything in common with the actual one : the Beatles ' " Sgt. Pepper 's Lonely Hearts Club Band , " Dire Straits ' " Sultans of Swing , " Eminem 's Slim Shady , David Bowie 's Ziggy Stardust , Billy Joel 's " Piano Man . " Glen Campbell has bookended his career with two such songs ( neither of which he wrote ) : the 1975 " Rhinestone Cowboy , " in which an unknown dreams of " getting cards and letters from people I do n't even know , " and the more recent " Mansion in Bronson , " in which the record company tells an aging country star , " You 're too out of shape @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small masterpiece in the subgenre is Randy Newman 's " Lonely at the Top , " whose singer , evidently a show-biz icon , boasts , " I 've been around the world / Had my pick of any girl . " Newman wrote this when he was a struggling songwriter and performer with no albums to his credit . <p> I actually prefer autobiographical moments to autobiographical songs . In " You Got ta Serve Somebody , " Dylan ( n Robert Zimmerman ) , normally unforthcoming to the point of invisibility , shockingly proclaims , " You may call me Bobby , you may call me Zimmy . " In " Tenth Avenue Freezeout , " Springsteen recalls " When they made that change uptown and the Big Man joined the band . " The Big Man : saxophonist and crowd favorite Clarence Clemons ; in concert , the line always gets a roar . James Taylor 's " Fire and Rain " talks about " Sweet dreams and flying machines . " Flying Machine : Taylor 's first band . A great moment in the Supremes ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ singer Diana Ross interrupts her romantic lament to wonder , " How can Mary tell me what to do / When she lost her love so true ? / And Flo , she do n't know / Cause the boy she loves is a Romeo . " Mary and Flo : fellow Supremes Mary Wilson and Florence Birdsong . One puzzling but cool thing about the aside is that it ( like the rest of the song ) was n't written by Ross but by Motown staff composers Holland-Dozier-Holland . In " Showbiz Kids , " Steely Dan throws in an unexpected self-reference in the manner of a Hitchcock cameo or a postage-stamp portrait-of-the-artist in a vast landscape : " They got the Steely Dan T-shirts . " <p> When it comes to singing about yourself , the hands-down champions are two musical forms that are rarely , if ever , associated with each other : country and hip-hop . They show up disproportionately in all these categories , in fact ; one reason is that they still prize the Tin Pan Alley values of word-play and wit . In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oral tradition , rap is partial to boasts about the rapper 's prowess in rhyming , loving , fighting , etc . Thus Run-DMC raps , " I 'm the king of rock , there ai n't none higher / Sucker MCs should call me sire . " In another number , Run-DMC gives its deejay , Jam Master Jay ( since deceased ) , his props : " J-A-Y are the letters of his name / Cuttin ' and scratchin ' are the aspects of his game , / So check out the Master as he cuts these jams / And look at us with the mikes in our hands . " <p> Early country performers tended to sing their hymns of love , memory , and heartbreak through generic personae , although Jimmie Rodgers had a song about himself called " Jimmie the Kid " and Ernest Tubb one called " When I First Began to Sing , " which cited Rodgers as an influence . The greatest country singer was Hank Williams . The power of his lyrics lay in their seemingly complete emotional sincerity ; it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1953 , he was on the charts with a song called " I 'll Never Get Out of This World Alive . " But he made few , if any , direct references to himself -- ironic , considering how obsessively he has been invoked by others . Modern country autobiography began in 1971 , when Johnny Cash recorded " The Man in Black , " which explained his wardrobe ( " I wear it for the thousands who have died , / Believin ' that the Lord was on their side , " among other reasons ) , and Loretta Lynn recorded " Coal Miner 's Daughter , " which told the story of Loretta Lynn 's life . Both songs gave their creators indelible nicknames -- and nicknames are very , very big in country . <p> The floodgates opened with the " outlaw country " movement a couple of years later , which took as its text Kitty Wells 's old number " The Life They Live in Songs . " Willie " Red-Headed Stranger " Nelson and Waylon " Hoss " Jennings , in particular , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Nelson spun picaresque yarns like " On the Road Again , " " Me and Paul , " and " Devil in a Sleeping Bag " and angrily told greedy record-company executives to " Write Your Own Songs " ; Jennings asked rhetorically , " Do n't You Think This Outlaw Bit 's Done Got Out of Hand ? " and " Are You Sure Hank Done It This Way ? " <p> The laureate of country memoir is Hank Williams Jr. , also known as Bocephus , who was just three years old when his father died . As a child , he went on the road singing Hank Williams songs , in an uncanny imitation of Hank Williams 's voice . The experience was unenviable , but it provided young Bocephus with a great theme . In 1966 , when Hank Jr . was seventeen , he wrote and recorded " Standing in the Shadows " : " I know I 'm not great , and some say I imitate .... It 's hard when you 're standing in the shadows of a very famous man . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and in the late 1970s and early ' 80s issued a series of compelling songs -- including " The Conversation , " " Living Proof , " and " Whisky Bent and Hellbound " -- about trying to live up to his father 's musical standards and at the time escape the legacy of a self-destructive life and early death . His masterpiece , I would say , is " Family Tradition , " where the refrain alternates between a lament and a sort of rueful and rollicking celebration : " Lord , I have loved some ladies and I have loved Jim Beam / And they both tried to kill me in 1973. / When that doctor asked me , / ' Son how did you get in this condition ? ' / I said , ' Hey sawbones , I 'm just carrying on / An ole family tradition . ' " <p> The autobiographical expectation in country has become sufficiently entrenched as to spawn ghostwriters . That is , everyone in Nashville knows that George " Possum " Jones does n't write his own songs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he is expected to sing about himself . Therefore , other writers regularly supply him with numbers that allow him to poke fun at his own image , like " I Do n't Need Your Rocking Chair " and " ( They Call Me ) No-Show Jones . " I have no problem with that , but the self-mythologizing of minor figures , like David Allen Coe in " Waylon , Willie , and Me , " can get wearing . <p> " Waylon , Willie , and Me " : The song is also an example of the second broad category , musical intertextuality , where the references are to other compositions and performers . Unavoidable examples are Don McLean 's " American Pie " and Rick Nelson 's " Garden Party , " rather self-satisfied allegories that all but demand crib sheets to parse the references . ( In " American Pie , " " the King " is Elvis and " the Jester " is Dylan -- but who 's " the Queen " ? ) By contrast , a single well-placed musical allusion can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : see Mary Chapin Carpenter 's " there ai n't no cure for my blues today / Except when the paper says Beausoleil is coming to town " ; Springsteen 's " Roy Orbison sang for the lonely " ; Stephen Bishop 's " put on Sinatra and start to cry " ; Nirvana 's " Give me a Leonard Cohen afterworld / So I can sigh eternally " ; Steely Dan 's " Hey Nineteen " ( " that 's ' Retha Franklin / She do n't remember the Queen of Soul " ) ; Calexico 's song " Not Even Stevie Nicks " ; the Police 's line " An Otis Redding record , it 's all I own , " and Davis Daniel 's " She went to William and Mary , / I went to Haggard and Jones . " <p> Earlier , I mentioned some early Tin Pan Alley " response " songs , and that continuing tradition definitely supplies an intertextual frisson . In 1954 , an R &; B singer named Hank Ballard put out a suggestive record , full of double entendres @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was so successful that it crossed over to the pop charts , and Ballard and his band , the Midnighters , followed it up with " Annie Had a Baby ( Ca n't Work No More ) , " " Annie 's Aunt Fannie , " and " Henry 's Got Flat Feet ( Ca n't Dance No More ) . " Others got into the act as well , most notably Etta James , in " Roll with Me , Henry . " ( A white singer , Georgia Gibbs , released a sanitized version , " Dance with Me , Henry . " ) That kind of call-and-response is a sign of vitality and attentiveness in the art form . <p> It can be even more invigorating when song number two begs to differ with song number one . Hank Thompson 's reflexive 1951 " The Wild Side of Life " starts with the lament that since the singer 's wife has abandoned him , he must give her his message " in the words of this song . " And the message is , " The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To the places where the wine and liquor flows . " Kitty Wells 's response came swiftly , and constituted a rousing pre-feminism feminist statement : " As I sit here tonight , the jukebox playing / That old song about the wild , wild side of life . / As I listen to the words you are saying , / It brings memories when I was a trusting wife . / It was n't God who made honky-tonk angels / As you say in the words of your song . " UTFO 's early rap song " Roxanne , Roxanne " inspired some twenty-five responses , including two by singers who adopted the name of the girl in the song and told her side of the story : Roxanne Shante and the Real Roxanne . Merle Haggard 's " Okie from Muskogee " spawned Big Brother and the Holding Company 's " I 'll Fix Your Flat Tire , Merle " and " Up Against the Wall , Redneck Mother , " written by Ray Wylie Hubbard and performed by Jerry Jeff Walker . And who can forget Lynyrd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I hope Neil Young will remember / Southern man do n't need him around anyhow " ? <p> As this suggests , response songs can move beyond disagreement to assault and battery . In a sour mood , John Lennon asked Paul McCartney , " How Do You Sleep ? " ( " The freaks was right when they said you was dead . " ) Richard Thompson 's " I Agree with Pat Metheny " refers to Metheny 's outburst against saxophonist Kenny G 's digitized " duet " with Louis Armstrong : " A meeting of the minds , how nice / Like Einstein and Sporty Spice . " Joan Baez got Dylan -- " the unwashed phenomenon , the original vagabond " -- inmost famously in " Diamonds and Rust , " but stuck the knife in a little deeper in " Oh Brother , " which begins " You 've got eyes like Jesus / But you speak with a viper 's tongue . " They Might Be Giants ' catty " Rhythm Section Want Ad " asks " Do you sing like Olive Oyl on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . " John Hiatt 's " Memphis in the Morning , " a rare anti-country-music song , correctly observes , " I do n't think Ronnie Milsap 's ever going to record this song . " <p> The genre that thrives on insults -- also known as " beefs " -- is , of course , rap , where it 's understood that the more derisively a performer can put down a competitor , the more decisively he can elevate himself . The still-unsolved murders of the feuding Tupac Shakur and the Notorious B.I.G . several years ago put a bit of a damper on all-out beefing , but it has returned in a stylized and presumably stage-managed form , reminiscent of show-business rows like the one between Jack Benny and Fred Allen . So , Nelly on KRS-One : " You the first old man should get a rapper 's pension / No hits since the cordless mic invention . " Nas 's " Ether " asked Jay-Z , " How much of Biggie 's rhymes is gon na come out your fat lips ? " ; Jay-Z responded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affair with the mother of Nas 's daughter . Eazy-E took on a major hip-hop figure with " All of a sudden Dr. Dre is a g-thing / But on his old album covers , he was a she-thing . " ( " G " is short for gangsta . ) Not exactly Oscar Wilde , but it works for me . <p> Country music , by contrast , favors an intertextuality of admiration , most visibly in the tribute song . To be sure , country has no monopoly on this sometimes moving , sometimes schmaltzy , sometimes crass genre . Ronnie McDowell recorded " The King Is Gone " the day after Elvis Presley 's death , and it 's been followed by 202 more Elvis tributes , according to New York deejay Peter Bochan , who lists them on his Web site ( http : **32;1014;TOOLONG ) . If there 's a " Rock and Roll Heaven , " the Righteous Brothers memorably noted , " you know they 've got a hell of a band . " George Harrison sang about John Lennon in " All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memorialized George in " Never Without You . " The Commodores ' " Night Shift " honors the estimable lineup of fallen soul singers , and Tupac Shakur has been mourned in Master P 's " Is There a Heaven 4 a Gangsta ? , " Richie Rich 's " Do G 's Go to Heaven ? , " and Naughty By Nature 's " Mourn Till I Join Ya , " which avers , " Nigga I miss ya this thug gon na miss ya till I 'm witcha . " <p> But this is as nothing compared with country tribute songs . The tradition started in 1933 , with the death of the Singing Brakeman , Jimmie Rodgers , at the age of thirty-five . Just days later , " When Jimmie Rodgers Said Goodbye " was issued , followed by " The Train Carrying Jimmie Rodgers Home , " " The Life of Jimmie Rodgers , " " The Passing of Jimmie Rodgers , " and many others . Hank Williams 's death twenty years later , at the age of twenty-nine , was followed by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Metress , sixteen songs honoring Williams were released in 1953 alone , and there has been no sign of a letup . A German devotee of American country music lists ninety-six Williams tribute songs on his Web site ( http : //www.haukestruebing.com ) , including " Hank Williams Meets Jimmie Rodgers , " " Hank Williams Sings the Blues No More , " " Please Do n't Let the Name ' Hank ' Die , " " Everybody Wants to Be Hank Williams , " Jerry Jeff Walker 's " I Feel Like Hank Williams Tonight , " and Johnny Cash 's " The Night Hank Williams Came to Town . " <p> Country songwriters love tribute songs so much that they even write them to singers who are still alive , as in David Allan Coe 's " Hank Williams Jr , " ; Toby Keith 's " I 'll Never Smoke Weed with Willie Again " ; Tim McGraw 's " Give It to Me Strait " ; Chris Wall 's " An Outlaw 's Blues , " about Waylon Jennings ; Becky Hollis 's " Jones on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's Why I Sing This Way " ( the reason , he explains , is " Mama used to whip me with a George Jones album " ) . Before his death in September 2003 , Johnny Cash was the subject of " ( In the Mood for ) Johnny Cash , " " Hooked on Johnny Cash , " " Walking Talking Johnny Cash Blues , " Billy Joe Shaver 's " That 's Why the Man in Black Sings the Blues , " and his own daughter Roseanne 's lovely " My Old Man . " <p> If you sing a song of a certain kind , if your parents sang that song , and if you expect that your children will sing it as well , then you 're not likely to attempt to characterize , explain , or defend it in a song . But sometimes a musical genre is more contentious . Listeners and performers think about and define themselves by it . That the blues is a highly self-conscious genre can be grasped merely from the fact that roughly half of blues songs contain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rock and roll were lyrically proclaimed seemingly from the moment of its birth , the constant invocation of " rock " and " rock and roll " being only partly explained by the terms ' sexual innuendo . Bill Haley and the Comets asked us to " Rock Around the Clock " ; Chuck Berry wrote a song ( covered by the Beatles ) called , simply , " Rock and Roll Music " and in another commanded , " Hail , hail rock and roll " ; Danny and the Juniors proclaimed " Rock and Roll Is Here to Stay . " Meanwhile , rearguard singers vocally demurred , as Nat King Cole in " Mr. Cole Wo n't Rock and Roll , " which regretfully observed , " When Tin Pan Alley serenades a beauty / Do they sing of Rose Marie or Sweet Lorraine ? / No , they dedicate a hymn to Tutti Frutti , / Who 's as tender as a dame from Mickey Spillane . " The Byrds ' " So You Want To Be a Rock and Roll Star " was a biographical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1974 " It 's Only Rock and Roll ( But I Like It ) " was appropriate , since the battle had long been won , although heavy-metal anthems of the late ' 70s and early ' 80s , such as AC/DC 's " Let There Be Rock , " protested excessively in invoking rock ( never rock and roll ) as a near-holy pursuit . And , needless to say , there will never be an end to boring songs about life on the road . <p> When it comes to meta-music , yet again , country is king . There is a curious history here . As Richard A. Peterson explains in his 1997 book Creating Country Music , the word country itself was an invention of the early 1950s . The music had been called , variously , " western , " " hillbilly , " and " folk " ; to consolidate the terms and , Peterson shows , to avoid the left-wing associations with the last ( Pete Seeger and Paul Robeson performed folk music , after all ) , the Nashville powers that be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanent success , largely , I would say , because it brilliantly combined a declaration of the rural origin of the music with a subliminal patriotic assertion : that the music was of , about , and for this country . <p> Whatever the reasons , the country song about country music has become legion . A partial , alphabetical list , including only ones that put the magic word in the title : <p> " Back When Country Was Ugly " ; " Country Enough " ; " Country In My Genes " ; " Country Music Is Here to Stay " ; " Country My Ass " ; " Country Till I Die " ; " Country Was the Song " ; " A Damn Good Country Song " ; " Do n't Think You 're Too Good for Country Music " ; " Every Kind of Music But Country " ; " A Few Old Country Boys " ; " Gone Country " ; " Heart of a Country Song " ; " Here 's to Country Music " ; " Hit Country Song " ; " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " If That Ai n't Country " ; " If There Was No Country Music " ; " I 'm Country " ; " I 'm That Country " ; " A Jukebox with a Country Song " ; " Kindly Keep It Country " ; " My Life Would Make a Damn Good Country Song " ; " Now That 's Country " ; " The Perfect Country Song " ; " Put Some Drive In Your Country " ; " A Sad Country Song " ; " Take Me Back to the Country " ; " Too Country " ; " Too Rock for Country " ; " Welcome to the Country Music Hall of Fame " ; and " You 're Looking at Country . " <p> There are three broad historical categories . The first were self-congratulatory : songs about how wonderful Jimmie , Hank , and Lefty were ; how the singer is following in their path ; how there 's nothing like a country song to express joy or heartbreak . The second , more contentious and dating from the 1970s , recognized that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " country music . " Southern rock bands like Lynyrd Skynyrd and the Allman Brothers had claimed a kinship with country , to the dismay of some venerable Nashville personages , and the outlaws -- Hoss , Willie , Bocephus , the Man in Black , and Kris Kristofferson -- countered with pleas for a more inclusive definition . One of Hank Jr . ' s several entries in this category , " Why Do n't You Leave Them Boys Alone ? " ( cowritten with Tanya Tucker ) , was noteworthy because he was joined on it not only by Waylon Jennings but also by one of the old guard , Ernest Tubb . <p> The third , still-current type is a lament , summed up in the lyrics of the Dixie Chicks ' recent hit " Long Time Gone " : " the music ai n't got no soul / Now they sound tired but they do n't sound Haggard / They 've got money but they do n't have Cash . / They got Junior but they do n't have Hank . " Or , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't Country . " The villains of these pieces are n't rock bands but the likes of Billy Ray Cyrus , Garth Brooks , Faith Hill , and Shania Twain : the cowboy-hatted , midriff-baring Barbie and Ken dolls whose bland and innocuous sounds push real country artists off the so-called country stations . Performers like Tritt , Alan Jackson , Vince Gill , and Marty Stuart include at least one such critique on every CD they release . Stuart is the most self-consciously militant of this group . His most recent recording is called Country Music , which is a little like Jonathan Franzen putting out a novel called Contemporary Fiction . <p> Have I justified my obsession ? If not , it 's probably too late to defend it . But I will say that as fatuous , lame , inauthentic , and cheesy as popular music often is , it manages to retain a gravity not often found in other arts , low or high . The way people respond to an action movie , a prime-time soap opera , or a romance novel can be fairly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some other article of bad faith . Music 's logic is at its base emotional and thus not as easily assailed . More elevated works -- say , an off-off-Broadway play in which the actors start commenting on the previous scene , or a contemporary painting that , in its use of color or texture , is " about " painting -- have a contrary problem : they are trees falling in , if not a forest , then a very sparsely populated region . In pop music , good or bad , there is usually the sense that something is at stake . As a result , it demands our attention . Bob Dylan is no Shakespeare , but , like Shakespeare , he appears to be putting a great deal on the line . In the song " Sara , " Dylan sings of " staying up for days in the Chelsea Hotel , / Writing ' Sad-Eyed Lady of the Lowlands ' for you . " That puts me , for one , in mind of Prospero . At one point near the end of Neil Young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all the parts are sung by Young , the character " Grampa " erupts with a complaint : " That guy just keeps singin ' ! / Can somebody shut him up ? / I do n't know for the life of me / where he comes up with that stuff . " For my money , that 's a moment of comic and cosmic humility that ranks up there with " The Tale of Sir Thopas . " <p> By Ben Yagoda <p> <p> Ben Yagoda is Professor of English at the University of Delaware . He is the author of About Town : The New Yorker and the World It Made and The Sound on the Page : Style and Voice in Writing , forthcoming this month from HarperResource . He contributed " The Years with Kolatch " to the SCHOLAR 's Autumn 2002 issue . <p>
@@4000441 There seems only one cause behind all forms of social misery : bigness . It appears to be the one and only problem permeating all creation . Wherever something is wrong , something is too big . -- Leopold Kohr , The Breakdown of Nations <p> <p> To undergraduates universities are landlords , to scholars they are multidisciplinary think tanks , to entrepreneurs they are applied research parks , to economic development officials they are economic growth centers , and to gung-ho alumni they are sponsors of professional football and basketball teams disguised as college teams . Is it any wonder that the cost of higher education is out of control and that the mission of most universities appears to be garbled and inconsistent ? American universities have tried unsuccessfully to be all things to all people . In so doing they find themselves in too many unrelated and disconnected businesses . They have become academic behemoths . <p> During higher education 's " roaring eighties " we said no to almost no one . By the nineties , we had become virtually unmanageable . This is a far cry from the fifties and sixties when universities were viewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberals as agents of social change , and by taxpayers as avenues of social mobility . <p> Overspecialization and functional isolation are two reasons college costs consistently outpace inflation . Each department or professional school is an island unto itself , cooperating with no one . Promotions and faculty salaries are closely linked to publications within one 's narrowly defined discipline . Departments compete for students and resources . Research and writing are rewarded ; teaching is not . <p> It is not uncommon for a university 's business school , divinity school , law school , engineering school , and medical school each to have its own separate library . The Fuqua School of Business at Duke University has its own dining hall , computer center , audiovisual center , placement service , alumni office , and luxury hotel for executive education programs . <p> The cost of high-tech research equipment soared in the 1970s and 1980s -- particularly in engineering , physical science , and medicine . The cost of research in such fields as particle physics and molecular biology is prohibitively expensive . But is all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undergraduates with a well-rounded liberal arts education ? We think not . <p> Undergraduate education and state-of-the-art research are two quite different businesses . Does it make sense to try to combine them under one umbrella called a university ? Middlebury College is an excellent undergraduate educational institution . MIT , Caltech , and the Stanford Research Institute are world-class research institutes . Should not Amherst , Middlebury , Mount Holyoke , Vassar , and Williams specialize in undergraduate teaching , and MIT , Caltech , and Carnegie Mellon in basic and applied research ? The necessary skills for successful research grantsmanship are not the same skills required to be a good undergraduate teacher . Why do so many academics pretend otherwise ? <p> The prevailing attitude among most state universities , caught in the competition for tax dollars since World War II , has been " bigger makes better . " Now we find ourselves burdened with huge institutions . There is a serious need for downsizing . There are also , we believe , far too many universities in the United States . Some are so tiny that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Others are so large that they are fundamentally unmanageable . The state of North Carolina , for example -- a relatively poor state with a population of 6.8 million -- has no fewer than fifteen state universities plus another seven private universities . The state also has four medical schools -- two public and two private . On the other hand , tiny Vermont sensibly has only one state university . <p> The proliferation of universities with the inherent duplication of programs and infrastructure has contributed significantly to the skyrocketing cost of higher education . America needs not more universities but more small undergraduate colleges . But we have acted as if sheer size makes no difference when it comes to achieving the mission of higher education . <p> Countering the trend toward giantism in universities is well-managed Oklahoma City University with only 4,660 students , of which 2,400 are undergraduates . Although OCU 's strong international programs attract students from 71 different countries , 75 percent of OCU 's undergraduates -- including many American Indians -- are from Oklahoma . OCU produces a high-quality product , at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ university campuses . The administrators of OCU seem to know what business they are in and have created an environment with a strong sense of community between faculty and students . <p> Just as there are too many small universities whose quest for university status has distracted them from the task of undergraduate education , there are also too many universities that have become inefficient , dehumanized , bureaucratic agglomerations of unrelated businesses . Undergraduate , professional , graduate , and adult education ; housing ; food service ; dental and health care services ; book publishing ; agricultural extension services ; management consulting ; public service ; and semiprofessional athletics are among the plethora of unrelated businesses in which large universities find themselves . <p> With 52,183 students , 38,958 of whom are undergraduates , the Columbus campus of Ohio State University , the largest university in the United States , more closely resembles a small city than an academic community . It is not alone : Mega-Universities PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> Throughout the 1960s , many universities grew haphazardly , without any well-defined sense of direction . New programs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and new sources of government funding . Not unlike the programs of the federal government , obsolete academic programs are seldom allowed to die . Instead , they continue indefinitely , long after their original rationale has faded . Restructuring Higher Education <p> We believe that what is called for in higher education is nothing less than a complete restructuring of universities , including the way they are organized , the way undergraduates are taught , and the substance of the curriculum . The ultimate aim of restructuring is to improve the quality of undergraduate education , increase its value , and reduce its costs -- to create a community of scholars and teachers that will enhance students ' critical thinking skills and their search for meaning . <p> While we know that smallness alone is no guarantee of a school 's educational effectiveness , we do believe that a large size is a mostly negative factor in achieving the goals of higher education . Universities are not immune to the law of decreasing returns with regard to increased size . We would estimate the optimum-size undergraduate learning environment to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousand students subdivided into English-style residential colleges of around three hundred students each . Large state universities , with their dehumanizing high-rise dormitories , legions of graduate teaching assistants , and tens of thousands of undergraduates are antithetical to the pursuit of knowledge , meaning , and community . There are those who respond , " But do n't many students at larger schools do quite well on standardized tests like the GRE or the LSAT ? " Such arguments fail to move us . The quantification and standardization of education , represented in such tests , is precisely what we are arguing against . Even relatively small universities like Duke , with 6,130 undergraduates , and the University of Vermont , with 7,925 , are difficult to control . Viable undergraduate learning communities at the mega-universities described previously are an almost impossible dream . <p> What we are proposing is downsizing colleges and universities to a more reasonable scale and eventually decoupling undergraduate education from the largest of them . Growth at universities with more than five thousand undergraduates should be brought to a halt . Proposals for new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , large universities should either completely spin off their undergraduate programs or significantly decentralize them in a manner consistent with the residential college mode . Too many of our universities resemble General Motors of the fifties . While American business has radically transformed the World War II-induced behemoths churning out haphazardly built products , American higher education is still saddled with huge institutional relics that produce assembly-line graduates . American higher education must show some of the same creativity and courage that we have seen recently in much of American business . Downsizing is the order of the day . <p> The three best-known American examples of the residential college systems are Harvard , Princeton , and Yale . Yale 's twelve residential colleges are self-sufficient communities within Yale College , each with its own dining hall , library , courtyard , seminar rooms , practice rooms , and numerous other facilities , from darkrooms to printing presses , from game rooms to saunas . At the end of their first year , Harvard students are assigned to a house in which they will live for the remainder of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior tutor or dean , a tutorial staff , a library , and dining facilities . All houses are coeducational , and much of the social , athletic , extracurricular , and academic life at Harvard centers on the house . At Princeton all freshmen and sophomores live and dine in one of five residential colleges . A small number of juniors and seniors live and eat in the residential colleges , but most live in the upperclass dorms , and more than half dine in Princeton 's well-known independent eating clubs . <p> We are not suggesting that the residential college system , as practiced by the aforementioned universities , is a panacea . We know that the residential college experiments at the University of Virginia and at Princeton have had their critics . Yet we do defend the notion that size is an important issue . Even with the residential college system , size mitigates against the benefits of residential colleges when , as is the case at Harvard , there are 6,672 undergraduates dominated by 11,601 graduate students and professional students . <p> In 1994 , tiny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to education and its high tuition , sent shock waves through the American higher education establishment when it announced its plans to implement one of the most radical college restructuring schemes ever conceived . The reconfiguration called for faculty and staff reductions , the abolition of tenure , the elimination of traditional academic departments , a 10 percent cut in tuition and fees , the adoption of an alternative contractual system for faculty , and the establishment of a revolving venture-capital fund to support innovative new faculty ideas . <p> All of this was in response to declining enrollments , a $1 million deficit , serious erosion of academic standards , poor faculty morale , and organizational chaos . Bennington was not only out of control , it was in a death spiral . But to its credit , Bennington was small enough and flexible enough to reinvent itself . Most large colleges and universities are not . <p> Over the long term , during the next decade , we are proposing that large universities withdraw from the undergraduate teaching business . The university of the future would consist of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research institutions , adult education , and professional outreach services . State universities would provide support services to a network of colleges not located on the central university campus , including administrative and financial services , library services , and central computing facilities , as well as specialized courses for advanced undergraduates . Seniors in satellite colleges affiliated with the university might be allowed to take a limited number of graduate courses at the university . <p> Moreover , we encourage those who charge that these proposals would be extravagantly expensive to be honest about the extravagance , the waste , and the redundancy present in the large educational institutions . There are functions of the university , particularly those that thrive on communication , interaction , and cooperation , where costs increase and efficiency declines as the bureaucracy grows . Downsizing is not a call to withdraw from the commitment to educate the largest possible number of qualified students , but rather an attempt to give all of our students the best possible education by the most efficient means . <p> To finance the shift toward decentralized liberal arts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and graduate programs . For many states -- not including California , New York , and Texas -- there is little need for multiple , state-supported medical schools , law schools , and engineering schools . Many underfinanced , undersubscribed universities should be downsized back to colleges . Having experienced a couple of decades during which numerous colleges and two-year institutions frantically moved toward pinning the name " university " upon themselves , we must now help these schools recover the dignity , the focus , and the efficiency that comes from reclaiming their identity as colleges dedicated to undergraduate education . <p> Not every state needs a dental school , a veterinary school , or state-of-the-art research institutions in nuclear physics and microbiology . The cold war is over and we do not need nearly so many nuclear physicists , mathematicians , chemists , and defense-related engineers . As taxpayers demand cutbacks in the defense budget , research universities are going to discover painfully how much of their intellectual activity has been dictated by the Pentagon . A preoccupation with short-run profitability and stock prices has prompted American companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only is there less demand for Ph.D.s in basic science and engineering , but there is also less private and government funding available to support expensive high-tech research in these fields . Be well assured that if our faculties and administrators do not take this opportunity , they shall then be led through the humiliating process of having legislators and mere market pressures hack their schools to pieces , bit by bit . <p> Graduate education has always cost more than undergraduate education because of small class sizes and laboratory equipment requirements . Universities should become much more selective in choosing departments and fields in which to offer Ph.D . degrees . The manner in which some graduate departments continue to produce Ph.D.s in fields already oversupplied borders on the immoral . Those who would defend the mega-universities on the basis of their altruistic desire to provide the largest possible number of students with access to higher education ought honestly to examine how much potential undergraduate funding is siphoned off at these institutions by expensive , glamorous , but relatively unproductive graduate and professional programs . For too long undergraduate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the university for graduate and professional work . We want to reverse that process , inviting universities to see themselves as existing for and supportive of the task of undergraduate education . <p> Since professors in newly emerging liberal arts colleges will not be under the university publish-or-perish mandate , they can be expected to teach more -- perhaps as many as four or five courses per semester . <p> As universities begin downsizing and cutting back on their undergraduate programs , former undergraduate dormitories can either be transformed to graduate and professional dormitories or converted to apartment buildings or much-needed housing for the elderly . We see much educational value in colleges attempting to foster more interaction between the generations . <p> With modern telecommunications networks , universities may offer their satellite colleges televised courses on topics too specialized to be included in the curricula of most small colleges , such as Chinese , Japanese , advanced physics , and molecular biology . Universities might be seen as resource centers that offer support for strong undergraduate colleges , the strong undergraduate colleges being the basic units of American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rather than as their norm to emulate . <p> Why should universities continue to support big-time football and basketball programs ? University stadiums and basketball field houses could be sold or rented to nearby professional teams . In downsizing , intercollegiate athletics would return to the scale on which it existed before World War II . Small colleges would compete among themselves for the pleasure of it , not to train professional athletes and hype alumni and state legislators . If athletic scholarships were continued , their educational usefulness , not simply their athletic value , would need to be demonstrated . <p> For decades , on many campuses , fraternities and sororities have provided a second-best alternative to the residential college system in America . In their fraternity or sorority , students found the sense of community they craved , but which the college or university failed to provide . Indeed , the very existence of the Greek system may at least partially explain why so few colleges and universities have adopted the English residential college plan . <p> Obviously , restructuring higher education will be a long and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as multimillion-dollar industrial conglomerates have outlived their usefulness and have given way to more creative adaptations , so too will large mega-university degree factories . It is not by chance alone that small colleges such as Amherst , Dartmouth , Middlebury , Mount Holyoke , Smith , Vassar , Wellesley , and Williams command premium prices in the marketplace . They charge high tuition because they provide a high value-added product . <p> By attempting to be all things to all people , large-scale universities have allowed their most important business -- undergraduate education -- to be seriously eroded . For too long university trustees and state legislators have been biased toward professional schools and graduate education . It 's time to turn the situation around , to recover the centrality of undergraduate education . <p> By Thomas H. Naylor and William H. Willimon <p> <p> Thomas H. Naylor is professor emeritus of economics , and William H. Willimon is dean of the chapel at Duke University . This piece is based on their recent book The Abandoned Generation : Rethinking Higher Education ( Eerdmans , 1995 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Princeton , NJ 085402741 . <p>
@@4000541 The papers that comprise this symposium are adapted from remarks delivered on 31 May 2002 in Washington , D.C. , at the NAS 's tenth national conference titled " Higher Education and Democracy in Peace and War . " They reflect the intention of the conference organizers to approach the role of patriotism in higher education from differing perspectives . Introduction Gertrude Himmelfarb <p> " Is higher education compatible with patriotism ? " That question suggests a prior one : Is higher education , as we now know it , compatible with education-education , that is , as we once knew it , liberal education ? <p> About higher education as we now know it , I think the members of the National Association of Scholars have no illusions . Much has changed since 9/11 , for the good . But higher education , I regret to say , is not among them . It is no accident , as Marxists used to say , that some of our most eminent professors in our most prestigious institutions of higher education should have immediately , instinctively , responded to the Twin Towers attack by blaming and disparaging America . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 2002 at a university in this city , the capital of our nation-a university bearing the proud name of American University , should have counseled the graduating class : " Find out who you are , what you think , " Goldie Hawn told them . " Learn to listen to the sounds of your own heart .. Now is the time for you to go to the College of You " -by which she meant , the College of Me . I do n't know which is more absurd-that Goldie Hawn should have been chosen as the commencement speaker ( and , I presume the recipient of an honorary degree ) , or that she should have taken this occasion , and this time , to deliver that narcissistic message . <p> It was in 1965 that Lionel Trilling coined the phrase " adversary culture " to describe the attitude of the early modernist writers and artists toward the dominant bourgeois culture of their time . By the 1960s , that adversarial attitude had been democratized , so to speak , adopted by a large body of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) who had no pretensions as writers or artists , but who assumed the attitudes associated with those callings . Since then , modernism has been succeeded by post-modernism , and the adversarial culture has become ever more pervasive and aggressive . The postmodernists have an " adversarial intention , " as Trilling would have said , not only toward bourgeois culture , but also toward those very ideas of mind and art , of truth and beauty , which had inspired the modernists and had been the warrant for their animus against the bourgeoisie . <p> Mind and art , truth and beauty-have they ever been entirely at home with such bourgeois values ( once classical " virtues , " perhaps , but now bourgeois " values " ) as family , community , country ? Does n't education , even higher education at its best-liberal education at its best-always tend to have a corrosive effect upon traditional beliefs and practices , loyalties and affections ? Are n't the Socrateses of all times always , in a sense , corrupting the youth ? <p> These are the perennial anxieties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only brought them to the fore , made them more urgent than ever . Terror and war concentrate the mind wonderfully . Now is a good time to address these most elemental and critical issues . The Perennial Trashing of Bourgeois Democracy Walter Berns <p> I recall a faculty party at Cornell , the day after the annual Fourth of July celebration at the University football stadium . A wife of an economics professor , when asked if she had enjoyed the fireworks , replied , " Yes , but I could have done without all the flag-waving . " This reminded me of that familiar old song-familiar in some circles , at least- " If you do n't like my peaches , why do you shake my tree ? " <p> As in Ithaca , New York , so , apparently , in Ann Arbor , the home of the University of Michigan . The following statement comes from an article by a professor of English titled , " Dissing the Middle Class " : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> This phenomenon is not peculiar to America , or to this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orwell remarked much the same thing in England . " It is a strange fact , " he said , " but it is unquestionably true , that almost any English intellectual would feel more ashamed of standing to attention during God save the King " than of stealing from a poor box . " 2 What accounts for this ? <p> Orwell attributed it to what he said was the fact that English intellectuals were ashamed of their own nationality . As to that , he would of course know better than I , but it seems to me that shame alone does not explain it , certainly not shame as Hobbes defined it-as grief caused by " the discovery of some defect of ability . " It was surely not because they grieved for England that four of them-Guy Burgess , Donald MacLean , Kim Philby , and Anthony Blunt-spied for the Soviet Union . Orwell was probably closer to the truth when he said English intellectuals were Europeanized , taking " their cookery from Paris and their opinions from Moscow . " Of course , a Paris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why Moscow 's Marxism rather than Britain 's liberal democracy ? The answer has something to do with the fact that , especially after Adam Smith , liberal democracy became bourgeois democracy . <p> Just as it was in England that the idea of liberal democracy was born-I refer , of course , to Thomas Hobbes and John Locke-so it was in England that opposition to , or dissatisfaction with , liberal democracy was first manifested . By this , I do not mean the champions of the old or traditional political idea-monarchy or divine right ; Locke presumed to have disposed of that in the first of his Two Treatises of Government . I have in mind certain poets who defended what they called culture , and foresaw that John Locke 's , and after him , Adam Smith 's principles would lead to a commercial society , a society with no secure place for culture as they defined it , in a word , a " bourgeois " society . <p> Although not the first to use the term as it is now employed , the Scotsman Thomas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " as the body of arts and learning separate from the " work " or " business " of society . This definition has the merit of reflecting ( and that very clearly ) the problem that gave rise to the " culture " movement in the early nineteenth century . Carlyle was preceded by the poets Coleridge , Keats , and especially Wordsworth ( who , in his role as poet , saw himself as an " upholder of culture " in a world that had come to disdain it ) ; and by Shelley ( who said that " society could do without Locke , but not without Dante , Petrarch , Chaucer , Shakespeare " ) ; and by John Stuart Mill , for whom " culture " meant the qualities and faculties that characterize our humanity , or those aspects of our humanity that he foresaw might be absent in a liberal democracy . His famous essay , On Liberty , was written with this in mind . <p> But it was the great English historian and man of letters , Thomas Babington Macaulay , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem . I quote from his essay on Francis Bacon , where he compares the old philosophy with the new : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> It was left to America to demonstrate the extent to which Macaulay and Bacon were right . <p> In 1776 , we laid the foundation of a regime that would secure our unalienable rights to life , liberty , and the pursuit of happiness . What we did with these rights was up to us ; more to the point , it was left to each of us to define the happiness he has the right to pursue . He might-we might-seek eternal salvation in another world , or , on the other hand , find happiness by acquiring the goods of this world . The government was to have nothing to do with this , other than to provide the conditions making it possible . This was to be done , in the one case , by guaranteeing liberty of conscience , and , in the other , by securing the property right-or as James Madison put it in the celebrated Tenth Federalist , by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . " He went so far as to say that this was " the first object " of government . <p> To repeat : guided by the new political philosophy , we established a commercial republic , peaceful and prosperous , and peaceful , in part , because it is prosperous . The Constitution secures our rights , including the right to be-or not to be-cultured . The choice is ours . We can spend our leisure time reading the Bible , Petrarch , Dante , Shakespere , and listening to the music of Bach , Mozart , Beethoven , or , on the other hand , by going to the movies , watching MTV or , thanks to modern science ( which is protected by the Constitution-see art . 1 , sec. 8 , cl. 8 ) gaping at internet porn . We enjoy the right to do the one or the other . As someone once said , the Constitution gives rights to vulgarity as well as to culture . <p> What began in nineteenth-century Britain as a serious critique of the new liberal democracy became , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost a way of life for some of our campus radicals . But if not American liberal democracy , with all its vulgarity , then what ? What 's the alternative ? Our intellectuals might , with reason , prefer Parisian crme caramel to American apple pie , but they can not , with reason , prefer Moscow 's Marxism to America 's liberal democracy , if only because Marxism suffered an un-Marxist-i.e. , unhistorical-death in Moscow . <p> Orwell , to get back to him , accused the intellectuals of his time of being unpolitical , of living in the world of ideas and having " little contact with physical reality . " The same might be said of some of ours : Martha Nussbaum , for example , a Harvard classicist but now a professor of law , as well as of ethics , philosophy , and divinity ( a veritable polymath ) , at the University of Chicago , and author of the lead essay in a book entitled , For Love of Country . It ought to be titled For Love of Nowhere . <p> Nussbaum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calls cosmopolitan education , according to which students should be taught that " they are , above all , " citizens not of the United States , but , instead , " of a world of human beings . " Patriotism , as we ordinarily understand it , is a problem , she thinks , because it leads to parochialism , or " partisan loyalties . " " Only by making our fundamental allegiance to the world community of justice and reason do we avoid these dangers . " 4 But where is this world community to which we can pledge our allegiance ? The United Nations ? <p> In fact , of course , this country , however numerous its imperfections , is now , as Abraham Lincoln said it was in 1862 , " the last , best hope of earth . " It is this because the cause of justice , equality , tolerance , human rights , all the values Nussbaum favors , depends not on the so-called World Community-Iran , Iraq , Saudi Arabia , North Korea , China ? -but absolutely on this country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its enemies . She fails to appreciate this country and the fact that there is nothing narrowly partisan about its patriotism . <p> Lincoln made this clear in his eulogy on Henry Clay . Clay , he said , " loved his country partly because it was his own country , but mostly because it was a free country ; and he burned with a zeal for its advancement , prosperity and glory , because he saw in such , the advancement , prosperity and glory , of human liberty , human right and human nature . " ( Emphasis added . ) <p> In closing , I refer to an article by John Judis in The New Republic some time last year.5 He had attended a conference in New York City on " globalization and independent politics , " sponsored by the Nation Institute , George Soros 's Open Society Institute , the Carnegie Institute , Barnard College , Columbia University , and the City University of New York-in a word , a conference of academics . As one might expect in such a gathering , the speakers accused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , generally , a place where no decent person would choose to live . Among the speakers was a professor of politics at one or another branch of the University of California , who said the " two-party system is a sanctuary for middle-class , white-skin that is , bourgeois privilege . " Not to be outdone , a female member of the audience repeatedly complained of " brown tap water . " <p> Judis said he had intended to stay for Ralph Nader 's luncheon address , but , instead , packed his suitcase , headed for Penn Station , and caught the first train back to his quiet home in the Washington suburbs where , he said , people think " white-skin privilege " is a kind of hand cream , and , when faced with " brown tap water , " call the plumber . And also , I would add , where they love this country and , when necessary , are prepared to take up arms in its defense . <p>
@@4000641 Quaesivit arcana poli videt dei . ( " He sought the secret of the Pole but found the hidden face of God . " ) -- inscription , Scott Polar Institute , Cambridge <p> <p> Everyone has an Antarctic . -- Thomas Pynchon , V. <p> <p> As a child I was home-schooled on an old schooner in various anchorages along the Gulf Coast of Florida . In a corner of our paneled dark mahogany main cabin sat a globe that turned reluctantly on a rusty metal stand . Rubbing my fingers along the buckled seams of the pasted-on sections of world map , I brooded over the shapes of the continents and the way they seemed to match each other like pieces of a giant puzzle . Florida 's jagged , concave inner curve , if you swept assorted West Indies island bits and pieces along with it , locked boldly onto the north rim of South America , whose eastern edge , like any good jigsaw piece , snapped into place under the jutting bulge of West Africa . Joining the land masses in my head produced in me a pleasure too intense to put into words @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continents had united in a single Gondwanaland . <p> I was precociously anticipating , in the early 1950s , the rehabilitation of a then-discredited theory . Continental drift is one of those curious instances where the techniques of empirical science converge with a long-standing human tendency to project inner psychological contents -- images of wholeness , and ultimately of the self -- onto the physical contours of our planet . That this identification is an ancient one in Western culture , and that it continues to flourish long past its allotted historical moment , is the subject of this essay . <p> Representations of planet Earth as a topos of the human psyche derive from the pre-Enlightenment cosmological framework of sympathetic correspondences in which hierarchies of beings in an animate cosmos were believed to function equivalently : the heavens are mirrored , great to small , in the human body and ( especially once its roundness was established ) in Earth itself . Microcosm and macrocosm converge in the rotundum , the spherical container -- cosmos , globe , and human soul . Renaissance natural philosophers drew their notions directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Plato in the Timaeus , is a perfect living animal , feeding on its own waste , with no need of eyes or ears since there is nothing outside to see or hear , that also happens to possess the perfect form : " a sphere , without organs or limbs , rotating on its axis . " The Republic presents the cosmos as eight hollow concentric spheres set inside each other like " nested bowls " with Earth at the center . The celestial axis holds the Earth still while the three Fates at the North Pole -- apex of the Earth and its interface with the celestial axis and heaven -- wheel the spheres and their attached fixed stars around it . Here Plato also describes " openings in the sky " where souls depart after death and " openings in the earth " where they return to be reborn , later identified by the Neoplatonist Porphyry as the northernmost and southernmost points of the zodiac , or the apex and nadir of the heavens . <p> Though the idea of a round Earth would be abandoned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retained the concept of concentric circles to describe the relationship between our terrestrial regions and the heavens . Meanwhile the Platonic rotundum endured in Western consciousness in other forms . The Hellenistic sciences of the animate cosmos , alchemy and astrology , were preserved by Arab alchemists and widely disseminated in Europe after the twelfth century C.E. Through their experiments in transmuting " living " metals , the Christian and Muslim alchemists of Europe and the Middle East undertook the investigation of their own souls as well as their outer-world materials ; the steps of the Great Work that changed lead to gold , or the prima materia to the lapis or Philosopher 's Stone , were thought to work a similar effect on the experimenter 's psyche by creating a mystic unio between spirit and matter , a conjunction of the macrocosmic and microcosmic on a single plane of existence . This dual transformation occurred , not coincidentally , within yet another perfect sphere -- the alchemist 's crucible , that oval Vase of Hermes , the egg or vessel that was , by sympathetic connection , the heavenly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Copernican revolution and the new empirical sciences converted cosmic forces to telluric ones , the focus of attention shifted downward from the celestial and ethereal spheres to the newly valorized elemental sphere , and Earth became the important level in the geocosmic hierarchy . The physical features and sacral nature of the celestial spheres were increasingly downloaded , as it were , onto the orbis Terrarum ( Fig. 1 ) . As all the classical attributes of the cosmic spheres -- equator , tropics , and poles -- were transferred directly to the Earth , ontology became , in a very , literal way , geology . Ironically , even as the new sciences put the notion of an animate universe under active attack , the old guard found it no strain at all to fit a spherical Earth into the resonating symbolic framework of Pythagoras , Plato , and Ptolemy . For seventeenth-century alchemists -- unregenerate Neoplatonists still " comprehending , " in Boberr Flood 's words of a previous century , " the true core of natural bodies , " not just the puny " quantitative shadows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet another level of correspondence in the hierarchy of Hermetic vessels ( Fig. 2 ) . <p> Nonalchemists proved equally adept in pouring the old wine into new glasses . Just as the pole star was thought by the ancients to mark a hole in the heavens , the earthly poles were now believed to mark holes in the planet . In his Mundus subterraneus ( 1664 ) , the Jesuit Athanasius Kircher described ocean currents as subterranean waters rushing out of an enormous vortex at the South Pole to converge in a giant whirlpool that sucked them back under in a second hole at the North Pole ( Fig. 3 ) . In 1692 , the astronomer Edmund Halley advanced the theory that the Earth is composed of a series of inner concentric spheres capable of sustaining life . The most fascinating document of the rapidly expiring Platonic natural philosophy of this era , however , is Thomas Burnet 's Telluris sacra theoria ( 1689 ) , revised and expanded in an English version , The Sacred Theory of the Earth ( 1690/91 ) . Burnet , master of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and John Tillotson , presented his explanation of the divine plan as manifested in the natural laws of Earth 's physical development . Regarded by its author as a devout work of " Christian geology " but by others as highly heretical , The Sacred Theory represents a last-ditch effort to bridge the widening gap between the old and new sciences . <p> Carrying through a tradition of medieval Christian Neoplatonism out of Pythagoreanism , Burner describes Earth as a " Mundane Egg , " with the shell the Earth 's ernst and its interior the yolk . He posits an historical sequence of three Earths : first , out of Chaos , an original Edenic orb that was a fixed star , a Platonic rotundum of unblemished smoothness and regularity ; then the present " broken Globe " whose continents , crevices , mountains and other irregularities are a consequence of its humanlike Fall ( a sixteen-hundred-year process of geological " moral degeneration " in which a flood erupted from waters already lying within the hollow Earth ) ; and finally a third millennial Earth , restored to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the resurrected righteous will rule for a thousand years until , after a final epic fire , the planet will metamorphose once again into a fixed star . <p> It is alchemy as implicit subtext , however , that rules the metaphorical structure of The Sacred Theory . In the story of Burnet 's planet , whose rivers flow like arterial blood and whose fissures embody moral decay , we see geological , cultural , and spiritual transmutations nostalgically coincide . The cyclic births and deaths of Burnet 's first and second Earth are virtually identical with the transmutation process , and the Earth itself makes an ideal crucible . The perfection of this Edenic Earth is ruptured by a Kircherian " Great Abysse " near the Pole that unleashes subterranean waters onto the Earth 's surface in an alchemical dissolutio or Flood to produce the split-apart land masses of its present fallen state ( Fig. 4 ) . After purging in a " Refiner 's fire , " Earth will be transmuted by a coniunctio of earthly and divine into its ultimate lapis status as a fixed star . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vision of planet Earth also functions as a kind of sacred theory of the psyche . Within the individual human , the apocalyptic sequence occurs as a profound interior transformation of the personality . Much like the tree-cum-Cross protagonist of the Old English Dream of the Rood , Earth is a character whose progress we follow in a bildungsroman narrative of high adventure . Its fall from rotundum to " mighty Ruine " mirrors the human misfortune , its continental drift the emergence of the specific personal topography of character that spoils the perfect regularity of the undifferentiated prelapsarian soul . Both self and globe will regain their perfection after the Resurrection . Winding up his story , Burnet bids an affectionate goodbye , as to a familiar figure : " There we leave Earth ; Having conducted it for the space of Seven Thousand Years , through various changes from a dark Chaos to a bright Star . " <p> The intertwined apocalyptic destiny of self and globe , as we will see , is a theme Burnet 's literary heirs in the twentieth century will often return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Burnet as a redactor of the old science was already a marginal figure . From the next century 's perspective , Erasmus Darwin 's syncretic conceits in The Botanic Garden ( 1791 ) -- his millennial vision , for example , of " Nymphs " towing icebergs to the equator to equalize the climates , thereby allowing Earth to return to its Edenic state -- would seem even quainter . For eighteenth-century Westerners , alchemy and the sympathetic identifications had been increasingly exiled to the realm of ornamental metaphor and -- for wits like Pope -- outright satire . Though Neoplatonic metaphors continued to exert a strong influence on the new empiricists and vestiges of the old Naturphilosophie would be revived by Goethe , Humboldt , and others well into the nineteenth century , after the Renaissance " the means of internalizing the cosmos , " as Ernest Tuveson has said , would be " by the aesthetic " rather than natural science . We must look to literary , not scientific , descendants of Fluddian natural philosophy for the continuing identification of self with globe and cosmos . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literary genre of mystical geography out of the same mixture of Christian and classical sources drawn on by the old sciences . From Dante to John Bunyan , the quest literature of Christianity had always boasted authors who , much like the classical and medieval mnemonists , created their own special kind of inner topography . In the concrete allegory of these narratives , outer and inner worlds describe each other ; the spiritual journey enacts itself in the physical journey , and vice versa . Unlike the discourse of natural philosophy , however , the underlying terms of this literary genre were not immediately -- and in some eases , never -- erased by the rapidly changing philosophical , religious , and scientific worldview of the Enlightenment and later . From the Romantic era on , this Neoplatonic tradition would be carried on in a distinct group of literary sea and adventure narratives that , while ostensibly imitating the real feats of Western explorers circumnavigating the globe , became the vehicle for a new kind of soul quest through the geocosm . <p> " O vast Rondure , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to identity himself as " a Kosmos " ) , PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> The new secularized quest narratives embodied considerably more than " passage to India , " however . Now as earlier , this spiritualizing of physical geography would require that the journey be undertaken by real people and start at a quantifiable point in time and space in the physical world precisely in order to end up in an internalized soul region outside time and space . Using the topographical allegorizing of the religious narratives , they would also oblige their readers to employ , within their own interpretative process , the analogic principles of the old discarded science . For the Romantics and their literary heirs , the artist became Robert Fludd 's Pan who fashions a world that is the perfect mirror of his own insides . Coleridge and Poe would imagine their journeys in a Hermetic mode , creating visionary landscapes in which elements are first hypothesized , then appear ; possibilities are entertained , then materialize . What M. H. Abrams called the Romantics ' " habitual reading of passion , life and physiognomy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notions of the Imago Mundi as a mirror of the human soul , contributes the same Demiurgic framing to what I have called elsewhere " psychotopographic literature " of the twentieth century , expressionist fiction in which , naively or deliberately , inner psychic processes are projected sympathetically onto an exterior landscape . <p> Nowhere is this complicated Renaissance heritage more strikingly apparent than in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Western fictional narratives of journeys to the Poles , and particularly ( because of its greater remoteness ) to the South Pole . The historical path of this identification follows the same development as that for the Earth generally . Pole began as an astronomical term ( Greek polos , axis or sky , Latin polus ) , first as the entire axis of the celestial sphere , then as the two fixed points in the celestial sphere around which the stars seemed to revolve . By the sixteenth century , pole signified the two points at which the earth 's axis met the celestial sphere . ( Similarly , Arktos the Bear , the northern constellation , and anti-Arktos , its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Earth their names . ) <p> The term pole was also extended to each of the two opposite points on the surface of a magnet , which aligns itself north-south . The magnetic poles of the earth are these two points in the North and South Poles , respectively , where the compass needle takes a vertical position . The magnet , of course , was a crucial tool for mariners in finding their way ( lodestone , the old word for magnet , means literally " way-stone " ) . Thus the Poles , in both their " true " and " magnetic " manifestations , are orienting points . In microcosmic terms , this means they are the orienting loci of the psyche , but by the same token they are also the least known , the farthest from consciousness , the points ( inherent in the notion of polarity ) where the transcendent and celestial spheres have special access to the human sphere . <p> This association is reinforced in Western fantastic representations across the centuries that present the outer , geographic Poles as either Hells @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the inhabited part of the Earth , in a northern temperate zone that had a southern counterpart , the " Antipodes , " on the lower side of the sphere -- a region the Pythagoreans had earlier dubbed the " Antiehthones " because they believed it to be a separate celestial body , an alter orbis completely distinct from our planet . Lucretius and other ancient commentators , however , derided the idea of an inhabited southern area because their position on the sphere ( literally " antipodes " ) would oblige these people to hang upside down by their feet . Nonetheless , the belief in a large southern land region led Ptolemy in the second century C.E. to posit the " Terra Australis Incognita , " a southern continent completely enclosing the Indian Ocean -- an hypothesis that would be accepted as geographical fad for the next fifteen hundred years . <p> The tradition of the Antichthones and Antipodes as a region of reversals contra naturam was similarly transferred into medieval Christian geography : Higden 's fourteenth-century Polychronicon , for example , contains a mappemonde detailing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fariei , Virgogiei , Troglodytes " ) ' , in Paradise Lost Milton located a " frozen continent " in Hell . Even as late as the eighteenth century , Shaftesbury could comment , about his map of nature : " In the places most remote from man 's works and occupations we encounter the manifestation of the divine Mind pure and undefiled . " Out of this tradition comes the implicit identification of the Poles with the furthest unknown reaches of the self/world and , for that very reason , with its transcendent center as well . For what is farthest away and most hidden is , paradoxically , always what is most important : the journey to the pole is a journey to the center of the soul . <p> A mystic or occult notion of both Poles also figures strongly in alchemists ' speculations about the resonating inner and outer worlds . C. G. Jung -- the twentieth century 's only notable Hermetic philosopher disguised as a psychologist , and not coincidentally a fervent student of alchemical literature -- uncovered numerous references to the Poles in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , " Philalethes " asserts that since the magnet has a hidden center which turns toward the Pole , thus <p> in the Pole is found the heart of Mercurius , which is the true fire wherein its Lord has his rest . He who journeys through this great and wide sea may touch at both Indies , may guide his course by the sight of the North Star , which our Magnet will cause to appear to you . <p> Jung interprets this passage as a description of the psyche 's irresistible journey or impetus toward wholeness , that is , <p> the Deus absconditus ( hidden God ) who dwells at the North Pole and reveals himself through magnetism . His other synonym is mercurius , whose heart is to be found at the Pole , and who guides men on the perilous voyage over the sea of the world . The idea is that the whole machinery of the world is driven by the infernal life at the North Pole , that this is hell , and that hell is a system of upper powers reflected in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Pole " was " a cross from which the four directions radiate " ; that the quest to reach the Pole is symbolic of striving for " wholeness as the goal to which the ' archaic appetite ' points , the magnetic north which gives the traveller his bearings on the ' sea of the world . ' " <p> In the sharply diverging post-Enlightenment histories of natural philosophy and nautical exploration , however , we may safely identify a single shared moment of harmonic convergence : Sunday , 30 December 1774 , when Captain James Cook on his journey to the Southern Ocean in the Adventure reached latitude 71 10 's . In place of Ptolemy 's Terra Australis Incognita and a mystic circulus australis there was now a real Antarctic Circle , and a real ship had just penetrated it . Deciding because of the " immense Icefields " that he " could not proceed one Inch farther South , " however , Cook concluded there was no southern land mass enclosing the Indian Ocean from the south . <p> Samuel Taylor Coleridge had read Cook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ volume of his Neoplatonic muses " Iamblichus , Proclus , Psellus , and Hermes Trismegistus " that he purchased in x796 and carried everywhere in his pocket . Whereas Mary Shelley would have her Frankenstein 's Creature disappear into the " darkness and distance " of the Arctic , the South Pole 's greater remoteness seduced Coleridge sufficiently to transpose his extensive readings in Arctic literature to the Southern Ocean when he composed The Rime of the Ancient Mariner , first published in 1798 in Lyrical Ballads and revised in 1800 . <p> Universally recognized as " the travelogue of a spiritual journey , " the Ancient Mariner is a profoundly alchemical and elemental poem that most closely resembles the medieval dream vision whose landscape provides fixed points for meditation and self-reflection . Coleridge 's unique amalgam of physical and soul journey was to set the pattern of the southern journey for his many imitators in Western literature : an archetypal sea-trip from a bustling port ( consciousness ) to Terra Australis Ineognita ( unconsciousness ) , where a transcendental encounter occurs that initiates either integration of the self or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> In a not surprising convergence of influences , the poem begins with a quote from Burnet 's Archaeologiae Philosophicae attesting to the reality of Neoplatonic spirits in the air around us . In Burnetian ( or even Miltonian ) terms , if humans lost their inner vision at the Fall , a journey to the Pole must involve an initial failure to recognize that the journey has an esoteric as well as an exoteric meaning ; this failure must produce catastrophe followed by suffering and eventual redemption . And this is exactly what happens in the Ancient Mariner : a man blind to his inner spirit ( the albatross ) kills it , but is redeemed when he experiences love for God 's creatures ( the sea-snakes ) as his ship or body journeys on the larger Body of the globe , pushed by angelic forces in a harrowing voyage of self-discovery . Ultimately , the " lonesome Spirit from the south pole " guides the mariner 's boat back to civilization , where it sinks in a maelstrom , leaving him the sole survivor . ( This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encounter with an ill-omened white creature . ) The journey to the furthest unknown recesses of the psyche discovers a positive force there that supports the ego 's act of self-redemption . We take it as a good psychotopographic sign that the sinking occurs dose to the Ekemene , home base in Europe , because that suggests the experience inflicted on the mariner is more accessible to his ( and the reader 's ) consciousness than any action taking place at the Pole itself . <p> In the two voices of the Ancient Mariner -- one a pre-Shakespearean sixteenth-century balladeer and the other his Percylike antiquarian commentator , from roughly Burnet 's time -- Coleridge 's obvious strategy , as Jerome McGann and others have shown , is to reproduce not just the flavor of an archaic ballad , but a sense , as in the Old and New Testaments , of multiple textual layers . In fact , the poem amounts to a kind of self-contained Burnetian geological process of its own , a little evolving world of complex textual strata . As in The Sacred Theory , cultural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The contrasting layers reinforce our sense of the poem and its craggy fissures as no perfect rotundum but a self-conscious and all-too-human Burnetian " mighty Ruine . " <p> When Edgar Allan Poe 's The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym was published in 1838 , the same year that the U.S.-sponsored Wilkes expedition departed for the Southern Ocean , the Antarctic continent had still not been reached , and its very existence was uncertain . Poe , like Coleridge , drew heavily on explorers ' accounts , but even more heavily on the old notions of the animate universe : in the warm waters he bestows on the Antarctic Ocean we see the classical legends of the warm waters of Hyperborea , the land behind the North Wind . More specifically , he uses the then-popular theories of John Cleves Symmes , an army captain turned natural philosopher who postulated a hollow earth composed of five concentric spheres ( projecting the structure of the Ptolemaic cosmos , as the Renaissance natural philosophers did , directly onto Earth ) accessible through holes near the North and South Poles . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Symzonia : A Voyage of Discovery ( 1820 ) , by " Captain Adam Seaborn , " probably Symmes himself . Considered the first piece of American utopian fiction , Symzonia describes Captain Seaborn 's most American determination to discover a " new and untried world " because " the resources of the known world have been exhausted by research , its wealth monopolized , its wonders of curiosity explored , its every thing investigated and understood ! " He navigates his custom-built steamboat to a temperate southern land mass and follows a wide river pouring into a hole at the South Pole to the first of the five layered concentric spheres ( Fig. 5 ) . In this land ( which " out of gratitude to Capt . Symmes for his sublime theory " he names Symzonia ) Seaborn finds a perfect democracy of albino humans governed by a council of Worthies and a Best Man . <p> Symmes 's theory of the hollow earth was enthusiastically propagated by his follower J. N. Reynolds , whose treatises on the South Pole were both reviewed by Poe and inserted verbatim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bailey once suggested , might just as easily have been titled Pymzonia ) . Widely disseminated in the early nineteenth century , Symmes 's notions passed into popular folklore as the polar " Symmes Hole , " a belief that kept its currency among hollow earth cultists in America and Europe well into the twentieth century . In 1906 a sixteen-year-old H. P. Lovecraft wrote a letter to the Providence Daily Journal to refute the theory advanced in a new book , The Phantom of the Poles , " that the earth is a hollow sphere , with openings at the poles . " ( It is typical of his contradictory conscious and unconscious agendas that this writer , who prided himself on the rigor of his " scientific materialist " views , went on to create , with enormous gusto , just such a Kircherian globe in his own fictions . ) Even after World War II -- as Joseelyn Godwin details in his fascinating study Arktos -- a popular myth arose that Hitler had survived the war in a subterranean Antarctic labyrinth with a legion of flying saucers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his own predilections toward the vortex that made the Symmes Hole a perfect fit with the inner structure of his psyche . For even more than the Ancient Manner , Pym is an imagined story in the full sense of the world . In Poe 's only novel , action must be imaginatively anticipated before it can be made manifest , events seem only to proceed while the first-person narrator lies in a swoon , and Pym awakens each time to find himself regressed into ever more outrageously claustrophobic and life-threatening predicaments . This repetitive retreat into lowered or obliterated consciousness is a microcosmic journey to his own self 's Terra Incognita , an ongoing dress rehearsal of the outer journey that will end so obscurely . In the macrocosmic terms of the larger narrative , the apocalypse that Pyre and his comrades rush toward in their small boat ( a structurally equivalent act to that chronicled in his stories " MS Found in a Bottle " and " Descent into the Maelstrom " ) is also the vortex in the unconscious toward which the conscious ego feels both attraction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , are congruent and resonate sympathetically . In the symbolic terms of Poe 's magic cosmos throughout his literary works , falling into a hole or pit is the transforming moment of death , and this recurring private and personal Symmes Hole becomes the inevitable destination in both the smaller and larger predicaments of Pym . It is the reason that Poe can provide no depiction of the South Pole itself , or of Pym 's reaching it . <p> Pym presents its own complicated pastiche of textual fragments recounted by at least three narrators , two of whom are unidentified . " Tekeli'li ! " one anonymous commentator obligingly recaps for us after Pym 's own account abruptly breaks off , " was the cry of the affrighted natives of Tsalal upon discovering the carcass of the white animal picked up at sea . " It was also , he continues , <p> the shuddering exclamation of the captive Tsalalian upon encountering the white materials in possession of Mr. Pym . This also was the shriek of the swift-flying , white , and gigantic birds which issued from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ giant white birds Poe is echoing Coleridge 's albatross , but he engages a " polarity " as well : the black island of Tslalal that intrudes itself before the whiteness . <p> The commentator , however , fails to mention the most striking manifestation of whiteness , namely , the giant " shrouded human figure " with snow-white skin who rises before Pym and his companion Dirk Peters out of the ashy cataract filling the southern polar sky . In Poe , as in Coleridge before him , these mysterious white figures embody the transcendental and unearthly dimension of the southern polar region . In Pym , however , does this figure represent the Anthropos , the macrocosmic Original Man of Gnostic and Jewish belief , as Richard Howard has proposed ? Or is perhaps the globe itself the true Anthropos here and the giant figure merely its microcosmic equivalent ? The enigmatic , open-ended narrative leaves readers looking over the edge of the Great Abyss with no clear view of what lies below . <p> We may note in passing that when Herman Melville drew on Pym for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only very briefly ) , and so his descriptions of the landscape of the Southern Ocean are considerably less shadowy and mythic than those of the armchair sailors Poe and Coleridge . Melville 's greater involvement in the world of the senses makes his characters ' pursuit of the whiteness an outer world journey first and an inner world journey by extension rather than the other way around . It is no coincidence , consequently , that Melville 's Anthropos turns out to be a marine mammal , a creature of the elemental world rather than a daemon of the next sphere up . <p> As the nineteenth century wore on , the Romantic world view suffered its own continental drift into the Victorian sentimentality of Arthur Conan Doyle on one hand -- whose supernatural story " The Captain of the ' Pole-star ' " ( 1883 ) , in which a tormented ship 's captain meets his end on an Arctic ice floe , pursuing a white insubstantial female form ( presumably the ghost of his dead fiancee back in Comwall ) , contains more than an echo of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the techno-literalism of Jules verne in works like The Sphinx of the Ice Fields ( 1897 ) , which Verne composed , according to William Butcher , not only to " completely superimpose itself on Poe 's novel but also to cover it so completely as to virtually block it out . " The mysterious Sphinx that Verne 's explorers are seeking at the South Pole turns out to be a giant magnet that strips their vessel of all its iron ; pinned to the lodestone by a stray musket is none other than the frozen corpse of the explorer Arthur Gordon Pym . This decidedly nonoccult echo of Robert Fludd is typical of Verne 's framing consciousness of nineteenth-century scientific materialism . <p> Much closer in spirit to Poe 's mythic journey is Verne 's Journey to the Center of the Earth ( 1864 ) , in which scientists retrace the route of a sixteenth-century Icelandic alchemist reminiscent of Athanasius Kircher ( who , though no alchemist , once had himself lowered by ropes into Vesuvius to observe an eruption firsthand ) . Entering the mundus subterraneus through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lands and oceans and are ultimately ejected in an eruption onto the island of Stromboli ( earnestly asking a local boy , " Is this the North Pole ? " because their compass has been magnetically reversed ) . Although Verne , like his closest twentieth-century equivalent , the English writer J. G. Ballard , flirts with the sympathetic connections in his primal topographies , the deeper possibility of the " journey to the center of the self , " simply because the narrative stays literalized on the level of physical geography , remains unconscious . Verne 's sensibility proved the enduring trend as it helped initiate the popular genre of science fiction , which rationalized the supernatural into " marvelous machines " capable of accomplishing feats formerly performed by angels , nymphs , and Neoplatonic daemons . <p> A century after Poe , a proponent of the new popular fantastic fiction , H. P. Lovecraft , wrote as both a child of this materialist movement and a rebel against it . Yet another explicit homage to Pym , Lovecraft 's South Pole horror novella At the Mountains of Madness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ architectural , depicting inner psychic processes macrocosmically in the globe itself and in the city under the globe 's South Pole . The narrator of Lovecraft 's tale is a geologist who has brought to the Antarctic a remarkable new drill that can go to unplumbed depths . ( In the symbolic terms of polar romance this means he is an explorer of unconscious strata of the psyche , or , put another way , what Lovecraft most loathed in conscious life : a psychoanalyst . ) The expedition uncovers evidence of a lost civilization beneath the Pole whose extraterrestrial builders -- the Great Old Ones , star-headed beings from another galaxy -- entered the planet via the Antarctic Ocean and built marine cities shortly after the moon was separated from the South Pacific . <p> The heart of the story is the narrator 's exploration of the Old Ones ' colossal abandoned underground city below the South Pole . Penetrating the multileveled labyrinth of this mundus subterraneus becomes the story 's true journey within a journey -- its novelty lying in the suggestion that even as we imagine we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet lies beyond and under , something hostile and deeply threatening to human reason . Like Burnet 's fallen Earth , Lovecraft 's Pole is a decayed realm . " If we could open the Earth , " Burnet said , <p> and go down into the bosom of it , see all the dark Chambers and Apartments there , how ill contriv 'd , and how ill kept , so many holes and corners , some fill 'd with smoak and fire , some with water , and some with vapours and mouldy Air ; how like a ruine it lies gaping and torn in the parts of it . <p> For Lovecraft this region is likewise " a haunted , accursed realm where life and death , space and time , have made black and blasphemous alliances in the unknown epochs since matter first writhed and swam on the planet 's scarce-cooled crust . " The cities of the Old Ones , we learn , were gradually destroyed geologically , by seismic upheavals , the wearing effect of rivers , and similar telluric events . <p> This Burnetian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Terra Incognita regions of the human head , which we penetrate at our peril : the assistant goes mad and the narrator barely escapes with his sanity . Microcosmically , Lovecraft in the person of his narrator is telling us not to push the interior journey too far ; there is a fatal structural flaw built into the composition of the psyche/planet . At the very least , only the inaccessibility of certain regions holds in check the sinister transcendent principle that , unleashed , would overwhelm it . Here , finally , the hole at the Pole definitively converges with the proverbial " hole in the head " signifying madness . Lovecraft would find much to identify with in the French asylum inmate 's diagram from the famous Art brut collection in which the globe is overlaid with a sympathetically connected " interior world " that strikingly resembles a medieval mappemonde ( Fig. 6 ) . <p> After Lovecraft the fantastic polar journey continues to flourish in any number of twentieth-century literary and science fiction works . In the Polish writer Stanislaw Lem 's Solaris ( 1961 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planet entirely covered by a living ocean , a regularized surface of animate matter much like Plato 's sphere and Burnet 's flooded Earth ( though its name suggests our own planet 's sun and an opposing element , fire ) . After a century 's futile attempts to establish contact with this creature , the story opens as Earth scientists have beamed X-rays onto the surface of the ocean from the space station hovering above its surface , to surprising effect : the three resident scientists have been visited by simulacra or " Phicreatures , " materialized projections that are the ocean 's living representations of their secret desires . When Kelvin , a psychologist , arrives from Earth , he is immediately sent the simulacrum of his dead wife-a woman who , it is suggested , killed herself because of his emotional neglect . <p> But the true landscape of Solaris , as Gaston Bachelard has correctly observed of Pym , is an inner one : the interface of consciousness and unconsciousness . In Kelvin 's helpless love for his Phi-creature wife and growing contact with his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( as the name " Kelvin " suggests ) hovering above an inaccessible unconsciousness that resists control and , sending back as it does inconvenient messages about their innermost psychic contents , shows far greater knowledge of those who study it than vice versa . The scientists are self-deceiving , narrow Cartesian rationalists detached from their own animal and emotional natures , vainly attempting to control and subjugate their split-off desires under the guise of " communication . " As one disillusioned scientist / explorer puts it , <p> We are searching for an ideal image of our own world : we go in quest of a planet , of a civilization superior to our own but developed on the basis of our primeval past . At the same time , there is something inside us which we do n't want to face up to , from which we try , to protect ourselves .... We arrive here as we are in reality , and when that reality is revealed to us -- that part of our reality which we would prefer to pass over in silence -- then we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indeed , is the classic postcolonialist argument : if the Western imagination does no more than project its own psychic Terra Incognita onto the rest of Earth , then we correctly regard such accounts of these regions as portraits of an alter ego , not an alter orbis . The colonialist 's psychotopographic presumption is to seek the Other and find only his own reflection . Solaris presents the exquisite joke that , for once , rejected contents of the psyche are projected onto an Other who is having none of it and -- to the total psychological undoing of the projectors -- reflects these contents right back to them . <p> Inevitably , the planet Solaris is discovered to contain , Chinese box style , its own alter orbis . As Kelvin and the other scientists move the station toward the planet 's southern polar region , they try beaming Kelvin 's own brain waves into the ocean . Of this same region an earlier scientist , whose suppressed testimony is preserved only in lost notebooks ( significantly nicknamed the " Little Apocrypha " ) , testifies that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ocean after an astronaut falls in it . Is this , as some hypothesize , the ocean 's representation of an artifact of the drowned man 's memory ? Possibly so , but Robert Fludd had this to say on the subject of " polarity " in alchemy : <p> The two polar fundamental principles of the universe are form as the light principle , coming from above , and matter as the dark principle , dwelling in the earth .... In the middle , the sphere of the sun , where these opposing principles just counterbalance each other , there is engendered in the mystery of the chymic wedding the infans Solaris , which is at the same time the liberated world-soul . <p> The ocean , our highly erudite author Lem may be suggesting , could be producing the possibilities of an alchemical coniunctio , or mystic union of spirit and matter , a philosopher 's stone of its own . But what , exactly , does the baby , this " child of the sun , " consist of ? Is it materialized spirit or spiritualized matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notion of material imagination as he comes to see the ocean as an " imperfect " or " evolving " god " whose passion is not a redemption , who saves nothing , fulfills no purpose -- a god who simply is . " In his highly alchemical definition , " this God has no existence outside of matter . He would like to free himself from matter , but he can not . " Hoping to maintain his tenuous connection to transcendence through the strait gate of his now fully accepted love , pain , and loss , Kelvin decides to remain on Solaris . <p> The mystic geography of Thomas Pynchon 's V. ( 1963 ) also owes a great deal to Renaissance natural philosophy . In one of the novel 's intricately interwoven subplots , the English explorer Hugh Godolphin , sent on a routine mapping expedition into the heart of Asia , stumbles upon the land of Vheissu , the first letter of whose name , in this novel 's terms , signals its membership in a macrocosmic hidden pattern that shapes human events all over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ region whose physical features have the magical ability to change color constantly , like a " tattooed skin " ; its emblematic indigenous species is an iridescent spider monkey . Haunted by visions of Vheissu , Godolphin journeys to its direct opposite , the South Pole . There , " at one of the only two motionless places on this gyratic world " ( " a country , " he adds simply , " the demiurge had forgotten " ) , he discovers , shimmering through several feet of transparent ice , the body of one of Vheissu 's spider monkeys . <p> Besides representing the now-familiar millennial convergence of tropics and pole , this image recalls the display of colors associated with the albedo or whitening , the first major transformation in the alchemical process . Yet we learn that this impossible juxtaposition , " the rainbow-colored spider monkey buried beneath the zero point of absolute stasis , " is only a cruel parody of the mystic unio . An unnamed " They , " says Godolphin , deliberately planted it for him to find , as a " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was simply an amusing fabrication of theirs . If this is the ease , then whose fabricated world do Godolphin and all the rest of us live in ? Another character speculates on the identity of these mysterious demiurges . " A barbaric and unknown race , " he says , <p> employed by God knows whom , are even now blasting the Antarctic ice with dynamite , preparing to enter a subterranean network of natural tunnels , a network whose existence is known only to the inhabitants of Vheissu , the Royal Geographic Society in London , Herr Godolphin , and the spies of Florence . <p> In the elaborate tapestry of V. , the rulers of the sublunary sphere are able to elude identification by hiding behind the visible pattern of the natural world . ( Or , conversely , in a familiar modernist twist , they may represent no more than the speaker 's own paranoid fantasies . ) <p> Warning humans off visiting their Antipodean regions , as Lovecraft and Pynchon both do , may seem a sensible strategy -- Coleridge , after all , once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Centre to live in the Circumference " -- but what of the psyche/globe whose fate is to have its poles invade its central regions ? Here we see the polar quest diverging into two distinct types of journeys cure inner experience : going to the Pole and falling into the mundus subterraneus on one hand or , on the other , having the Poles invade the Ekumene , the center of consciousness , in such a way that the ego experiences either demonic conversion ( death or psychosis ) or a blissful mystical experience . <p> Using the macro-micro polar topos for very different purposes , two British writers , Leonora Carrington and Anna Kavan , employ this second type of mystic journey by sending the ice to their protagonists instead of the other way around . This inversion of the polar ice caps amounts to a translation of the psyche/globe into a transcendent Platonic form that delivers Eden or death , and in both works the globe paradoxically reaches its Burnetian regularized perfection by virtue of the solid sheath of ice encasing it . ( The reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and unbearable heat -- informs J. G. Ballard 's 1963 novel The Drowned World . ) <p> In Ice ( 1967 ) , by Anna Kayan ( a name its bearer adopted in homage to Kafka ) , massive glaciers relentlessly encroach on Earth 's temperate zones , possibly as an unexpected result of nuclear testing . Kavan 's main character is an embodied Coleridgean Life-in-Death -- a nameless albino young woman with snowy white hair and skin transparent as glass who moves from one landscape of sadism to another in a world that is dying of frost . The " girl 's " mute passivity , we are told , is the result of being bullied by a sadistic mother ( as Kayan herself claimed to have been ) . The male narrator , symbiotic alter ego of the brutal men to whom this woman is in thrall , pursues her through one vaguely totalitarian state after another in a phantasmagoric narrative in which points of view and lines of narrative are constantly shifting . In simultaneous parallel stories , the brutalized girl is resurrected from death and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a rollercoaster ride to death . <p> Kavan 's bleak millennial vision communicates powerful excitement about the coming Armageddon . The destruction of life is represented as an enthralling , highly dynamic process : <p> Dazzling ice stars bombarded the earth with rays , which splintered and penetrated the earth , filling earth 's core with their deadly coolness , reinforcing the cold of the advancing ice . And always , on the surface , the indestructible ice-mass was moving forward , implacably destroying all life . <p> The Earth Kavan is describing is a Burnetian sphere , of course ; even allowing such an event as " ice stars " pelting the planet with their freezing rays , it would be impossible , in real world terms , for ice to penetrate the Earth 's core and freeze it from the inside out . Rather , Kavan is giving us a pathetic fallacy description of a seductive , welcomed , apocalyptic death taking place at the center of one person 's soul and physical body as well as in the outside world : <p> Frozen by the deathly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of crystalline ice-light , she felt herself becoming part of the polar vision , her structure becoming one with the structure of ice and snow . As her fate , she accepted the world of ice , shining , shimmering , dead ; she resigned herself to the triumph of glaciers and the death of her world . Addicted to heroin , Kavan died of its effects in 1968 , age sixty-seven . One may draw the obvious parallels between the street name for heroin , the novel 's title , and the destruction of the world represented within it . The world and the woman are the same entity ; the body of the planet is her body ; man 's sadistic misuse of both has resulted in their deaths . Perversely , this is also an erotic fulfillment . <p> Leonora Carrington 's shifting polar caps in The Hearing Trumpet ( 1977 ) provide a millennial vision as playful and life expanding as Anna Kavan 's are death dealing . Carrington , an English painter whose fiction and art have not received the recognition owed them in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which an elderly expatriate in Mexico , Marion Leatherby , is consigned by her son to a peculiar old folks ' home ( whose quirky buildings serve as an expressionistic extension of the inhabitants ' own psyches ) run by a Gurdjieffian tyrant . In the course of the entirely unsummarizable plot , Marion and the other old ladies , organized by their secret leader the black servant Christabel , stage a personal revolt , with the macrocosmic result of their invocation of a three-headed Goddess being nothing less than the exchange of the poles with the equator and the release of a winged hermaphrodite called the Sephira ( a syncretic version of Isaiah 's six-winged seraph , here the result of the union of the Devil with a priestess of the old religion disguised as a nun ) from the tower of our heroine 's own psyche . In such a cataclysmic manner -- as wolves and glaciers joyously invade the tropics -- is Marion 's initial forlorn wish to visit Lapland triumphantly fulfilled . <p> Very much in the spirit of Erasmus Darwin 's eccentric vision of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allows the protagonist of this psychic navigation to avoid the perils of both the overwhelmed consciousness ( as represented by Poe , Lovecraft , and Kavan ) and the colonizing consciousness ( as represented by Lem ) . Here the invasion of consciousness by the remote and rejected regions of the psyche creates an icy Eden instead of Lovecraft 's and Kavan 's icy Hell . Marion Leatherby stands still while the Poles ( herself , or her Self , the innermost core of her being , representing the true Pole ) rise to meet consciousness in an ultimately benevolent encounter . At the climax Marion descends into a mundus subterraneus below the old folks ' home where she dies and -- after an alchemical cooking in a bubbling cauldron/rotundum stirred by her alter ego -- is reborn a greatly enlarged human . This death and rebirth represent the correct outcome of the alchemical work : the mystic unio which results in the shrinking of the Terra Incognita and corresponding enlargement of the " inhabited areas " of the psyche . Self , globe , and cosmos are realigned to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , consciousness and unconsciousness . <p> After Carrington and Kavan , do any more polar literary icicles remain to be harvested ? Quite a few , in fact , though with one exception they can not be covered here . Though its narrative framework is one of more straightforward realism , the same strands of thinking are visible in a short vignette in William Golding 's trilogy about a converted British warship on its perilous voyage through the South Ocean . In Fire Down Below ( 1989 ) , the concluding volume of this underrated masterpiece -- misread by reviewers as , among other things , a " great sentimental journey of the naval kind " -- the motley flock of passengers are Gnostic scintillae Dei whose microcosmically flickering souls resonate with the smoldering keelson in the bowels of the ship that threatens to rend apart at any moment . At one point before the ship reaches safe harbor in Australia , a calving , spinning iceberg ( whose " dull and fitful gleam " the narrator first mistakes for the dawn ) manifests as an enormous " cliff " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impossibly , rotates around it . As , in another optical illusion , the berg seems to rush past the ship instead of the other way around , the narrator tells us he " saw a melange of visions in the ice which swept past me -- figures trapped in the ice , my father among them . " Golding 's ship of self has had a quick brush with the capricious Polar Spirit , who obligingly offers the ego/narrator a tantalizingly quick glimpse into the Narcissus pool orbis own unconscious . <p> The notion of psychological projection , our secularized humancentered construction of the old trope of sympathetic correspondences , now insists that the macrocosm reflects the microcosm instead of the other way around -- a development some of the old Renaissance heretics might well have applauded , since it locates the divine squarely within the human . In these terms , then , the inner wastes of Antarctica have provided a beautifully blank projective screen for post-Enlightenment writers and poets . Out of the Symmes Hole of their imaginations have crawled -- among other creatures -- the Polar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a huge magnet , snail-like monsters and their star-headed masters , an enormous baby , a winged hermaphrodite , a victimized albino woman , and a multicolored monkey . <p> In Ice , his admirable study of the Antarctic , Stephen J. Pyne claims that now , at the close of the twentieth century , the era of the polar Gothic has also ended : " Once Antarctica and the ocean basins had been generally explored , there were no unvisited geographies within which to set a lost civilization ; fantasy writing had to resurrect old problems , tour other planets , or plunge into the depths of the human soul . " But even as we see this projective mechanism working in a novel like Solaris , it seems likely that our mapped , explored , satellite circumnavigated and much photographed Whole Earth will continue to exert its macrocosmic seductions on the human psyche . Robert Fludd would not find much to quarrel with in the present-day construct of the ecological food chain , a telluric-projected revival of the old cosmogony 's catena aurea , nor in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Antarctica , widely believed in our age to leave humans nakedly exposed to malign ultraviolet radii from the heavens , is another perfect replication of Ptolemaic cosmology ( Fig. 7 ) . Empirically verifiable it may certainly be , but the polar hole is also a venerable construct of Western culture . <p> Popular storytelling continues to feed this symbolically rendered need . The two Hollywood film versions of The Thing , set in the Arctic and Antarctic respectively , belong to the category of the Other who emerges from the Pole , the desert , under the sea , and all other regions of inner wilderness outside the realm of consciousness . The 1956 Mole People , in which albino descendants of the Sumerians are discovered under a volcano , features a " scientific " introduction by Hollywood 's favorite professor Frank Baxter , who cheerfully cites Symmes and other worthies in defense of a hollow earth . In Peter Weir 's The Last Wave ( 1978 ) , Australian aborigines foretell in their dreams the next great Flood , a cataclysm produced by " giant low pressure from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Langoliers ( 1994 ) features a planeload of people who leave sublunary space and time when they fly through a polar aurora borealis that mysteriously appears in the Midwestern skies ; Kevin Reynolds 's Waterworld ( 1995 ) depicts an Earth in which the ice caps melt and the poles reverse to produce a lawless anti-Edenic oceanic planet . And this year will see the publication of a new blockbuster adventure novel , Subterranean , by James Clemens , " about a group of adventurers who travel to the underground center of Antarctica . " <p> In these formulaic narratives , the level of the inner psychological journey remains submerged and unconscious , though we sense intuitively that it is there , just as when as a child I felt the click of the uniting continents . A catharsis of this sort stays locked in reflexive instinct , lacking the fullness of discovery that a completely realized work of art allows . Yet humans never cease in their efforts to bring about the impossible union . The pull we feel the Polar Spirit exerting on us to go to it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us , of course . Although Antarctica continues to be earnestly depicted in documentaries and news reports as " a continent devoted to science , " its less allowable representations flourish in a different territory of the human psyche , a region where we have never stopped trying to tow the Poles into our temperate zones . <p> Because if the old woman ca n't go to Lapland it means that Lapland must come to the old woman . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Tenniel 's illustration of the anti-Beetonian household . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 1 . The Ptolemaic universe as rendered in the seventeenth century . The celestial north and south polar circles , tropics , and equator now have geographical counterparts on Earth . Andreas Cellarius , Star Atlas ( 1661 ) . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 2 . The alchemical globe , nourisher and vessel of transformation . Michael Maier , Atalantafugiens ( 1618 ) . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 3 . The holes at the North and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the subterranean world . Athanasius Kircher , Mundus subterraneus ( 1664 ) . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 4 . Thomas Burnet 's polar hole , out of which the Flood emerges . Sacred Theory of the Earth ( 1690/91 ) . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 5 . The " Symmes Holes . " Frontispiece of Symzonia ( 1820 ) . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 6 . " The Earth and its internal ramifications , " by Florent , a French asylum inmate ( 1944-49 ) . Courtesy Collection de l'Art Brut , Lausanne . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Fig. 7 . Late twentieth-century Symmes Hole caused by ozone depletion ( NASA photo ) . <p> By Victoria Nelson <p>
@@4000941 The expression " sent up the river " finds its roots in New York penal history . From the early 1800s on , convicted felons from New York City were literally " sent up the river " to Sing Sing , the gloomy penitentiary perched above the banks of the Hudson River at Ossining . <p> My arrival there was July 17 , 1985 , after receiving a fifteen years to life sentence under New York state 's Rockefeller drug laws . To my eyes , when the transport bus stopped in front of the gates , the view of the river was awesome , spreading out from the prison like a smooth , still carpet . The contrast of the natural beauty of the surroundings and the daunting facade of Sing Sing was mind-boggling . Then , once inside , as the bus inched past the giant concrete wall , I looked up and saw gun towers with armed guards . Seagulls circled high above , giving the prison the look of a medieval castle . <p> In the heart of the prison complex was the state shop , where new jacks ( prison speak for new inmates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with me on the bus , were taken off and steered like cattle into a holding pen . Our cuffs and chains were removed and , one by one , we were called to another room where we were reunited with our property and given our cell assignments . <p> I was assigned to B Block . With some 660 prisoners , this is reputed to be the world 's largest cellblock . To get there we had to travel past other parts of the prison . Long , concrete corridors and tunnels connected Sing Sing 's many buildings , most of which were in horrendous condition . Slabs of peeling paint hung from the ceilings . A thin film of moisture , residue from the nearby river , covered the battleship-gray walls . The smell of mildew , disinfectant , and body odor from the 2,300 men who filled the prison made me nauseated . <p> At several checkpoints along the way we stopped while guards known as turnkeys opened the steel gates that were strategically placed throughout the facility . Prisoners could n't travel beyond these checkpoints without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 300 yards and countless steel gates later a door swung open and I took my first steps into B Block . <p> The noise hit me like a freight train . Rap music from radios hanging on cell bars blasted throughout the tiers . Prisoners shouted at one another from across the rows of cages stacked one on top of another , four stories high . The voices of hundreds of convicts ricocheted off the steel bars , creating a thunderous din . The block resembled a giant airplane hangar full of human cargo . <p> While I stood there , stunned , another set of gates opened . A guard led us to a cell that had been converted into an office for the officer in charge . This OIC ran the daffy activities of the block and attended to the custodial upkeep of the prisoners who lived there . I was astonished by the enormity of his task . As I gazed out over the tiers , I saw prisoners running buck wild up and down the corridors , hanging out in each other 's cells , shouting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filthy , raucous , and crowded . <p> The cell I was assigned was a windowless , fifty-four square foot solid metal cube , number W-429 . It contained a small bed with steel springs and a torn , piss-stained mattress . A toilet with an old , porcelain bowl squatted in the corner next to a small metal locker . A portable lamp with a built-in electrical outlet was clamped over the bed . Graffiti covered the walls . I threw my property sack on the floor , sat on the bed , which was more like a cot , and held my head in my hands to drown out the noise . <p> Shortly after , a guard cracked the cell gates , signaling it was time for lunch . I followed a group of prisoners to the mess hall and took my position in line . This place was as loud and confusing as the cellblock . Hundreds of prisoners , some eating , some leaving , some standing in line , filled the massive , high-ceilinged room . At one point I made the mistake of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " Hey , motherfucker ! " he screamed in my face . " What 's wrong with you ? Do n't ever reach over my food again or I 'll kill you . " <p> I backed away and apologized . I learned quickly that this gesture , like so many others in prison , was a sign of disrespect . The subculture there carried its own set of rules , known as the " convict code , " which prisoners lived and died by . The best that a new jack could do was to learn the code as quickly as possible and pray that in the meantime his rookie mistakes would n't get him murdered . <p> One of the worst parts about life as a new jack was being checked out by all the other prisoners . Not having a crew was dangerous . The prison was infested with predators and scam artists searching for men who had n't hooked up with a gang for protection . B Block was more dangerous than the other blocks because it was a transit-housing unit . Prisoners were constantly coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be moving out so they lived for the moment , not caring about anything or anyone . <p> The way for a new jack to protect himself was to join a crew and find safety in numbers . Some inmates joined racial gangs for protection , but you could find just about any kind of group to hang with to show that you were n't doing time solo . You 'd start by playing basketball or handball with someone , then meeting his friends . If they liked you , you became " one of the crew . " <p> I found a crew by pumping iron with two older Puerto Ricans . After we 'd worked out together a couple of times , Roberto , who was doing twenty-five years for murder , took me under his wing and showed me the ropes . He told me that it was important to always have a weapon handy in case something went down . I said I was n't looking for trouble . " It does n't matter , " he said . " Trouble has a way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Later that day , we were hanging out in my cell when Roberto opened his green army jacket . From the inside pocket he removed a shank -- a six-inch sharpened piece of metal with the end wrapped in black electrical tape . He offered it to me . <p> " No , Roberto , I do n't want that . " <p> " Do n't be stupid , Tony . You got ta have something . " He looked at my locker and reached for a small box full of batteries . He snatched my laundry bag and pulled out a sweat sock . " Perfect , " he said , loading the sock with a handful of batteries and knotting the end . It became an instant blackjack . " You can use socks for a lot of different things , " he said , " from brewing coffee to smashing someone 's skull . " He placed a boot on my bed and demonstrated , raising the lethal sock over his shoulder and smashing it down on the boot . " One good crack and that motherfucker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many heads like this , and cracked many nuts , too , " he laughed . <p> " Nuts ? " <p> " Not the kind you eat . The kind you get when you 're backed up . " <p> " Backed up ? " His explanations were starting to confuse me . <p> " Yeah , backed up because you got no pussy . " He reached for the jar of Vaseline in my locker . Instinctively my fists clenched and I looked around for a guard . Roberto grabbed another sock from my bag and filled the inside with a scoop of Vaseline . " Here , " he said , handing me the sock . " When you get lonely , all you got to do is stick your dick inside and you 'll be all right . " <p> I looked at the sock and tried to imagine fucking it . " I do n't think so , " I said shaking my head in disbelief . <p> " Look , " he said angrily . " You 'll do a lot of things you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a decade and have fifteen more to go ! " He was yelling now ; the veins in his neck bulged . " I did shit even I could n't believe but I had to in order to survive . Doing time will change you -- face it . " He calmed down when he saw the look on my face . He could tell his sermon rattled me . " Just keep an open mind , Tony . It 's the only way to beat all this time you got ta do . " <p> I 'd never thought about time and its consequences . In the street , " time " was a relative concept , flowing in and out like the tide . Sometimes you had more , sometimes less . Here , it controlled you , grabbed you by the throat and made you hyperaware of your existence . Roberto spent many hours educating me about doing time . His lessons probably saved my life . <p> One day , he asked me if I 'd do his laundry for him . " Sure ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He waved a finger in my face . " You never do nobody 's laundry . " Doing someone 's laundry was the first step toward becoming his punk , he said . <p> I remained on good terms with Roberto and his Latino crew but , despite having a crew , danger still existed . Much of the danger was brought on by drugs . Sing Sing was awash in them . And where there are drugs , there 's violence . Different crews would fight each other over distribution turf . I tried to keep a low profile but learned that what Roberto had said was true : trouble has a way of finding you in prison , whether you 're looking for it or not . To survive in this environment I had to become comfortable with violence . I was n't a violent person on the outside , but I learned that violence was deeply imbedded in the prison culture , where the strong preyed on the weak . Either you defended yourself or you were victimized , plain and simple . It could start innocently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a young blond-headed guy complimented me on my sunglasses . I made the mistake of letting him try them on . A week later I was walking through the block when I ran into the same guy . He was leaning against the steam pipes with two other prisoners . <p> Casually , he walked over and stepped in front of me , blocking my path . He took a broken , rusty razor blade out of his pocket and waved it in front of my face . " I want those sunglasses , motherfucker , " he said . Because I 'd let him try on my sunglasses , he figured I was easy prey and now he was testing me . <p> My friend Roberto had taught me to look at the size of the weapon before reacting . As a rule of thumb , if the weapon was n't deadly , you should fight back at all costs . If you did n't , word spread that you were a coward , which meant that your ass would be on the line with others . If the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to run but always return with an equal-sized weapon . <p> I looked at the razor blade . It was less than an inch long . It could n't kill me , I figured . I made my choice and looked square into the guy 's face . I was ready to fight because I knew that my survival at Sing Sing depended on it . If I let him take my glasses , I 'd be pegged a pussy . The predators would find out and make my life more hellish than it already was . " Use that , " I growled , " and I 'll kill you . " I stared him down with pure hatred in my eyes , thinking about how I 'd fucked up my entire life , lost my family , and now I 'd be spending my best fifteen years in this rat hole . The piece-of-crap con must have seen the fire in my eyes and everything that was behind it . He quickly put away the blade and tried to make a joke out of it . I walked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to learn that I could get out of most situations simply by feigning toughness , or " fronting , " as prisoners say , putting on a certain face or using certain words and speaking with absolute conviction . There were times , however , when violence was unavoidable . Often it boiled down to being in the wrong place at the wrong time . <p> One day I was walking the flats , the ground-level area of the block , when I saw this guy Nicky whom I knew from the weight room . At 6 ' 2 ? and 240 pounds of solid muscle , Nicky was a monster . The week before , he 'd noticed my sneakers and asked me what size they were . " Ten , " I said . Funny , he wore the same size , too . Since I 'd once seen Nicky whack a guy over the head with a forty-pound dumbbell just for looking at him the wrong way , I figured it 'd be a good idea to get on his good side . I told him I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pair . He 'd nodded and thanked me . <p> The next day , Nicky spotted me at the rear of the cellblock and motioned me over to him . As I got closer I noticed that his face wore a strange expression and his eyes were bloodshot . From his breath I could tell he was drunk on jailhouse wine . " Give me your sneakers , " he demanded . <p> " I did n't get my new ones yet , " I said . <p> " You think I give a shift ? " Before I could answer , he unleashed a powerful upper cut that caught me square under my chin . I sailed backwards to the floor -- and my sneakers came off ! He hit me so hard I literally flew out of my sneakers . To this day , I do n't know whether they 'd been untied and flew off from the impact or if he 'd knocked me unconscious long enough to yank them off my feet . Whatever the case , shortly after hitting the floor , I popped back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me to forget about it . No one wanted to start trouble with a guy like Nicky . Besides , people said he went crazy every so often , usually when he was high or drunk . If I left it alone , Nicky would be fine with me , they said . It was good prison politics . <p> Sure enough , the advice was sound . The next day in the weight room Nicky acted like nothing had happened . " Hey Tony , what 's going on ? " he said , slapping me on the back and flashing a smile . " Thanks for the sneakers , " he said . I noticed that he was wearing them . <p> " Hey , all right , " I replied . " They fit okay ? " <p> " Sure do , man , thanks again . " <p> It was good to have guys like Nicky on your side . <p> About six months into my stay I tried to get a job as an electrician in the prison . Getting assigned to certain jobs could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the facility needed . And this would get me transferred to A Block , the main housing area . After that , I would n't have to worry about being shipped out to a possibly worse facility elsewhere in the state . <p> I went to the chapel where the administration had set up a committee to assign qualified prisoners to work assignments . I approached a counselor and said I 'd like to work as an electrician . I said I had skills to offer Sing Sing and that I wanted to spend my time doing something constructive , something that could get me a job in the real world once I got out . <p> " Look everyone , " the counselor called out . " This man wants to be rehabilitated ! " He doubled over in laughter . <p> I looked at his pudgy face , red with glee , and I thought of everything I 'd gone through to get to this sorry place , how I was standing there like a fool , begging for a job that paid pennies . This time I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And what about it ? " I shot back , not bothering to disguise the hostility in my voice . " I know lots of guys in here who want to improve themselves . " A few heads turned . The room grew quiet . <p> " Rehabilitation does not exist , " the counselor said flatly , glowering at me . <p> " Really , " I continued . " You mean to tell me that your job amounts to nothing more than locking people up ? You do n't believe in giving prisoners a chance to do something constructive with their time ? " <p> He did n't respond . I knew I should 've kept my mouth shut , but I was sick of the crap . All the prison was good for was warehousing men , infantilizing them , and then churning them out like so many widgets on the day of their release . I stepped closer to read his nametag . " Mr. Cody , " it said . He was a civilian employee , not a cop . Fuck it , I thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " You know , Mr. Cody , " I said , enunciating both syllables in his name . " With that kind of attitude maybe you should n't be a counselor . " <p> He stared at me hard and tapped his pen nervously on the desk . I decided to back down . " Look , man , I 'm sorry . I got a family to support . I could really use a job . " <p> " I do n't have a job for you , " he said , his voice rising . " Now get out ! " <p> As I left , a counselor sitting in the rear of the chapel got up and walked out with me . He introduced himself as Dennis Manwaring , the Special Subjects Supervisor . " I heard what you said about your family , " he said . " Why do n't you come by my office tomorrow morning and we 'll see what we can do . " I looked in his eyes and I trusted him . <p> The next day , after a brief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general population status . Just like that , I was staying at Sing Sing . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Metamorphosis , 1991 <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Nightmare of Justice , 1988 <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : After the Whitney , 1994 <p> By Anthony Papa and Jennifer Wynn <p> <p> While in prison , Anthony Papa became an award-winning artist and received clemency in 1996 from Governor George Pataki . Today he is an artist and a drug law reform activist who can be reached at papa@15yearstolife.com . This article is excerpted and adapted from his recent book , 15 to Life : How I Painted My Way to Freedom , published by Feral House of Los Angeles , California . The article illustrations and cover art are by Anthony Papa . <p> Jennifer Wynn is author of the critically acclaimed Inside Rikers : Stories from the World 's Largest Penal Colony . <p>
@@4001041 ONE OF THE MOST PROMINENT causal factors of the seemingly rebounding addiction to supernaturalism as an explanation of the world and justification for action is surely the dramatic rate of social and technological change , which often forces people to abandon tradition in order to adapt to entirely new situations . In our grandparents ' day -- or even our parents ' -- what we learned in school was reasonably expected to provide us with useful information for a lifetime . No more . It has been said that information is doubling every five years . With such an exponential curve , how can anyone expect to learn it all and cope with its ramifications ? <p> This incredible rate of change quite naturally drives many people to cling to traditional approaches as they struggle to slow the process to a more comfortable pace . As a result , fundamentalism often becomes the order of the day . Not merely Islamic fundamentalism or Jewish or Christian fundamentalism but , rather , the basic fundamentalism of " I have the answers . Do n't bother me with more questions " -- a fundamentalism of " stay the course " rigidity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and new data become available . <p> Fundamentalism , in turn , leads to a need for an authority figure -- be it a political leader , a teacher , a parent , or a cleric -- to interpret life 's mysteries and to give direction . As a result , people become even more dependent on powers outside of themselves instead of learning the processes and skills necessary for critical thinking and problem solving . <p> New York Times columnist Tom Friedman , quoting an Iranian woman , tells a story about the education of young boys in Middle Eastern countries . The boys are taught by clerics completely through indoctrination . They are fed information to remember but are n't allowed to think about it . No discussion , no involvement , no interaction is tolerated . Later , if they go on to university study abroad and are suddenly expected to think and offer their own ideas , they are completely at a loss . Frustrated and confused , they may seek refuge in an even deeper fundamentalism . <p> So behind the turmoil in the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , fundamentalism rather than thoughtfulness , and as a result , the conflict of ideologies . TRADITIONAL VERSUS HUMANISTIC RESPONSES <p> To keep apace with social and technological changes , we must obviously abandon many of our traditions . But the resultant dilemma is : replace them with what ? Do we substitute our traditions with adherence to a different set of principles , do we retreat to the safety of fundamentalism , or do we seek new responses more appropriate to the process of change ? We all admit that knowledge learned in school is merely the beginning , the stepping stones . Education evolves over the entire course of life through experience . And the degree and depth of the knowledge attained is directly related to the development and application of the skills of learning . <p> Unfortunately , too often we both teach our children and use the same processes that have been practiced for centuries , essentially transmitting the technical and cultural wisdom of the past -- known information . We have indeed updated the content : we now teach about computers and debate whether to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most part , we utilize modern equipment , provide extensive financial support for schools , and employ technically competent and generally caring teachers . But we are still locked into the conservative approach of teaching already known information . <p> In the United States the political move toward conservatism in recent years has resulted in less separation between church and state and the growth of fundamentalism and rigidity . George W. Bush 's " No Child Left Behind " legislation is a classic example . While certainly well intended , it essentially promotes rote teaching and learning and emphasizes the accumulation of facts and the simple transmission of already known information by rewarding schools whose students score well on tests that measure accumulated information and punishing those whose students do n't . The importance of learning the facts is n't to be denied , but it 's a long way from the whole story . <p> There is , however , an appropriate humanistic alternative . Rather than merely teaching the what of learning , we can also teach the how . We can emphasize , much more than we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teach children not only to be learned but learners . And the processes of learning are eminently teachable and learnable . <p> Picture the entire concept of learning and teaching as a spectrum : on one end we have the traditional style of learning the content ; on the other end the emphasis is on learning the processes of learning -- learning how to learn . This table illustrates the idea . <p> This spectrum or dichotomy is obviously artificial and heuristic ; there is no such thing as learning the processes of learning free of content , nor of learning the content without some kind of use of the processes . But nevertheless , schools , teachers , parents , and learners have many options for the position they choose on the spectrum . And there are obvious reasons why the emphasis on learning to learn should be increased . The incredible rate of ongoing social and technological change means that no longer can an individual function by relying only on the information disseminated in school . Suppose a physician used only the knowledge gained in medical school and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? But even more important , a society of competent learners would be less inclined to be duped by charlatans or corrupt leaders , less susceptible to the claims of the supernatural , less inclined to be fundamentalist . A society of learners would be more able -- and likely -- to think independently from each other , to apply reason and skepticism . THE TEACHING-LEARNING PATTERN <p> In my own teaching , I employ the easy-to-remember acronym EAT . The letters stand for experience , analysis , and theory . In the traditional model -- " I know . You do n't . I 'm going to tell you . " -- the pattern begins with the T or theory . In college teaching , the theory is almost always presented in a lecture . An elementary school teacher might start by presenting a vocabulary list . Next , the big idea , or theory , is A -- analyzed . The instructor explains what the big idea means , what its components are . Then comes E -- the experience or application . This might consist of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nursing . Sometimes it is a further presentation by the teacher , explaining the application . <p> With experiential education , or in the learning-to-learn mode , the order is reversed . The parent or teacher or professor starts with an experience , or a discussion of a prior experience , and then asks the learner to analyze the experience : " What are the parts of it ? How does this connect with things you have done before or know about from another source ? What do you think about this ? How did doing this make you feel ? " The third step is the most difficult and the most neglected : the development of a theory or generalization . It 's an attempt to have the student generalize from the experience and the analysis of it . " What does it all mean ? How would you describe the whole thing ? What principles can you figure out from all of it ? What will you know the next time you work with this issue ? " <p> I teach a Master of Business Administration program course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the personal-interpersonal aspects of the working world , including such themes as leadership , motivation , interpersonal communication , supervision , and teamwork . With respect to teamwork , the traditional transfer teaching approach would have students read the chapter in the text about teamwork , view and discuss a film about teamwork , listen to a lecture about teamwork , with an emphasis on recent research , and write a paper about teamwork , perhaps emphasizing the applications of teamwork in the student 's own work setting . The sequence is T-A-E . <p> I reverse this and use an inductive , process approach . I start with an exercise in which groups of five students are asked to complete a puzzle using puzzle pieces I supply . The sets of pieces are arranged such that teamwork among the five is required . Student observers are asked to watch each group carefully , noting particularly how the group members work together and their behaviors that contribute to assembling the puzzles . Issues that are crucial to teamwork -- such as leadership , communication , sharing , possessiveness , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they work . After all the groups complete their puzzles , each observer provides feedback to the team members , and a vigorous discussion follows , analyzing the puzzle experience in detail . The puzzle experience , followed by analysis , is then taken one step further . Each student is led to ask : " What is my own theory of teamwork ? How can I apply my theory when I go to work tomorrow morning ? How can I be a better team member or leader ? " <p> My role as a teacher has become less the role of " expert " and instead the more difficult one of " facilitator " : I plan the experience , encourage the thorough analysis of it , and share the skills so that students can come to their own legitimate conclusions . The teacher as expert provides the facts and knowledge whereas the facilitative teacher provides or reviews an experience and helps the student analyze it and build a theory . This latter approach leads to deeper understanding and wisdom . And as you might expect , the exercise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion , and leads to personal growth for everyone involved . <p> The most successful faculty development workshop I ever conducted was on the EAT model . I distributed copies of the several-sentence course descriptions from our college catalog to the participants but made sure they did n't get one from their own discipline . A nursing instructor , a math professor , and a history professor each got a social psychology course description . A physics teacher , a marketing professor , and a music teacher each got one about anthropology . Then they met in small groups and were instructed to plan the course . Outside the realm of their expertise , the workshop forced them to utilize their facilitative skills in order to ground the course in student experiences . After a bit of good-natured grumbling , these people worked hard to plan an interesting and exciting course that would utilize experiences like simulations and role play , case studies , field trips , instruments , and assignments such as student research projects . They would conclude by helping students analyze the experiences and generate theoretical constructs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others , more ideas surfaced . By the end of the exercise some of the participants said they wanted to take a course presented that way rather than totally by experts . And several made the point that the student learning that would have been engendered by such a course would transcend the course content itself and result in the development of learning skills applicable in other settings and for other content . TIPS FOR TEACHERS AND PARENTS <p> Here are a few ideas for teachers and parents interested in the process learning model . ( You will undoubtedly be able to think of more ideas and plan activities specifically suited to the learner in your life , including yourself . ) <p> * When your child comes home from school , you should certainly ask , as you hopefully do now , " What did you learn in school today ? " But you can develop it further by asking " How did you learn that ? " While an initial response may be " The teacher told us , " with careful attention he or she can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own learning processes . <p> * Do n't forget about the emotional aspects of learning . Because of their focus on reason , Humanists are often mistakenly thought of as unemotional . But emotions are an important aspect of learning . When your child is happy about learning something at school , be sure to reinforce that feeling . When your child tells you about a school experience , ask for details and express your feelings . For example , in discussing a book read in class , ask how the protagonists must have felt in the situation your child describes . Share your own feelings with your child or memories of similar experiences in your life . <p> * Help your child learn to figure things out . Do n't be too quick with the easy answer , too quick to be an expert . Good teachers are worth their weight in gold ; experts are a dime a dozen . Problem solving is a learnable set of steps using logic , rationalism , organizational skills , and decision-making patterns . Help your child think through these processes . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quick answer can quash curiosity . While we should n't deliberately withhold information , a measured response can help a child to think critically and develop an answer on his or her own . <p> * Children gain self-esteem by learning and sharing knowledge . Being able to contribute as part of a team rather than as a mere recipient of information builds a child 's sense of self-worth . <p> * Many become excessively dependent on a psychoanalyst , a cleric , a political leader , a parent , or a physician to provide them with their beliefs . Fundamentalism is n't limited the fringes of some religions . The importance of an authority figure to many people is growing , not diminishing as we might hope as time goes on and society matures . We all need to be careful to avoid creating powerful dependency needs in our children . Ask yourself if it 's more important that your children be just like you or that they each be independent , self-reliant individuals , even if it means you might disagree on some issues . Process learning , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side of self-reliance . The most functional parents guide their children to independence . Be a guide on the side , not a sage on a stage . <p> * As a parent , you can help your children enormously to become self-learners by supporting their skills in making choices . Learning the processes of making choices -- weighing the alternatives , remembering earlier experiences , seeing what others have done in similar situations -- can be of enormous help to them , especially as they face issues like the temptations of drug use , choice of friends , career goals , and the like . How your children make these choices is a learning to learn issue and one that most of us neglect in our own lives . Careful decision making can mean the difference between success and failure in many of life 's arenas . If we believe we can determine our own future , that our activities determine the quality of our lives , then it behooves us to plan those activities carefully . <p> As Humanists , we need to respond to a dramatically changing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We need to respond to the rigidity of fundamentalism with more openness and flexibility . The concept of process learning , or learning-to-learn -- as distinct from learning by the transmission of already known information -- is a vital step in the right direction . TRADITIONAL PREFORMATTED TABLE HUMANISTIC PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> By Philip E. Johnson <p> <p> Philip E. Johnson is a retired teacher and administrator with a Ph.D . in education from the University of Arizona . This article is adapted from a handbook he wrote for parents and he is currently writing a book on process learning . His website is at www.LearningToLearn.org . <p>
@@4001341 A computerized block design task was developed which records temporal and nontemporal measures of performance . This study evaluates the reliability of the measures and reports their intercorrelations . With one exception , the measures showed moderate to good reliability . The results indicate that increasing the difficulyv of the task and testing a more diverse sample may be necessary for improved reliability . A nontemporal method of scoring a block-design task would be useful when testing persons who have handicaps affecting motor skills . but no central nervous system deficits . <p> Previous research has demonstrated that college undergraduates have little difficulty adapting to a computerized block design task . Temporal performance on the computerized task has a reliability coefficient similar to the Block Design subtest of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised ( WAIS-R ) , and is moderately correlated with temporal performance on that subtest ( Martin &; Wilcox , 1989 ; Wechsler , 1981 ) . <p> Tasks of this type assess analysis of visual patterns , visual-spatial manipulation , and synthesis of visual patterns . However , they are also affected by psychomotor speed ( Cohen , Montague , Nathanson , &; Swerdlik , 1988 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motorically slow , yet retain good visual-spatial skills . In large part , this bias is attributable to the importance of temporal measures in conventional scoring methods . <p> In the interest of developing a method of scoring a block-design task that is unaffected by psychomotor speed , the present study investigates a nontemporal approach to measuring block design performance . The study examines the reliability of three nontemporal measures , and explores the relationship of temporal and nontemporal measures of performance on the computerized block design task . METHOD <p> Subjects <p> Subjects were 53 undergraduates attending a small comprehensive university who volunteered to take part in the study to receive extra credit in their introductory course in psychology . Of 53 subjects , 43 were female and 10 were male . Another five subjects were tested , but excluded from the data analysis because their knuckles inadvertently hit the " finished " button , prematurely ending a trial . <p> Apparatus <p> Software to control stimulus presentation and data collection was written in HyperTalk , the scripting language of the HyperCard environment ( Apple Computer , 1988 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ computer equipped with one megabyte of RAM , two internal 800K floppy disk drives , a CMS SD43 external hard drive , and a Mac'n Touch touch screen from MicroTouch Systems . <p> The software creates screen displays of the type shown in Figure 1 . The upper left part of the screen is occupied by a stimulus design , and the upper right portion of the screen contains a response area . In the lower center of the screen is a single block which may be rotated clockwise or counterclockwise by touching the adjacent curved arrows . Touching the small white block at the bottom of the screen makes the larger block white , touching the black one changes it to black , and touching the small white and black block has the effect of changing the pattern of the larger block to black and white . <p> A copy of the stimulus design can be constructed by choosing the block pattern and rotation one wishes to place in the duplicate design , touching one of the nine gray boxes in the response area to copy the single block @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the process until all nine blocks are in place . Errors may be corrected by choosing another block and copying it into the same section of the duplicate design . <p> Procedure <p> Subjects were seated in front of the computer , and instructed in the use of the touch screen to choose and rotate the block on the screen . Subjects then practiced manipulating the block . They were next shown a nine-block practice design . The experimenter demonstrated the use of the touch screen to copy the design , cleared the response area , and allowed subjects to practice building the design . When they finished the practice design , the testing session began . <p> Each testing session consisted of 10 designs of varying difficulty which were presented in random order . Subjects had unlimited time to complete each design ; they indicated they had completed a design by touching the button on the screen labeled " finished . " The computer stored data reflecting the accuracy of the design they constructed , the time taken to complete it , screen touches within the response area , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designs had been completed , the subject was debriefed . After the subject left the laboratory ? the data were printed and stored on disk . RESULTS <p> The measures of performance used in this study were response time , manipulations , moves , and correct completions . Response time represents the mean number of seconds that elapsed from the time a stimulus pattern was first displayed until subjects touched the " finished " button . The term manipulations refers to the number of screen touches per trial outside the constructed design ; moves are screen touches per trial within the constructed design . Correct completions are the number of designs accurately reproduced per subject . Descriptive data for each are displayed in Table 1 . Coeffecient alpha was calculated as an estimate of internal consistency for each measure ; the results are also displayed in Table 1 . The correlation matrix in Table 2 portrays the relationship of the variables to one another . DISCUSSION <p> Measures of block design performance , except correct completions , show moderate to good reliability . However , the pattern of results in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is restricted by ceiling or floor effects . Since nine moves are required to complete each design , the mean of 11.88 indicates that subjects on average made fewer than three errors of placement per design . The correct completion rate of 98.5% also represents a substantial ceiling effect . This suggests that reliability of the nontemporal measures could be increased if the difficulty of the task was raised to the point at which subjects made more errors when building designs , and failed to accurately reproduce some designs . <p> Increased reliability might conceivably be achieved by increasing the number of blocks per design , increasing the complexity of stimulus patterns , or requiring subjects to construct a rotation or mirror image of the stimulus design . One may also assume a sample of college undergraduates represents a notable restriction of range by comparison to the standardization sample of a test such as the WAIS-R ; testing a more diverse sample would undoubtedly bolster the reliability of the weaker measures . <p> If the reliability of nontemporal measures of performance on this block design task can be augmented and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures of visual-spatial skills for persons whose motor skills are impaired by pathology of the peripheral nervous system or other handicapping conditions , but have no central deficits . In addition , the consistency and ease of administration inherent in computerized tests suggest that this task may have utility for the general population as well . <p>
@@4001441 Our purpose in this study is to view theories of psychotherapy from a general social-political context , especially insofar as they pertain to values . Beginning with Weisskopf-Joelson 's ( 1980 ) thesis that theories of psychotherapy may be " perceptual houses " with their own unique value structures , we studied the values of psychoanalytic psychotherapists within the framework of Rokeach 's ( 1968 ) system . Through the Rokeach Value Survey , we examined the values held by a group of psychoanalytic trainees in 1979 and those held by a group of practicing psychoanalysts in 1993 . Because neither group of subjects can be regarded as randomly representative of the universe of psychoanalysts , we regard the resultant data as evocative and informative rather than definitive . Nonetheless , we examined the extent to which value profiles for the psychoanalytic trainees of 1979 were similar or dissimilar to those of practicing psychoanalysts in 1993 . Such comparisons at the least provide some general indication as to whether valu es have shifted in the universe within this time period . Findings are presented about specific patterns of values , and implications are discussed . There appears to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we studied , lending support to this discipline 's designation of a " perceptual house " insofar as its values are concerned . <p> Values seem to evoke much discussion and controversy . In the public domain , " family " values , " religious " values , " good " values , or " bad " values are discussed as if their criteria are self-evident . In addition , values have generated interest in such areas as " moral " and " value " education and " values clarification . " This pervasiveness attests to the importance of the notion as well as to its lack of clarity . People have values . Institutions have values . Societies have values . These seem to be accepted truths , although they remain vague and general . Not surprisingly , the field of psychotherapy has not been immune from the wide ranging , yet imprecise , presence of the elusive construct of values . <p> Schwartz ( 1990 ) examined the ways in which values are embodied in social institutions and the ways in which social institutions influence the values of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embodies individual values when , in the normal course of its operation , the institution offers people roles that encourage behavior expressing those values and fosters conditions for their further expression ... The values that an individual can express are very much constrained by the character of the social institutions and the social order in which that individual lives ( p. 8 ) . <p> Rokeach ( 1979 ) , in addressing this issue , defined institutional values as " socially shared cognitive representations of institutional goals and demands " ( p.50 ) and suggested that " the most distinctive property or defining characteristic of a social institution is its values " ( p.51 ) . <p> Scientific psychology has consistently kept the question of values out of its system , in its attempt to stress the scientifically objective component of its field ( Harari , 1989 ; Freud , 1934 ) . In this context , it is interesting to find that some authors see psychotherapy as sharing the interactional arena with the arts , in that they both feature the constant interchange between values and technique ( Gorelick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acknowledged and dismissed the issue of values in psycho therapy . As a scientific endeavor , he asserted , psychoanalysis did not require or possess a value system distinct from the values of science , which it embraced . This traditional position on values remained the prevalent stance in psychoanalysis ( Harari , 1989 ) even though it was understood that people could not maintain this ideal objective stance . It would appear that , although values were recognized as inevitable , the ideal remained of a possible value-free endeavor , and deviation there-from were seen as problems of the therapist or labeled as " countertransference . " Indeed , values have often been noted in psychotherapy in a negative context -- i.e. , as a problem when therapy is not proceeding according to the " script . " Myriads of case presentations point to values as the culprit in the derailing of the psychotherapeutic paradigm , as exemplified by Cabaniss , Oquendo , and Singer 's ( 1994 ) exploration of the effect of psychoanalytic culture ( i.e. , the analyst-patient ) and its values on the **32;1554;TOOLONG process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that values are often discussed in the current literature , even in settings which are quite removed from psychotherapy ( Sankowski , 1989 ) . <p> In a circumscribed context , however , values were reckoned with in a positive perspective . Hartman ( 1960 ) conceptualized one prevalent view by positing that the only values that are relevant in psychotherapy are so called " health values , " or those very directly related to the work at hand . These " health values " have generated definitions ranging from Freud 's ( 1989/1934 ) truth and reality , to the sufficient conditions for the nurturing of the ego ( Hartmann , 1960 ) , the facilitating environment of Object Relations theory ( Winnicott , 1965 ) , the definition of the self ( Kohut , 1977 ) , awareness and integration in a Gestalt perspective ( Perls et al. , 1951 ) , and Rogers ' ( 1961 ) basic therapeutic conditions , to present a representative sample . This rich diversity of definitions seems to restrict the concept of values within the parameters of the particular concepts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that values are not usually highlighted in orthodox analyses of the psychotherapeutic process . Instead , they are often featured in fields which represent the intersections of psychotherapy and allied disciplines . The contemporary psychosomatic approach incorporates values into its presuppositions ( Sanders , 1988 ) . The hermeneutic method of analyzing psychotherapy , for example , refers to " guiding values " of the conversation which effects change ( Barnes , 1993 ) . The adherents of Logotherapy blatantly present their approach as a system of values similar to those of a secular religion ( Kreitmer , 1992 ) . Related to the latter characterization , is the assumption in existential psychology that one 's attitude toward authenticity is influenced by the therapist 's personal values ( Rubinstein , 1994 ) . <p> Moreover , values are intrinsic to some of the more recent areas where psychology and social issues have been synthesized . Constructivism , for example , sees values as playing a central role in clinical practice ( Dean , 1993 ) . Kelly 's Personal Construct Psychology , in particular , sees an integral relationship between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its theory ( Walker , 1992 ) . Other authors actually typify feminist-oriented psychotherapy by positing a distinct value profile for the approach ( Lakin , 1991 ) . Postmodern authors on psychotherapy uniformly highlight the salience of the practitioner 's values ( Chapman , 1993 ) . <p> An index of values ' emerging prominence in the field is the recent straightforward call by the Society for the Exploration of Psychotherapy Integration , calling for the definition of psychotherapy integration while highlighting values as a cardinal factor in therapy ( Beitman , 1994 ) . It is noteworthy that the directionality of influence between psychotherapy and values also runs in the reverse . Thus , criteria have been offered for therapists to determine whether their clients ' religiosity is particularly healthy or unhealthy ( Bergin , 1991 ) , which seems to portend an attempt at objectively qualifying the legitimacy ( rather than functionality ) of values in the counseling interaction . In categorizing values by the phenomena which precipitate and give rise to the values , some authors have been led to actually categorize values as rational vs. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , that values are , by definition , not based on logic , making the rational evaluation of values an oxymoron at best <p> It can be argued that all of the contemporary therapies are oriented at the tension between individual and societal values . Specifically , individual values will often entail goals which encroach on others ' needs , while societal values often usurp individual needs for the good of the larger group . The therapies can be seen as attempting to balance intrinsic values against the backdrop of a field-wide mor of commitment to human freedom without dogmatism , in a mode which will respect human autonomy . In a detailed analysis of therapy approaches , Richardson ( 1989 ) shows how Freud , Jung , Fromm , and Rational Emotive approaches all employ similar strategies in dealing with this freedom-commitment dilemma , although each stresses different aspects as primary . Since each conceptual orientation presents a somewhat different emphasis in value orientation , it would appear that Weisskopf-Joelson ( 1980 ) is correct when she sees the pervasiveness of different values in various schools of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perceptual houses " to which clients are converted . Weiskopf-Joelson refers to each school of psychotherapy as a " perceptual house " since each perspective brings with it a distinct set of preconceptions and apperceptions which structure reality according to its a priori postulates and beliefs . These " houses " include value systems which , though rarely explicit , are nonetheless normative in that setting and are seen as desirable goals of any therapeutic intervention . If they are " perceptual houses , " then they are not merely a collection of individuals but have more the qualities and characteristics of an institution . <p> It follows , then , that as a prototype of an institution , each therapeutic community should feature a shared value system . Indeed , studies pursuing this thesis have been done in evaluating cross-cultural applications of counseling . For example , a particular analysis of Japanese-based psychotherapies analyzed differential approaches , concluding that goals are central to all approaches and that there is evidence of universal values in defining the fully functioning self . The researchers conceptualized cultural differences in the divergence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the relationship of individual vs. interpersonal values within each culture ( Noon and Lewis , 1992 ) . This approach has , in fact , resulted in some authors conceptualizing the psychotherapeutic process as " healing by culture " ( Havenaar , 1990 ) . <p> The exploration of societal values has been stressed as beneficial for discrete subpopulations . Some stress it as crucial for the therapeutic process in dealing specifically with adolescents ( Ponton , 1993 ) . Other foci seem to limit the salience of values only to specific contextual environments . As an example of the salience of values by treatment context , consider the conflict of the college based therapist , whose very work is embedded in an institution whose values have little relation to psychology . In such instances , it would be disruptive , both to the therapy process and to the client , to proceed without a keen awareness of the values of the host institution ( May , 1991 ) . <p> It is not surprising that the confluence of religion and psychotherapy is marked by pointed attention to personal values @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in espousing the centrality of values . Detailed prerequisites are offered for the counselor entering the field , and research data are offered that a client who has knowledge about the counselor 's values and goals prior to psychotherapy is more able to make informed choices ( Lewis and Epperson , 1991 ) . The non-sectarian Pastoral Counseling actually defines its uniqueness in the assumed similarity of values between therapist and client ( Peterson , 1990 ) . Moreover , some authors interpret the psychotherapeutic process in Pastoral Counseling as a moral enterprise ( Erickson , 1989 ) . <p> Clearly , this approach need not be limited to the specific cultural , age-limited , or contextual therapies at all . It is posited that any therapeutic approach embodies its own unique value structure . The purpose of this investigation was to explore that value system of therapists adhering to a particular theoretical orientation . <p> Since the issue under investigation is whether theoretical orientations in their institutional manifestation become " perceptual houses " which might have a shared value system , it was imperative that the values not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general field of " mental health . " This eliminated our use of any of the instruments addressing " mental health " values , which may well be shared by those within the profession . One instrument which fits this criteria was the values survey developed by Rokeach ( 1968 ) which has been most widely used to assess similar questions with a variety of populations . A search of Dissertation Abstracts Ondisc shows forty-nine citations for the instrument from 1975 to 1982 , eighty citations from 1983 to 1988 , forty-four citations from 1989 to 1993 , and thirty citations from 1994 through September of 1997 . A search of Psychlit shows 243 journal article citations from 1974 to 1990 and fifty-four journal article citations from 1991 through September of 1997 . A search of ERIC shows forty-one educational citations from 1982 to 1991 and thirteen educational citations from 1992 to June of 1997 . <p> Rokeach ( 1979 ) conceptualized human value systems as consisting of a relatively small number of core ideas or cognitions present in every society . The following definitions of " value " and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say that a person has a value is to say that he has an enduring prescriptive or proscriptive belief that a specific mode of behavior or end-state of existence is preferred to an opposite mode of behavior or end-state . This belief transcends attitudes toward objects and toward situations ; it is a standard that guides and determines action , attitudes toward objects and situations , ideology , presentations of self to others , evaluations , judgments , justifications , comparisons of self with others , and attempts to influence others ( Rokeach , 1973 , p.25 ) . <p> In terms of context , Rokeach ( 1968 ) suggested that values exist in hierarchies or priorities which involve the selection and organization of values into systems . In other words , values are not static and do not stand alone , but in relationship to each other . It is the system and the relationship of values to each other for a person at a particular time that are the most meaningful representations of the system . <p> These ideas can be organized into at least two systems representing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as desirable end states of existence . Simply put , these values are , in fact , goals . Instrumental Values , defined in the literature as desirable modes of behavior instrumental to the attainment of these end states . Simply put , these values are means to an end . <p> In his approach to the subject , Rokeach studied the value structure of institutions and was emphatic that the values of members of the institution ( gatekeepers ) are among the most sensitive indicators of the values of an institution , since these values serve the dual functions of both reflecting and reinforcing the values within a particular social institution . THE STUDIES <p> This paper reports findings of two studies of the values of **27;1588;TOOLONG psychotherapists which were conducted approximately fourteen years apart . Data collection for the first study was begun in 1978 and completed in 1979 , while those for the second study were begun in 1992 and completed in 1993 . Both studies used the Rokeach Values Survey ( RVS ) at a prominent New York City psychoanalytic training program . It was assumed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be reflected in some of the values shifts , but that some of the consistency , if any , might be attributed to a shared professional identity and socialization . Procedures <p> One theoretical orientation , psychoanalysis , was selected for examination to determine whether a group that shares a theoretical orientation also shares a value orientation . This theoretical orientation appears to fit Weisskopf-Joelson 's ( 1980 ) definition of a " perceptual house . " In 1978 and again in 1992 , the administration of a well-known training program in psychoanalysis and psychotherapy consented to facilitate data collection within their program . In 1978 , the first author participated in a weekend retreat , giving a short talk on values research and then presented a general overview of this study . At the conclusion of the presentation , he asked the members to volunteer to participate in the study . Their anonymity was guaranteed . Research packets , which included a short demographic questionnaire and a copy of the RVS , were left on a conveniently located table . There was also a drop-off box for the completed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ author . <p> In 1992 , individual packets were mailed to all members of the same training program . These packets contained a cover letter describing the study which guaranteed anonymity and requested voluntary participation . Enclosed was a demographic questionnaire , the RVS , and a pre-paid return envelope . ( The data for the second study only became available recently , as they were held up for years by bureaucratic issues beyond the authors ' control . ) Participants <p> The participants in these studies were all members of a **27;1617;TOOLONG psychotherapeutic training program . These were primarily post-doctoral level psychologists who went on for further training . For the first study , fifty-nine of the eighty-nine ( 66% ) program participants took packets ; all were returned . Respondents included twenty-seven males , twenty-eight females , and four whose gender were not identified . ( Racial data were not solicited in the first study . However , by recollection there were only two Black and three Latino program participants among an otherwise all White population . ) For the second study , there were a total of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 407 women . There were 179 usable questionnaires and values surveys returned ( Return rate = 25.7% ) . The results from the demographic questionnaire for the second group revealed the following profile of the sample : sixty-six ( 36.9% ) were male and 113 ( 63.1% ) were female ; participant age ranged from thirty-nine to seventy-nine years old ; 159 ( 88.9% ) stated that they were White , three ( 1.7% ) identified themselves as Black , one ( .6% ) as Asian , and sixteen ( 8.9% ) did not respond to the item . The participants reported twenty-eight different ethnic descriptions . The predominant one , reported by 115 ( 64.2% ) , was Jewish , and twenty-two ( 12.3% ) did not re-Katz , Juni , and Matz 345 spend to the item . Of the remaining , the range varied from WASP to Italian-American , to West Indian , to Irish American , to such descriptions as Catholic-Swiss-Italian , American-Mongrel , **27;1646;TOOLONG , and Chinese-English , to cite a selected sample . Instrument <p> The Rokeach Value Survey ( RVS ) consists of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idealized end-states of existence ; and 18 Instrumental values , or desirable codes of behavior ( Rokeach , 1968 ) . The RVS has been shown to differentiate among a variety of populations on various dimensions which include religion , occupation , social class , ethnicity , culture , political orientation , etc. , to cite a selected sample ( Beech , 1970 ; Feather , 1986 ; Katz &; Beech , 1978 , 1980 ; Katz , Juni , Shope , &; Tang , 1993 ; Rokeach , 1968 , 1973 , 1979 ) . To complete the instrument , respondents are asked to rank order the values presented from most to least important to them . They are told to place a " 1 " next to the value that was most important to them , a " 2 " for the second most important value , and so on , until all eighteen values are ranked . This procedure is followed for both the Terminal and Instrumental values . RESULTS AND DISCUSSION <p> The results of this investigation will be presented to highlight the values of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To organize the data , we will present the results focusing on : The average numerical ( rank ) level of each value for the two time periods . The rank order position ( for the entire sample ) and changes therein of each value within the value system . We chose the benchmark of a rank order change of four positions to signify a meaningful shift in values between the two periods . <p> These methods offer very different kinds of information . Rokeach argued that the former provided statistical significance and the latter greater psychological significance . These are not contradictory endeavors when using an ipsative scale ( which the Rokeach Value Survey is ) , and therefore both will be reported and discussed . <p> Table 1 presents the comparison of the 1979 and 1993 rankings and means of the Terminal values using the RVS . Using the two analytic methods , there are seven Terminal values which differ significantly ( beyond the .05 level ) between the two time periods . These are , in order of descending statistical significance : Family Security ( .001 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A Comfortable Life , Freedom , Inner Harmony , and Pleasure ( .05 ) . As can be seen , A Comfortable Life , Equality , and Family Security were ranked higher in 1993 than in 1979 , while Freedom , Inner Harmony , and Pleasure were ranked lower . Mature Love remains the most important value , although its mean drops much lower by 1993 . Thus , it would appear that these two populations differed on these seven values when the values are considered in isolation rather than as part of an overall value system . <p> In applying the second analytic method of meaningful rank-order change within the values system , utilizing a shift of four or more ranking positions as the criterion for meaningful change , two values meet this criterion : Family Security becomes more important ( from 8 to 3 ) while Inner Harmony decreases in importance ( from 4 to 8 ) . It is noteworthy in this context that Family Security becomes part of the top four values while Inner Harmony drops out that salient group . <p> It is remarkable that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the time periods were all in the salient group of values , as defined by the criterion of the upper and lower four rankings . For example , A Comfortable Life shifted from rank 16 ( the very low ) in 1979 to a 1993 ranking of 13 . Family Security , on the other hand , shifted from a ranking of 8 in 1979 to 3 in 1993 . Mature Love , by contrast , is an interesting value to acknowledge , as its mean rank shifts from 3.47 to 4.87 , yet its rank position remains the same ( 1 ) in both time periods . Of the seven values whose means were significantly different from 1979 to 1993 , four of the means were higher while three were lower . Such a complementarity in shift , however , is likely due to the ipsative nature of rank-order data which mandates that any shift in one direction be accompanied by a complementary shift in the other . <p> The two analytic methods present different , but not contradictory , findings . They do seem to reflect changes in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occasions . Certain of the responses were statistically significant over time , but did not reflect changes in the overall value system as a whole . ( For example , the mean value of Mature Love shifted from 3.47 to 4.87 , while its rank remained 1 for both time periods . ) Other values , however , showed shifts in rank order which corresponded to the statistically significant shifts in the mean values respectively ( as exemplified by Family Security and Inner Harmony ) . Table 2 presents the comparison of the 1979-1993 rankings of the Instrumental Values . Three Values that were statistically significantly different ( Imaginative , Independent , and Responsible ) . Of the three , Responsible also reflects a meaningful change in four rank order positions ( from 7 to 3 ) . The other two ( Imaginative and Independent ) reflect shifts in only three rank order positions , falling short of our criterion for meaningful change . On the other hand , Intellectual has the distinct differential feature of showing a rank order change of four positions , but failing to reach statistical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two time periods is their shared level of consistency . Besides the above noted changes , fifteen of the eighteen mean pairs do not differ significantly , while thirteen reflect a value position change of 1 or less . <p> Another way of understanding the importance and resonance of values is to examine those that are most important and those that are least important to the respondents . The senior author , who has been using the RVS for more than 25 years , has often asked respondents about the experience of ranking the two sets of 18 values . One of the " consensual " responses was that people seem to approach the scale with greatest clarity at the extremes . They know what they value most and what they value least with greater definitiveness than those that fall more in the mid-range of the scale . This differential can be examined by highlighting these values in the context of the entire values system of the respondents . Table 3 presents the Terminal Value hierarchies from 1979 to 1993 . It includes the means for each value ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of four values respectively . <p> A review of Table 3 reveals that 3 of the 4 top values remain in the same upper cluster from 1979 to 1993 : Mature Love ( 1 to 1 ) , Self-Respect ( 2 to 2 ) , and True Friendship ( 3 to 4 ) . Inner Harmony , ranked 4 in 1979 , drops to 8 in 1993 , and is replaced by Family Security in the upper cluster . A review of the lower cluster reveals that two of the four remain in the same respective positions ( Salvation -18 and National Security -17 ) . A Comfortable Life ( 16 to 13 ) and Equality ( 15 to 12 ) drop out of the lower cluster and are replaced by Pleasure ( 13 to 16 ) and Social Recognition ( 11 to 15 ) by 1993 . <p> The other method of assessing value change , as noted earlier , is movement of at least 4 rank order positions . As can be seen in Table 3 , Family Security ( 8 to 3 ) , Inner Harmony ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 15 ) all exhibit such shifts . Parenthetically , all three involve shifts , either into or out of , the salient clusters at the two extremes of the continuum . <p> Table 4 presents the Instrumental Value hierarchies from 1979 to 1993 . It includes the means for each value and demarcates the highest and lowest group of four values respectively . As can be seen , two of the four top ranked values remain unchanged ( Loving at 1 , and Honest at 2 ) . Independent drops from 3 to 6 , while Courageous drops from 4 to 7 . These values are replaced in the top cluster by Responsible ( which rises from 7 to 3 ) and Capable ( 5 to 4 ) . All four of the lower cluster of values remain unchanged . Applying the value change criterion of four places identifies two values which shifted meaningfully -- Responsible ( which rises from 7 to 3 ) and Intellectual ( which rises from 9 to 5 ) . <p> If we reflect on the stability of the most and least resonant values @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the identification of the enduring values and value system of psychoanalytic psychotherapists , based on the consistency of certain values in their relative positions across time -- in this case from 1979 to 1993 . For the Terminal values , Mature Love , Self-Respect , and True Friendship are clearly most important . Salvation and National Security are evidently least important within this values system . For the Instrumental values , Loving and Honest maintained their positions as most important values over time , while Obedient , Clean , Polite , and Self-Controlled remained in the least important group . These results represent a consistency that can not be ignored . <p> Paralleling the pattern of the value rankings in Tables 1 and 2 , these results likewise point to both stability and change in the values system of this group of psychoanalytic psychotherapists . Over a fourteen-year period , given all of the social and political changes which occurred in the interim -- in the profession , the country , and the greater world -- this Terminal value structure has maintained the primacy of Mature Love , Self-Respect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the dramatic environmental changes during this period , reflected in managed care private practice , the reduction in academic employment opportunities , the loss of Internship Sites -- in the professional realm , as well as the shift from a cold war status to one of U.S. hegemony , and other political cataclysmic changes with the collapse of the Soviet Empire and the change of the regime in China -- in the greater world . ) At the other end of the scale , Salvation and National Security persevere . <p> Rokeach ( 1973 ) conceptualized Terminal Values as consisting of two domains representing personal goals and social goals respectively . Personal Goals are intrapersonal and self-centered , whereas social goals are interpersonal and society-centered . The eighteen Terminal Values consist of values that reflect thirteen Personal Goals and five values that reflect Social Goals ( Kelly &; Strupp , 1992 ; Rokeach , 1973 ) . These two categories are as follows : <p> Personal Goals : A Comfortable Life , An Exciting Life , Family Security , Happiness , Inner Harmony , Mature Love , Pleasure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Recognition , True Friendship , Wisdom . Kelly &; Strupp ( 1992 ) used a version of the RVS that includes the value Health and excludes the value Happiness ( We used the version that excludes Health and includes Happiness in the Personal Goals subgroup . ) <p> Social Goals : Equality , Freedom , National Security , A World of Peace , A World of Beauty . <p> A review of the results indicates that although two of the Social Goals were significantly different in their statistical mean shift ( Equality and Freedom ) , none reflected meaningful rank-order changes . In addition , Table 3 shows that the top four Terminal Values in 1979 , as well as the top four Terminal Values in 1993 , were all related to Personal Goals . Psychoanalysis appears then to embrace a value system that emphasizes personal over social goals . <p> This emphasis on personal rather than social values for psychoanalytic psychotherapists is understandable , since both theory and practice focus on the individual and their very personal struggles . The primacy of intrapsychic struggles and the centrality of such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are in concordance with a personal value emphasis as compared to a social value emphasis . <p> Table 5 presents the analysis of gender differences for Terminal Values between these populations of psychoanalytic psychotherapists for 1979 . Only one value , A World of Beauty , showed a statistically significant difference between men and women . In terms of rank order differences , two values , A World of Beauty ( women-12 , men-16 ) and Pleasure ( women-15 , men-11 ) , reflect meaningful differences in the value system . These results indicate a very high degree of inter-gender consistency in this group . Moreover , the directions of these differences would seem to support the " traditional " view of gender roles . <p> Table 6 presents the analysis of gender differences in Instrumental Values between these populations of psychoanalytic psychotherapists for 1979 . There were no gender differences which reached statistical significance . Only one value , Courageous , reflects a meaningful rank gender difference ( men-8 , women-3 ) . The Instrumental values system appears to show even less heterogeneity than the Terminal values system of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus seem practically indistinguishable by their respective value orientations . <p> Table 7 presents the analysis of gender differences in Terminal Values between these populations of psychoanalytic psychotherapists for 1993 . Two statistically significant inter-gender differentials , Happiness ( women-7.68 , men-9.20 ) and True Friendship ( women-5.66 , men-7.79 ) appear , while True Friendship also reflects a meaningful rank differential ( women-4 , men-8 ) . Thus , in the Terminal Value system , the latter value is the only one reflecting both statistical and meaningful rank order gender difference . <p> Table 8 presents the gender comparison for the 1993 Instrumental Values . There were statistically significant differences on three values : Intellectual ( men-7.61 , women-6.42 ) , Logical ( men-11.64 , women-12.88 ) , and Polite ( men-13.98 , women-14.91 ) . Additionally , Intellectual also showed a meaningful rank order differences between genders , as it was ranked fifth by females and ninth by males . Only the difference of the value Intellectual is reflected in both methods of analysis . Once again , the dearth of differences in Instrumental Values appears to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the inter-gender data on Instrumental Values across 1979 and 1993 , we note that in 1979 one value , Courageous , indicated inter-gender differentials , with females ranking it higher than males . In 1993 , three statistically significant values appeared : Intellectual , Logical , and Polite . The direction of these differentials is quite important from a **26;1704;TOOLONG perspective . Stereotypically , within the context of sex roles , Intellectual and Logical are seen as male typologies , while Polite is seen as female typed . Our data , however , indicate that women show higher values for Intellectual , while men show higher values for Polite . Only Logical shows the differential in the stereotypical direction . It is thus clear that the differential value structure among the population we researched is not at all consistent with sex role stereotypy . In view of the results appearing in the approximate time frame of the rise of feminist consciousness , one may question whether the stereotypy with regards to sex role is still empirically viable at our current state of social-political evolution . <p> One way of examining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ socially-or personally-oriented ( Braithwaite , 1994 ; Rokeach , 1973 ) . As noted in Table 3 , there are five social values and thirteen personal values as part of the Terminal Value system . The five social values are Equality , Freedom , National Security , A World at Peace , and A World of Beauty ; the remainder are personal values . Although this obviously presents a skewed distribution , it is interesting to note in Table 3 that none of the social values are in the top four positions , while two ( Equality at 15 and National Security at 17 ) are in the bottom four . Two of the other three social values are ranked fairly low ( World of Beauty -14 , A World at Peace -12 ) , while Freedom is ranked higher ( at 5 ) . <p> An additional interesting outcome of this data relates to the political orientation of the group surveyed . Two of the values , Equality and Freedom , have been demonstrated to be indicators of the political orientation of individuals and groups ( Rokeach , 1973 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are : communism , socialism , conservatism , and fascism . Political orientation is determined by examining the relative ranking of the two values ( see Figure 1 ) . When Equality is high and Freedom is low , this is reflective of communism ; Equality high and Freedom high is reflective of socialism ; Freedom high and Equality low is reflective of conservatism ; and Freedom low and Equality low is reflective of fascism . In 1979 , as can be seen in Figure 1 , Freedom was ranked relatively high ( with its rank of 5 just missing our adopted benchmark of 4 ) while Equality ranked low ( 15 ) , representing a conservative political position . In 1993 , Freedom dropped to a rank position of 7 and Equality rose to a rank position of 12 . Staying with this model , this convergence of both values ( away from the low and high ends of the hierarchy ) appears to reflect a shift from one of clarity ( conservative ) to one that seems undifferentiated . Although the relative relationship remains the same , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ position ( top 4 or bottom 4 ) ; their meaning is reduced . This shift away from resonance seems to mirror movement toward a more apolitical stance in which neither of these values ( Freedom or Equality ) is very important . We are surely not in a position to say what this shift means , but speculate that it may be a reflection of the zeitgeist of the times : a politically conservative era that began in the early 1980 's and continues to flourish today . <p> Upon further reflection , the relationship between these values may well identify a problem in the original conceptualization of political orientation . This group does not seem to fit the ideology continuum of communism , socialism , conservatism , and fascism ; however , the continuum itself , perhaps , is open to question . The terms used in the media and public in general are conservative or liberal , perhaps reflecting a liberal position . According to these results , liberals would be more " middle of the roaders " than reflective of any clear ideological position . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it represents an ideological stance rather than an active social or political stance . This implies that the values do not actually correspond to actual behavior since their formulation is intrinsically abstract as such ( Braithwaite , 1994 ) . Together , these issues minimize the salience of political orientation to our contemporary sample . <p> The results of this study also point in the direction of a psychoanalytic values system . The most important Terminal values are Mature Love , Self-Respect , and True Friendship , which seem to inform people 's relationship to themselves and to others . Not just love , but rather Mature Love , which emphasizes growth and development , rather than the mere feeling and experience of being in love . Self-Respect implies an ability to look and judge oneself , and True Friendship , which qualifies this important relationship in an evaluative ( true ) envelope . All of these appear consonant with psychoanalytic formulations of a " healthy " or idealized adult . The Terminal values ranked lowest are Salvation and National Security . These two fairly abstract , if not obtuse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience . Salvation , based on a religious belief system , focuses on another life , and is clearly the least valued of the value system . National Security is also far removed from self-reflection and analysis , with its focus on the nation 's stance with regard to defense from international or domestic threat <p> The Instrumental values also reflect important ways of " being " from a psychoanalytic perspective . Loving and Honest are the two top values over the years of this study . Obedient , Clean , Polite , and Self-Controlled remain the four least important . This pattern has distinct implications . Surely this sample does not see obedience , politeness , and self control as very important . Intuitively , however , these values are generally viewed as being among the basic elements of etiquette and social grace in relating to others . Given the their devaluation in the psychoanalytic value profile , one may well have profound reservations about the quality of relationships by adherents to this value system . IMPLICATIONS AND LIMITATIONS <p> As noted above in the 1979-1993 comparison , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of psychoanalysts , and their values hierarchies were more alike than different . These results indicate a consistency in the values of psychoanalysts over the course of a 14-year span which suggests that professional participation in this field reveals a shared value system . The personal values of the therapists in this study might therefore be viewed as reflecting the values of the institution of **27;1732;TOOLONG psychotherapy . <p> It appears , then , that psychoanalysis may constitute an institution with a unique value system into which professionals are selected and become indoctrinated ( McLean , 1960 ; Michels &; Oldham , 1983 ) . Accordingly , students may choose the profession because its value system matches their own , selection committees embody the value system of the institution and may choose candidates likely to embrace similar values , and through participation in psychotherapy training programs and various professional activities , trainees are further indoctrinated into the value system of the institution of psychoanalysis . <p> Whereas this discussion has so far suggested that individual schools of psychotherapy represent their own unique value systems ( Weisskopf-Joelson , 1980 ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ represents a shared value system , regardless of theoretical orientation . <p> Values are becoming more and more recognized as issues in psychotherapeutic discourse . These are reflected in basic reexaminations about the role of psychotherapy and psychotherapists in our culture . Some authors go so far as to de-mystify the elusive psychotherapy interaction to the implicit vocational " guild " category where practitioners are mere agents of the dominant culture : <p> Therapists are members of particular professional guilds , and they operate at the behest of specific societal constituencies . Subtly or boldly , the solutions they propose or support broker distinct political , economic , and social arrangements .... The most pernicious stance from which therapists can operate is the belief that they are simply " neutral " participants with no ax to grind .... Like it or not , therapists are social agents . Their work advances particular cultural agendas . Therefore , the conception of the therapist as a neutral conversationalist is an impediment to frank discussions of values , preferences , lifestyles , and social ethics . ( Efran , Aldorondo , &; Heffner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argument , presented powerfully and definitively , might be used more productively by turning some of the statements into questions . In this age of " managed care , " there is little doubt that most therapists are less and less free agents ( if they ever were free ) . Implicit in the above , is that therapists may hold beliefs about themselves and their work which are illusory . One aspect underlying the entire argument is the accusation that therapists have an espoused value system while , in reality , transmitting another in their practice . The results of this study are in the service of attempting to identify one of these significant dimensions -- namely , the expressed values of the psychotherapists . <p> The arguments presented above by Efran et al . may be much more acute today . However , they have been , for some time , a continuous dilemma for the therapist in determining the extent to which to identify with the client 's interests against those of society vs. attempting to transmit society 's values and myths ( Wren , 1976 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by assuming that there is , ipso facto , a conflict between the values of society and those of the designated clients . If this indeed be so , the contradiction may well present an exposure of not only the values of psychotherapists , but also of societal values at large . <p> The results of this investigation seem to support the current position that there is very little in the social world which is value free . Freud 's position that the values of science are sufficient for psychotherapy is indeed a myth . The question now is not one of being value free and objective . Rather , it is an ongoing question of discovering just what the values of psychotherapy are . This study represents one small step in that direction . <p> The 1993 study attempted to address some of the limitations of the 1979 study by increasing the sample size considerably . It also was presented more anonymously , since it involved mailings rather than personal exchanges . An unexpected consequence of the different procedures is reflected in the higher return rate for the 1979 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 26% ) . Does this imply that the presence of the researcher who explains the study , addresses questions , and urges and encourages greater participation is indeed influential in maximizing participation ? The mailing , on the other hand , allowed distribution to a much larger potential audience ; although the percentage of return dropped considerably , the sample size was much higher . Moreover , it is difficult to speculate whether these nuances actually tapped different subsamples of the intended pool . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION <p> The question of whether theories of psychotherapy represent " perceptual houses " with their own subsequent " institutional " value system was investigated . One theoretical orientation , **27;1761;TOOLONG psychotherapy and psychoanalysis , was selected as the sample . The Rokeach Value Survey was used to determine the values and value system of the respondents . The results indicate that there is both consistency and change in a comparison of the value system of psychoanalytic psychotherapists in 1979 and 1993 . However , certain values do seem to remain very stable or consistent . Of the Terminal values , Mature Love @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while Salvation , National Security , and A World of Beauty are consistently ranked low . Of the Instrumental values , Loving , Honest , and Capable are consistently high , while Obedient , Clean , Polite , and Self-Controlled are consistently low . These values , therefore , seem to be a beginning of the specific identification of the values of psychoanalytic psychotherapists . It would therefore seem that the values of psychoanalysis are those one might call more personal than social ; individual ( self ) rather than communal ( the world ; society in general ) . Moreover , these values appear to be fairly uniform across the profession , and are not differentiated by age and sex . <p> This study examined only one theoretical orientation and is limited to that group only . Findings indicated that there is a shared and somewhat stable value system . It is important to note that this study , while longitudinal in design , did not actually measure changes in individual values of practitioners ; rather , it is longitudinal only insofar as it measured two samples of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although the institution is quite representative of the field by its prominence , it can not be stated unequivocally that the values of its members are indeed representative of their peers throughout the profession . <p> Limited as it was to psychoanalysts , the study does not answer the question about values in psychotherapy as an umbrella institution . Is this structure unique to psychoanalytic psychotherapy or does it reflect psychotherapy in general , regardless of theoretical orientation ? So we tentatively conclude that there seems to be a coherent system which may represent a " perceptual house , " but whether it is a one family house or an apartment house of many theoretical orientations awaits further study . <p>
@@4001541 In April 1990 , I was in Japan for a United Nations conference , held in the industrial city of Sendai , on the relationship of science and technology to international peace and security . on the night before returning to the United States , while sleeping in a typical old-style Japanese inn in Kyoto , I had a dream on Earth Day ( April 22 ) that reflected my experience of coming back to a country that had been changed drastically from the place that I had once known . Thirty years ago , my wife and infant first son and I had lived for two years in Japan , a country of exquisite beauty , near Tokyo , in an old house with shoji screens and tatami mats . I returned to a polluted land desecrated by the mindless excesses of industrialization . on every small hill was a tower for power lines , which draped themselves ungracefully across the countryside , dominating the landscape of miniature rises and subtle contours . <p> In my dream , I am on a hillside just across the Hudson River , perhaps in New Jersey , which I had driven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the way to the seashore . Someone is lecturing to a group of us , as if we were at the United Nations conference from which I have come to Kyoto , that there is still much beauty in the New York City environs . Then , with others from the conference , I take a kind of quick aerial and ground tour of these hills but see no beauty , for on each field of straw-colored New Jersey swamp grass there is at least one rectangular industrial or commercial building . Furthermore , there is an unmistakable chemical stench that pervades the scene , which is only partially acknowledged by the group . <p> The scene shifts to a meeting around a conference table where people are sharing their experiences and what bothers them . I say that what troubles me most , beyond what we have witnessed , is when someone , or a policy , or some enterprise , contradicts , or denies , or pretends that reality is different from that which my own experience tells me it is , that is , invalidates my direct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me -- a kind of combination of an energetic representative of the British scientific establishment who was at the conference and of the younger people more eager for change-reacts with positive intensity to my sentiment , and I feel very much support . I will return shortly to certain of the dream 's meanings . A NEW PSYCHoLoGY oF THE ENVIRoNMENT <p> We sense now a need for a new psychology of the environment in order to understand what we have done , and continue to do , individually and collectively , to the Earth that is our home , so that we may change our behavior , locally and globally , in order to save its life . But how is this to be done ? How do we invent a new psychology of our relationship to the Earth ? use the word invent , because of its implication of creating something new , an entity , a combination that had not been put together before . <p> Without a human problem , there is no psychology , or at least not a clinical or dynamic one , so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have existed before but which has gained preeminence as a result of new historical and cultural circumstances . Freud and his followers , to a degree , invented psychoanalysis in response to the fact that the extreme , deceitful ordering of men 's and women 's sexual lives by a rigidified bourgeois society was becoming emotionally intolerable and producing behavioral and physiological manifestations that could not be understood or treated by the medicine or neuropsychiatry of their day . We confront now a new kind of problem , global in scope , namely the agonizing murder of the life systems of the Earth , the home on which we depend for everything , which affects each of us in profound personal ways , no matter how intensely we may deny it . <p> This new psychology must include not only the development of a body of theory that would understand or interpret our relationship to the environment , but also ways of working with clients and patients that will bring forth direct or disguised thoughts and feelings in relation to the environment and empower constructive initiatives . At the very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of distress about pollution or other forms of environmental destruction in dreams and other communications , that we not hear or interpret these simply as displacements from some other , inner source . For example , a young woman in a human growth workshop that I co-led in Manhattan complained that she could not do all of the work , which involved exercises using rapid deep breathing , because the air was too foul . " I ca n't breathe , " she said repeatedly . " It 's just too toxic . Are there chemicals stored here ? " ( There were not . The room we used was a dance hall on the lower West Side. ) others in the workshop resonated with this woman 's complaint and acknowledged the foulness of the city 's air , but they were able to complete this part of the workshop . Although her complaints could have been connected to early childhood experiences of disgust or intrauterine distress , there was no opportunity to explore this possibility . Yet the acknowledgment of the validity of her complaint enhanced postively her further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of psychology is relevant to a problem of this scope ? What would a psychology of the Earth be like ? It would need to be comprehensive , holistic , systemic -- I am not sure what the correct terms would be , except that they must convey the fact of wholeness , connection , interrelatedness , and complexity . It would have to be a dynamic psychology , in the sense that it would need to explore profound , largely ignored conscious and unconscious feelings , impulses , and desires in relation to the physical world , rather than one of the variations of neurophysiology or biochemistry that now dominate the American psychiatric establishment . In addition to recognizing the systemic nature of the problem , the practitioners of this dynamic psychology of the environment would need to tell unpleasant or unwelcome truths about ourselves -- here is one of the meanings of the dream -- as we have learned to do from psychoanalysis but now in an altogether new arena . We would need to explore our relationship with the Earth and understand how and why we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Even in Freud 's time , dynamic psychology was relational , initially describing the forces connecting the agencies of the psyche ( id , ego , and superego ) , and between and among individuals in dyadic relationships , families , and small groups . But a relational psychology of the Earth would be much broader , including our connectedness to peoples and other creatures all over the planet and with the earth itself as a living entity . <p> Actually we ( by " we " I mean , by and large , citizens of Western and other industrialized nations because many native cultures experience and avow a very different relationship to their enviroment ) do have a psychology or at least a prevailing attitude , conscious and unconscious , toward the Earth . We regard it as a thing , a big thing , an object to be owned , mined , fenced , guarded , stripped , built upon , dammed , ploughed , burned , blasted , bulldozed , and melted to serve the material needs and desires of the human species at the expense , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feel at liberty to kill , paralyze , or domesticate for our own use . Among the many forms of egoism that have come to be the focus of psychodynamically oriented psychologists in an age of self-criticism about our narcissism , this form of species arrogance has received little scrutiny . This attitude contrasts dramatically with the pragmatic , live-and-let-live , and reverential relationship with nature that is reflected in the words of native American leaders such as Chief Seattle ( 1988 ) and Sioux Medicine Man John ( Fire ) Lame Deer ( 1972 ) , who recognized our complete interdependence with the Earth and the need to live in balance and harmony with nature . " This we know , " Chief Seattle told a Pacific Northwest Assembly in 1854 , <p> The earth does not belong to man ; man belongs to the earth . This we know . All things are connected like the blood which unites one family . All things are connected . Whatever befalls the earth befalls the sons of the earth . Man does not weave the web of life , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the web , he does to himself . ( P. 71 ) <p> More than a century later Lame Deer wrote , <p> To come to nature , feel its power , let it help you , one needs time and patience for that . Time to think , to figure it all out . You have so little time for contemplation . it 's always rush , rush , rush with you . It lessens a person 's life , all that grind , that hurrying and scurrying about . ( P. 2 ) <p> The seemingly mindless destruction of the natural landscape by the Japanese , a people who have been known for their delicate appreciation of nature , attests to the degree to which industrialization and accretion of wealth can overwhelm such sensitivities and separate us from the Earth itself . This cutting off consciousness from a connection with nature and the spirit that most peoples throughout human history have experienced as inherent in it ( and in us , of course , as part of nature ) , is one of the supreme negative achievements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ painfully demonstrated in modern Japan and is reflected in my dream . one must wonder how or why we have done it , how we have so overdeveloped the use of reason at the expense of feeling in the service of a fear-driven need to conquer other peoples and the material world on a planet with a growing population that is perceived as yielding finite , diminishing resources . Chief Seattle shared this bewilderment . " In your perishing you will shine brightly , " he warned , " fired by the strength of the God who brought you to this land for some special purpose and gave you dominion over this land and over the red man . That destiny is a mystery for us ( Chief Seattle , p. 72 ) . <p> So a psychology of the environment would be an expanded psychology of relationship , a conversation of experiencing in the deepest parts of our being , of our connection with the Earth as sacred . I say sacred because I do not believe that a mere threat to survival will be sufficient to create this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our being . THE INCLUSION OF SPIRITUAL ELEMENTS <p> But here we encounter a problem in developing the new psychology , for it must by virtue of the very nature of the task be a psychology which includes a powerful spiritual element . This will mean , for example , a reanimation of the forests and of nature , which we have so systematically and proudly denuded of their spiritual meaning . As a recent article in the newsletter of the International Research Center for Japanese Studies ( Nichibunken ) entitled " Animism Renaissance , " which acknowledges Japan 's " responsibility for a great deal of destruction of tropical rain forests " ( p. 2 ) , points out , " severe natural destruction started at a point parallel with that of the disappearance of Animism " ( p. 4 ) . <p> Here then is the problem . By and large , we in the West have rejected the language and experience of the sacred , the divine , and the animation of nature . our psychology is predominantly a psychology of mechanisms , parts and linear relationships @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how powerful , that can not be quantified , and we distrust the language of reverence , spirit , and mystical connection , recalling perhaps with fear the superstitiousness and holy wars of earlier periods . Academic psychology , now embodying a reverence for numbers , tight reasoning , and linear thinking in opposition to intuition , direct knowing , and subjective experience is likely to look askance at efforts to reinfuse its body with the imprecise notions of spirituality and philosophy , from which it has so vigorously and proudly struggled to free itself in an effort to be granted scientific status in our universities , laboratories , and consulting rooms . <p> This can not be helped , for the route to a new psychology of the environment , which might contribute to our protecting it , probably can not be achieved by measuring our reactions or talking about the problem . only experiences that profoundly alter our view of nature and reconnect us with the divinity in ourselves and in the environment can empower people to commit themselves to the prodigious task before them . The therapeutic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our being so that we experience the Earth in its living reality . This is why people like Walter and Ellen Christie ( 1984,1985 ) , Joanna Macy ( 1988 ) , and Stanislav and Christina Grof ( 1988 ) , who have been pioneers in creating methods of reconnecting us with the Earth and with ourselves in nature , rely on experiential , imaginal , and consciousness altering or opening approaches . Interestingly , people who open themselves to this connection , discovering their " ecological selves , " seem often now to encounter disturbing images , bad smells , and other psychological experiences of the earth 's desecration in their dreams , fantasies , and deeper consciousness . This can become intolerably painful but also seems to empower people , impelling them to take action on behalf of the deteriorating environment . I have been struck by the fact that powerful images of the Earth 's polluted landscape are appearing with increasing frequency on the covers of leading magazines and in a proliferation of articles in newspapers , magazines , and books , as well as in television @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Earth . It is also possible that these images are now significantly penetrating our cultural consciousness and may contribute to fundamental changes in behavior and policy . INSTITUTIONAL , STRUCTURAL , AND SYSTEMIC REALITIES <p> What I have described so far is , in a sense , the easy part of the problem . Deepening our conscious awareness , reanimating our connection with the Earth , is important and can lead to responsible initiatives by individuals . But the stench of my condensed Japanese-New Jersey dream landscape , the pollution of our world , and the destruction of its resources by the Earth 's expanding population are the problems of mankind as a whole , acting collectively through institutions , especially business corporations , often with direct or indirect governmental support . A psychology of the environment to be meaningful must address these powerful institutional , structural , or systemic realities . Social institutions are , in a sense , the expressions of our collective psyches . But we come so much to take their existence and modes of operating for granted that to consider openly that we have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , inevitably , encounter intense resistance because of the political , economic , and psychological vested interests with which they are associated . To bring about structural changes of this kind , psychologists will need to work closely with policy makers , corporate leaders , economists , and many people representing other related disciplines and groups committed to social change . <p> The political and personal resistance to environmental transformation can be flagrant . When I was in Japan , I read that industrial pollution in Korea had become so severe that , among other things , the water in the public water system in Seoul was condemned as unsafe to drink . A professor at Seoul University who documented the severity of the industrial pollution problem was fired from his position , and people who supported environmental change were accused by the government of being communist sympathisers . I had a similar experience in Paris in 1988 upon returning from a conference in Findhorn , Scotland , on " Politics as If the Whole Earth Mattered . " Fresh from hearing moving talks about the pollution problem and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shared my experience and concern with a French psychologist , who dismissed these environmental concerns as communist propaganda , despite the fact that her own senses -- just breathing the air in Paris -- could confirm their truth . <p> Resistance to facing the costs of environmental transformation may extend beyond top management to the shareholders themselves . Initiatives proposed by shareholders from various environmental groups were overwhelmingly rejected by the vastly greater numbers of the company 's supporters at Exxon 's annual shareholders ' meeting in April 1990 . Pleas of wildlife destruction , poisoning of children by toxic chemicals , and other dangers from hazardous waste were ignored , presumably because reparative or healing actions might reduce shareholders ' profit margins and dividends . one Exxon spokesperson suggested to the environmentalists that they should " store your car , stop flying airplanes , and walk or ride a horse in the winter snow or summer heat " ( Hayes 1990 ) . over and above the speaker 's insensitivity , the remark is interesting for its implication , which is not so far off the mark , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a developed society and the fact or extent of industrialization itself . <p> It is not realistic to expect that the environmental crisis will be solved simply by deindustrialization . But the unwelcome news that the new psychology for the environment will need to communicate is that the unbridled license given in the West to free makes forces and the irresponsible overbuilding of heavy industries in the socialist systems have both led to the same disastrous result -- a planet dying in the excesses of human waste . As my barber put it , " Johnny , we are drowning in our industrial feces . " The greatest challenge that we now face in this rapidly changing world is to create political institutions that use the resources of power and responsibility in conjunction with economic structures that are accountable to future generations of human beings , to other species , and to the Earth itself . Psychologists of the environment , while enabling increasing numbers of people to connect with the Earth and its transcendent meaning , must also participate with committed citizens and with community and corporate groups in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the transformation of our political and economic institutions . Ultimately , this means joining with others in a search for alternatives to the material values that now dominate the spirit in the United States and much of the world . AN INTERNATIONAL AND CROSS-CULTURAL ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT <p> An environmental movement on the scale necessary to bring about the changes that are essential for protecting the earth , a process to which psychology has a useful contribution to make , must be authentically international and cross-cultural in two senses . First , we in the West or developed countries must be aware of how powerfully precedent setting is our example . When we destroy our own forests , pollute our air , and poison our streams with our industrial and personal garbage , it little avails us to admonish developing countries for unhygienic industrialization . often heard arguments , such as the fact that we cut down our timber in a more orderly manner than the developing countries destroy their rain forests , become trivial in relation to the psychological and economic forces involved . Second , we need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peoples of developing countries . Campaigns to save natural resources , such as trees and animals , upon which impoverished peoples depend for their livelihoods , without addressing the material needs of those societies , can not be effective . CONCLUSION <p> In sum , a psychology of the environment to be comprehensive must include at least the following elements : An appreciation that we do in fact , have a relationship with the Earth itself , and the degree to which that relationship has become inimicable to the sustaining of the life of human beings and countless other species . An analysis of traditional attitudes toward the Earth in our own and other cultures that may facilitate or interfere with the maintenance of life . The dominant attitude to the Earth in the industrially developed countries has been one of unchecked exploitation . The application of methods of exploring and changing our relationship to the Earth 's environment that can reanimate our connection with it . These approaches must be emotionally powerful , experiential , and consciousness expanding , opening us to ourselves in relation to nature . An @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Political and economic systems , institutions , and forces embody collective attitudes toward the Earth and its living forms but have a compelling life of their own . Psychologists committed to environmental change must , therefore , work with professional environmentalists , policy makers , population experts , corporate leaders , economists , and representatives of relevant other disciplines to make these structures compatible with an environment that can support the continuation of human life and well being . This will mean , even more than in the case of the nuclear threat , that to be effective psychologists will need to become professionally and personally committed and involved outside of their offices and laboratories . We must discover new forms of personal empowerment for ourselves and our clients that integrate exploration and activism , becoming , men and women together , archetypal warriors in the battle to protect our planet . <p> Kurt Vonnegut ( 1990 ) has recently captured the monumental seriousness of the environmental problem . It is too serious , he says , to be dealt with through humor . " Jokesters , " he writes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about challenges so real and immediate and appalling to their listeners that no amount of laughter can make the listeners feel safe and perfectly well again . I found myself doing that on a speaking tour of campuses in the spring of 1989 , and canceled all future engagements .... I said that the whole world faced a problem far worse than the rise of another Hitler , which was our destruction of the planet as a life-supporting apparatus of delicate and beautiful complexity . <p> I said that one day fairly soon we would all go belly up like guppies in a neglected fishbowl . I suggested an epitaph for the whole planet , which was : " We could have saved it , but we were too darn cheap and lazy . " ( P. 14 ) <p>
@@4001741 Thank my fourth-grade teacher , Miss Schneider , for my introduction to Christmas . As public school teachers go , she was , I grant you , something of a religious fanatic ( among other things , she held Gospel study classes in pupils ' homes every Wednesday after school ) . I will never forget the day I sat on my front porch watching some twenty or so of my classmates follow Miss Schneider into the home of my neighbor and best friend just two doors down from me . Joining the class was " the thing to do , " and I could n't do it ; I was Jewish . To be sure , with what can only be described as conversionary zeal , Miss Schneider tried regularly to " remedy " my religious status , a project that led my parents to remove me from her classroom by February . But in December , I was still a Miss Schneider ward . And that is where I encountered Christmas . <p> I was later to find out , however , that when it came to Christmas , all my teachers were more or less Miss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into winter , even the most humanly sensitive , Constitution-loving , and open-minded teachers became carried away by the spirit of what we now call , euphemistically , the " holiday season . " By early November , the classroom was already being turned into a swiftly accelerating vehicle for welcoming Christmas . By late November , we had heard the Christmas story several times over . Red and green decorations floated lazily down from ceilings and doorways . A large decorated tree outfited the main hall , and a smaller one greeted visitors entering the principal 's office . In art class , you painted Christmas scenes ; in English class , you composed Christmas stories ; in music , you sang Christmas carols . A huge school-wide Christmas assembly , followed by a gala Christmas party , marked the end of the first semester , but everybody returned that night to hear the school 's crack choir present its annual Christmas concert . <p> As welcome as I was in my country , there were certain times when I suspected that as a Jew I did n't quite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the annual Christmas fever that swept through almost everyone I knew , but passed me by . None of the Jews in my small town kept any Christmas customs in those days . The close-knit Jewish community , tiny enough to know everybody else 's business , would have looked askance at such a thing . Having a Christmas tree , for instance , would have been viewed as but one step short of apostasy . In larger communities though , a small minority of Jews did decorate their own trees , hang stockings and give gifts . It seemed the American ( if not the Jewish ) thing to do . <p> It was , and still is , no picnic explaining to your children that Jews do n't celebrate Christmas . They stare at you in disbelief . Everyone keeps Christmas , they plead . It is the topic of every television program , the display in every store window . The Radio City Music Hall features its annual Christmas spectacle and the Metropolitan Museum of Art displays Christmas artifacts . What do you mean , We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Grinch ? maybe Scrooge ? <p> When my children were young , a well-meaning baby-sitter looking to be creative helped each child assemble a tiny Christmas tree , made of colored paper , cellophane , and fallen branches collected from the wintry outdoors . The children beamed at us with glee when we came home . What does a rabbi 's family do with a pair of ready-made , personally constructed Christmas trees ? Certainly not call them Chanukah bushes and compound the sin of syncretism , doing injustice both to Judaism and to Christianity at the same time ( fine irony to the " Chanukah bush , " given the fact that Chanukah arose as a festival celebrating the Hasmonean fight to keep Judaism free of foreign religious influence ) . Patiently , quietly , and with all the love we could muster , we explained to our children that as much as we adored the work of their hands , the trees had to go . We were Jews ; Christmas trees were for Christians ; it would be wrong for us to have them -- wrong because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made light of Christmas . Chanukah was important for Jews ; Christmas was sacred for Christians . But you ca n't be both Jewish and Christian , and you ca n't have both Chanukah and Christmas . It is one or the other . <p> Another year , Nick , our neighbor across the way , came to the door to announce his plans to show up in everybody 's living room somewhere around midnight , dressed in his Santa Claus suit . Did we want to be included in the list of stops ? The kids would love it , he assured us . We thanked him , but reminded him we were Jews . He knew that , but explained that lots of Jews would be on his list . What does a religious commitment to Judaism have to do with keeping or not keeping Christmas ? For that matter , what does Christmas have to do with Christianity ? For Nick , as for his Jewish takers , Christmas is just a fun time with music , parties , and wishes for world peace . Go argue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me who take Judaism seriously , however , that is not what Christmas is . It is a feast on the Christian calendar celebrating the incarnation of the son of God . I take seriously the religious significance Christmas has ( or should have ) for Christians . Since I 'm not a Christian , it is self-evident to me that I can not observe the occasion , not in good conscience , anyway , even though life would be a lot simpler if I could . <p> Historians tell us that Christmas was not always the cultural fulcrum that balances Christian life . There was a time when Christians knew that the paschal mystery of death and resurrection was the center of Christian faith . It was Easter that really mattered , not Christmas . only in the consumerconscious nineteenth century did Christmas overtake Easter , becoming the centerpiece of popular piety . Madison Avenue marketed the change , and then colluded with the entertainment industry to boost Christmas to its current calendrical prominence . <p> To be sure , my Jewish festival of Chanukah , which falls about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a sort of Jewish equivalent -- as in " Chanukah bushes . " It does n't matter when Chanukah falls . Since it is pegged to the Hebrew calendar , it may occur any time from late November to late December . Regardless of which it is , people wish me a " happy holiday " around December 25 , as if real holidays ought to happen then . <p> I have lit Chanukah candles happily and dutifully for almost half a century ; some of my fondest family memories consist of standing with my arms around my children as we sang Chanukah songs in the flickering candlelight . But the religious part of me regrets the fact that fewer and fewer Jews observe the High Holy Days , Shabbat , and even Passover ( which used to weigh in as everyone 's favorite ) , while more and more identify Judaism as a gift-giving cult centered on Chanukah . In any event , the Chanukah hype wo n't work It may sell merchandise , and even inspire Peter , Paul , and Mary to write " Light one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- but it wo n't make Chanukah into a Jewish version of Christmas , and it wo n't address the alienation of so many Jews who genuinely like the Christmas they see and feel all around them : a Christmas that they can not share . <p> Where I live , Christmas starts officially at the end of November , with Macy 's Thanksgiving Day parade . Cities outside New York schedule their own parades then , but Macy 's version typifies the genre . It takes no semiotic genius to get the message . The parade route winds down Broadway following its own " Yellow Brick Road " to the shopping mecca on Herald Square . Bringing up the rear , but leading the way for the folk who follow the official parade route is Santa Claus , who will soon reappear daily at malls around the country promising goodies to good little children . <p> I am no Scrooge . I like Santa Claus too . I like the Christmas music -- even the bad music -- that surrounds the Santa ritual ; I like the crisp winter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest of the paraphernalia that make most people look forward to December 25 . I like my neighbors ' wreaths and their Christmas trees , and the mistletoe , and above all , the genuinely religious Christmas carols that you can hardly hear any more because they are being replaced by soppy songs that melt down the Christian message of this holy day as quickly as snow in a heat wave . Great music is great music , after all ; I enjoy it . <p> It is , in fact , my liking ( or not liking ) of Christmas that constitutes the key to the role of Christmas in American culture . By contrast , I neither like nor dislike Easter , just as I have no opinion of , say , Ramadan . As a Jew , I naturally evaluate my own holy days , but I generally feel compulsion to appraise the sacred calendar of others . Christmas is an exception to this rule . American mores expect me , even as a non-Christian , to welcome Christmas as a positive good in my life . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sin . An examination of that sin will tell us a good deal about what Christmas has become . <p> I have in mind three manifestations of Christmas in popular culture . The first two are modern-day fairy tales depicting the ultimate triumph of good over evil : the Broadway hit , Annie , and what , as I write , is being billed as " the summer movie of all time , " Batman Returns . To say that both have been box-office bonanzas is to be guilty of understatement . They obviously touch something very deep in our collective cultural psyche . <p> In both , Christmas appears as a symbol of the myth of American virtue . The Batman theme is simple and direct : the forces of good arrayed against the forces of evil . Unlike real life , however , from beginning to end , and no matter how bad things appear in the middle , not a soul in the movie theater has any doubt about who the final victor will be . It is only a matter of time until Batman wins and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives happily ever after . That is the nature of fairy tales . They portray things as we wish they were , not as they are- . They may be absolutely ghoulish in the hideous trials to which the heroes are exposed , but in the end , Cinderella marries the prince , Little Red Riding Hood escapes the wolf , Hansel and Gretel do n't get baked in the oven , and Batman restores order to Gotham city . <p> What makes Batman interesting for our purposes is the fact that the hero 's triumph is portrayed against the backdrop of Christmas . The entire movie is set in the Christmas season . In his last line of the film , Batman links his own success at foiling the Penguin with the underlying theme of Christmas . " Merry Christmas , " he says , and good will toward men -- and women . " Christmas thus functions as a cultural trope for the way we wish things were , or better yet , the way we like to pretend things are . In the actual world bad things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prowl our land . The good-will quotient measured in the absence of ethnic , racial , and religious rivalries is rather low right now . But the myth of Christmas allows us to put aside untidy evidence from newspaper headlines and to believe instead that all 's right in Gotham . Christmas stands symbolically for a secular version of redemption : Jesus does n't save ; Batman does . If evil has been eradicated it must be Christmas , goes the logic , as in fact it is in Batman Returns . <p> The evidence from Annie is even more transparent . Annie is an orphan , who is adopted by Daddy Warbucks . Along the way , evil raises its ugly head in the shape of the manager of the orphanage and her brother , who virtually kidnap Annie by posing as her parents . But in the end , their scheme fails , and Annie returns to her wealthy benefactor . As in Batman , Annie too has been written so that it culminates in Christmas . In the very last scene , not only Annie , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Warbucks ' mansion . If Batman is the myth of good conquering evil in general , Annie is the application of that myth to American values in particular . Daddy Warbucks is a self-made man , a shining example of what hard work and business enterprise will get you . Never mind the fact that he made his money as a war profiteer -- the play passes silently over the significance of his name , " Warbucks . " The point is that Warbucks made it on his own . He hobnobs with FDR and the White House crowd , gets J. Edgar Hoover to unleash the FBI in his search for Annie , and lives the life of luxury that is the stuff of the American dream . But the message of Annie is precisely that those dreams can come true , if only we are hard-working and virtuous . Annie , after all , escapes the orphanage . <p> Again , we are dealing with pure myth . In real life , almost no one is self-made any more . When Annie came out , it is true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hiring first-year graduates at astronomical sums . But most of America was getting poorer , not richer . Homelessness on a scale unknown since the Great Depression was about to become the norm for millions . Nonetheless , Annie told us confidently that even the poorest orphan could become a Warbucks heir . American capitalism triumphed once again . <p> In Annie , Christmas functions artistically not simply as the embodiment of moral victory but as a potent symbol for material success . The last scene focuses on munificent gift-giving . There is absolutely nothing spiritual about the day . No one sings Silent Night , let alone Adeste Fideles ; the birth of the savior is the farthest thought from anyone 's mind . Christmas , pure and simple , is nothing but the myth of endless American wealth born of capitalist entrepreneurship . The myth of secular redemption has reached its pinnacle here . <p> Add to Batman and Annie the third piece of evidence : Charles Dickens 's A Christmas Carol . Dickens wrote his masterpiece precisely at the time that Christmas was becoming the cultural focus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Industrial Revolution , where , once again , the myth of capitalism was wrapped up in the tinsel of Christmas packaging . In reality , the terrors of the time are readily evident from almost every page of every book that Dickens wrote . But not here . The capitalist myth merges with Christmas as secular redemption allows Tiny Tim and his family to be saved from poverty ( not from sin ) and celebrate ( a feast , not a sacrament ) with Christmas plenty donated by none other than Scrooge himself . In his prerepentant days , Scrooge is the very antithesis of the capitalist ideal . He is a rich man like Daddy Warbucks , but he hoards his wealth and despises the poor . Naturally , he disdains-Christmas too . But in the end , he is converted . Christmas is the symbol for good will in general , gift-giving in particular , and the triumph of the capitalist ethic as a general good for one and all . <p> I now understand my own Christmas dilemma . Christmas has been secularized , " capitalized , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and certainly as popular culture presents it , it is the myth of the America we all pretend we inhabit : a place where Penguins are foiled , Annies are adopted , and even the poorest among us celebrate the wealth that comes from good old-fashioned hard work and industry . Not to observe Christmas is to blow the whistle on the myth , to expose such naked realities as a trickle-down economy where nothing trickles down , in a country rife with social ills and economic deprivation . <p> The problem is that even in its secularized form , Christmas is not religiously neutral . It is still Christian . So as a Jew , I am in a bind . I am naturally attracted to Christmas as mythic wish-fulfillment , marked by smiling Santas , festive parties , and gifts for everyone . At its secular best , it is at least one day in the year when we remember what we still might be : peaceful people infused with good will toward all , and a generous country , where everyone has a dinner to sit down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopting what is still , for me , a Christian feast with a Christian message . There may be two Christmases here , the age-old religious celebration and the modern secular one . But they are not easily separated . Religious Christians may well be uneasy about the triumph of the secular variety , but at least they do n't have to worry about sliding back and forth between the secular and religious landscapes . They can enjoy the American myth that the secular holiday presents and simultaneously observe the religious event for which Christmas was formulated in the first place . That is a luxury I can not afford . <p> On the other hand , I , along with most other Jews I know , have come to terms with our Christmas dilemma . By no means do I yearn to celebrate Christmas . As the public pomp and ceremony become somewhat overwhelming , I slip into the role of a visitor to a foreign culture . I appreciate , even enjoy , much of the Christmas ambience ; I share my Christian neighbors ' happiness , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The academic part of me wonders how the religious message of Christmas got so overwhelmed by its secular mythology , and the religious part of me feels a little sorry that it happened that way . There are Jews who keep a Passover seder , but with no idea that the event has any religious significance beyond the family 's getting together . There is nothing wrong with family gatherings , but the life of faith is impoverished if the Passover meal is no longer rooted in the religious verities that have animated it through the centuries . I imagine the same must be true of Christmas for Christians . There is nothing wrong with sleigh bells , Bing Crosby , and Christmas pudding , but I should hope Christians would want more than just that , and as Christmas becomes more and more secularized , I am not sure they get it . <p> In the end , the problem of Christmas is not mine any more than Christmas itself is . The real Christmas challenge belongs to Christians : how to take Christmas out of the secularized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once again . <p> By Lawrence A. Hoffman <p> <p> RABBI LAWRENCE A. HOFFMAN is professor of liturgy at the New York branch of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion . Among his latest works is a revision of Rabbi Morris Kertzer 's classic , What Is a Jew ? , an introduction to Judaism that will be released by Macmillan in the spring of 1993 . <p>
@@4002041 As the United States prepares to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the 1955 act of civil disobedience by Rosa Parks , it is critical that any false emphases and flawed cultural myths associated with that December day be challenged and corrected . By exploring some of the historical-political , social , and personal influences that encouraged Parks 's refusal to move from her bus seat , it is possible to recognize in her deed the markings of a true prophetic act . <p> OVER THE YEARS , the historic event associated with Rosa Parks has been characterized in the following way : On December 1 , 1955 , in Montgomery , Alabama , a good-hearted , non-political , middle-aged seamstress was so tired from work that she refused to give up her seat on the bus ride home , indirectly setting in motion the Civil Rights Movement in the United States. ( n1 ) This version honors various admirable qualities found in Parks 's story , namely , her womanhood , her work ethic , and her physical tiredness after a hard day 's work . Unfortunately , it sidesteps the fundamental issue of racial injustice in favor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ belligerent bus driver . It also ignores the mountain of evidence that insists Rosa Parks should never be characterized simply as a good-hearted seamstress . <p> As the United States prepares to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Rosa Parks 's act of civil disobedience , it is critical that the flawed cultural myths associated with that December day be challenged and corrected . What happened on that bus was far from haphazard or coincidental . By examining some of the factors that influenced Parks 's refusal to give up her bus seat , it is possible to recognize the markings of a contemporary prophetic act . <p> To assist in this process , two precedents , one scriptural and one historical , will be briefly considered . First , the Hebrew Scriptures contain the account of Jeremiah 's purchase of the field in Anathoth ( Jeremiah 32:1-15 ) . This act was basically an event in the form of a simile , for it suggested that just as the Anathoth field was sold to Jeremiah , other plots of land near Jerusalem would also be bought and sold in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a larger event , like the smashing of the potter 's vessel ( Jeremiah 19:1-13 ) that symbolized a coming destruction on a much larger scale . Rather it is the first purchase in what would be a long series of purchases occurring during an anticipated period of future restoration. ( n2 ) <p> Second , this incident involved the attribution of prophetic qualities to a type of action that might otherwise be considered quite ordinary . In normal times , buying a field of land was a commonplace occurrence . But , by buying a field already under the control of the invading Babylonian army , Jeremiah risked marking himself as a traitor . Only persons expecting to be able to retain ownership of their property under the conquering regime would have reasonably considered purchasing land at that time . Jeremiah , however , designated this act as symbolic of a promise made by the God of Israel that normal life would one day resume in the land. ( n3 ) Through this deliberate act , Jeremiah proclaimed a prophetic message of hope that would sustain the people during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be considered comes from an event that occurred 25 years prior to Parks 's act of civil disobedience , namely , the 1930 Salt March of Mahatma Gandhi . On March 12 , 1930 , Gandhi and 78 followers departed from his ashram outside Ahmedabad , intending to march 240 miles to the coastal city of Dandi . There Gandhi would lead the group in picking up natural sea salt , thus defying the oppressive Salt Laws and provoking a campaign of mass civil disobedience . Gandhi targeted these laws for three main reasons : they taxed the principal condiment of the poor ; they forbade the local manufacture of a bountiful natural resource ; and they fostered an unnecessary dependence on imported British goods. ( n4 ) The procession reached the sea on the evening of April 5 , but it was decided not to perform any acts of civil disobedience until the next day . Early on April 6 , Gandhi picked up some rough sea salt and reportedly said , " With this , I am shaking the foundations of the British Empire . " ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of civil disobedience . By the end of the year , over 60,000 people were imprisoned for acts as seemingly minor as what Gandhi had done on the beach of Dandi . The impact of Gandhi 's prophetic act on both Indian and American history provides an excellent point of reference as we now return to Rosa Parks 's act of civil disobedience . <p> A key question associated with Rosa Parks concerns the reason why she refused to surrender her bus seat that day . The common explanation given is that she was tired . In responding to that perception , Parks adamantly insists her tiredness was not physical in nature . <p> People have said over the years that the reason I did not give up my seat was because I was tired . I did not think of being physically tired . My feet were not hurting . I was tired in a different way . I was tired of seeing so many men treated as boys and not called by their proper names or titles . I was tired of seeing children and women mistreated and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was tired of Jim Crow laws , of legally enforced racial segregation. ( n6 ) <p> In contrast to any simplistic interpretation of Rosa Parks 's refusal to move , at least 18 different motivating factors can be given that played a part in the events of that day . They will now be briefly described under the categories of historical-political , social , and personal influences . HISTORICAL-POLITICAL INFLUENCES <p> An initial historical influence on Rosa Parks 's act of civil disobedience was the impact Brown v. Board of Education had upon all people striving to remove the unfair laws of segregation . This landmark Supreme Court ruling ( handed down on May 17 , 1954 ) rejected the long-held belief that " separate-but-equal " educational programs were constitutional . It prompted a negative backlash among many White Southerners ; however it gave hope and encouragement to those suffering under racist and prejudicial laws , such as laws requiring segregated bus service . <p> A second influential historical event occurred about 15 months later , when an all-White jury acquitted two men accused of the brutal murder of Emmett @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a 14-year-old youth from Chicago , was dared to say " Bye , baby " to a White shopkeeper in Money , Mississippi . He was later brutally murdered reportedly by the woman 's husband and a brother-in-law . Till 's mother demanded an open casket funeral in Chicago , which not only led to photographs of Till 's mangled body being printed in the media but also brought national and international criticism of Mississippi 's segregationist society . Rosa Parks was well aware of the details of this brutal event . <p> Another influence involves the activity of the Women 's Political Council ( WPC ) of Montgomery . At first glance , this seems to have been only an indirect influence since Rosa Parks was not a member of the group . However , the WPC had been in existence since 1946 with its primary focus being the removal of laws of segregation , especially in relation to the bus system . They had been entertaining the idea of a bus boycott for years and , under the leadership of Jo Ann Robinson , had begun shaping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Given such mutual interests of Rosa Parks and the WPC , it would seem likely that Parks was aware of , and at least indirectly influenced by , some of the work of Jo Ann Robinson 's group . <p> A fourth historical influence is connected with the stories of the two other African American women who , in the months prior to Rosa Parks 's incident , were arrested for failing to move from their seats when ordered to do so by White bus drivers . On March 2 , 1955 , a 15-year-old high school student named Claudette Colvin was told to move from her seat in the non-reserved section of the bus , simply to accommodate White passengers with no seat . Colvin refused , so the driver tracked down a policeman and had Colvin arrested and forcibly taken away in a patrol car . In the end , because she was a minor , Colvin was found guilty of violating state laws , made to pay a fine , and remanded to her parents ' care . <p> The second case involved an 18-year-old girl @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vacate her bus seat . She was seated in the non-reserved section , but was fined for not obeying the bus driver 's request that she move farther back in the bus . For the Montgomery branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ( NAACP ) , these incidents proved to be " trial runs " for envisioning how orchestrated efforts might succeed in removing the unjust laws of segregation. ( n7 ) <p> Many have wondered whether Rosa Parks was prompted by the NAACP local leadership to initiate action against the bus company . It is clear from Parks 's own comments that such was not the case . <p> People have asked me if it occurred to me then that I could be the test case the NAACP had been looking for . I did not think about that at all . In fact if I had let myself think too deeply about what might happen to me , I might have gotten off the bus . But I chose to remain. ( n8 ) <p> It must be conceded , though , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ branch of the NAACP and her friendship with chapter President E. D. Nixon significantly influenced her . One of her principal duties was cataloguing the cases of discrimination and racial violence in their community . This included many instances of lynching , rape , flogging , and unsolved murders . Thus , when the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in July 1955 that segregated bus seating was unconstitutional , considering ways to desegregate the Montgomery buses became an important topic discussed at NAACP meetings at which Parks took all the minutes . <p> A final historical-political influence to be mentioned here is the crucial impact of Parks 's attendance at the Highlander Folk School in Monteagle , Tennessee . Founded by Myles Horton , the Highlander Folk School strove to gather together integrated groups of people committed to social activism and educational reform . In the summer of 1955 , a two-week workshop was being held on " Radical Desegregation : Implementing the Supreme Court Decision . " Horton called Virginia Foster Durr , about whom more will be said later , to see if she knew of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program . She quickly recommended Rosa Parks and even arranged to find a sponsor to cover her transportation costs. ( n9 ) <p> Parks agreed to attend this workshop , even over the objections of her husband and despite the fact that it required her to take a leave of absence from her employer . The sense of genuine community and social concern that Parks experienced at Highlander left a strong impression upon her , which she keenly felt once she returned back home to her job and daily life in segregated Montgomery . SOCIAL AND FAMILY INFLUENCES <p> Rosa Parks often spoke about the women and men she admired and whose example she sought to emulate . These people played a supporting role in the 1955 drama on the Montgomery city bus . An initial social influence worth mentioning was Rosa Parks 's friendship with Virginia Durr , a committed activist for civil rights . A mutual friend introduced Rosa Parks to Durr , who soon discovered that Parks was an excellent seamstress and hired her to do alterations on family dresses . Soon the two women spent much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Durr was a mentor to her and one of the closest female friends she had in Montgomery. ( n10 ) <p> A second social influence on Rosa Parks was her inspirational encounter in 1955 with Septima Clark , who worked with Myles Horton as director of the workshops at the Highlander Folk School . Clark was a born activist and strong proponent of integration across American society . The Highlander experience of interracial camaraderie coupled with learning from women of conviction such as Septima Clark had a definite impact on Rosa Parks 's worldview and commitment to social justice . <p> A further social influence on Rosa Parks was her friendship with and admiration for E. D. Nixon , the leader of the local branch of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and one of the founders of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP . Parks had known Nixon since 1943 , working closely with him as secretary of the local NAACP chapter and advisor for the NAACP Youth Council. ( n11 ) She even followed him as his executive secretary when he was elected president of the Progressive Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she worked for Nixon without compensation . <p> In suggesting a fourth influence on Rosa Parks 's life , the focus now shifts from colleagues to members of her immediate family , beginning with her brother , Sylvester . When Sylvester returned from military service in World War II , the hypocrisy and prejudice prevalent in their home community was hard for both siblings to bear . Black soldiers , who had fought bravely in defense of the United States , often returned home to a nation that considered them " uppity " and " troublemakers " if they wore their uniforms in public . Uncomfortable with such prejudicial treatment , in late 1945 Sylvester packed up his wife and two children and moved to Detroit , where he took a job at a Chrysler factory . The yoke of segregation thus caused some of Parks 's closest relatives to flee her home community . <p> An additional influence on Rosa Parks was the courage she witnessed in her mother , Leona McCauley , and her maternal grandparents . In her book Quiet Strength , Parks speaks proudly of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and emphasis on believing in oneself " even while living under racist conditions . " She also mentions how her Grandma Rose was an example of care and love while still being strong-willed and a strict disciplinarian. ( n12 ) But then she moves on to the figure of her grandfather , Sylvester Edwards , who was someone that Rosa Parks consistently describes as an influential figure in her life . Born a slave , Sylvester Edwards was light-skinned and dared to break the social taboos of the day by shaking hands with Whites and calling them by their first names . But the cruelty he had personally experienced in his life made him quite hostile toward Whites . He was adamant that his children or grand children never work as domestic servants in White households . Parks makes these telling remarks : " His memory will always be with me . While I do not think I inherited his hostility , my mother and I both learned not to let anyone mistreat us . It was passed down almost in our genes . " ( n13 ) <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Rosa Parks 's husband , Raymond . Almost exactly ten years older than Rosa , Raymond was a barber by trade and a charter member of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP . When they were first introduced , Raymond was fixated on bringing about justice for the recently imprisoned Scottsboro Boys , even though to do so was to risk being beaten or killed . In the years prior to December 1955 , Raymond 's commitment to civil rights and his active involvement in the NAACP were probably the dominant forces in Rosa Parks 's evolving spirit of civil disobedience . To quote her directly , Parks said : " He was the first man of our race , aside from my grandfather , with whom I actually discussed anything about the racial conditions . He was the first real activist I ever met. " ( n14 ) PERSONAL EXPERIENCES AND CHARACTER TRAITS <p> One difference between descriptions of prophetic activity from biblical eras and modern eras is that , in the former , the dynamic of psychological motivation is left relatively unexplored . It is one thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can be quite another thing to attempt to characterize the emotional and internal influences active in any specific act of volition . But since Rosa Parks has been asked so often to explain why she did what she did , her responses , plus comments made by her friends and associates , provide excellent source material for recognizing a number of personal factors that can be said to have influenced Parks 's act of civil disobedience . <p> An initial personal influence , and the one that is most commonly mentioned , is that she was physically tired after a busy day of work . If physical fatigue was a factor in Parks 's decision not to surrender her seat , it was a fairly remote one . It is true that she had worked all day , including a " working lunch " in the office of attorney Fred Gray , and she was anxious to get home to rest for a brief period before leading the regular Thursday evening NAACP Youth Council meeting . But on that particular day , it was clear that she was burdened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal influence was the disparity Parks had experienced between different bus systems in her own community . In 1941 , Parks got a job at Maxwell Field , a nearby Army Air Corps base . On the U.S. military base , she rode on an integrated trolley , often sitting side by side with White colleagues and enjoying conversation together . Once she left the base , however , she was forced to ride on segregated city buses . Parks felt this discrepancy to be a personal " humiliation " and insists that the experience opened her eyes by showing her " an alternative reality to the ugly racial policies of Jim Crow . " ( n15 ) <p> A third personal influence is a quality of Rosa Parks that is frequently mentioned by those who know her well , that is , a steely inner strength . Her long-time associate , Elaine Steele , has remarked that Parks is a person who is very peaceful but with great power . <p> She can very quietly say " no " or " I prefer not " and you know instinctively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's the way the bus driver must have felt on that particular day when he asked " Are you going to move ? " and she said " No , I am not . " He did n't have to debate the point any further. ( n16 ) <p> Along with Parks 's inner strength , a fourth personal influence was her strong sense of pride . One minor incident points this out . When Parks accepted the scholarship to attend the Highlander Folk School , she supposedly accepted luggage and a swimsuit from Virginia Durr ; however , Parks disputes this detail in her autobiography . Durr responded in her own book , saying : <p> Rosa Parks is one of the proudest people I 've ever known in my life . She hated to admit that she did n't have a suitcase or bathing suit or money . It was painful for her . She was a very proud woman , so all of this had to be accomplished with a great deal of tact , which I am not noted for. ( n17 ) <p> While learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gives credit to Miss Alice Winter , one of her early schoolteachers . Parks comments that she learned at Miss White 's school that she was " a person with dignity and self-respect " and that she should not set her sights lower than anybody else just because of her race. ( n18 ) <p> As a corollary to this strong sense of pride , an additional personal influence was the fact that Rosa Parks had a lingering resentment toward James F. Blake , the bus driver who confronted her on December 1 , 1955 . She did not know Blake personally ; she did not even learn his name until her subsequent trial . But they had already had an unfortunate encounter 12 years prior. ( n19 ) One sad feature of segregation was the habit of many bus drivers to require Black passengers to pay for their ticket at the front of the bus , before disembarking and reboarding at the rear of the bus . James Blake had a reputation for being especially abusive toward African American women , as well as taking malicious pleasure in having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then leaving them stranded before they could reboard at the rear . <p> One November day in 1943 , Rosa Parks boarded a bus through the front door and moved to stand in the aisle in the appropriate section in the rear . She had done this because there was no way to enter the bus from the rear , since every seat in the back of the bus and place in the rear stairwell and aisle were already full . James Blake was the driver that day and demanded that she exit immediately . When she refused , he told her to get off of " his " bus . Parks refused to move . Blake stood up and began pulling on her coat sleeve . She warned him not to strike her and said that she would leave . However , she further infuriated Blake by intentionally dropping her purse near the front of the bus and briefly sitting in a " Whites Only " seat before finally exiting the bus . For the next dozen years , Parks consciously avoided riding in any bus driven by Blake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ famous incident of 1955 was only possible because Parks had neglected to notice who was driving the bus when it stopped to pick up passengers near her place of work . Her act of civil disobedience was surely influenced by a long-remembered sense of moral outrage felt toward James Blake . <p> A sixth , and , in my opinion , the most important personal influence affecting Rosa Parks 's decision not to move from her bus seat was her deeply rooted Christian faith . Invariably , when Parks is asked about the events that day , she uses language that is faith-based and confessional in nature . When a schoolgirl from Detroit wrote to Parks , asking what gave her the courage to say " No " and not move to the back of the bus , she replied : <p> God has always given me the strength to say what is right . I did not get on the bus to get arrested ; I got on the bus to go home . Getting arrested was one of the worst days in my life . It was not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strong believer in God , I knew that He was with me , and only He could get me through the next step . <p> I had no idea that history was being made . I was just tired of giving in . Somehow , I felt that what I did was right by standing up to that bus driver . I did not think about the consequences . I knew that I could have been lynched , manhandled , or beaten when the police came . I chose not to move , because I was right . When I made that decision , I knew that I had the strength of God and my ancestors with me. ( n20 ) <p> According to her biographer , Douglas Brinkley , " faith in God was never the question for Rosa Parks ; it was the answer . " ( n21 ) <p> In summary , what is the significance of this survey of possible influences shaping Rosa Parks 's decision not to surrender her bus seat ? Consider the fact that when material from the Hebrew Scripture is studied in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ process has occurred even before one begins . This is because all descriptions of biblical prophetic activity come to us in a redacted form . The material has been edited and shaped according to implicit criteria , such as the goal of authenticating Jeremiah as a true prophetic figure and presenting his messages as being valid expressions of the word and will of God for the Judahite community . <p> This is quite different from considerations of modern prophetic acts . While redaction of contemporary historical events can and does occur , exegetes of such events are also active participants in determining the events ' overall significance . They seek out first-person accounts , read biographical material , interview witnesses , and reach conclusions based on varying degrees of critical research . Moreover , the question of " Why did she or he do that ? " is always asked of modern prophetic acts with the expectation that an answer can be discovered . By comparison , this question can only be answered in a speculative fashion in reference to biblical prophetism . Therefore , it is prudent to explore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ modern figures . Far from secularizing or demythologizing examples of contemporary prophetism , such in-depth , historical-critical , psychological , and sociological examination helps in rendering judgment as to their authenticity and efficacy , while possibly shedding light on what may have been involved in similar prophetic examples from the Hebrew Scripture . RECOGNIZING THE PROPHETIC QUALITY OF ROSA PARKS 'S ACT <p> In order to offer a provisional evaluation of whether Rosa Parks 's act of civil disobedience should be considered a modern prophetic act , the earlier biblical and historical precedents will now be revisited . In recalling the prophet Jeremiah 's decision to purchase the field in Anathoth , it was mentioned that making this land purchase during a time of enemy siege was considered dangerous and foolhardy . It created the appearance that Jeremiah was in league with the Babylonians , hoping to retain possession of the land once the invading army conquered Jerusalem . As such , Jeremiah 's prophetic act was done at great personal risk . The same could be said of Parks 's prophetic act . By refusing to move , her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk of being forever redefined as that of a questionable troublemaker . In the aftermath of her act , Parks received a barrage of death threats. ( n22 ) She went against her husband 's wishes by her willingness to become a public figure , enduring his repeated warning , " Rosa , the White folks will kill you . Rosa , the White folks will kill you . " Her act led directly to her losing her job and her husband 's resignation from his barber 's job. ( n23 ) She also knew that she was endangering her entire family , including her frail mother . Yet she agreed to make her legal case a means to challenge the unjust status quo . <p> Parks 's act and Jeremiah 's purchase of the Anathoth field are also similar in being prophetic acts of hope in times of crisis . Both involved ordinary activities ( the buying and selling of land , riding home from work on public transportation ) whose " ordinariness " belied the crisis settings at hand ( siege of Jerusalem , Montgomery 's laws of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embody Jeremiah 's promise that one day , " houses and fields and vineyards shall again be bought in this land " ( Jeremiah 32:15b ) . Similarly , refusing to be coerced to vacate her bus seat became a means to embody a social vision that no longer allowed rules about a person 's skin color to dictate whether a wide array of services or common courtesies will be offered . Both acts took a present event to show forth a possible future reality . And both acts relied on a foundation of communal faith and religious conviction . <p> Comparisons with Gandhi 's Salt March of 1930 are also instructive . Both Gandhi 's march and Parks 's refusal to move were public acts , performed by people considered to be weak or non-threatening by the dominant social powers . Both were challenging a relatively minor law but one that touched on fundamental quality of life issues for the oppressed population . And both acted out of sincere faith foundations and philosophical convictions , consciously choosing to defy laws that were unjust so that all people might experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contemporary prophetic acts , these comparisons to biblical and historical precedents are helpful , yet not fully adequate in themselves . Theologian Paul Tillich has suggested that prophetic moments are also crisis moments , in which , at the " fullness of time , " the negativities of society are challenged by bearers of a prophetic spirit . He described such prophetic activity as kairotic in nature , transformational and directed toward what is unconditional. ( n24 ) Is it then possible to speak about a kairos moment occurring on that December day in Montgomery , Alabama ? <p> Throughout Brinkley 's biography , one recurrent question is whether or not Parks 's actions were premeditated . In his opinion , the answer is a clear " no . " As he puts it , a " lifetime 's education in injustice -- from her grandfather 's nightly vigils to the murder of Emmett Till -- had strengthened her resolve to act when the time came . " ( n25 ) Martin Luther King , Jr. , echoed these sentiments in his book Stride toward Freedom , when he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the accumulated indignities of days gone and the boundless aspirations of generations yet born . She was a victim of both the forces of history and the forces of destiny . She had been tracked down by the Zeitgeist -- the spirit of the time . " ( n26 ) <p> Although she never uses the specific term kairos , this sense of the " fullness of time " is present in Parks 's own summary of her action : " God provided me with the strength I needed at the precise time when conditions were ripe for change , " ( n27 ) Knowing that other women at other times had reacted to bus segregation in the same way as she had , but without it leading to an effective , enduring bus boycott , Parks came to recognize a kairotic quality to the events associated with her prophetic act that day . <p> Rosa Parks 's act of civil disobedience merits recognition as an example of a contemporary prophetic act . It was a deliberate act of witness , performed by a person grounded in a faith community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society . The most fitting way to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Parks 's historic act is to peel back the sentimental veneer from our recollections of that day . It is time to acknowledge finally the depth of prophetic spirit active both in Parks 's faithful witness and in the larger community around her . <p> Before leaving the story of Rosa Parks , one final moment of irony is worthy of mention . The Montgomery bus boycott lasted for 13 months , until the Supreme Court rejected the segregationist position of the Montgomery City Commission and ordered that by December 20 , 1956 , all the buses be integrated by law . On the morning of December 21 , 1956 , a reporter and photographer from Look magazine knocked on Rosa Parks 's door and persuaded her to have her picture taken riding a bus on that first day of integration . The famous subsequent photograph , showing Rosa Parks glancing out a window with a White male passenger seated in the row behind her , just happened to be taken on a bus driven that day by @ @ @ @
@@4002241 When the topic of Junior Achievement arises in conversations among business people or educators , many recall its after-school community program in which teenagers crafted products to sell . This business education program , called the JA Company , has , since 1919 , attracted several million of America 's youth . <p> Nearly two decades ago , however , the face of Junior Achievement began to change . In 1974 , Junior Achievement 's first in-school economic education program , Project Business , was introduced to students in grades 7 to 9 . Business Basics , a program for fourth- to sixth-grade students , followed in 1978 . Then , in the early 1980s , the organization 's flagship curriculum , Applied Economics , was launched for high school students in tenth to twelfth grade . After several pilot editions of the one-semester course , the first edition of Applied Economics was published in 1985 . <p> Twenty years ago , few people could have predicted how dramatically those programs would change Junior Achievement . Although the original JA Company program is still going strong , each year it represents a smaller segment of the Junior Achievement program @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of all students involved in Junior Achievement . And just like the JA Company program , in-school programs feature a volunteer from the community , called a business consultant , who works with students . In addition , all Junior Achievement programs are sponsored by the business community at no cost to schools . <p> Today , Junior Achievement has eight economic and business education programs available for young people ( see sidebar ) . The articles that follow in this special section of The Social Studies describe several teachers ' experiences with three of Junior Achievement 's more popular programs : Applied Economics , Project Business , and the new K-6 Initiative . The last , which currently is being developed , is an expansion of the Business Basics program . Business Basics <p> During the 1991-92 school year , nearly 400,000 U.S. elementary school students , a majority of whom were fifth graders , participated in Business Basics . In four highly engaging lessons , these students learn what it takes to organize a business , make management decisions , manufacture a product , and market it . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consultant-a local business person , college student , or student from the high school program . The consultant serves as a role model for the children and draws on his or her business or student company experiences to lead students in problem-solving activities , role-playing exercises , and lively discussions . The consultant and the student use the colorful , engaging materials that are enriched with readings from a newspaper-style Business Journal . <p> However , Business Basics is being supplanted by a new program in which the new K-6 framework , Business Basics , will be retooled as the fifth-grade component . <p> K-6 Initiative <p> Soon kindergarten through sixth-grade children will study how businesses , workers , and consumers carry on economic fife in their local , state , national , and international communities . They will learn concepts and skills at each grade level that build on those taught in preceding grades . Programs for grades one , two , and three have been developed and are being field tested in selected cities across the nation . Judith Lee Swets , a second-grade teacher from Grand Rapids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the How Does A Community Work ? program . <p> The K-6 elementary school program takes a conceptual and sequential approach to learning . It recognizes that people , as contributing members of society , assume roles as an individual , worker , and consumer and carry out these different roles in an expanding environment that extends from the self to global relations . This new program includes a variety of activities that help young students develop appropriate decision-making and workforce-readiness skills . Project Business <p> Approximately a half-million students each year participate in Project Business , Junior Achievement 's most popular program . Deeni Schoenfeld , who wrote the article about her eighth-grade class in Walnut Creek , California , is one of about 15,000 teachers who work with Project Business . <p> Key to the success of Project Business , as Ms. Schoenfeld recounts , is the cooperative effort between the business consultant and classroom teacher . The consultant brings an economic and business lesson to the students each week of the semester , but the teacher sets the stage for the consultant 's visits . In many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For their preparation and presentations , consultants use a detailed program guide that allows them to choose among a variety of hands-on activities for each class period . <p> A popular feature in the Project Business curriculum is The Wizards of Sound , a twenty-two-minute video field trip about the recording industry . This video follows students from Junior High School 22 in New York City as they travel to CBS Records ; meet trumpeter Wynton Marsalis ; help mix sound tracks for a recording ; see how records , tapes , and compact discs are manufactured ; and discuss marketing techniques with CBS executives . <p> Economics of Staying in School <p> This supplementary program is a series of four activities that the program 's business consultant uses to show at-risk students the relevance of what they learn in school to life in their economic society . The first activity is " Success , " a board game that teaches students the long-term benefits of a high school diploma and further education . " The Benefits of Staying in School " demonstrates to students the economic advantages of educational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In " The Cost of Dropping Out , " students use local classified ads to look for work and prepare a personal budget based on wages they might earn without a high school diploma . " Facing the Issues " is a role-playing activity based on situations faced by someone who has dropped out of school . <p> Applied Economics <p> In my early days as a high school economics teacher , I envisioned teaching an entire course built on a framework of experiential learning that might consist of classroom simulations , student debates , and field trips into the community . With the Applied Economics program , teachers find that such a curriculum is now available to them . <p> The research on Applied Economics , taken from external evaluations conducted at three-year intervals , reveals that the program 's active learning components are its most effective . The teacher ( who conducts the course four days a week ) and the consultant ( who visits on the fifth school day ) can introduce students early in the semester to the Student Company , an activity in which students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firm . This might be followed by the Management and Economic Simulation Exercise , or MESE , a computer-based microeconomic simulation . <p> Applied Economics students could advance to Macroland during the latter part of the semester . In this computer simulation , they would assume the roles of government economic policymakers and Federal Reserve Board members in managing a national economy through fiscal and monetary policy . Mark Sperling , in an accompanying article , describes his use of MESE and Macroland with students at Cass Technical High School in Detroit . <p> The hands-on learning does not end with these activities . The student study guide , for example , contains many exercises that reinforce the concepts , generalizations , and other information introduced in the text . The program guide also offers a range of activities to engage students intellectually in problem solving and critical thinking . <p> Many Applied Economics classes examine current economic issues , such as teens in the labor force , the health-care crisis , and the new European Community 1992 , through Talks to Teachers . This quarterly publication is an eight-page @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ topic . <p> To assess class as well as individual progress during the semester , teachers can administer two forty-five-item pre- and post-tests of equivalent scope and difficulty . These tests are provided with the curriculum , and many teachers use them extensively . During the semester , teachers can generate end-of-chapter or -unit exams from a computer database of over 400 items . Finally , Applied Economics comes with a 100-item final exam that covers all the topics studied in the course and represents different levels of difficulty . <p> AE Rural Expansion and AE-by-Satellite <p> Through a delivery system tailored for small cities and towns , Applied Economics now is reaching many more rural school districts throughout the country . This system uses video tutorials to explain the program to school administrators and to train classroom teachers and business consultants . In turn , Junior Achievement works with the school superintendent to obtain business support for Applied Economics . This rural expansion project was initiated in 1987 in Michigan 's Upper Peninsula and is supported by a grant from the W. K. Kellogg Foundation . <p> Small schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to recruit one may still receive the program via satellite transmission through the Arts and Sciences Teleconferencing Service at Oklahoma State University ( OSU ) . Three days a week , an economics professor at OSU delivers the program through live television broadcasts . The week 's remaining two classroom sessions are devoted to operating the student company , running a computer simulation , visits from the business consultant , and other program activities . The Phillips Petroleum Company provided a grant to support this satellite program for rural schools . <p> The range of Junior Achievement 's programs in the schools continues to grow . During the 1991-92 school year , about 1.3 million students learned about their business and economic world through one of these programs . In the articles that follow , an elementary , middle school , and high school teacher , respectively , relate their experiences with a particular program . Junior Achievement 's Economic and Business Education Programs High School <p> JA Company -- The original after-school program in which students , guided by a volunteer from the local business community , organize a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sell stock to raise capital , elect officers , buy materials , manufacture and market a product , pay a dividend to stockholders , and liquidate their company . <p> Applied Economics -- A one-semester economics course for tenth through twelfth grades . In addition to a textbook , the course materials include student study guides , a program guide for the teacher and consultant , a student company activity , and two computer-based simulations-a microeconomic model and a macroeconomic model . The consultant works with the class one day a week . <p> Success Now -- A three-phase program that introduces high school students to workplace competencies and skills . During the first semester , students operate a JA Company ; second semester , they take part in personal and career development activities . In the summer , they work as interns at a local business . <p> International Student Forum -- High school students from the U.S. come together for a week at Indiana University in Bloomington . They participate in workshops , learn from corporate executives , hear professional speakers , and enjoy a variety of social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business-education program for ninth-grade economics classes . In one class period each week , a business volunteer introduces students to learning activities . The program also features a computer-based economics and business simulation . Junior High and Middle School <p> Project Business -- A junior high/middle school program that introduces students to issues in their economic system . The program includes seven units , each with a variety of activities , taught one class period a week during a semester by a business consultant from the local community . <p> Economics of Staying in School -- A series of four activities designed for at-risk students that can supplement Project Business or be taught independently in the middle grades . The activities include a board game , interpretation of charts and graphs , a home-budget exercise , and role playing . Elementary school <p> Business Basics -- A " hands-on learning " program for fourth- , fifth- , and sixth-grade students . Its four lessons teach students the basics of business organization , production , management , and marketing . <p> K-6 Initiative -- A new elementary school program that uses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of communities . Its experiential lessons teach students about interrelations that expand from families and neighborhoods in the early grades to the nation and world in the later grades . <p> GRAPH : Junior Achievement Inc . Major Programs 1990-91 <p> By RICHARD VAN SCOTTER <p>
@@4002341 By performing one political action , a citizen may simultaneously accomplish both a practical and a symbolic result . For instance , in the act of voting , one not only participates in the determination of public policy but also expresses enthusiasm and discontent , achieves a sense of common social ties , and approves the actions taken by society ( Edelman 1967 , 203 ) , Symbolic political behavior has been a subject of concern to students of politics for decades ( Arnold 1947 ; Edelman 1967 ; Elder and Cobb 1983 ; Kertzer 1988 ; and Hinckley 1990 ) . The addition of symbolism exercises to a secondary-school government class can provide a realistic approach to government in action . <p> The symbol may be on the visible or concrete level , such as the United States Capitol , or an audible impression , such as the sound of Big Ben as a background to Winston Churchill 's wartime speeches ( Reid 1970 ) . The symbol may also be more impressionis-tic and invisible ; for example , legislative statutory attempts to regulate a certain function may convey the idea that the function is well in control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulation that is enacted with the greatest fanfare is often the least ambitious ( Edelman 1967 , 26 ) . Students at the secondary level are capable of thinking symbolically , using a high level of thought processes . Activities that are organized to elicit symbolic responses in the study of government provide students with the opportunities to use their imagination to create a new and different way to look at an idea , value , fact , or object . The Symbolism Exercise <p> In a symbolic exercise , the aim is to encourage the students to obtain a greater understanding of the relationship between the symbol and the apparent dimensions of political phenomena . To begin the exercise , the teacher needs to describe to the class the concept of symbolism in the community in a variety of forms . The forms include the object , the activity , or the issue as a representation of an alternative , often deeper , meaning . The examples of community concerns given to the class should be limited in number so that the creativity of the class members is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one student is selected to list each student in the class by name , give a number to each of them , and describe in a word or two the symbols illustrated by each student . As the students present their symbols , the other class members note the numbers of the presentation that are considered to be the most effective or interesting . At the end of the presentations , the class members select three of the items . The student maintaining the list may be asked to restate the items offered and their numbers in order to assist the voting process . Once the ballots are collected and tallied , they become the basis for granting some reward -- perhaps a few points on the next test -- to the highest vote-getters . <p> Usually students offer a wide range of symbols that relate to community studies . The most common format is the picture ; however , the depictions may have varied levels of symbolic value and depth of emotion . The choice may range from a picture of a government building to some beneficial or destructive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in devising items to serve as symbols of their ideas . In one instance , ajar of mud rap-resented the problem of run-off into ponds and streams from the construction of a local mall . Students have displayed various religious writings to symbolize the separation of chumh and state or the influence of religious law upon the domestic law . A parking ticket indicated the penalty exacted by society for violation of its rules . <p> Class members have drawn cartoons of contemporary politicians and political controversies . One student wrote a poem that incorporated the principles dealt with in class and their relationship to the lengths she would go to obtain a good grade . Students played bits from video and audio tapes , which enlivened the class . With a video , a student may depict power or corruption , as it was shown in a movie . An audio tape may be a brief but strong commentary on a social problem or the refusal of those in authority to correct a condition the student considers to be an injustice . <p> Table I is a compilation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the courts , and justice in a local community . Symbols such as those have a particularly interesting effect on government students . Learning Issues <p> The symbolism exercise relates closely to other types of teaching methods . Each student presentation provides a simulation , but on a single dimension . Often , the symbols used in several presentations may be related to each other by the teacher to form a more complex simulation . Further , the symbols selected by the students often provide a guide to their insights into ethics or character matters . For instance , the coat hanger in Inherit the Wind will elicit certain points of view that are controversial in nature . This can evolve into a values clarification exercise if the teacher chooses to do so . The reference to certain symbols can also relate to the clarification of values . This may be accomplished by follow-up discussion of symbols that reveal student impressions of their view of issues that the symbols present . <p> Symbolic representation is relatively high on the scale of complexity of learning activity . For example , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ third level of complexity and has implications for the remaining upper three levels as well ( Bloom 1985 ) . Evaluation <p> The exercise described here can have many positive results . The students furnish a variety of interpretations and perceptions of the issues , personalities , and other topics that they consider to be important . These perceptions are often based upon the students ' backgrounds and provide an understanding of ethnic heritage and other deeply held feelings . The offering of a symbol of an intensely held point of view may add high drama to a class . Class members may indicate by their quiet attentiveness a concern for the presenters ' ideas and beliefs . The exercise promotes cohesion and morale in the class . <p> The level of motivation of the class often increases , largely because the group finds this to be a different and refreshing activity . Because the exercise calls for a different set of performance skills , students who are not usually involved or interested may " shine . " For instance , a student who is good at seeing relationships may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may be interested in the reward for participation . <p> We have found that the use of symbolism results in a deeper understanding of topics to be learned . The students as peers help each other to interpret various meanings from the items of subject matter that they choose to illustrate . The teacher then may select several of the symbols as springboards for further exploration , and the students will usually have an interest in the topic and see its relevance . Achieving these two features of the instruction process -- inter-est and acceptance of relevance -- would otherwise require considerable effort by the instructor . <p> In balance , the negative aspects of introducing symbols in class are few . The exercise can be accomplished in two class periods , one for instruction and assignment , and one for the actual presentations by the students . Although some teachers may see the exercise as no more than simple " show and tell , " the results can be very complex because students are moved to a deeper sense of relevance about the subject matter . In addition , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teacher to build wider applications of the topic . The use of such an exercise can be very effective in the extension of the learning process . Teaching , which can be both enjoyable and frustrating , is rewarding when the use of symbolism in the classroom helps engage students in learning about the community . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4002441 Educating a first generation of citizens to take their place in a democratic society is as essential today as it was over 200 years ago . Just as teachers in our world 's emerging democracies are trying to ready new generations for a democratic life , so were America 's first educators concerned with a similar task . Teachers in today 's Russia or Kyrghizstan accept the importance of the school and its curriculum as crucial to the development of a child 's democratic attitude ( Wile 2000 ) . America 's first educators made the same assumptions . <p> Constructing the first modern democracy in history , American educators were pioneers in the business of educating democratic citizens . Rejecting what they considered as the autocratic and irrelevant knowledge of a traditional European education , many looked to more practical skills and knowledge necessary for a citizen 's activist democratic role . To accomplish that task , they needed a new curriculum . <p> In this article , I show how a curriculum similar to the Expanding Environments curriculum was an important key to citizenship education in America 's first schools . The Expanding Environments theory , attributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , suggests that teachers begin the sequence of social studies -- citizenship education -- by introducing the more personal and current concepts of self and community in the early grades and by expanding to the less personal and distant concepts of nation and world in the higher grades . Although no one knows exactly when this curriculum theory emerged , Hanna 's influential 1962 article connects his name to the idea . <p> Advocates of this curriculum theory , however , do exist earlier in America 's educational history . Early twentieth century educators like John Dewey and Lucy Sprague Mitchell ( 1878-1967 ) argued that it was necessary to connect students to their world by having them look at their familiar surroundings . Dewey ( 1929 ) claimed that memorization of disconnected facts actually harms young children . He wrote , " The school must represent present life-life as real and vital to the child as that which he carries on in the home , in the neighborhood , or in the playground . . . . Much of present education fails because it neglects the fundamental principle of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19 ) . <p> Influenced by Dewey 's work , Lucy Sprague Mitchell built on Dewey 's principle by emphasizing the " here and now " through her " curriculum of experience " ( Antler 1987 ) . Applying her theories to female college students in the first decades of the twentieth century , Mitchell , as dean of women at the University of California , enhanced what she viewed as a limited higher education for women by encouraging a first-hand , discovery approach . She developed the curriculum theory from her own personal learning style and attributed its success to two components : a learner 's direct exposure to real-life stimulation and the common learning experiences of teacher and student ( Antler , 112-13 ) . Later in her career , Mitchell successfully adapted her theories to the elementary social studies themes of geography and history . <p> Current advocates of curriculum emphasizing local and personal understandings include Gail Hickey , James Percoco , and advocates of constructivism . Hickey ( 2000 ) found that elementary teachers who use family and local history projects enhance the development of classroom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have students explore the world around them . Constructivists like Novack and Gowan ( 1984 ) and Brooks and Brooks ( 1989 ) noted that active learning involves feelings and actions that are accomplished by making sense of one 's personal environment . They believed that children construct knowledge by connecting new information to existing understandings . <p> America 's first educators also reinforced personal and local understandings by introducing a curriculum of practical knowledge , reinforcing the behaviors and skills for dealing with one 's immediate surroundings . That curriculum was their key to citizenship development for a new democratic nation . To illustrate this point , I have analyzed a variety of New England textbooks that were published in the first few decades of the nineteenth century and have found that an emphasis on personal and local understanding fostered democratic citizenship development . America 's First Expanding Environment Curriculum <p> To create the first generation of democratic citizens in nineteenth-century America , such local New England educators as Jedediah Morse , Noah Webster , Hannah Adams , Caleb Bingham , and others wrote textbooks that were specifically designed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wanted new Americans to understand their place in America 's past and present and to become active members of their community . Instead of beginning in the remote past or a faraway place , students immersed themselves in their own surroundings . In an effort to introduce educational material that was considered more relevant , useful , and practical for an American audience , those educators introduced content other than traditional Biblical and classical material . <p> Arguing that a local understanding was far more necessary for the development of democratic citizenship than a knowledge of Europe , educators wrote textbooks that emphasized the development of self , community , and country . Those textbooks established the scope and sequence of America 's first citizenship education curriculum ( Schwartz 2001 ) . To become active and productive citizens , educators believed , young Americans first had to understand themselves and their personal environment . Only then would students be able to relate the past to the present in a meaningful way . Themes of Early Citizenship Development <p> To accomplish the goal of creating contributing citizens , many early nineteenth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emphasized three important themes that were believed necessary to mold an activist American identity . The themes all stemmed from the personal and local aspects of life and included the development of common language and communication skills , the development of individual self-governance in the form of personal control and behavior , and an understanding of history as it connects to local and current issues and ideas . Such themes of citizenship appeared in the local reading , history , and geography textbooks of New England schools in the first few decades of the nineteenth century . <p> The distinction between various subjects was not as clear then as it is today . Readers , such as Webster 's ( 1814 ) Elements of Useful Knowledge , Piedmont 's ( 1824 ) The National Reader , and Bentley 's ( 1825 ) The American Instructor , all incorporated local history , politics , documents , and speeches as important reading material . Geography texts like Morse 's ( 1804 ) Geography Made Easy and his ( 1816 ) Universal Geography included historical and geographical material . Morse also instructed teachers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ geography . <p> The first major theme throughout the textbooks was an emphasis on communication skills and a common language . Noah Webster was one of the first to believe that Americans should speak their own language ( Unger 1998 ; Nietz 1961 ) . Shortly after the American Revolution , Webster created a series of popular spellers , grammars , and readers . In the preface to his fourteenth edition of An American Selection , Webster ( 1814 ) describes the importance of " transfusing " famous American speeches " into the breast of the rising generation . " Fearing those speeches might become " neglected or forgotten , " Webster wanted new Americans to read , hear , and understand what noble rebelling colonists had felt during the recent revolution . He believed that those speeches were " not inferior to the orations of Cicero and Demosthenes " and would " impress interesting truths upon young minds " ( preface ) . <p> But Webster wanted his students to learn much more than words from the written speeches . He wanted the new U.S. citizens to develop such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Webster and the other early educators believed that the development of an American language was an important component of citizenship development . To understand each other , people had to communicate properly and clearly . According to Webster ( 1815 , 5 ) , one important rule of speech was to " let the sentiments you express be accompanied with proper tones , looks , and gestures . . . . A speaker should endeavor to feel what he speaks . " Webster even gave specific directions for expressing certain " passions " or " sentiments , " like " mirth , pity , grief , and fear . " He described courage as " steady and cool passion that opens the countenance and gives the whole form an erect and graceful air . The voice is firm and the accents strong and articulate " ( 6 ) . He wrote , however , that boasting " is loud and blustering , . . . eyes flare , . . . the face is red and bloated " ( 7 ) . <p> Other contemporary reading textbooks echoed Webster 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the importance of language for citizenship . Rensselaer Bentley 's ( 1825 ) The American Instructor " initiates children into the first principles of our language " by instructing them in the " meaning of words " and " a sense of the writer " ( preface ) . After including the Declaration of Independence as a reading selection , Bentley declared , " This is the language of America , of Reason , and of Truth " ( 197 ) . Like Webster , Bentley wanted all American citizens to go beyond the mere knowledge of words ; he wanted new citizens to possess America 's language . " In every Town , County and State in America , " he noted , " are offices of honour and profit which some of you . . . will be called upon to fill . . . . To hold office U.S. citizens have to read well , write a fair hand , and understand the use of figures " ( 43 ) . Bentley even explained how two citizens should carry on a conversation : " Look him in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer respectfully ; . . . let modesty and decency govern your words and deportment ; . . . do n't over speak ; . . . know when to be silent " ( 180-82 ) . <p> In a similar manner , Caleb Bingham ( 1815 ) wrote about the " Importance of Studying the English Language Grammatically " in his reader , American Preceptor . Just as the Romans and Greeks studied their own language , Bingham urged young Americans to study English because the " freedom , liberty , and the life of our country depend upon it " ( 156-59 ) . <p> Like the reading texts , the geography books emphasized local language and communication by introducing a vocabulary of place . Jedediah Morse ( 1804 ) noted in the preface of his book Geography Made Easy , " To discharge the duties of public office with honor and applause , the history , commerce , productions , peculiar advantages and interests of the several states ought to be thoroughly understood . " Morse lamented that until in the early 1800s , American students " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Asia , than that of their own state and country . . . . We have seldom pretended to write , and hardly to think for ourselves . " Morse and such other geography writers as Dwight ( 1795 ) , Olney ( 1828 ) , Willett ( 1814,1822 ) , and Goldsmith ( 1811 ) provided a common vocabulary of local geographical terms , places , maps , and features . Goldsmith even titled his book A Grammar of Geography , and Willett ( 1814 ) named his book An Easy Grammar of Geography . Obviously , geographic vocabulary terms were important . <p> An 1814 edition of Morse 's Geography Made Easy -- the eighteenth edition -- included an expanded vocabulary section that had grown from thirty pages and twelve definitions in the 1804 edition to fifty-two pages and thirty-four definitions . Some additions included such terms as political divisions of the Earth , inhabitants , forms of government , and religions . In both the definitions and descriptions of the Earth , the emphasis was on the local . For instance , in describing political divisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . the most improved . . . Africa the most barbarous . . . Asia the wealthiest . . . and America the largest , the grandest , as to its mountains and rivers , the least populous and wealthy " ( 43 ) . In his 1804 edition , Morse defined America 's waterways , as the world 's greatest : " no part of the world is so well watered with springs , rivulets , rivers and lakes " ( 67 ) . Although all the geography textbooks I reviewed noted many geographical areas of the world , each began with and emphasized the New England states . Morse ( 1804,96 ) noted that New Englanders speak English " with great purity , " whereas in the middle and southern states , the language " is corrupted " because of " the great influx of foreigners . " <p> A second theme dealing with self and citizenship was the matter of personal control or duty , which was often termed self-government . Many educators believed that for such a large republic to survive every U.S. citizen had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was often repeated in early textbooks and speeches concerning education . To achieve communal harmony , discord in the form of personal extremes or excess could not be tolerated . Bingham ( 1815 ) , in American Preceptor , for instance , compares American society to a heap of glowing embers , " when placed asunder , can retain neither their light or heat . . . but when brought together . . . give heat and light to each other " ( 172 ) . Readings in The American Preceptor urge moderation and personal obligation : Sensual excesses . . . debase , corrupt and brutalize . . . moderation is essential to true pleasure ( 20 ) . Blessed is that nation whose sons and daughters are trained to virtue , honor and usefulness " ( 49 ) . " The way to wealth . . . depends chiefly on two words , industry and frugality ; that is waste neither time nor money , but make the best use of both " ( 73 ) . In a discussion of female education , Bingham noted , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all the world conspiring can not make a woman happy who does not govern her passion " ( 91-92 ) . In a piece called " A Short System of Virtue and Happiness , " Bingham showed how individual governance was connected to the governance of society : <p> My duty to myself is , indeed , intimately , connected with my duty to others . By preserving the faculties of my mind and my body , and by improving them to the utmost , I am enabled to exert them with effect to the service of society . I am connected with others by the ties of consanguinity and friendship , and by the common bond of partaking in the same humanity . ( 21 ) <p> Historian Hannah Adams ( 1805 , 16 ) noted in her History of New England that " education and early habits form the great outline of human character . . . . It is the command of heaven , that we use every exertion to improve the talents which our great Creator has afforded us . " She believed that America 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could model their own behavior : <p> Let us of the present age be instructed by our ancestors ' example , to guard against the prejudices of ignorance , and under their wise institutions , improved as they have been by succeeding generations , let us be careful to acquire a competent fund of information for the correct discharge of the duties of our respective situations in society . ( 58 ) <p> Bentley ( 1825 ) also emphasized similar themes of self-government : " It is of utmost importance that we rule our own tongues " ( 102 ) . " Happy is that man . . . who is master of himself , his time and his fortune " ( 137 ) . " Have arms for your defense , but have none for offence " ( 199 ) . Webster ( 1814,63 ) , quoting Dr. Belnap 's address concerning self-government in education , noted that good instructors " must teach by their example as well as their precepts ; that they must govern themselves , and teach their students the art of self-government . " <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in early U.S. textbooks was the inclusion of local and recent history . The topics dominate early nineteenth century geography , reading , and history books . Educators connected the past to the present in a variety of clever and interesting ways . The revolution was only several generations old , but many of America 's school-aged citizens had not been actively involved . Educators wanted young people to understand the sacrifices and courage of their fathers and grandfathers . " Honorable age is not that which standeth in length of time , nor which is measured by numbers of years , " said Webster ( 1814,106 ) . Adams ( 1805 ) noted , " Americans have raised their character to a level with that of the bravest people recorded in history " ( 99 ) . " Their judgment in forming their policy . . . was consistent with the best , greatest , and wisest legislators of antiquity " ( 27 ) . <p> Histories , geography texts , and readers often blurred time periods by connecting past events to present-day occasions . Authors sometimes included a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ short past . Sometimes they would juxtapose a great speech from antiquity as part of both events . At other times an author would stay with one theme by using a variety of literary material from several time periods . <p> In his 1814 textbook , Webster included a " current " speech of elderly Boston Congressman Ames advocating the passage of a treaty between America and Great Britain ( 153-61 ) . Just before that selection , the author included the " Declaration by the representatives of the United Colonies of North America setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up Arms against Great Britain , July 6th , 1775 " ( 146-53 ) . Right after the Ames speech , Webster inserted a speech by Cicero in which he castigated Verres for pleading immunity from Roman punishment merely because he was a wealthy citizen of the state ( 161-64 ) . <p> Pierpont ( 1829 ) also blurred time periods . For example , he included an account of the landing at Plymouth in 1620 by Robertson and Neal ( 196 ) , which is followed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " that this grand industry was accomplished on the spot where we dwell " ( 200 ) . Next Pierpont included a variety of commemorative poems about the Pilgrims and ended the segment with a narrative , the " Character of the Puritan " ( 213 ) . Later , Pierpont used the theme of the beginning of the Revolution to gather Patrick Henry 's speech ( 221 ) , William Pitt 's speech to the British Parliament ( 219 ) , an account of the attack on Lexington and Concord by Botta ( 223 ) , and an early nineteenth century oration delivered at Concord , in which the speaker states : " This is a proud anniversary for our neighborhood " ( 229 ) . Pierpont ended that segment with several poems commemorating Concord and Bunker Hill . For the final selection of his reader , Pierpont connected the past to the present by including a speech by Daniel Webster delivered on August 2 , 1826 , at Boston 's Faneuil Hall ( 260-61 ) . The speech describes the common lives of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on July 4 , 1826 . <p> The authors of all the textbooks I examined emphasized the contemporary celebration of the Fourth of July along with the original eighteenth century event . Bentley ( 1825 ) , for instance , took a backward look : <p> Still do their sons retrace with proud delight the record of their fathers ' noble deeds . . . . Although most of the sages and heroes of the Revolution have yielded to the law of nature , . . . yet their mantle still rests on their sons . . . . The enthusiasm with which the return of this day is hailed , is a pledge to the spirit of seventy-six . . . . Let the youth grow up amidst annual festivals , commemorative of the events of war ; . . . let his first study be of your declaration of independence and the code of the constitution . ( 198-99 ) <p> Bingham ( 1815 ) uses a Fourth of July oration that John Quincy Adams delivered in 1793 , when he noted that " millions of hearts which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been translated to brighter worlds . " Adams directed his words to those who were too young " to partake of the divine enthusiasm which inspired the American bosom " and hoped that if a time for fighting should again arise , the new generation would live up to those of the past and be " faithful disciples " ( 142-45 ) . <p> In nineteenth century geography books , July 4 , 1776 , was a date that marked a changed geographical description of the United States . In Universal Geography , Morse ( 1804,97 ) described what is now the eastern seaboard of the United States as a possession of Great Britain until July 4 , 1776 , and Goldsmith ( 1811 , 11 ) explained that before the Fourth of July , the area was " denominated the American Colonies " <p> Another method of using local history and connecting the then and now was to talk at length about America 's " natural curiosities . " Pierpont ( 1829 ) noted in his reader how the British <p> sneer at our country because it has no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . . nothing to connect the imagination . . . with the past ; no recollections of former ages , to associate the past with the future . . . . I can not judge of the recollections excited by castles and towers that I have not seen . But I have seen . . . those lonely tombs of the desert -- seen them rise from their boundless and unpeopled plains . My imagination and my heart have been full of the past . ( 44-45 ) <p> Early history , geography , and reading books discussed America 's natural wonders as a means of connecting the past to the present . All textbooks describe Niagara Falls from a variety of time perspectives . Bingham ( 1815 ) discussed how time and " the great quantity of water " had worn away the stone " for about seven miles up towards Lake Erie , and a chasm is formed which no person can approach without horror " ( 170 ) . Pierpont ( 1829 ) noted , " When the admirer of nature 's wonders visits Niagara , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these woods during many centuries , as the foam of the cataract has risen daily , to fall again , and to be swept away " ( 99 ) . Morse ( 1816 ) wrote that the Indians never pass the falls " without offering a sacrifice of tobacco to the spirit of the water " ( 64 ) . Conclusions and Areas for Further Study <p> Educators recognize the importance of individual empowerment as a condition of democratic life . That empowerment must begin early in a child 's education . Young citizens become empowered by discovering relationships between their own personal environment and the past , present , and future environments of the external world . Regardless of time and place , uncovering one 's personal and local identity connects a student to his or her past as well as present . Such connections not only make history more relevant and meaningful but also allow students to understand their particular place in society . <p> This research shows the insight of our nation 's first generation of educators , who understood the importance of studying the familiar through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an important part of America 's citizenship curriculum throughout its educational history . Many early educators rejected traditional content to connect the here and now to the development of democratic citizens . They accomplished that task through the creation of original textbooks in the areas of reading , history , and geography . Very little is known about the motives , strategies , and background of those authors , but we do know that instead of emphasizing unrelated facts and ideas , they carefully identified and implemented three important citizenship themes : communication skills , self-government , and local history . All wrote popular textbooks that were used in hundreds of New England schools and elsewhere to educate the world 's first generation of a modern democracy . Researchers today need to understand the motives and assumptions of the first U.S. educators . That information might help the emerging educational systems of newly created democratic nations to create their own personal and local social studies curriculum . <p> Studying early American educators may also help current and future U.S. students to understand their roles and responsibilities in today 's increasingly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an ethnocentric tradition in the teaching of American social studies , it does foster interest and citizenship understanding for a variety of age groups . Perhaps elements of the Expanding Environments curriculum should be as common in middle and secondary social studies curriculums as it is in the curriculum of elementary school . <p> Key words : citizenship education , early American education , nineteenth century education , studying local history and geography <p>
@@4002541 Section : Essays GLOBAL AGAIN <p> TWENTY YEARS AFTER it burst into international politics with the 1973 crisis , oil remains a strategic commodity critical in the global balance of power . But , looking toward the 21st century , the perspective has changed radically since those days when it seemed that oil power would engulf world politics . <p> Today , economics is taking precedence over politics . Many exporting countries court the international oil companies that they once shunned . The door that was slammed shut in the 1970s is being reopened . In fact , with the prospect of the opening of the petroleum reserves in Russia and many other countries that up to now have been politically inaccessible oil is truly a global business for the first time since the barricades went up with the Bolshevik Revolution . <p> In retrospect , the shocks of the 1970s can be seen as the high point of oil nationalism . It was the era when the world economy hung on the comments of oil ministers in the hallways of OPEC meetings and when the wrongs of colonialism were to be set right . It was to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a zero-sum game that would see a wholesale redistribution of wealth from the North to the South and a diminution of the international stature of the United States and the other major industrial powers . <p> Much of that is now history . The oil exporters learned that they needed the importers as much as the importers needed them . The producers may have had oil to sell , but the consumers provided the markets . They could also provide , when needed , security . These developments lead to new questions about the very meaning of security , and what durable relationships are now possible between consumers and producers that will serve the longer-term interests of both . The Persian Gulf War of illustrates both the critical position of oil in the global balance of power and the importance of interdependence between producers and industrial consumers . There is also the increasingly important question of how to reconcile energy use and environmental imperatives . <p> With the collapse of communism , the global security issues that were uppermost have receded . Regional security issues , however , remain . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Middle East , where modernization and Islamic revivalism are in conflict . Moreover , oil 's traditional relationship to other global issues continues . It is intertwined with Russia 's transition to free markets and Asia 's economic growth . The United States is back on the track of higher oil imports , which means that its foreign policy will remain acutely sensitive to developments in oil-exporting countries . <p> In the years ahead , the global oil industry will require much higher levels of investment than in the recent past to meet both energy needs and environmental requirements . Politics , which in the 1970s sundered economic links between producers and consumers , is now permitting the reconnection of those links , though on a different basis . Thus , a new dimension of security between exporting nations and oil companies will come from the interweaving of investment , trade and finance . This reconstruction will mobilize the investment necessary to develop supplies for the next century . As a result , producers will be able to tap into the capital , technology and skills of consuming countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> IN SEPTEMBER 1973 , Japan 's prime minister went so far as to predict that an oil crisis would come within ten years . It came in more like ten days , with the surprise attack that launched the 1973 Yom Kippur War , quickly followed by the oil embargo . In fact , the crisis had been building over the previous three years as the world market tightened and oil exporters began pushing up prices and asserting control over the oil resources within their borders . The resulting oil crunch took on the political cast of a battle between South and North . <p> The 1973 crisis drove prices from $2.50 to $10 a barrel and sent the global economy into a downturn . Then , at the end of the 1970s , revolution disrupted supplies from Iran , creating a panic that drove prices from $13 to $33 a barrel , seeming to foretell a permanent shortage and continuing turmoil . <p> Within a few years , however , it became evident that the price increases and the specter of shortages were creating powerful counter reactions . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proved far more powerful than generally expected . All over the world utilities switched from oil to other fuels . Confronted with such developments , the exporters found that they could maintain high prices only through laboriously negotiated production quotas . <p> OPEC was soon faced with declining oil demand and diminishing market shares . Its share of the world oil market ( excluding the former Soviet Union ) fell from 63 percent in 1972 to 38 percent by the end of 1985 . In one memorable quarter , Saudi Arabia 's oil production had slumped to less than that of the British sector of the North Sea . In 1986 , in the exporters ' quest to regain market share , oil prices collapsed , falling to $10 before recovering to about $18 a barrel . <p> In the meantime , the consuming countries established security measures that would help moderate future crises . These included the International Energy Agency , an international emergency sharing system , increased communications , and prepositioned stocks such as the U.S. strategic petroleum reserve . <p> In the same years , the oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of trading ( " oil as just another commodity " ) and the rise of futures markets . Oil is now carried around the world not only in behemoth supertankers but also in a sea of electronic information that instantaneously sweeps through trading rooms on every continent . While it can take a decade or more to develop a major new oil field , today 's markets can swiftly adjust to changes in current supply and demand . For example , oil prices rose dramatically at the beginning of the gulf crisis but began declining in response to adjustments after only two months , as other producers hastened to bring unused capacity back into production . By the eve of Desert Storm , oil prices were actually lower than they had been a half-year earlier , in the weeks before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait . WELCOMING BACK OLD ENEMIES <p> THESE CHANGES HAVE brought a dramatic shift in the perspectives of oil exporting countries . They are redefining their relationship with the market and with the international oil industry . For the exporting nations , the essential issue of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ determine what happens to them . That was their essential victory in the 1970s . Now undisputed , this fundamental political recognition provides the exporting countries with the flexibility to focus on their longer-term economic interests . <p> Part of this reflects a shift in the broad intellectual currents in the global economy . In the 1970s the trend was toward increased state control -- whether nationalization in developing countries or price controls in the United States . Today , the trend is quite the opposite-toward privatization , deregulation and commercialization . " The God that Failed " is not only the intellectual 's adherence to Marxism but the very socialist model embraced as the path to development throughout much of the Third World . <p> Many of these developing countries are also in an economic bind . Populations are growing rapidly . When combined with flat oil prices , that means declining real per capita income . The OPEC surpluses , which so worried central bankers in the 1970s , have long since disappeared . What is less recognized is the debt burden and the budget and balance-of-payments pressures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governments around the world , they need to reduce government spending and deficits . Yet they face political difficulties in making such adjustments . In a world in which oil prices are not even keeping pace with inflation , oil earnings can be increased only through greater productivity and increased output . But that takes significant investment -- money that many exporters do not have . <p> Thus economic imperatives and changing ideologies are moving current and would-be exporting countries to seek the international oil industry 's capital , technology and management skills . These countries are showing a new willingness to transfer the risk of exploration and the investment requirements to an international oil industry that is organized to carry such risks and that has the capital -- thus preserving limited state funds for investment in infrastructure and societal needs . <p> Around the world , doors are being reopened . Venezuela , which nationalized foreign companies in 1976 , is cautiously inviting them back to develop marginal fields . Argentina , which established the first state oil company in 1922 , is now privatizing it , and at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ produce within its borders . Algeria is actively inviting in companies to stem the threatened decline in its oil production and to bolster natural gas output . And Vietnam , no longer on a Soviet dole , has offered some of the most attractive terms to entice companies to explore there . It is already the site of a mini-oil boom and will become the site of a bigger boom once U.S. restrictions on American companies are lifted . China , worried about the adequacy of energy to sustain its economic growth , is opening new areas to Western companies as well . RUSSIA 'S NEW REVOLUTION <p> BUT OF ALL THE DOORS , the biggest and most uncertain opens into the former Soviet Union , where the successor states , particularly Russia , are engaged in what may be described as the most extreme privatization in the world -- the privatization of the revolution . <p> Behind this transformation lies the failure of state enterprise , which is central to the overall collapse of the Soviet economy . Just five years ago , the Soviet Union was the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12.5 million barrels per day . As an oil exporter the Soviets had been among the biggest beneficiaries of the price increases of the 1970s . The huge windfall in foreign earnings enabled the Soviet Union to postpone economic reform . ( " We will never make that mistake again , " Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin said recently . ) After the 1986 oil price collapse , the Soviet system paid a terminally heavy price for its failure to grapple with reform earlier . <p> In addition , its stellar production numbers obscured the grave weaknesses -- overinvestment in terms of return , poor oil field practices and outdated technology . Most of the Soviet oil production was concentrated in Russia -- 11.5 million out of 12.5 million barrels per day in 1988 . In the five years since 1988 , however , production in Russia has collapsed to 7 million barrels per day . The astonishing drop is equal to 60 percent of total U.S. oil production and is greater than the output of any OPEC nation except Saudi Arabia . <p> The impact of this decline on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Russia 's economy , which has drastically reduced its domestic oil demand , and by the reduction in nonhard currency exports from Russia to the other former Soviet republics . Hard currency exports of oil and gas are essential to Russia 's economic recovery , as they currently represent half of total hard currency earnings . At current hyperinflation exchange rates , oil and gas earnings are twice Moscow 's entire budget deficit. 1 <p> Until the late 1980s , the Soviet oil industry was closed to the outside world . Even statistics on the size of reserves were a state secret . While its personnel had high-level skills , they worked with technology 30 or 40 years behind that of the West . Since the late 1980s , Western oil companies have been able to carry out geological research with advanced technologies . As a result , while output continues collapsing , the estimates of the potential have been growing . Reserves , now thought to be three or four times the unofficial number of the 1980s , are in the class of the big Middle East producers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less convenient to find and produce than those in the Middle East . Foreign companies are anxious to participate , viewing the geological opportunities to be among the best available in the years ahead . They recognize the many risks and obstacles , and discover more along the way , but they have concluded that the biggest risk would be in not participating . <p> Foreign investment could make a major difference . It is estimated that investment on the order of $50 billion between now and the year 2000 will be needed to stabilize Russian oil production at its current levels . Otherwise output could fall to as low as 4 million barrels a day , which could be disastrous for Russia . To return to the output levels of the 1980s could require another $50 to $70 billion of investment . Russia does not have resources available anywhere near that size . Clearly foreign investment will have to provide a substantial part . Foreign investment , by bringing in Western technologies , will also substantially improve environmental performance . The end of communism has revealed a devastating and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oil industry , which is estimated to leak annually the equivalent of 400 supertanker cargoes from pipelines into the soil . <p> But significant foreign investment will not occur until the legal , fiscal , financial and institutional foundations are in place , at least to some degree . In turn , that depends on the overall evolution of the Russian political system . The current situation is too volatile and unpredictable for international oil companies to make large commitments . <p> Another hindrance is the opposition of some Russians to foreign participation . They argue that they do not want to be " colonized " and that the Russian industry can modernize itself and generate its own surplus for investment . If there is Western participation , they say , it should be on Russian terms and Russian terms alone . Missing , however , is an awareness of the international competition for oil investments . Companies can choose between Russia , Africa , Latin America and Southeast Asia -- as well as the highly promising oil and gas reserves of the newly independent states of Azerbaijan , Kazakhstan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illustrated by the shift of capital out of the United States . In the last five years , oil companies have dramatically realigned their spending away from America to the rest of the world . Driving the shift is the quest for better opportunities , reinforced by increasing operating constraints and environmental barriers to exploration and production in the United States . The shift also means that the contraction continues in the domestic U.S. oil industry . <p> It is hard to see how the Russian oil industry can be turned around without Western participation . Some progress , in fact , is already being recorded . Recently a Russian official reviewing one American-Russian proposal concluded , " This project will bring us $40 billion in foreign earnings over the life of the project that we otherwise would not have . How can we not go ahead ? " Facilitating the involvement of Western companies in Russian oil development in ways that Russians themselves will regard as beneficial and fair is a matter of the highest priority . Such cooperation will not only help support the overall stability of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Russia 's ability to make the transition to democracy and free markets , which in turn will be one of the key factors in global security . <p> But the risks also have to be reasonable for the Western investors . That means creating a framework that will give investors confidence over the longer term . Some steps have been taken , such as the developing European Energy Charter , to which , despite its name , the United States is a party . But a good deal more will have to be done . THE CHALLENGE OF ENVIRONMENTALISM <p> THE OPENING OF DOORS around the globe points to a competition between countries for investment and a surge in activity by private companies . Yet producers and consumers face a new potential for divisiveness -- over environmental policies . In the 1970s the dominant fear was of running out of oil . In the 20 years since , proven world oil reserves have doubled to over one trillion barrels . Today the policies of industrial countries increasingly focus on the environmental effects of energy use , particularly of oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out oil as the product whose use is to be discouraged . To the exporting countries , these policies disadvantage the product central to their national incomes . " Petrophobia " is the label given to this trend by Saudi Arabian Petroleum Minister Hisham Nazer . " Oil , " he has said , " has been made the culprit . " 2 <p> The conflicting interests are embodied in the controversy over broad-based energy taxes , such as the come-and-gone BTU tax in the United States and the European Community 's would-be carbon tax . For the industrial countries , such taxes raise revenues that contribute to closing yawning budget deficits and meeting environmental goals . To the exporters , however , such taxes mean a reallocation of revenues , or economic " rent , " between producers and consumers , thus damaging the exporting countries ' main source of national income . <p> Last year , EC countries earned about $200 billion in taxes on the 11.8 million barrels per day of oil products they consumed . This is nearly three times the $74 billion that the oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alone earns as much in its tax take on 2 million barrels a day of consumption as Saudi Arabia earns in producing more than four times as much oil. 3 <p> The drive for increased energy taxes has two effects on oil exporters . First , it makes them question their pricing strategies . Second , and of longer-term significance , it makes exporters question the value of investing in capacity necessary to support a growing oil demand that the industrial countries are trying to discourage . <p> Yet vigorous environmentalism is a reality that all participants in the international petroleum industry must recognize . Oil has been a business of technological change since the first well was drilled in Pennsylvania in 1859 . Increasingly , the technological effort will be applied to meet the environmental agenda . The investment and technology that will be required -- whether in production or in refining cleaner products -- provide a new dimension in which the interests of producers and consumers will coincide and cooperation will be essential . THE NEW PRIZE <p> OIL DEMAND , left stagnant or declining by the 1970s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1986 price collapse . By 1989 , world consumption finally regained the previous record level of 1979 , and is continuing to grow . Indeed , if Russia is excepted , world oil demand is currently increasing at 1.8 percent per year , even in the midst of a weak global economy . <p> But the pattern of growth has changed . Demand is rather flat in North America and Western Europe , reflecting , among other things , the growing use of more efficient automobiles . In these nations the oil industry is preoccupied with the costs of staying in business . The U.S. oil industry is estimated to be facing $152 billion in costs and investment over the next 20 years to meet environmental standards. 4 <p> Demand growth is elsewhere -- reflecting economic advancement in the developing world . The new prize is Asia . Economic " miracles , " sustained growth , and rising incomes require energy . Many of these countries are swiftly applying higher environmental standards . But they do not want to be impeded from striving for higher living standards . Over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trillion dollars of energy investment to support economic growth. 5 Oil demand will increase by five million barrels or more . By early in the next decade , Asia will be consuming more oil than North America . This means a shift in the oil market 's center of gravity and that the Asian countries will come to play a bigger role in investment and oil trade , commensurate with their stakes . <p> Despite continued conservation , global oil demand could be 15 to 20 percent higher a decade from now . The trend could , of course , be changed by the considerable research and development efforts to find alternatives to oil , particularly in transportation . Yet , as things are today , oil is more than economically competitive -- something that would have seemed unlikely in the era of the oil crises . <p> The years ahead will see an economic and environmental competition among energy sources , a technological horse race in which tens of billions of dollars will be wagered . To date , oil is proving to be environmentally competitive , keeping up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with considerable investment . <p> Natural gas , once the unwanted by-product of oil production , is now oil 's biggest competitor and becoming the premium fuel around the world . A great deal of the financial resources of the " oil and gas industry " will actually be going into natural gas . It is an environmentally attractive fuel ; some even call it the " politically correct " energy source . A decade from now there is likely to be a vigorous and diversified international trade in natural gas . Natural gas is not a significant competitor in transportation , where oil reigns supreme . Rather , the battle for markets will be played out around the world in electric generation , where the emphasis will very much be on environmental attributes . <p> But there is a question mark over oil supplies . A U.N . embargo has excluded Iraq from the world market since it invaded Kuwait . As a result Iraq has forgone more than $40 billion of oil earnings since August 1990 . At some point , however , Iraq will meet U.N . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . And when it does , prices could well sag for a time . <p> As it is , OPEC countries continue to argue over quotas . Still , the market balance is very different from the conditions of a decade ago . Even factoring in Iraq , the world oil market is operating at about 92 percent of production capacity , quite different from the 1980s , when it was down to 80 percent . Today 's market is reminiscent of the balance in the 1970s on the eve of the first oil shock . <p> Although political considerations and producer-consumer relations are very different from the 1970s , a tight oil market is vulnerable to shocks in a way that an oversupplied market is not . Projecting into the next century , one sees no shortage of potential crises that could affect world oil supplies , with dangerous consequences . Future crises could arise from the Middle East , as in the past . Since the fall of the shah in 1979 , Iran 's population has grown from 39 million people to more than 60 million . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they will be between Islamic militancy , both at home and abroad , and economic self-interest . A number of other countries are feeling the pressure of political Islam and social turbulence . But future crises could also arise from events in other parts of the world , such as some kind of disruption in the former Soviet Union . <p> If a disruption occurred in a tight market a few years from now , perhaps at a time of economic growth around the world , the effects could be quite sharp , both as measured in inflation and recession and in terms of raising international tensions . <p> Such risks underline the continuing need to assure an adequate " security margin " that can absorb such shocks . Moreover , considerable new production capacity will have to be added to support a growing world economy , but the timing of those additions is uncertain . What happens to oil prices , with all that they signify for the world economy , depends very much on the relative timing of demand growth and investment in new production capacity . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States , where oil production has fallen by a dramatic 25 percent since 1986 and is continuing to decline . The domestic U.S. oil production industry is deeply depressed , and the U.S. oil services industry , which is the global leader , is also under heavy economic pressure . U.S. oil imports are likely to continue rising in the years ahead . Some of it will come from oil development that is being encouraged by more open investment policies around the world . As Russia struggles to stem its economic decline , at least two of the newly independent republics , Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan , will become important players in the world oil market . <p> Much of the new supplies will come from the Middle East , in particular from Saudi Arabia . In Middle East provided percent of world oil ( excluding the Soviet Union ) ; by 1983 it had declined to 27 percent ; today it is 32 percent , and will probably rise to 45 percent by 2003 . This means that production capacity in the Middle East will rise from 18.3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . In light of the political and social forces in the region , and the potential for yet another surprise or two in the decade ahead , security of supply will be a continuing concern for importing countries , even as the exporters continue to worry about " security of demand . " <p> There is no single answer to these two security questions . Rather , the best bet for stability in a changing world arises from a global pattern of investment and trade in which security is enhanced by the diversity and density of economic and political links and by the commonality of interests in an environmental age . <p> In the years ahead , relations between producers and consumers could become strained again if , for instance , economic and demographic pressures mount in the exporting countries , or if political instability becomes pervasive , or if ideology again shifts , or if changes take place in the balance of power of the kind for which Saddam Hussein bid . Or , for instance , if the exporting countries come to see the implementation of the environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ source of national income . <p> Yet even as the Cold War division between East and West has lost its significance , so economic progress is also erasing the division between North and South that was once so intense . Today , producers and consumers have a common interest in the technological advances needed to keep oil environmentally as well as economically competitive . The global energy supply system itself has become much more flexible . Over the last two decades , both producers and consumers have learned powerful lessons that reinforce their mutuality of interests and recognition of interdependence . Those lessons in themselves are a form of security . They constitute a major element in a framework that can help buffer whatever surprises may lie ahead . <p>
@@4002641 PREMATURE PEACEMAKING <p> AN UNPLEASANT truth often overlooked is that although war is a great evil , it does have a great virtue : it can resolve political conflicts and lead to peace . This can happen when all belligerents become exhausted or when one wins decisively . Either way the key is that the fighting must continue until a resolution is reached . War brings peace only after passing a culminating phase of violence . Hopes of military success must fade for accommodation to become more attractive than further combat . <p> Since the establishment of the United Nations and the enshrinement of great-power politics in its Security Council , however , wars among lesser powers have rarely been allowed to run their natural course . Instead , they have typically been interrupted early on , before they could burn themselves out and establish the preconditions for a lasting settlement . Cease-fires and armistices have frequently been imposed under the aegis of the Security Council in order to halt fighting . NATO 's intervention in the Kosovo crisis follows this pattern . <p> But a cease-fire tends to arrest war-induced exhaustion and lets belligerents reconstitute and rearm their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cease-fire ends -- and it does usually end . This was true of the Arab-Israeli war of 1948-49 , which might have come to closure in a matter of weeks if two cease-fires ordained by the Security Council had not let the combatants recuperate . It has recently been true in the Balkans . Imposed cease-fires frequently interrupted the fighting between Serbs and Croats in Krajina , between the forces of the rump Yugoslav federation and the Croat army , and between the Serbs , Croats , and Muslims in Bosnia . Each time , the opponents used the pause to recruit , train , and equip additional forces for further combat , prolonging the war and widening the scope of its killing and destruction . Imposed armistices , meanwhile -- again , unless followed by negotiated peace accords -- artificially freeze conflict and perpetuate a state of war indefinitely by shielding the weaker side from the consequences of refusing to make concessions for peace . <p> The Cold War provided compelling justification for such behavior by the two superpowers , which sometimes collaborated in coercing less-powerful belligerents to avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imposed cease-fires ultimately did increase the total quantity of warfare among the lesser powers , and armistices did perpetuate states of war , both outcomes were clearly lesser evils ( from a global point of view ) than the possibility of nuclear war . But today , neither Americans nor Russians are inclined to intervene competitively in the wars of lesser powers , so the unfortunate consequences of interrupting war persist while no greater danger is averted . It might be best for all parties to let minor wars burn themselves out . THE PROBLEMS OF PEACEKEEPERS <p> TODAY CEASE-FIRES and armistices are imposed on lesser powers by multilateral agreement -- not to avoid great-power competition but for essentially disinterested and indeed frivolous motives , such as television audiences ' revulsion at harrowing scenes of war . But this , perversely , can systematically prevent the transformation of war into peace . The Dayton accords are typical of the genre : they have condemned Bosnia to remain divided into three rival armed camps , with combat suspended momentarily but a state of hostility prolonged indefinitely . Since no side is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incentive to negotiate a lasting settlement ; because no path to peace is even visible , the dominant priority is to prepare for future war rather than to reconstruct devastated economies and ravaged societies . Uninterrupted war would certainly have caused further suffering and led to an unjust outcome from one perspective or another , but it would also have led to a more stable situation that would have let the postwar era truly begin . Peace takes hold only when war is truly over . <p> A variety of multilateral organizations now make it their business to intervene in other peoples ' wars . The defining characteristic of these entities is that they insert themselves in war situations while refusing to engage in combat . In the long run this only adds to the damage . If the United Nations helped the strong defeat the weak faster and more decisively , it would actually enhance the peacemaking potential of war . But the first priority of U.N . peacekeeping contingents is to avoid casualties among their own personnel . Unit commanders therefore habitually appease the locally stronger force , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not strategically purposeful , as siding with the stronger power overall would be ; rather , it merely reflects the determination of each U.N . unit to avoid confrontation . The final result is to prevent the emergence of a coherent outcome , which requires an imbalance of strength sufficient to end the fighting . <p> Peacekeepers chary of violence are also unable to effectively protect civilians who are caught up in the fighting or deliberately attacked . At best , U.N . peacekeeping forces have been passive spectators to outrages and massacres , as in Bosnia and Rwanda ; at worst , they collaborate with it , as Dutch U.N . troops did in the fall of Srebenica by helping the Bosnian Serbs separate the men of military age from the rest of the population . <p> The very presence of U.N . forces , meanwhile , inhibits the normal remedy of endangered civilians , which is to escape from the combat zone . Deluded into thinking that they will be protected , civilians in danger remain in place until it is too late to flee . During @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretense of protection in an especially perverse manner : U.N . personnel inspected outgoing flights to prevent the escape of Sarajevo civilians in obedience to a cease-fire agreement negotiated with the locally dominant Bosnian Serbs-who habitually violated that deal . The more sensible , realistic response to a raging war would have been for the Muslims to either flee the city or drive the Serbs out . <p> Institutions such as the European Union , the Western European Union , and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe lack even the U.N . ' s rudimentary command structure and personnel , yet they too now seek to intervene in warlike situations , with predictable consequences . Bereft of forces even theoretically capable of combat , they satisfy the interventionist urges of member states ( or their own institutional ambitions ) by sending unarmed or lightly armed " observer " missions , which have the same problems as U.N . peacekeeping missions , only more so . <p> Military organizations such as NATO or the West African Peacekeeping Force ( ECOMOG , recently at work in Sierra Leone ) are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destructive consequence of prolonging the state of war , but they can at least protect civilians from its consequences . Even that often fails to happen , however , because multinational military commands engaged in disinterested interventions tend to avoid any risk of combat , thereby limiting their effectiveness . U.S. troops in Bosnia , for example , repeatedly failed to arrest known war criminals passing through their checkpoints lest this provoke confrontation . <p> Multinational commands , moreover , find it difficult to control the quality and conduct of member states ' troops , which can reduce the performance of all forces involved to the lowest common denominator . This was true of otherwise fine British troops in Bosnia and of the Nigerian marines in Sierra Leone . The phenomenon of troop degradation can rarely be detected by external observers , although its consequences are abundantly visible in the litter of dead , mutilated , raped , and tortured victims that attends such interventions . The true state of affairs is illuminated by the rare exception , such as the vigorous Danish tank battalion in Bosnia that replied to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , quickly stopping the fighting . THE FIRST " POST-HEROIC " WAR <p> ALL PRIOR examples of disinterested warfare and its crippling limitations , however , have been cast into shadow by NATO 's current intervention against Serbia for the sake of Kosovo . The alliance has relied on airpower alone to minimize the risk of NATO casualties , bombing targets in Serbia , Montenegro , and Kosovo for weeks without losing a single pilot . This seemingly miraculous immunity from Yugoslav anti-aircraft guns and missiles was achieved by multiple layers of precautions . First , for all the noise and imagery suggestive of a massive operation , very few strike sorties were actually flown during the first few weeks . That reduced the risks to pilots and aircraft but of course also limited the scope of the bombing to a mere fraction of NATO 'S potential . Second , the air campaign targeted air-defense systems first and foremost , minimizing present and future allied casualties , though at the price of very limited destruction and the loss of any shock effect . Third , NATO avoided most anti-aircraft weapons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultra-safe 15,000 feet or more . Fourth , the alliance greatly restricted its operations in less-than-perfect weather conditions . NATO officials complained that dense clouds were impeding the bombing campaign , often limiting nightly operations to a few cruise-missile strikes against fixed targets of known location . In truth , what the cloud ceiling prohibited was not all bombing -- low-altitude attacks could easily have taken place -- but rather perfectly safe bombing . <p> On the ground far beneath the high-flying planes , small groups of Serb soldiers and police in armored vehicles were terrorizing hundreds of thousands of Albanian Kosovars . NATO has a panoply of aircraft designed for finding and destroying such vehicles . All its major powers have antitank helicopters , some equipped to operate without base support . But no country offered to send them into Kosovo when the ethnic cleansing began-after all , they might have been shot down . When U.S. Apache helicopters based in Germany were finally ordered to Albania , in spite of the vast expenditure devoted to their instantaneous " readiness " over the years , they required more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journey . Six weeks into the war , the Apaches had yet to fly their first mission , although two had already crashed during training . More than mere bureaucratic foot-dragging was responsible for this inordinate delay : the U.S. Army insisted that the Apaches could not operate on their own , but would need the support of heavy rocket barrages to suppress Serb anti-aircraft weapons . This created a much larger logistical load than the Apaches alone , and an additional , evidently welcome delay . <p> Even before the Apache saga began , NTO already had aircraft deployed on Italian bases that could have done the job just as well : U.S. A-10 " Warthogs " built around their powerful 30 mm antitank guns and British Royal Air Force Harriers ideal for low-altitude bombing at close range . Neither was employed , again because it could not be done in perfect safety . In the calculus of the NATO democracies , the immediate possibility of saving thousands of Albanians from massacre and hundreds of thousands from deportation was obviously not worth the lives of a few pilots . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even a large-scale disinterested intervention can fail to achieve its ostensibly humanitarian aim . It is worth wondering whether the Kosovars would have been better off had NATO simply done nothing . REFUGEE NATIONS <p> THE MOST disinterested of all interventions in war -- and the most destructive-are humanitarian relief activities . The largest and most protracted is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency ( UNRWA ) . It was built on the model of its predecessor , the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency ( UNRRa ) , which operated displaced-persons ' camps in Europe immediately after World War II . The UNRWA was established immediately after the 1948-49 Arab-Israeli war to feed , shelter , educate , and provide health services for Arab refugees who had fled Israeli zones in the former territory of Palestine . <p> By keeping refugees alive in spartan conditions that encouraged their rapid emigration or local resettlement , the UNRRA 'S camps in Europe had assuaged postwar resentments and helped disperse revanchist concentrations of national groups . But UNRWA camps in Lebanon , Syria , Jordan , the West Bank , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of living than most Arab villagers had previously enjoyed , with a more varied diet , organized schooling , superior medical care , and no backbreaking labor in stony fields . They had , therefore , the opposite effect , becoming desirable homes rather than eagerly abandoned transit camps . With the encouragement of several Arab countries , the UNRWA turned escaping civilians into lifelong refugees who gave birth to refugee children , who have in turn had refugee children of their own . <p> During its half-century of operation , the UNRWA has thus perpetuated a Palestinian refugee nation , preserving its resentments in as fresh a condition as they were in 1948 and keeping the first bloom of revanchist emotion intact . By its very existence , the UNRWA dissuades integration into local society and inhibits emigration . The concentration of Palestinians in the camps , moreover , has facilitated the voluntary or forced enlistment of refugee youths by armed organizations that fight both Israel and each other . The UNRWA has contributed to a half-century of Arab-Israeli violence and still retards the advent of peace . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ postwar UNRWA , today 's Europe would be filled with giant camps for millions of descendants of uprooted Gallo-Romans , abandoned Vandals , defeated Burgundians , and misplaced Visigoths -- not to speak of more recent refugee nations such as post-1945 Sudeten Germans ( three million of whom were expelled from Czechoslovakia in 1945 ) . Such a Europe would have remained a mosaic of warring tribes , undigested and unreconciled in their separate feeding camps . It might have assuaged consciences to help each one at each remove , but it would have led to permanent instability and violence . <p> The UNRWA has counterparts elsewhere , such as the Cambodian camps along the Thai border , which incidentally provided safe havens for the mass-murdering Khmer Rouge . But because the United Nations is limited by stingy national contributions , these camps ' sabotage of peace is at least localized . <p> That is not true of the proliferating , feverishly competitive nongovernmental organizations ( NGOs ) that now aid war refugees . Like any other institution , these NGOs are interested in perpetuating themselves , which means that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen to be active in high-visibility situations . Only the most dramatic natural disasters attract any significant mass-media attention , and then only briefly ; soon after an earthquake or flood , the cameras depart . War refugees , by contrast , can win sustained press coverage if kept concentrated in reasonably accessible camps . Regular warfare among well-developed countries is rare and offers few opportunities for such NGOs , so they focus their efforts on aiding refugees in the poorest parts of the world . This ensures that the food , shelter , and health care offered -- although abysmal by Western standards -- exceeds what is locally available to non-refugees . The consequences are entirely predictable . Among many examples , the huge refugee camps along the Democratic Republic of Congo 's border with Rwanda stand out . They sustain a Hutu nation that would otherwise have been dispersed , making the consolidation of Rwanda impossible and providing a base for radicals to launch more Tutsi-killing raids across the border . Humanitarian intervention has worsened the chances of a stable , long-term resolution of the tensions in Rwanda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resentments forever is bad enough , but inserting material aid into ongoing conflicts is even worse . Many NGOs that operate in an odor of sanctity routinely supply active combatants . Defenseless , they can not exclude armed warriors from their feeding stations , clinics , and shelters . Since refugees are presumptively on the losing side , the warriors among them are usually in retreat . By intervening to help , NGOs systematically impede the progress of their enemies toward a decisive victory that could end the war . Sometimes NGOs , impartial to a fault , even help both sides , thus preventing mutual exhaustion and a resulting settlement . And in some extreme cases , such as Somalia , NGOs even pay protection money to local war bands , which use those funds to buy arms . Those NGOs are therefore helping prolong the warfare whose consequences they ostensibly seek to mitigate . MAKE WAR TO MAKE PEACE <p> Too MANY wars nowadays become endemic conflicts that never end because the transformative effects of both decisive victory and exhaustion are blocked by outside intervention . Unlike the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its evils by disinterested interventions is a new malpractice that could be curtailed . Policy elites should actively resist the emotional impulse to intervene in other peoples ' wars -- not because they are indifferent to human suffering but precisely because they care about it and want to facilitate the advent of peace . The United States should dissuade multilateral interventions instead of leading them . New rules should be established for U.N . refugee relief activities to ensure that immediate succor is swiftly followed by repatriation , local absorption , or emigration , ruling out the establishment of permanent refugee camps . And although it may not be possible to constrain interventionist NGOs , they should at least be neither officially encouraged nor funded . Underlying these seemingly perverse measures would be a true appreciation of war 's paradoxical logic and a commitment to let it serve its sole useful function : to bring peace . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Playing games : U.N . peacekeepers with refugees , Tyre , Lebanon , 1996 . <p> By Edward N. Luttwak <p> <p> Edward N. Luttwak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Studies . <p>
@@4002741 Section : Bush at Midterm HITTING THE RIGHT TARGETS <p> TWO YEARS have passed since the September 11 , 2001 , terrorist strikes aroused the United States from its post-Cold War strategic slumber . The attacks spurred Washington to action and offered an opportunity for fresh thinking in foreign policy . To meet the challenge posed by large-scale terrorism of global reach , the Bush administration has mobilized the country , assembled substantial armed coalitions , overturned two hostile regimes , weakened the leading terrorist network , and adopted a posture of forward defense against future attacks . It has also refocused relations with Russia , China , and Europe to deal with terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction ( wmd ) in the hands of rogue regimes . <p> Despite these important achievements , there is something wrong with the big picture . The administration may be hitting its immediate targets , but it is only paying lip service to the broader objective of achieving a safer and better world order . Forcing U.S. global policies into the simplifying framework of a " war on terrorism " creates the illusion that there is one enemy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Soviet Union during the Cold War . Terrorism is a tool , not an actor , and conflating the menace of terrorism with the threat posed by WMD in the hands of evil regimes further distorts the strategic picture . By concentrating on worst-case scenarios of immediate vulnerability , moreover , the Bush administration overlooks the failed-state crucible in which many threats to U.S. interests are forged and risks alienating the partners and undercutting the credibility required to address them . <p> Now that the United States has carried out several bold military campaigns to unseat odious rulers , it must face the reality that these are only the first steps in building global security . Acknowledging this truth openly is the only way to mobilize U.S. and international attention , resources , and staying power . It is time , therefore , for a fresh articulation of Washington 's purposes , centered on sustaining regional security , leading coalitions and institutions to help failing and threatened states , and winning the struggle after wars end and regimes change . <p> In some ways , the situation is ironic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a determined United States toward sustained engagement in the international system . In this sense , the attacks of September 11 were both a wake-up call and a golden opportunity to explain to the U.S. public why serious involvement with the outside world is necessary . And the Bush administration 's National Security Strategy , released in September 2002 , quietly but explicitly identified the importance of dealing with the problem of failed and failing states . American policymakers have been underestimating this challenge for years . State failure directly affects a broad range of U.S. interests , including the promotion of human rights , good governance , the rule of law , religious tolerance , environmental preservation , and opportunities for U.S. investors and exporters . It contributes to regional insecurity , weapons proliferation , narcotics trafficking , and terrorism . Yet since the strategy was sent to Congress a year ago , the administration has made helping failing and failed states a secondary priority . <p> The reasoning behind this lapse , presumably , is that rogues that seek to acquire WMD constitute a more pressing threat . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burner means that turbulence continues to spread throughout the Middle East , Africa , the Andean nations , South and Central Asia , and parts of Southeast Asia . Concentrating on rogues first and foremost could create the false sense that deeper problems are being resolved . Regime change may be more satisfying than long-term statecraft ; it is certainly more telegenic . But unless the United States and its principal partners engage proactively to prevent and contain state failure , rogue regimes may seize power in additional failed or failing states , raising the specter of fresh adversaries that seek wmd and harbor terrorists . Moreover , the United States must learn to rebuild states after overturning their regimes , or the whole enterprise will backfire . SLIP SLIDING AWAY <p> STATE FAILURE is a gradual process . Self-interested rulers might progressively corrupt the central organs of government ( as in Burma or in Nigeria during Sani Abacha 's regime ) . Corrupt elites might ally themselves with criminal networks to divide the spoils ( as in Liberia and parts of the former Yugoslavia ) . State authority might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way for illegal trading operations ( as in parts of Georgia and Colombia ) . During transitions away from authoritarianism , state security services might lose their monopoly on the instruments of violence , leading to a downward spiral of lawlessness ( as in several Central American states since the early 1990s ) . The complete collapse of state power in large sections of a country ( as in Lebanon during the 1970s and 1980s and Congo for much of the past five years ) is only the most extreme version of the phenomenon . <p> States with shallow domestic legitimacy tend to fail when they lose foreign support , as often happened in the former colonial domains of European empires . Failure is accelerated when the major actors in the international system abandon local regimes no longer deemed acceptable or convenient partners . Afghanistan exemplifies how an already war-torn polity failed after the strategic disengagement of Moscow and Washington in the early 1990s , ending up as a haven for terrorists . States may also fail due to regional contagion exported by rogues and warlords , as has occurred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inextricably linked with internal strife and humanitarian crisis , can spread from localized unrest to national collapse and then regional destabilization . And unattractive entities -- some hostile to U.S. security interests , others hostile to Washington 's humanitarian and political goals -- may rise to fill the political vacuum . Invariably , state failure is accompanied by the victory of guns over normal politics , the rise of corrupt autocrats who thrive on conflict and deny freedom to their people . <p> It was fashionable for a period in the 1990s to speak of " democratic transitions , " as though the final destination were a given . In reality , some countries will make it , some will remain stuck in failed and weak governance , some will become wards of the international system , some will descend into chaotic warlord struggles , and others will revert to authoritarianism . Which outcome emerges in a particular case will depend on many factors -- not least on the action ( or inaction ) of the world 's leading powers . <p> During the 1990s , when faith in globalization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " big emerging markets " would change the face of global economics and politics and should therefore become the focal points of U.S. involvement . But however pivotal such states may be , the United States can not confine itself to cherry-picking its way through the " best " of the transitional world while averting its gaze from the world 's strategic slums . Much of the contemporary international state system is crumbling beneath the burdens of warfare , stagnant or declining per capita growth , pandemic disease , rampant official corruption , and autocracy . Turkey may be a beacon of hope for the Muslim world , but it has few parallels . For every South Africa , there are dozens of struggling or failing entities such as Zambia and the Central African Republic . India may be heading in an exciting direction , but much of the rest of South and Central Asia is a mess . <p> Washington needs to look closely at the relationship between conflict , regime change , and state failure . According to a biennial report published by the University of Maryland 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has decreased by 50 percent since its peak in the mid-1980s and is now at the lowest level since the early 1960s . Still , at the end of 2002 , there remained 25 countries engaged in ongoing or sporadic violence , the great majority due to civil strife over the control of government , people , or resources . The report identifies 33 societies emerging from recent wars and nearly 50 regimes located somewhere between autocracy and democracy . <p> New regimes -- whether emerging from wars , negotiated transitions and first-ever elections , or foreign- or domestic-led regime change -- tend to be fragile . They may require decades to become institutionalized states operating under the rule of law . In the meantime , the societies around them are ripe for exploitation by ambitious and greedy factions . Law and order , justice , accountability , public services , job creation , and investor confidence are all in short supply . <p> But the challenge is not only to address state failure in the handful of states where regimes get overthrown . It is also to stop and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . In much of the transitional world -- those at-risk societies concentrated in Africa , the Middle East , and southwestern Asia -- there is a footrace under way between legitimate governmental institutions and legal business enterprises , on the one hand , and criminal networks , often linked to warlords or political factions associated with security agencies , on the other . Frequently , the informal , undocumented economy is caught between these forces , struggling alongside embryonic civil society groups to survive and watching carefully to see which way the winds blow . When state failure sets in , the balance of power shifts ominously against ordinary civilians and in favor of armed entities operating outside the law ( or with tacit official approval ) . <p> It might appear that globalization would favor those societal actors most closely linked to international networks of commerce , banking , communications , and diplomacy . But that is only true if the legitimate networks are at least as efficient and well organized as those linking corrupt elites , warlords , and mafiosi with the external facilitators who grease the wheels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and networks that hollow out failing states focus with a laserlike intensity on exploiting opportunity and creating facts on the ground . Whether loosely arrayed in symbiotic relations or more closely coordinated by a central brain , they find space to operate in the vacuums left by a declining or transitional state -- and they eat what they kill . GETTING THE DIAGNOSIS RIGHT <p> IN THIS VAST ZONE of transition and turbulence , the greatest problem is not the absence of nations ; it is the absence of states with the legitimacy and authority to manage their affairs . Most of these entities are recent creations , the result of European imperial expansion and subsequent withdrawal . As such , they have always derived a major , if not dominant , share of their legitimacy from the international system rather than from domestic society . <p> These states are in part a legacy of Washington 's success in accelerating the breakup of European empires and championing the aspirations of formerly dependent or colonized peoples . Although Americans seldom acknowledge it , the United States has played a central role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states in 1945 to almost 200 today . How should this legacy be tackled , and what would a serious state-building strategy involve ? <p> Much has been made of the Bush administration 's initial disdain for " nation building , " a term with unhelpful overtones from the 1960s . Nation building evokes efforts at economic development , political " modernization , " and democratization . Although these are worthy and ultimately essential activities , they are not immediately responsive to the challenge posed by state failure . <p> Of course the United States should play a role in tackling global poverty . State failures ( and associated conflicts ) overwhelmingly occur in wretchedly poor countries , not in wealthy industrial or post-industrial states . But , given the massive disparity in living standards within and among developing nations , economics alone does little to clarify policy implications : the answer to state failure can not be reduced to growth and development . <p> Focusing on political modernization , meanwhile , has been touted as a way to approach the Muslim world . After all , the 56 members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries with large Muslim populations ) include a disproportionate number of the world 's conflicted and troubled states . A civilization-based strategy , however , would obscure the issue . Islamic societies vary greatly , and many non-Islamic states are also at risk of failure . <p> Some identify autocracy as the core issue and suggest stepping up the drive for successful democratization as a bulwark against state failure . Still , there are many unknowns , such as how to sequence democratization 's key elements , whether it produces stability at first , what its overall relationship to stability is , whether it can be implanted in all soils , and what outsiders can do to help it flourish . Strong democracies lock in political health , but evidence suggests that weak democracies -- as well as reforming autocracies -- are highly prone to state failure . <p> Others argue that failed states stem from arbitrarily defined national borders that bear little relation to regional history and ethnic divisions . The implication of such reasoning is that redesigning dysfunctional states should not be discouraged . This would mean allowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ break apart through secession or partition . <p> But redrawing boundaries would inevitably open a Pandora 's box . To legitimize secessionism is to invite claimants large and small from throughout the unsettled zones to put their cases forward , consider military options , and seek external backing . If the intended result was to create ethnically homogenous units , the process could produce thousands of nonviable statelets . And a new standard of greater tolerance for ethnically based territorial adjustments would be opposed by existing governments , which would rightly accuse the major powers of playing with matches . <p> Moreover , research by World Bank economist Paul Collier suggests that ethnic fragmentation is not itself the problem ; conflict and state failure result from a particular type of ethnic imbalance between a dominant majority and a large minority . Contested natural resources and separatist movements supported by well-heeled expatriate communities likewise contribute to state failure . <p> In specific cases where regional or ethnic factions of a failing state appear interested in working out a full-blown separation , or where partition appears to be the only answer to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to play in orchestrating a legitimate , negotiated , and supervised separation . The emphasis in such marginal cases should be placed on how the process of change is brought about and who endorses the result . The international system should respect consensual separation , as it did in the former Czechoslovakia and with the 1993 Eritrean split from Ethiopia ( even though this move did not solve the problem , and the sides were soon engulfed in a major war ) . <p> What about the option of standing back and letting stronger players take the law into their own hands by creating spheres of influence and protectorates or gobbling up weaker entities outright ? There are some precedents , such as Morocco 's takeover of the former Spanish Sahara in 1979 , Indonesia 's grab of East Timor in 1976 , India 's seizure of Goa in 1961 , Russia 's muscle-flexing in its " near abroad " during the 1990s , and today 's regular interventions in Congo by various of its neighbors . <p> Perhaps the best thing to be said about such a policy is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the costs can be high when conflict returns in a different guise . And the price in terms of regional security and humanitarian losses can be horrendous : millions of people , for example , have perished in the west and central African wars of the past nine years . Equally important , intervention by local powers has not created stronger states in Russia 's near abroad , nor in sub-Saharan Africa ; rather , it has expanded the zone of state failures . It has become increasingly difficult to accept such passivity under the guise of realism . <p> Although the Bush administration appears ambitious about coercive regime change , it remains properly cautious on borders , as reflected in its adamant insistence on Iraq 's territorial integrity . Comparable caution can be seen in the prudent stance of the un Security Council 's permanent members concerning the nettlesome Western Sahara problem : every conceivable effort has been made to find a formula that preserves some form of Moroccan sovereignty and does not produce yet another weak African statelet . Such prudence is likewise evident in the Security Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African- and Western-led diplomacy on the Sudanese civil war , in the Norwegian-led ( and U.S.-backed ) mediation over Tamil separatist aspirations in Sri Lanka , in U.S.-endorsed talks being organized between the Philippine authorities and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Mindanao , and in the mediation over autonomy and power-sharing in Indonesian Aceh , led by a nongovernmental organization . <p> In each of these cases , the focus is on how to strengthen the state politically and preserve its territorial integrity through measures that decentralize power , reform abusive policies , foster responsive politics , and check central-government domination . Fortunately , these are not insurmountable challenges . A wide range of organizations and governments already work to help failing states undertake such measures as power-sharing and wealth-sharing among units and regions , constitutional and electoral engineering to give voice to cultural and ethnic minorities , and community-based projects to foster intercommunal healing and religious reconciliation . <p> But weak states also need greater administrative and governing capabilities if they are to behave as responsible , sovereign actors , including enhanced legal codes and court systems ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police forces ; stronger bank oversight and public financial management ; and closer ties between isolated financial , security , and intelligence personnel at home and abroad . Solemn exhortations for states to behave as responsible , sovereign actors are not enough : the United States needs to help them acquire sovereign capacity . WHAT IS TO BE DONE <p> THE UNITED STATES and other leading powers need to plan and coordinate their strategies for dealing with failed states more coherently , fund key programs more generously , and speak more openly and directly about how to strengthen states and why it matters to do so . The most urgent task is to create the political and organizational capacity to swing into action effectively when existing state structures are failing or about to collapse . The concept of military readiness is well understood , but readiness for what happens after the fighting stops is just as important . <p> Washington does not have the capacity for political follow-through across a broad spectrum of postconflict or post-intervention requirements . As Afghanistan and Iraq illustrate , the U.S. government lacks the interagency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and budget resources necessary for rebuilding failed states and collapsed regimes . Senior executive branch officials have resisted attempts to bring coherence to postconflict reconstruction and state-building efforts . A recent bipartisan commission report sought to address this inexcusable situation and called on the president to designate a senior interagency leader for reconstruction tasks and to create dedicated staffs addressing the issue within the State Department , the U.S. Agency for International Development , and NATO . It also urged creation of a government-wide center for coordination and training in the major dimensions of postconflict policy ( security , justice , governance , and economic recovery ) . These recommendations form the basis for the Winning the Peace Act of 2003 recently introduced in the Senate . <p> Washington 's resistance to early action in failing states is rooted , quite naturally , in the fear of getting U.S. armed forces stuck with the varied tasks of state building . But rather than an excuse for lack of preparation and inaction , the need to limit the burden on the U.S. military should be seen as a reason to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of eight highly industrialized countries ( g-8 ) and other allies can provide the manpower to help get the job done , and un institutions can provide expertise and legitimacy . Failed states have become sufficiently common that the leading nations must find a way to authorize and conduct de facto trusteeships . <p> Decisions on where to invest scarce time , energy , and resources should be based on such factors as the need to avert terrorist buildups and takeovers by WMD-inclined rogues , a country 's inherent regional importance and weight , the possibility of regional side effects and contagion , and the potential humanitarian and political price of outright state collapse . <p> Once target states are selected , the major powers and institutions should focus their resources in four areas : defusing civil conflict , building state institutions , protecting the state from hostile external influences , and managing regional spread . At the June 2003 Evian summit , g-8 officials issued a joint declaration that pertains to the first three requirements . Titled " Fighting Corruption and Improving Transparency , " the document proposes a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crime and real transparency in reporting on revenues derived from extractive industries such as energy and mining . Such a measure is directly pertinent to governance in troubled societies such as Sudan , Indonesia , Kazakhstan , Nigeria , and Colombia . What is less clear is whether the g-8 governments will place a high priority on implementing its important provisions . Another initiative , the g-8 Africa Action Plan , outlines a wide range of capacity-building initiatives to support the adherence of African states to the good governance principles of the New Partnership for Africa 's Development . <p> Major powers are beginning to take steps to ward off state failures in Africa and other turbulent regions . Because of the breadth of the problem , a sharper focus on specific countries and regions will be more meaningful than a generalized grab bag of programs . Leading governments need to speak loudly and clearly about just what these joint efforts will involve , connecting the dots between enlightened burden-sharing , the risks of state failure in troubled regions , and their own national interests and budgets . Above all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States and its allies work together to ward off state failure , it is possible to limit damage and achieve real progress -- as in Sierra Leone , Sudan , Macedonia , and Sri Lanka ; when they do n't , state failure is aggravated -- as in Serbia , Congo , Colombia , and Afghanistan before September 11 . <p> Over the last two years , law enforcement and intelligence cooperation on terrorist financing have improved significantly . Interestingly , most of the agencies and regulatory frameworks brought to bear on terrorist financial networks had their origins in earlier campaigns against money laundering and financial crime . One example is the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 's ( OECD ) Financial Action Task Force -- grouping 29 member countries , two international organizations , and two observer nations -- which operates by pooling information , naming and shaming ( by means of its published list of non-cooperative countries and territories ) , and imposing financial sanctions . <p> In the end , the war on terrorism requires many of the same tools and techniques needed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . If the major powers and international bodies mobilized parallel efforts , perhaps hearkening back to expanded counterterrorist cooperation , it would not take long to disrupt some of the deadly links among narcotics trafficking , arms smuggling , and the illicit trade in precious stones and metals , timber , people , and exotic species . The techniques of forensic accounting could be used to track down ill-gotten gains , helping respectable governments recover looted assets , deterring looters and those who collude with them , and bolstering legal action against transgressors . But to make such achievements possible , the necessary personnel , budgets , and political capital must be dedicated to the effort . WALKING THE WALK , TALKING THE TALK <p> A MORE SUBSTANTIAL engagement by the United States and its primary partners is needed to address what is arguably the leading menace on the globe . This effort would begin by rebalancing the focus of public rhetoric in foreign policy toward broader and deeper engagement in state building and toward identifying the magnitude of the challenge posed by state failure . Properly packaged and articulated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Challenge Account , new assistance initiatives for Africa , expanded funding to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic , multilateral trade expansion , upgraded law enforcement and intelligence sharing on terrorist finances -- could be part of a comprehensive failed-state strategy . <p> But it will be difficult to make full use of such instruments and to develop additional tools unless senior administration officials begin to explain what the United States is doing about state failure and why it matters . A broadly defined policy couched in terms of the full range of American interests and values has some chance of becoming sustainable . A narrowly defined foreign policy couched mainly in terms of military confrontation , rogues , and terrorists will not garner the breadth of domestic and international support required for sustainability . <p> The administration will also need to broaden its international political base and cease treating indispensable allies as little more than a nuisance . American leaders have a wide range of potential institutions and tools at their disposal for a long-term strategy to strengthen the capacities of sovereign states . Rather than serving as rhetorical dart boards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as the United Nations , NATO , the OECD , the G-8 , and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe should be appreciated for what they might , if properly utilized , contribute to the effort . <p> Often the appropriate role for the globe 's superpower will be to push negotiated settlements of intractable regional conflicts , which are often fed by state failure and spawn fresh failures as they burn . But the exact negotiating structure must be tailored to each case . The Quartet ( consisting of the United States , the European Union , Russia , and the un ) appears to offer some value in the context of Israeli-Palestinian peace talks . A U.S.-led troika ( with the United Kingdom and Norway ) , plus an African group led by the Kenyans , is dealing with the conflict in Sudan . And in the India-Pakistan case , the United States plays a unique role , supported by like-minded powers . U.S. engagement should be applied to citizens as well as governments . When there are ingredients for internally led regime change , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> The Bush administration has succeeded recently in achieving a massive increase in funding for the Defense Department , reversing years of deferred investment . The time has arrived to boost the civilian foreign affairs budget as well . Since entering office , Secretary of State Colin Powell , National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice , and their colleagues have begun to reverse the long-term budget decline in this area . Yet the international affairs budget remains around one percent of the total federal budget . Last December , eight of Rice 's predecessors from both parties urged her to support a " substantial increase " in the 2004 international affairs budget so that it might ultimately be restored to its high-water mark of the Reagan years , when it was 30 percent higher than today . But whether the administration will expend the necessary effort to secure such an increase remains to be seen . <p> Any serious strategy to combat state failure will require more resources and attention than the problem is currently receiving . Polls have repeatedly shown that the public believes the United States spends vastly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support levels of aid and effort far higher than those actually in place . But only the president himself can demolish the misperceptions and make the case for doing what is necessary to engage the world 's failing states . Unless he does , the administration 's efforts to tackle terrorism and rogues and build a safer , better world will falter . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : The price of failure : child soldiers , Monrovia , Liberia , April 1996 <p> By Chester A. Crocker <p> <p> CHESTER A. CROCKER is the James R. Schlesinger Professor of Strategic Studies at Georgetown University 's School of Foreign Service . <p>
@@4002841 The Middle of the Twentieth Century witnessed the destruction of colonial systems in many parts of Asia and Africa . In the aftermath of the Second World War , newly independent Arab states seemed to brim with the promise of rapid socioeconomic development and an enhancement of quality . of life . Today , a half century later , development , measured in terms of achievements such as the progressive elimination of poverty , unemployment and inequality , seems an elusive goal for many parts of both the Third World and the Arab World . While in terms of sheer population numbers more people are living longer , the social and economic condition of their lives is often bleak . This is true particularly for some sectors of Arab society that have been ravaged by recent warfare , famine , poverty , military occupation , and/or the corrosive influences of internal divisions or external threats . <p> Education has been linked with Arab aspirations for national development at least since the reforms of Muhammad Ali in 19th century Egypt , although it is an even older remnant of the culture-wide appreciation for learning . Education furthers the national capacity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At the most basic level , it is a country 's primary educational system that provides the bedrock for social and economic development . This is so because schooling is of critical importance to a nation 's human resource capacity . It provides young people with the cognitive skills ( basic literacy , numeracy , communication and problem-solving skills ) upon which they can later build . Thus it is the base for " all further schooling , training , or self-education " ( A. Chantavanich et al , 1990:1 ) . In countries where resources are meager and pupil retention rates are low , primary education is not only a base , it is also the ceiling of formal education . <p> While we can not expect miracles from primal , education , we can expect beneficial outcomes ( Eisemon , 1987 ) . A large body of evidence demonstrates that completed primary . education improves agricultural productivity and , more generally , productivity at work and in the home , facilitates literacy and communication , increases individual earnings , improves health and nutritional status , raises life expectancy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see , for example , Lockheed and Verspoor , 1990 ; Habte et el. , 1983 ; Psacharopoulos , 1984 ; Eisemon , 1989 ) . These results , among others , are all indicators of social and economic development . To the extent that primary education can potentiate so much later growth and development , how do we assess Arab society 's preparedness and effectiveness in this area ? Often educational development is measured by the proportions of people of a given age group who are in the educational system or who have successfully completed an educational cycle . Greater proportions are seen as reflective of equality of access and equality of access is seen as an indicator of optimal utilization of human resources . <p> Yet it may well be asked : Access to what ? Access for what ? Increasingly , research attention is shifting from enumerating pupils or graduates to queries concerning educational quality . What was once regarded as a politically sensitive topic has now come center stage : <p> . . . the experiences gained in two decades of reform and intervention experiments have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , although cultural differences remain , the quality of education can -- and indeed should -- be subjected to technical scrutiny . ( Heyneman , 1986:3 ) <p> It is not just the existence of formal education but its nature which is at issue . Lockheed and Verspoor ( 1990:vii ) note that " the quality of primary . education in a country must be judged according to the total learning of all its children . To improve the quality of primary education , therefore , is to ensure that more of a nation 's children complete the primary cycle , having learned what is taught . " <p> In a relevant review of the literature on the quality of education and economic growth , Solmen ( 1986:14 ) observes : <p> Improvements in the quality of schooling provided in developing countries may be more important for the future economic prospects of these nations in the long run than will expanded access to poor quality education . Thus the quandary of equity versus efficiency will have to be addressed in these countries as it has been in the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the quality of schooling has more effect on the cognitive and behavior outcomes for students in developing areas than in developed areas . Fuller et al . ' s ( 1986 ) research in Mexico supports this with a study comparing levels of investment in school quality and the rates of growth a decade later . The reports from regional and international educational authorities suggest that the need to address the quality issue is nowhere more pressing than in developing countries ; even in those Arab countries where educational access is severely constrained , questions regarding the quantity . of education do not replace questions regarding educational quality ( see , for example , Lockheed and Verspoor , 1990 ; Solmort , 1986 ; Habte and Heyneman , 1983 ; Psacharopoulos , 1984 ; Eisemon , 1989 ) . <p> This paper examines issues relating to the quality of primary education in the Arab World . The study assesses the relation between excellence in education and national aspirations for socioeconomic development . The reality of development planning in the Arab world is that the constituent countries are not equivalent in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prevailing institutional arrangements . Hence , while our arguments are necessarily general to allow broad applicability , the practical utility of this analysis is contingent on sensitivity to each Arab country 's unique social , economic , historical and cultural conditions . <p> This discussion is divided into three sections . Following a brief note on research procedure , the first section provides a critical review of trends affecting the educational climate for Arab children . Secondly , we examine the quality of Arab primary education in terms of equity of access . This will be followed by a discussion of selected indicators of educational quality . Throughout the discussion , we suggest strategies and policy options which may help to improve the state of primary education in the Arab World . DATA <p> The statistical data provided in the accompanying tables are extracted from compilations by Lockheed and Verspoor ( 1990:165ff ) . These compilations are based on the UNESCO database for education and the World Bank database for economic indicators . All the member states of the Arab League are included , with the exception of Palestine and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Djibouti and Qatar ) . In these tables , the Arab states are grouped into four major economic groups based on 1986 GNP per capita data : ( 1 ) " low-income " economies ( where per capita incomes are less than $450 ) ; ( 2 ) " lower-middle-income " economies ( where per capita incomes range between $450 and $1700 ) ; ( 3 ) " upper-middle-income " economies ( where per capita incomes range between $1700 and $7425 ) ; ( 4 ) " high-income " economies ( where per capita incomes exceed $7425 ) . These four economic groups are based on the World Development Report ( World Bank , 1988 ) . <p> Empirical evidence on the quality of education in the various countries of the Arab World is rather sketchy . No government has a system of assessment in place to evaluate children 's learning success or to monitor their educational progress . Programs are implemented but rarely evaluated . Good intentions can not replace informed assessment . Until rigorous Arab evaluation programs are in place , evidence from other developing nations facing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EDUCATIONAL CLIMATE <p> Generally , primary educational systems in the Arab World have been characterized by both success and failure . The most outstanding success is a quantitative one , illustrating the spread of primary education to include increasing numbers of children . Since the end of World War II , educational development has been a priority in virtually every Arab country . In terms of absolute numbers , the expansion of Arab education has been particularly dramatic at the primary level , with average enrollment growth rates exceeding population growth rates by a large margin . For several Arab countries , substantial gains were made between 1950 and 1965 . But , for practically all of these countries the rate of educational growth has been even more spectacular over the last two decades . For example , between 1965 and 1985 , enrollments at the primary level in the eighteen most populous Arab states increased by 250% , or from about 10 million to over 25 million ( see Table 1 ) . This increase is equivalent to providing schooling for an additional 2,100 pupils every day for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noteworthy trends in primary education in the Arab World include the provision of more teachers , schools , buildings , curricula and resource materials . In addition , school expansion has narrowed the gender gap in access to primary education , increased the proportion of 6-11 year-olds enrolled at primary levels , and improved the " internal efficiency " ( i.e. , raised the ratio of primary . school graduates to primary school entrants ) . <p> For most of the post-Second World War period , educational budgets rose steadily , although the rate of educational growth declined somewhat during the 1980s due to deteriorating social , economic and political conditions ( Al-Bassam , 1989:70 ) . In terms of financial resources , the recurrent expenditures on primary education in many Arab countries claim around 50% of the total educational budget . The high cost of primary education coupled with the downturn in the economies of many Arab countries may limit governments ' capacity to further develop the primary educational system . <p> While successes in educational expansion are noteworthy , it is important to recognize setbacks and obstacles which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exist in sociocultural context . Social and political events at the national and regional level can undermine the experiences of school children . At this macrolevel , in certain parts of the Arab World , including areas which were once educationally advantaged , primary education has regreressed sometimes to the point of devastation , due to internal strife , warfare or military occupation by foreign troops . For example , the ongoing internal struggle both in Sorealia and the Sudan has deprived many children of proper education . Similarly , in Lebanon the civil war which started in 1975 has had adverse effects on the educational system at all levels . During most of the civil war , primary schools experienced extended closures and lost their efficacy and moral suasion in influencing children and maintaining standards . Also , in Iraq , in the aftermath of the Gulf Wax , the mental and physical health of school children is at risk as they face devastated resources and institutions ( see Abu-Laban and Aliadin , 1991 ) . In fact the disastrous effects of the Gulf War on school children extend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , close to a million Yemini workers were expelled from Saudi Arabia , severing the economic security , of large numbers of dependent Yemeni school children . Even in oil-rich Libya , school children are potentially vulnerable to geopolitical power plays as a result of the U.N . sanctions approved in mid-April 1992 . <p> A similar illustration of educational catastrophe is found in the experience of the Palestinian people in the territories occupied by Israel since 1967 . In all primary schools in the West Bank and Gaza , whether public , UNRWA or private , the system has deteriorated since the Israeli occupation . Within two months of the occupation , in August 1967 , 78 of 121 textbooks used by Palestinian children were banned and education came under the sole control of the Israeli occupation authorities ( Fasheh , 1989:516 ) . Hence , neither in the hiring nor firing of teachers , nor in the continuing technical evaluation of curriculum objectives , development of curricula or new programs , nor in school construction did the Palestinians themselves have decision-making power . The Israeli occupation has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four years of the intifada , for example , of 210 school days per year , primary schools in the West Bank were ordered to close 63 days in 1987-88 ; 175 days in 1988-89 ; 70 days in 1989-90 ; and 51 days in 1990-91 ( B'Tselem , 1991 ) . Such arbitrary closures wreck havoc on the education of all students but , given that they are still acquiring the basic skills necessary for independent self-education , primary students are put at particular risk . <p> What we have is a situation where entire cohorts of Arab children have their lives and their primary education disrupted by macrolevel forces rarely anticipated in formulating educational policies for developing countries . The repeated tragedies in their lives suggest that there are large numbers of Arab students with special needs which must be identified and assessed . <p> In addition , as will be illustrated in the following sections , Arab primary education is plagued by other problems including , among other things : falling short of the goal of universal primary education ; inequities in access to schools ; undertrained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outdated curricula ; poor quality and insufficient teaching materials ; and high dropout and repetition rates . Given that the majority of students in the Arab World do not go beyond the primary level , it is of critical importance that their education be of high quality and that they are cognitively equipped to solve new and more complex problems in their day-to-day lives . <p> While scant , the available evidence on the performance of Arab pupils in international achievement tests , national examinations , and end-of-year school examinations at different primary school levels underlines serious deficiencies in the internal efficiency of Arab primary education systems ( Massialas and Jarrar , 1987 ; 1983 ) . In other words , the process of developing children 's cognitive skills , the stated goal of primary education , is tarnished not only by deficits in the academic development of children , but also by wastage . Naturally , there are variations in efficiency across Arab countries and even within the same country , but no Arab country is exempt from the need to improve its system of primary education . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Organization ( ALECSO ) published a critical , future-oriented document titled/he Strategy for the Development of Arab Education which was as ambitious as it was pathbreaking . It dealt with the broad range of quantitative and qualitative problems confronting Arab education . The strategy was to be implemented in four stages within a fifteen-year span . A sequel to this publication assessed progress made in the implementation of the 1979 strategy ( Al-Bassam , 1989 ) . The results of this assessment show that Arab education is still in need of attention and qualitative improvements . The following sections will identify some of the main failings of Arab primary education and suggest remedial strategies ( see also Verspoor , 1989 ; and Lockheed and Verspoor , 1990 ) . EQUITY OF ACCESS <p> Access to education , a topic of much current research , is not limited to efforts to increase opportunities for enrollment . It includes , in addition , efforts to improve educational opportunities for all groups in society regardless of gender , geographical location or socioeconomic status , as well as efforts to increase student retention and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quantitative and qualitative components in the educational system and , hence , it is multidimensional in nature and can be measured in different ways . <p> An obvious and simple way of measuring overall access takes the form of comparing the total number of students attending primary school at differing points in time . This approach may be extended to cover changes over time in the magnitude of educational resources such as teachers , schools , and educational materials . The evidence on any of these indicators may be presented at different levels : on a country-by-country basis , or for regions within a country , or for the entire Arab World . <p> It should be emphasized that enrollments are not entirely a function of supply of educational resources ( i.e. schools and teachers ) ; they are also a function of demand , i.e. , interest on the part of different groups in accessing educational opportunities . On the demand side of the equation , the literature shows that there are " different patterns of access and retention among wealthy/poor , male/female , and urban/rural children " ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these patterns is determined by comparing the number of students from each relevant category with the total enrollment ( e.g. , females as a percentage of all students enrolled ) . <p> As indicated earlier , the total number of students enrolled in primary schools in Arab countries increased phenomenally between 1965 and 1985 ( Table 1 ) . While absolute numbers provide a striking picture of educational growth , they are inadequate indicators of progress toward the goal of universal education . To assess this , we need to compare the number of students enrolled with the school age population ( i.e. , the 6-11 year olds ) . <p> Table 2 shows that between 1965 and 1985 , the percentages of 6-11 year olds in school rose considerably for practically all Arab countries . In 1985 , these percentages were highest in Libya , Syria , Tunisia , Iraq , Egypt , and Algeria , ranging from about 86% to 107% ; and lowest in Sudan ( 45.6% ) , Mauritania ( 33.2% ) , and Somalia ( 9.6% ) . The remainder of the Arab states were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and their wide range , that for many Arab countries , considerable work needs to be done before the goal of universal education is achieved . <p> In all of the Arab countries for which information is available , the proportion of female students at the primary level has been increasing , but there are still some sharp gender inequities in access to education ( Table 1 ) . In 1985 , for example , the female percentage of the total enrollment ranged widely : 49% for Kuwait , 48% for Jordan and the U.A.E. , 47% for Lebanon and Libya , 46% for Syria , 45% for Iraq and Tunisia , 44% for Algeria and Oman , 43% for Egypt and Saudi Arabia , 40% for Sudan and Mauritania , 38% for Morocco , 34% for Somalia , 26% for the People 's Democratic Republic of Yemen , and 20% for the Arab Republic of Yemen . Those Arab governments with gender gaps in access could play critical , innovative roles in improving educational accessibility for females by establishing outreach programs directed toward eliciting community and family support for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inequity in educational accessibility in the Arab World relate to socioeconomic status and place of residence . In many impoverished families , children are removed from school at an early age . In addition , numerous studies indicate that rural residents are markedly disadvantaged relative to urban residents ( see , for example , Al-Bassam , 1989 ; and Cameron and Hurst , 1983:543 ) . As with the gender gap , the class and rural-urban gaps in access to primary education could be narrowed by determined action . Efficiency of the Education System <p> A useful indicator of the efficiency of the education system is the graduation or completion rate , which is defined as the ratio of the number of students who complete their primary education to the number of primary school entrants . At the aggregate level , in North Africa and the Middle East , the completion rates have steadily over the years . In the 1940s , for example , 6 out of 10 entrants completed the primary cycle , compared to about 8 out of 10 at the present time . The observe of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Hurst , 1983 ; and Horn and Arriagada , 1986 ) . <p> Useful as it is. the completion rate does not take account of another aspect of efficiency and that is , the frequency of grade repetition in the system . Table 3 shows that there are substantial differences among the Arab countries in grade repetition rates , which in 1985 ranged from 1.5% for Egypt to 22.9% for the Arab Republic of Yemen . Between these two extremes are : Jordan ( 4.7% ) , Kuwait ( 5.2% ) , U.A.E. ( 5.7% ) , Syria ( 7.5% ) , Algeria ( 7.5% ) , Oman ( 11.7% ) , Saudi Arabia ( 12.4% ) , Mauritania ( 18.3% ) , Morocco ( 19.8% ) , Tunisia ( 20.4% ) , and Iraq ( 20.8% ) . It is clear that the repetition rates in several Arab states are extremely high and special efforts could be made to cut down on this wasteful duplication . Strategies and Policy Implications <p> The preceding analysis indicates that Arab governments , in varying degrees , need to improve access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the issue of educational opportunities , planners should be clear on whether education is viewed as a goal in itself , that is , a basic human right , or as a means to achieving other goals such as socioeconomic development and/or national integration . This is important because each view entails a somewhat different set of policy options and priorities . For example , if education is viewed as a basic human right , then the stress would tend to be on universality and disadvantaged groups ( such as the poor , distant communities , females , and ethnic , religious and linguistic minorities ) would have to be singled out for special attention . On the other hand , if education is viewed as a vehicle for national development , the government would tend to define and target economically relevant groups , such as farmers , while emphasizing educational relevance and quality . <p> While budgetary constraints may discourage some governments from even attempting a start , this would be a missed opportunity because there are cost-effective measures that could be employed to improve both the quantity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literature suggests that progress on these goals can be made without even increasing costs . The following suggestions for improving educational access are , therefore , mindful of current economic concerns . It is suggested that planners : Restructure training programs for primary school teachers . Eliminate unnecessary replication with secondary education and provide shorter , more focused programs which emphasize pedagogical training . Institute double shifts , where appropriate , as has been done rather effectively in Egypt and Yemen Arab Republic . Use existing institutions such as mosques for expanding the supply , as has been done effectively in small , distant rural settlements in Pakistan 's Sind province . Such arrangements are believed to be most effective if they take the " form of pre-schooling or after-school classes . " ( Lockheed and Verspoor , 1990:107 ) Develop distance education methods , such as interactive radio programming , and other new learning technologies that are cost-effective and consistent with the cultural traditions . Mobilize community support and involve parents and local resources as much as possible in the educational process . Target specific groups ( e.g. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to support and facilitate their children 's education . Reduce wastage first , by increasing the completion rate and second , by reducing the grade repetition and dropout rates . Another noteworthy aspect of wastage concerns the production of underlearners , but unfortunately we lack systematic information on this . <p> The utility of the above noted policy options is contingent on a given country 's social , economic and cultural traditions . This means that education planners will place differential emphasis on these options to suit their local and national needs . No less important is the fact that access to education implies not only quantitative but also qualitative improvements in the education system . In fact , both of these aspects of accessibility are interrelated . The literature clearly shows that where there is emphasis on quality , a certain degree of quantitative improvement tends to follow automatically in the form of greater demand , community support . higher completion rates , and lower dropout and repetition rates . The next section of the paper examines the available evidence on educational quality and how it may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instructional methods and strategies , and more efficient management systems . SELECTED INDICATORS OF EDUCATIONAL QUALITY <p> Educators and political leaders have long known that basic education in the Arab countries needs to be overhauled . A legacy of the colonial past , the system is in a torpid condition and both the curriculum and associated educational materials require restructuring and upgrading ( Lockheed and Vetspoor , 1990 ; Al-Bassam , 1989 ; Massialas and Jarrar , 1987 ; 1983 ; and Cameron and Hurst , 1983 ) . All efforts to improve teaching and learning have met with partial success , at best . Curriculum <p> Naturally , the curriculum plays a central role in structuring the learning experiences of students . According to Bacchus ( 1990 ) , curriculum refers to the content of both formal and informal instructional and learning experiences , instructional strategies , materials and facilities and methods of evaluating the success of curriculum goals . Implied in this definition is an important distinction between the " intended " and the " implemented " curriculum . Actual curriculum implementation brings into focus teachers and textbooks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " at the center of any efforts to improve the quality of basic education and implies . . . a coordinated effort in all the areas included . ... " ( Bacchus , 1990 ) . <p> It may be useful at this point to make a few observations about curricular content in primary schools throughout the world . The evidence suggests that , worldwide , there are remarkable similarities in the subjects taught and the relative emphasis given to these subjects , regardless of the country 's level of economic development . For example , a recent study of 130 countries representing high , medium and low-income economies , shows that at each economic level about 35% of the available time is devoted to language ; 18% to mathematics ; 8-10% each to science , social studies , music and art , and physical education ; and 5% to moral studies . The main difference is found in vocational subjects ( agriculture , domestic science and business ) , in lower-income economies , where 6-7% of the available time is devoted to these subjects , compared to only 1-2% @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( see Lockheed and Vetspoor , 1990:31 ) . <p> The curricular content in primary schools in the Arab World , . in general , is quite consistent with world patterns , but there are variations in emphasis across Arab countries . To a large degree , these variations center around greater or lesser emphasis on religious-humanistic subjects , foreign languages , and vocational and practical training . There are also differences attributable to the movements involving " Arabization " and " nationalization " , of the curriculum in Libya , Tunisia , Algeria and Morocco which began in the 1950s and 1960s . While some inter-Arab differences in curricular content are to be expected , there are educators ( e.g. , Massialas and Jarrar , 1987 ) who argue that the quality of primary education could be improved considerably by giving more attention to science and vocational and practical training and less attention to religious-humanistic subjects . This argument may be valid , but it should not be made in the abstract or in principle . To evaluate the curriculum , educators need to relate its content to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education . The curriculum may be structured differently , depending on whether education is viewed as an end in itself or as a means to other goals . <p> A much more promising course of action than simply adjusting the curriculum is to critically examine its development and implementation and how these two processes may be improved . For example , in all Arab countries , without exception , the curriculum is centrally developed by education ministry officials , with help from experts . Hence , it is imposed from above , with neither the community nor teachers having much say in the process . In this connection , it is important to note that studies carried out in other developing countries emphasize the significant contributions that parents and community leaders can make to curriculum development and reform . This is even more true where educational goals are directed toward equipping students to live and work successfully within their own communities ( Bacchus , 1990 ) . Still , another potential benefit resulting from stronger community-school links is that these may enhance children 's academic performance . Hence , curriculum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In terms of implementation , teachers are , of course , critical . Teachers <p> The curriculum 's stated goals are entrusted to teachers to achieve . It is important , therefore , to ensure teachers ' clear understanding of and commitment to these goals . How is this done ? Modern social psychology tells us that participation in decision-making enhances commitment to the decisions made . In line with this , it would be beneficial to involve the teachers in the process of curriculum development and change . As well as improving the quality and relevance of the curriculum , teachers ' involvement would also increase the likelihood that it is successfully implemented . <p> Obviously , the teacher is the most central person in curriculum implementation and in providing opportunities for learning . The quality of education is determined largely by the teacher 's knowledge of the subject matter as well as teaching skills . Current reports on teachers and teaching practices in the Arab countries are not altogether complimentary . While some countries are better off than others , it is nevertheless the case that many Arab @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they often employ teaching methods which alienate students and discourage their participation , independent initiative , and critical thinking . Teachers tend to be strict disciplinarian and authoritarian rather than educators with a wide range of instructional strategies ( cf. Massialas and Jarrar , 1987 ) . All too often , teachers expect their students to copy from the blackboard , memorize , refrain from asking questions and avoid making mistakes . In addition to being teacher-centered , the system is also dominated by examinations . It is a system for young children which is more fear- and conformity-inducing than discovery oriented . <p> Research evidence suggests that the opportunities for learning in Arab primary schools could be improved by exposing teachers to modern teaching methods and re-orienting them to become child-centered and encouraging of self-learning ( Bude , 1990 ) . The teaching practices most conducive to learning are those that involve the student as an active participant , giving him or her the opportunity to practice and apply what is taught in his or her own life ( see Lockheed and Verspoor , 1990:42 ) . In this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ improve . In addition , the dropout , grade repetition and absenteeism rates would likely decline . Textbooks and Learning Materials <p> Recent studies and demonstration projects carried out in developing countries show that learning improves considerably with the use of textbooks , so much so that the World Bank Report on Education in Africa views textbooks as the single most important and cost-effective instrument for improving the quality of education ( Bacchus , 1990 ) . Like a good teacher , a good textbook is rare but it is necessary to have . Neumann ( 1980:11 ) delineates the qualities of a good text : <p> Just as a lesson taught by a teacher is more than chalk and talk , a textbook page , a unit , or chapter , should be more than a recital of fact or a setting out of exercises . It must be visual : offer structure , variety , and present its materials in different ways ; it should motivate , spiral , and reinforce . A textbook must be organized and divided into units that fit the classroom situation , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide for individualization , for the different abilities represented in the classroom . <p> Judged in terms of the above noted qualities , textbooks in the Arab countries are found to be wanting . Cameron and Hurst ( 1983:544 ) state that " textbooks and other teaching aids in the Arab countries are often in short supply , of poor quality and irrelevant content . " In a similar vein , Massialas and Jarrar ( 1983:77 ) critically note that Arabic textbooks tend to present unrealistic pictures of society and are not up to date on scientific information . In terms of physical appearance , Arabic textbooks , in general , are neither attractive to the learner nor well illustrated . Because of these and other deficiencies , it has been noted that " many ' Arab countries experienced and continue to experience a state of affairs where texts are available but not often read " ( Massialas and Jarrar , 1983:331 and 94-98 ) . There is here a clear need to improve the quality of Arabic textbooks and make them relevant to the experiences of a broad spectrum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of instructional materials have impact on the quality . of education . Learning aids , which range from exercise books and notebooks to maps , science equipment , libraries and visual aids , are in limited supply and , when available , they are unevenly distributed . Schools in smaller communities and in rural areas are most disadvantaged . In addition , teacher guides , which are normally integrated with textbooks , help the teacher to use textbooks most effectively , monitor student achievement , and adjust classroom activities to suit the learners ' needs . In Arab countries , as in other developing countries , teacher guides are seldom available . The paucity of these materials further compromises the quality of primary education . Administration and Control of Education <p> To improve teaching and learning we must also look at the administration and control of education . This is an important area because it has a bearing on teachers ' morale , creativity and effectiveness and , ultimately , on student achievement . It is clear from the preceding discussion that in almost all Arab states , all major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other areas such as teacher selection , training and placement , and examinations are highly centralized in ministries of education . In fact , the system also reflects a high degree of centralization at the district ( or regional ) as well as the school level . With reference to the latter level , authority resides solely in the hands of the school principal . While the principal 's authority is not absolute , circumscribed as it is by higher levels of administration , he or she tends to be a strict , authoritarian administrator , allowing little decision-making power for the teacher to innovate and be creative . School principals are usually recruited from the ranks of teachers and , therefore , they lack the necessary administrative skills as well as specialized training . Given this state of affairs , there is a glaring need to modernize educational administration in the Arab World and to create a better balance between centralization and decentralization of administrative function . Strategies and Policy Implications <p> In the past 20-30 years , there have been many attempts to improve the quality of primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some countries have been more successful than others . However , the need to intensify efforts to improve teaching and learning in all Arab countries has never been more pressing . The evidence suggests that these efforts should concentrate on several areas including curriculum development and reform , upgrading of teacher qualifications and use of modern teaching methods . and modernization of educational administration . Judging from up-to-date studies conducted in developing countries , including some Arab countries . a list of policy options is provided below . While not exhaustive , the policy options proposed below have been identified with a view to cost-effectiveness and potential promise to achieve the desired goal : Involve parents , community leaders and teachers in the process of curriculum development and reform . Invest more heavily in curriculum implementation and , in particular , the production of high quality , relevant , textbooks with integrated teacher guides . Provide a wider range of learning aids and make them available more equitably throughout the system . Institute well designed in-service teacher training programs to upgrade teachers ' qualifications and expose them to modern teaching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view to placing more emphasis on the development of more appropriate teaching strategies and techniques ( i.e. skills of the trade ) as well as on student teaching practice . Encourage the utilization of non-directive methods of learning in order facilitate student participation in the learning process . Encourage and reward innovative practices among teachers and support the institution of experimental programs within schools in order to improve student achievement . Provide specially designed training programs for school administrators and others within the system , in order to enhance their administrative skills and modernize the administrative system . <p> As in the case of the suggestions made earlier , the above policy options and strategies may be applied selectively , with varying degrees of emphasis , sensitive to local and national varieties . However , sooner or later , all of these options , along with others , will have to be addressed if the goal of improving the quality of primary education is to be achieved . CONCLUSION <p> Social and economic development is a multifaceted process , an important component of which concerns the educational system ( cf. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of primary education is based " on two considerations . First , . the evidence suggests that the social and economic impact of primary education is greater when educational quality is high . Second , with particular reference to the Arab World , a large proportion of children do not go beyond the primary level . Hence the quality of primary education should be a critical consideration in every country 's development plan . <p> Improving the quality of primary education is a highly complex task . This discussion has provided a broad assessment of educational quality in the Arab World and suggested strategies for the improvement of teaching and learning . The emphasis on student achievement is well placed because both the individual learner and society at large will benefit from such an improvement . In view of the fact that there are many factors which impinge on student achievement , it is necessary to devise an orderly , integrated approach . All things can not be accomplished at a single point in time particularly during periods of economic scarcity . On the other hand , a piecemeal approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> A future-planning approach which offers a carefully sequenced and integrated agenda of change has the best chance for improving the quality of primary education in the Arab World . Quality education at this basic level is of central importance to the further growth and development of the region and its peoples . TABLE 1 <p> ENROLLMENTS AT THE PRIMARY LEVEL FOR EIGHTEEN ARAB STATES , 1965 , 1975 , 1985 PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 2 <p> PERCENTAGE OF 6-11 YEAR OLDS ENROLLED IN PRIMARY SCHOOL FOR EIGHTEEN ARAB STATES , 1965 , 1975 , 1985 PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 3 <p> REPEATERS AS A PERCENTAGE OF PRIMARY ENROLLMENTS FOR EIGHTEEN ARAB STATES , 1965 , 1975 , 1985 PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4002941 EDITOR 'S NOTE : In September of 1991 Francis Boyle asked the Coalition to Stop U.S. Intervention in the Middle East to submit an Indictment , Complaint and Petition for Relief from Genocide by President George Herbert Walker Bush and the United States of America , which he had prepared on behalf of the 4.5 million children of Iraq . Professor Boyle filed the Complaint at the request of several Iraqi mothers whose children were dying as a result of the sanctions . The Petition was submitted to the Secretary General of the U.N. , members of the General Assembly , the Economic and Social Council , the Commission on Human Rights , the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , UNESCO , and UNICEF . <p> Boyle 's petition reviewed the factual situation confronting the children of Iraq including malnutrition , starvation , disease , and death , and details the violations of international law upon which this Claim is based The relief asked for included a lifting of the sanctions against Iraq , massive provision of international humanitarian relief , and compensation to the victims of the policies described . <p> Boyle has stated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situation for Iraq 's children , " Likeunto a pirate , the Respondent George Bush is hostis humani generis -- the enemy of all humankind " Boyle asked for an urgent review of this Petition and that the appropriate organs of the United Nations , as well its member states , institute criminal proceedings against President Bush for committing the international crime of genocide against the children of Iraq . The transcript of Boyle 's Indictment , Complaint and Petition for Relief from Genocide follows . <p> Francis Boyle , author of the Indictment , Complaint and Petition for Relief from Genocide , is Professor of Law at the University of Illinois College of Law in Champaign , Illinois . <p> Despite the best professional efforts by Professor Boyle , who is working pro bono publico on this matter , so far the entire United Nations Organization has refused to act upon this Complaint on behalf of the Children of Iraq . <p> TO : THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS , THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY , THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL , THE COMMISSION ON HUMAN @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ OF MINORITIES , UNESCO , UNICEF , THE HEADS OF ALL NGO 'S , ETC . <p> RE : INDICTMENT , COMPLAINT AND PETITION BY THE 4.5 MILLION CHILDREN OF IRAQ FOR RELIEF FROM GENOCIDE BY PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA <p> EXCELLENCY : <p> On behalf of The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq , I hereby submit to you this Indictment , Complaint and Petition for Relief from Genocide by President George Bush and the United States of America ( hereinafter referred to as the " Respondents " ) . This Indictment , Complaint and Petition accuses the Respondents ( 1 ) of committing the international crime of genocide against The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq in violation of the International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948 and in violation of the municipal legal systems of all civilized nations in the world ; ( 2 ) of a gross and consistent pattern of violations of the most fundamental human rights of The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq as recognized and guaranteed to them by the Universal Declaration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the complete negation and denial of all the rights guaranteed to The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq by the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child ; and ( 4 ) of the systematic violation of the special protections of international humanitarian law guaranteed to The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq by the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and Additional Protocol I thereto of 1977 . <p> Under the human rights provisions of the United Nations Charter , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , the Genocide Convention , the Children 's Convention , and the Fourth Geneva Convention and Protocol I , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq are proper parties to invoke the jurisdiction of the United Nations and its various organs in requesting the following Relief in order to be relieved from the inhuman , degrading , cruel , criminal , and genocidal conditions perpetrated upon them by the Respondents : The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq demand ( 1 ) the termination of the international economic embargo and all forms of bilateral economic sanctions against Iraq ; ( 2 ) the massive provision of international @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , disease , malnutrition , starvation , and extermination at the hands of the Respondents ; ( 3 ) monetary compensation for the harm done to them as well as all other forms of relief deemed necessary and appropriate ; and ( 4 ) the institution of criminal proceedings against Respondent Bush for committing the international crime of genocide by the appropriate international organs as well as by all States of the World Community under their respective municipal legal systems . <p> The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq have set forth in the attached Indictment , Complaint and Petition all of the Facts necessary to constitute a prima facie case against the Respondents for genocide ; grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Protocol I ; and a gross and consistent pattern of violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on the Rights of the Child . Wherefore , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq demand that the United Nations and its organs immediately undertake a full investigation of the matters presented in this Indictment , Complaint and Petition , and subsequently authorize a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact at the conclusion of such investigation . I would appreciate receiving a formal acknowledgment of your receipt of the attached Indictment , Complaint , and Petition by The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq at the address listed above as well as all further communications related to this matter . <p> THE PEOPLES AND COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD MUST NOT TURN THEIR EYES AWAY IN SHAME FROM IRAQ AS HUMANKIND APPROACHES THE DAWN OF THE NEXT MILLENNIUM OF ITS PARLOUS EXISTENCE . AS IRAQ 'S CHILDREN GO , SO GOES THE ENTIRE WORLD ! <p> RESPECTFULLY SUBMITTED ON BEHALF OF THE 4.5 MILLION CHILDREN OF IRAQ , <p> FRANCIS A. BOYLE PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL LAW <p> MEMBER OF THE BARS OF THE SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS AND OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA DATED : SEPTEMBER 18 , 1991 <p> IN THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY , SECRETARY GENERAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL , HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION , SUB-COMMISSION ON PREVENTION OF DISCRIMINATION AND PROTECTION OF MINORITIES , UNESCO , UNICEF , ALL NGO 'S <p> UNITED NATIONS HEADQUARTERS IN NEW @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 4.5 MILLION CHILDREN OF IRAQ , APPLICANTS , <p> VS . ) <p> GEORGE BUSH , PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES INDICTMENT , COMPLAINT , AND PETITION FOR RELIEF FROM GENOCIDE IN BOTH HIS OFFICIAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITIES , AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA , RESPONDENTS . <p> TO : THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS , THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY , THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL , THE COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS , THE SUB-COMMISSION ON PREVENTION OF DISCRIMINATION AND PROTECTION OF MINORITIES , UNESCO , UNICEF , THE HEADS OF ALL NGO 'S , ETC . <p> RE : INDICTMENT , COMPLAINT AND PETITION BY THE 4.5 MILLION CHILDREN OF IRAQ FOR RELIEF FROM GENOCIDE BY PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA . <p> I. INTRODUCTION <p> 1 . The Applicants herein , THE 4.5 MILLION CHILDREN OF IRAQ , invoke the jurisdiction of the United Nations and its organs by virtue of the provisions of the United Nations Charter , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , and the International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their own behalf . The Applicants charge the Respondents with committing the international crime of genocide against The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq . Applicants pray for the termination of the international economic embargo and all forms of bilateral economic sanctions against Iraq , and to secure the massive provision of international humanitarian relief required in order to save themselves from death , disease , malnutrition , starvation , and extermination at the hands of the Respondents . Applicants also pray for monetary compensation for the harm done to them and all other forms of relief deemed necessary and appropriate . Finally , Applicants request the institution of criminal proceedings against the Respondent George Bush for committing the international crime of genocide by the appropriate international organs and by all States of the World Community under their respective municipal legal systems . <p> II . THE FACTS 2 . The Applicants are The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq . 3 . The Respondents are ( 1 ) George Bush , President of the United States of America , in both his official and personal capacities , and ( 2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the United Nations Security Council . 4 . The Respondents are the Person and State primarily responsible for the imposition of the now year-long international economic embargo and bilateral economic sanctions against Iraq . 5 . Reports from the United Nations , the Physicians for Human Rights , the International Red Cross , a Harvard Study Team , other independent organizations , and private U.S. citizens have documented the fact that unless the economic sanctions imposed against Iraq are immediately lifted and Iraq is allowed to buy and import food , medicine and equipment , especially for power generation , hundreds of thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians will die in the upcoming months . 6 . A Harvard Study Team estimates that at least 170,000 Iraqi children under the age of five will die within the next year from the delayed effects of the war in the Persian Gulf if the imposition of the sanctions continues . 7 . This is a conservative estimate and does not include tens of thousands of Iraqi children above the age of five who are expected to die from similar causes . 8 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iraqi children will die from malnutrition and disease in the upcoming months due to the economic embargo and destruction of the war , and the United Nations Children 's Fund estimates that 80,000 Iraqi children may die from these causes . 9 . Malnutrition has become severe and widespread in Iraq since imposition of the embargo and the war due to severe food shortages and the inflation of food prices of up to 1000% , which has effectively priced many Iraqis , especially the poor and disadvantaged , out of the food market . 10 . Cholera , typhoid , and gastroenteritis have become epidemic throughout Iraq since the war due to the critical scarcity of medicine and the inability of Iraq to process sewage and purify the water supply . 11 . The system of medical care has broken down in Iraq , resulting in the closure of up to 50% of Iraq 's medical facilities due to acute shortages of medicines , equipment , and staff . 12 . The incapacitation of 18 of Iraq 's 20 power plants during the war is a principal cause of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iraq to process sewage , purify its water supply , and supply electricity to health facilities . 13 . The health care crisis can not be addressed without the reconstruction of electrical facilities that enable the purification of water and treatment of sewage . 14 . Before the economic embargo of Iraq , three quarters of the total caloric intake in Iraq was imported and , moreover , 96% of Iraqi revenue to pay for imports , namely food and medicine , was derived from the exportation of oil now prohibited under the embargo . 15 . The summer heat in Iraq has both accelerated the spread of disease and impeded its treatment due to the lack of refrigeration facilities even in hospitals . 16 . The acute shortages of food in Iraq , the inflation of up to 1000% in food prices caused by these shortages , the critical scarcity of medicine , and the essential need to reconstruct Iraq 's capacity to generate electricity to enable sewage treatment and water purification , can not be addressed or rectified without Iraq 's re-entry into global commerce , at present @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immediate lifting of the sanctions would drastically reduce the number of Iraqi children who will die in the upcoming months from malnutrition and disease and would relieve the suffering of the innocent Iraqi population which is now bearing the burden of the embargo . 18 . Approximately 500 Iraqi children are dying each day from disease , malnutrition , and lack of proper medical treatment due to the continuation of the international economic embargo and bilateral economic sanctions upon Iraq that have been organized and imposed by the Respondents . <p> III . CONTENTIONS 19 . The Harvard Study Team Report , Public Health in Iraq After the Gulf War , estimated that as of May 1991 , 55,000 additional deaths of Iraqi children under five had already occurred because of the Gulf Crisis , and projected that at least 170,000 Iraqi children under five will die in the coming year from the delayed effects of the Gulf Crisis . The Study also emphasized that these projections are conservative : " In all probability , the actual number of deaths of children under five will be much higher . " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Iraq prevents the massive infusion of international humanitarian assistance necessary to prevent these mortality projections from becoming a reality . The Harvard Report directly raises the question whether Respondents are responsible for the commission of the international crime of genocide against the Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq , because of their obstinate insistence that economic sanctions be maintained in order to produce the deposition of the President of Iraq despite the fact that the original purpose for their imposition was achieved with the so-called " liberation " of Kuwait . 21 . Respondent United States of America is a Contracting Party to the International Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948 , which will hereinafter be referred to as " the Genocide Convention " for sake of convenience . 22 . Article I of the Genocide Convention provides that the Contracting Parties confirm that genocide , whether committed in time of peace or in time of war , is a crime under international law , which they undertake to prevent and to punish . 23 . Article II of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as follows : <p> Article II . In the present Convention , genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy , in whole or in part , a national , ethnical , racial or religious group , as such : <p> ( a ) Killing members of the group ; <p> ( b ) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group ; <p> ( c ) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part ; <p> ( d ) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group ; <p> ( e ) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group . 24 . Article III of the Genocide Convention provides that the following acts shall likewise all be punishable : ( a ) genocide ; ( b ) conspiracy to commit genocide ; ( c ) direct and public incitement to commit genocide ; ( d ) attempt to commit genocide ; ( e ) complicity in genocide. 25 . According to Article IV of the Genocide Convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enumerated in Article III shall be punished , whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers , public officials , or private individuals . This basic requirement of the Genocide Convention is fully applicable to Respondent George Bush . 26 . According to Article V of the Genocide Convention , the Contracting Parties undertake to enact , in accordance with their respective Constitutions , the necessary legislation to give effect to the provisions of the Genocide Convention and , in particular , to provide effective penalties for persons guilty of genocide or of any of the other acts enumerated in Article III . 27 . Pursuant to Article V , the Congress of the United States of America adopted what is called implementing legislation for the Genocide Convention that makes genocide a crime under U.S. federal criminal law . Basically following the terms of the Genocide Convention , this Genocide Convention Implementation Act of 1987 ( found in Title 18 of the United States Code ) defines the crime of " genocide " as follows : <p> 1901 . Genocide <p> ( a ) BASIC OFFENSE -- Whoever , whether in time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circumstance described in subsection ( d ) and with the specific intent to destroy , in whole or in substantial part , a national , ethnic , racial , or religious group as such <p> ( 1 ) kills members of that group ; <p> ( 2 ) causes serious bodily injury to members of that group ; <p> ( 3 ) causes the permanent impairment of the mental faculties of members of the group through drugs , torture , or similar techniques ; <p> ( 4 ) subjects the group to conditions of life that are intended to cause the physical destruction of the group in whole or in part ; <p> ( 5 ) imposes measures intended to prevent births within the group ; or <p> ( 6 ) transfers by force children of the group to another group ; or attempts to do so , shall be punished as provided in subsection ( b ) . 28 . According to subsection ( d ) , the basic offense must be committed either within the United States , or by a national of the United States . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a fine of not more than $1 million and imprisonment for life . The penalty for violating subsections ( a ) ( 2 ) to ( a ) ( 6 ) is a fine of not more than $1 million or imprisonment for not more than twenty years , or both . 29 . Under the definitional provisions of this Act , 225,000 dead Iraqi children clearly constitute a " substantial part " of " a national , ethnic , racial , or religious group as such . " The continuation of economic sanctions against Iraq will ( 1 ) kill at least 170,000 more Iraqi children by the end of the year ; ( 2 ) " cause serious bodily injury to " Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq ; ( 3 ) " cause the permanent impairment of the mental faculties of " Applicants ; and ( 4 ) subject Applicants " to conditions of life that are intended to cause the physical destruction of the group in whole or in part .... " 30 . Only the " specific intent " of Respondent George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond a reasonable doubt to establish his criminal responsibility under United States municipal law and international criminal law . The open publication and widespread dissemination of the Harvard Report on 22 May 1991 makes that task possible . Any Bush administration official responsible for implementing the economic sanctions policy against Iraq who has knowledge of the conclusions of the Harvard Report would possess the " specific intent " required to serve as the mental element or mens rea of the international and municipal crime of genocide against Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq . Applicants assert that Respondent George Bush has full knowledge of the genocidal consequences of the continuation of economic sanctions against Iraq and therefore has the mens rea necessary for committing the crime of genocide as recognized by the Genocide Convention and the Genocide Implementation Act . 31 . The same principles of international criminal law have been incorporated into the municipal legal systems of almost all States in the World Community today . Wherefore , there is universality of jurisdiction for any State to prosecute Respondent George Bush for committing genocide against the Applicants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a pirate , the Respondent George Bush is hostis humani generis -- the enemy of all humankind . <p> IV . COMPETENCE 32 . Article I of the Genocide Convention makes it quite clear that all 99 states that are Contracting Parties have an international legal obligation " to prevent " the commission of genocide against Applicants , The 4.5 million children of Iraq . 33 . Article VIII of the Genocide Convention provides that any Contracting Party " may call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide ... " 34 . Thus , all 99 states parties to the Genocide Convention have both the right and the duty under international law to bring the genocidal situation in Iraq to the attention of the entire United Nations Organization , as well as its affiliated organizations such as UNESCO , UNICEF , etc. 35 . The Genocide Convention expressly confers international legal competence upon all organs of the United Nations -- including the Security Council , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Secretary General , the International Court of Justice , the U.N . Commission on Human Rights , the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , UNESCO , UNICEF , etc. -- to do something about the genocidal situation in Iraq . But so far , such individual steps and collective actions by Member States have not been taken for fear of running afoul of the all-powerful Respondents , who represent and constitute the only self-styled " superpower " sitting as one of the five Permanent Members of the Security Council . 36 . The Respondents bear ultimate legal responsibility for the imposition of economic sanctions upon Iraq and therefore for the international crime of genocide against Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq . 37 . Under the current desperate circumstances , responsible officials of Member States permitting the continuation of economic sanctions against Iraq could commit the separate international crime of " complicity " in the crime of genocide that is today being inflicted upon the Applicants by the Respondents , in violation of Article III(e) of the Genocide Convention . <p> V. JURISDICTION @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nations , including the Secretary General , the Economic and Social Council , the General Assembly , the Human Rights Commission , the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , UNESCO and UNICEF , inter alia , have the jurisdiction to receive and hear this Indictment , Complaint and Petition , and to provide the Relief requested herein . 39 . That the organs of the United Nations are endowed with explicit and inherent powers to assume jurisdiction of cases of the kind presented in this Indictment , Complaint and Petition is reflected in the Charter of the United Nations . Chapter 1 , Article 1(1) of the Charter obligates the United Nations and its members to " maintain international peace and security . " Such peace and security are threatened by many acts short of open interstate warfare . Genocide by the Respondents against the Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq , threatens international peace and security . 40 . As the situation described above constitutes a constant threat to the maintenance of international peace and security , the Secretary General , under the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is entitled to bring this matter to the attention of the Security Council . He is also authorized by Rule 13(g) of the Rules of Procedure of the General Assembly to include in the Assembly 's agenda any item which he deems it necessary to put before the Assembly . Applicants hereby request the Secretary General to include their Indictment , Complaint , and Petition on the agenda of the 46th General Assembly , and to bring it to the attention of the Security Council . 41 . The General Assembly is authorized to act under Chapter IV , Article 22 of the United Nations Charter to establish an ad hoc Tribunal empowered to grant the Relief requested herein . For instance , in 1950 , the General Assembly established a special tribunal to deal with various claims arising in the former Italian colony of Libya . Given the circumstances detailed in this Indictment , Complaint and Petition , the creation of such a Tribunal would be justified and necessary to carry out the very Purposes and Principles for which the United Nations was established : to ensure peace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights . Applicants request the 46th General Assembly to establish such a Tribunal as a subsidiary organ and to charge it with the responsibility to investigate and adjudicate their Indictment , Complaint and Petition , as well as to order all forms of Relief requested in Section VI herein . 42 . That all Members of the United Nations have pledged themselves under U.N . Charter Chapter IX Articles 55 and 56 to take action to ensure respect for human rights . Article 55 states in part : <p> With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples , the United Nations shall promote : <p> ( c ) universal respect for , and observance of , human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race , sex , language , or religion . <p> Article 56 states : <p> All Members pledge themselves to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the Organization for the achievement of the purposes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indicates that under the Charter , Member States must be prepared to take action to assist in enforcing and protecting human rights . Should an organ of the United Nations determine that the rights of Applicants were violated by Respondents and recommend action , Member States have pledged themselves to co-operate with the United Nations in taking necessary steps under the Charter to promote " universal respect for , and observance of , human rights . " 44 . These human rights provisions of the United Nations Charter were further elaborated upon and specified by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , which was adopted by consensus by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948 . The Universal Declaration of Human Rights enunciates the basic standards of international human rights law to which all individuals around the world are entitled . Indeed , it is the official position of the United Nations Organization and of the Respondent United States of America that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is binding upon all States and for the benefit of all People around the world as a matter of customary international law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Applicants by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that are currently being systematically violated by the Respondents , the most sacred and most fundamental right of all is their very right to life itself , as recognized by Article 3 thereof : " Everyone has the right to life , liberty and security of person . " Respondents act as if the " everyone " referred to in Article 3 does not include the Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq . 46 . Applicants also assert that the Respondents have grossly , consistently , and systematically violated the fundamental right that has been guaranteed to them by Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights : " No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel , inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment . " 47 . Applicants , The 4.5 Million Children of Iraq , also assert that the Respondents have violated all of the rights guaranteed to them by the International Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989. 48 . Applicants also assert that the Respondents have violated the special protections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Geneva Convention of 1949 and the Additional Protocol I thereto of 1977. 49 . Under the human rights provisions of the United Nations Charter , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , the Genocide Convention , the Children 's Convention , and the Fourth Geneva Convention and Protocol I , Applicants are proper parties to invoke the jurisdiction of the United Nations in requesting Relief on their own behalf in order to be relieved from the inhuman , degrading , cruel , criminal , and genocidal conditions perpetrated upon them by the Respondents . 50 . Due to the fact that the Respondents represent and constitute the only self-styled " superpower " sitting as one of the five Permanent Members of the Security Council , the Respondents have repeatedly and abusively used and threatened to use their voting power and their so-called " veto power " to continue the international economic embargo upon Iraq in a manner that is ultra vires the " primary responsibility " for the maintenance of international peace and security that has been conferred upon the Security Council by Article 24(1) and ( 2 ) of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these duties the Security Council shall act in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations . " According to Article 1(3) of the Charter , one of the foremost Purposes of the United Nations is proclaimed to be " ... promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all ... " 51 . That as a direct result of the illegal and ultra vires conduct by the Respondents at the Security Council , the Applicants have nowhere else to turn for Relief except to the General Assembly , the Secretary General , the Economic and Social Council , the Human Rights Commission , the Sub-commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , UNESCO and UNICEF , etc. in order to save themselves from the death , disease , malnutrition , starvation and genocide that is currently being inflicted upon them by the Respondents . 52 . That the General Assembly has the inherent power to create methods and instrumentalities to carry out the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , the Genocide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Secretary General also possesses inherent powers to carry out these Purposes and Principles . The same is true for the Human Rights Commission , the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , as well as for UNESCO and UNICEF , etc. 53 . That the Respondents represent and constitute a Member State of the United Nations and therefore would be obligated to act in compliance with any determination by any United Nations organ concerning this matter . <p> VI . PRAYER FOR RELIEF 54 . Applicants pray for the issuance of a Directive by the Secretariat , or the General Assembly , or the Economic and Social Council , or the Human Rights Commission , or the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities , or UNESCO , or UNICEF or any other competent organ or agency of the United Nations to hear this Indictment , Complaint and Petition ; to investigate and adjudicate the allegations of genocide by Respondents against Applicants ; and to order the termination of all forms of multilateral and bilateral economic sanctions against Iraq . 55 . Applicants also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iraq by the United Nations Organizations as a whole , its specialized agencies and affiliated organizations , as well as by all Member States thereof , in order to save them from death , disease , malnutrition , starvation , genocide , and extermination at the hands of the Respondents . 56 . Applicants also pray for due compensation to be paid by Respondents to Applicants and their families for the deaths as well as physical and mental injury caused by Respondents ' actions in violation of the Genocide Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , inter alia. 57 . Applicants pray that proper sanctions be taken against Respondents for any refusal to comply with any of the orders or decisions that the United Nations or any international organ makes in relation to this matter . 58 . Applicants pray that the United Nations authorize a full investigation of the matters presented in this Indictment , Complaint and Petition and subsequently authorize a complete and public disclosure of all evidence and findings of fact at the conclusion of such investigation . 59 . Applicants further pray that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as of all the Member States thereof -- institute criminal proceedings against Respondent George Bush for committing the international crime of genocide against the Applicants , as required by the Genocide Convention and the municipal legal systems of all civilized nations , including his own . <p> VII . CONCLUSION <p> THE PEOPLES AND COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD MUST NOT TURN THEIR EYES AWAY IN SHAME FROM IRAQ AS HUMANKIND APPROACHES THE DAWN OF THE NEXT MILLENNIUM OF ITS PARLOUS EXISTENCE . AS IRAQ 'S CHILDREN GO , SO GOES THE ENTIRE WORLD ! PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4003041 Taiwan 's diplomatic stand in the global community has faced challenges since 1971 , when it lost its UN seat to the PRC ( People 's Republic of China ) . More and more countries shifted their official recognition from Taipei to Beijing , and fewer and fewer international organizations accepted Taiwan 's membership . By 1988 , countries having diplomatic ties with Taiwan numbered only twenty-two , the majority of them insignificant players in the international arena . Moreover , not all of them had full-fledged diplomatic missions in Taiwan . Although Taiwan 's total world trade volume went from $3.9 billion in 1971 to $39.5 billion in 1980 , fifty countries severed diplomatic relations with Taiwan during the same period . In 1989 , only 5 percent of Taiwan 's trade was with countries that officially recognized Taiwan. 1 Its official membership in international organizations in 1988 had declined to only eight international bodies. 2 These developments cast doubt on Taiwan 's continuing viability as an independent political entity . In order to break out of its diplomatic isolation , Taiwan has employed its economic strength to gain friendship , not only deepening interactions with friendly countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it has beefed up this effort has been through the use of foreign aid . <p> This article focuses on Taiwan 's foreign aid policy since the late 1980s by examining the extent of its success and failure and investigating its scope , durability , and implications . How and where is this foreign aid delivered ? What is the limitation of this " dollar diplomacy , " as some Taiwanese politicians call it ? Is it designed to allay suffering and promote development in needy nations , or is it intended instead to serve the interests of the donor ? The findings will shed light not only on the utility of foreign aid in Taiwan 's diplomacy but also on Taiwan 's future status in the international community . <p> Information on Taiwan 's foreign aid has not been systematically documented and placed in the public domain . The government in Taiwan considers these statistical data and documentary sources to be sensitive and confidential and only discloses information selectively . This makes exhaustive evaluation impossible , but an examination of the available materials offers enough hints for us to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aid : Design and Implementation <p> There is no consensus regarding the definition of foreign aid . Some view it as including any flow of materials and financial resources , including grants , loan packages for which the interest is below the market rate , noncompensatory technical assistance , officially guaranteed credits , and reparation pay . Others regard foreign aid as only the transfer of resources on terms easier than those that could be obtained in the capital market. 3 Notwithstanding these various definitions , it is usually considered to be a transfer from the haves to the have-nots for the purpose of economic development , military security , and disaster relief and rehabilitation . <p> At one time or another , most industrialized countries have been donors of aid . The implementation of the Marshall Plan and the wooing of third world countries by foreign aid since the 1950s occurred within the context of the East-West confrontation . Likewise , in the 1950s and 1960s , the competition between mainland China and Taiwan for international recognition also led each of them to offer extensive foreign aid to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aid was not only to isolate and diminish Taiwan 's international standing but also to pose as a third choice for developing countries by claiming a noble purpose of offering genuine help , unlike the exploitative intention of both the American capitalist imperialist and the Soviet socialist revisionist. 4 For Taiwan , the purpose of foreign aid was not to bid for a leadership role but to focus on survival by winning friendship and support for its legitimacy as an acceptable actor in world politics , particularly to ensure its UN seat. 5 By the 1970s , however , Taiwan was engaged in a losing battle with Beijing for diplomatic recognition as the legitimate government of the whole China. 6 <p> Most of the financing of Taiwan 's foreign aid programs before the late 1960s came from American surplus agricultural products sold in Taiwan . Even though the idea of aiding other developing countries was partially initiated by Taiwan , the money then was mostly from the United States. 7 The objective was to demonstrate Taiwan 's experience and was aimed at self-sufficiency , but the emphasis was on simple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ field . By 1980 , over two thousand technicians from Taiwan had served in some fifty different countries , mostly African and Latin American countries having diplomatic ties with Taiwan . In contrast , because of its great financial resources and economic clout , Taiwan 's foreign aid program since the late 1980s has been more extensive than this early grass-roots approach . Technical and agricultural assistance projects are still part of aid projects , but financial loans , grants , and contributions to multilateral organizations have been added to the list of provisions . Although Taiwan 's foreign affairs have been less influenced than before by the United States after the latter withdrew its recognition in 1979 , its foreign aid policy indicates the trend of its increasing autonomy . Taiwan no longer needs to rely on U.S. financing to launch its aid efforts . <p> Taiwan 's foreign aid program rests in the decision-making process of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ( MOFA ) and the Ministry of Economic Affairs ( MOEA ) . Two implementing arms are the Committee of International Technical Cooperation ( CITC ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The CITC was initially known as Operation Vanguard , established in 1961 to provide agricultural technical assistance to African and Latin American countries . The IECDF was created in 1988 with a five-year goal of allocating $1.2 billion in aid to friendly developing countries . Although the IECDF was set up by the MOEA and the official who is in charge of daily administration is the political vice-minister of the MOEA , the IECDF is ultimately steered by a seven-member cabinet-level council with representatives from various agencies. 8 Additional agencies and departments are called in whenever help is needed . For example , when the project involves agricultural assistance , the Taiwan provincial government 's Department of Agriculture and Forestry is consulted . When the aid is concerned with extending credit to foreign governments and the financing of outward investment , the Export-Import Bank ( Eximbank ) , a specialized government bank established in 1979 , is brought into the implementation process. 9 <p> Although the assumption is that both the MOFA and the MOEA hold joint jurisdiction over decision making , each ministry sees aid from a somewhat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic viewpoint , examining aid proposals carefully in order to ensure efficient and effective use of money . Without denying the necessity of wise planning of aid for the commercial interest and development needs of recipients , the MOFA is more concerned with aid as a diplomatic lever . Aid programs are sometimes employed as expedient political means to win diplomatic favors . The MOEA prefers a detailed and careful screening process , which might take more than a year ; the MOFA tends to favor a shorter period of deliberation for approval in order to take advantage of changing international circumstances or to sustain relationships with countries deemed " politically correct " and important to Taiwan . Most recipients of the MOFA 's aid are friendly countries , meaning that they either have recognized Taiwan or that they are willing to construct substantial relations without fear of Beijing 's reprisals . <p> In the 1991 fiscal year , the allocation for the IECDF was $48 million , and the CITC received $32 million . The MOFA budgeted $188 million for international activities , partly to be used for external @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the MOFA 's budget was completely dedicated to external aid and that this funding was used in its entirety , the total of the IECDF , CITC , and MOFA portions -- $268 million in all -- would account for 0.16 percent of Taiwan 's gross national product ( GNP ) . 10 Although it can not be determined if the scheduled budget has been spent completely due to the political sensitivity of some aid programs , and although it is clear that not every penny of the MOFA 's international budget was spent on external aid , a conservative estimate of Taiwan 's 1991 foreign aid spending would be about 0.1 percent of the GNP , less than that of the United States ( 0.15 percent ) in 1989 . Even so , in total dollars , Taiwan 's aid compares favorably with some OECD ( Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ) members such as Ireland and New Zealand and it is higher than that of most of the OPEC ( Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries ) countries. 11 In the 1992 fiscal year , the budget allocation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 Who Gets What <p> Taiwan 's foreign aid covers six geographic areas ( Table 1 ) . In Latin America , Taiwan promised $10 million aid to Grenada and $50 million aid to Belize for housing and hydraulic power plant projects in 1989. 13 The amount of aid for Costa Rica and Panama totaled $16.8 million dollars in 1989-90. 14 In August 1991 , Taiwan 's vice-president made a highly publicized official visit to Costa Rica , Honduras , and Nicaragua , despite charges from the Taiwanese opposition party of buying friendship with aid pledges of millions of dollars to these countries. 15 <p> The arm of aid has also reached Africa , a target of Taiwan 's aid program since the 1960s , when Taiwan was competing with the PRC for UN membership and recognition . In the 1980s , Taiwan focused on regaining recognition from some previously friendly countries . Liberia received fifteen thousand tons of rice in 1988-89 to relieve its food shortage crises and then $212 million to cover road construction and educational improvement after its decision to normalize relations with Taiwan in 1989 . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . In 1991 , Nigeria was offered a $38 million aid package. 16 South Africa also received a $60 million low-interest loan in 1991 to provide black people in South Africa with technical and agricultural assistance. 17 <p> In 1989 , Papua New Guinea , a country in the Southern Pacific without official ties with Taiwan , agreed to exchange trade missions with Taiwan . This accord was reached after Taiwan 's pledge of $17.65 million in aid and occurred amid Beijing 's protests. 18 The year 1991 witnessed additional aid to Papua New Guinea as well as $710,000 to the Solomon Islands , which recognize Taiwan as a nation . <p> Delegations from Southeast Asia are likewise beating a path to Taipei for aid . Southeast Asia has been the top priority of Taiwan 's foreign aid programs because of its geographical closeness and recent economic vitality . In 1991 , for example , Indonesia and Thailand each received $1.7 million in aid to further so-called " substantive " relations. 19 The Taiwanese government has also begun to evaluate the possibility of a $15 million loan to Vietnam ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistance to a proposed highway construction project in Vietnam. 20 <p> The latest aid effort in Taiwan 's " flexible diplomacy " is in the Baltic states and other republics of the defunct Soviet Union . The lECDF has included these countries in its list of states eligible for assistance. 21 Though the Baltic states have established relations with the PRC to win China 's crucial vote regarding their UN membership applications , they appear to have a strong sense of affinity toward the thriving capitalist economy of Taiwan . It has become a pattern for newly independent countries to establish diplomatic relations with China first to gain UN seats and then to develop relations with Taiwan later . The possibility of economic assistance , something more tangible than an economic model , led to exchanges of legations or consulates between Taiwan and Latvia , Estonia , and Lithuania . Ukraine also allowed the establishment of Taiwan 's trade representative office in Kiev with Taiwan 's promise of food assistance in return . Taiwan also focuses on technical assistance . For example , it has established a variety of training @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developments have given Taiwan an " official presence " in these countries , accompanied by limited diplomatic privileges and immunities. 22 <p> In cases where direct assistance has been politically inappropriate , Taiwan has employed a multilateral approach to aid . In Southeast Asia , for example , the IECDF appropriated $15 million in 1992 to the Asian Development Equity Fund , which is supported by the Asian Development Bank. 23 In addition , a $150 million donation was pledged in 1991 to the Central American Bank for Economic Integration to help needy countries in that region in the early 1990s . As a result , the bank revised its charter to allow Taiwan to join in as a non-regional member in 1992. 24 Moreover , the South Pacific Forum , a regional organization of 15 member states in the South Pacific , admitted Taiwan to be the eighth Dialogue Partner in 1992 for its annual Post-Forum Dialogue in order to request economic assistance from Taipei . It is noteworthy that only four member states of the Forum recognize Taiwan ( the other seven partners include the United States , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the European Community ) . 25 <p> In dealing with cash-strained Eastern Europe , Taiwan has channeled aid through the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development by promising a $10 million contribution to a special fund to help develop market oriented economies . A huge portion of the $10 million subscription will be loans to help republics of former Soviet Union and East European countries ; 20 percent of it will be used to advise Taiwan 's investors in Europe and help make related purchases from Taiwan . As of June 1992 , 90 percent of the fund had been used. 26 This gives Taiwan a link with an international financial organization , even though it is not qualified to join the bank because it is a non-European country and a non-IMF ( International Monetary Fund ) affiliate . In fiscal year 1992 , Taiwan 's contribution to the three regional banks -- the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development , the Asian Development Bank , and the Central American Bank -- totaled $32.5 million , accounting for 0.07 percent of the government 's budget. 27 <p> Taiwan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the international community . Amid the intensive pledge efforts to offset the costs of military operations in the Persian Gulf , Taiwan 's initial offer was about $100 million . Although it was not comparable to the amounts offered by Japan and Germany , Taiwan 's offer was larger than that of most other nations . For example , South Korea , which is larger in territorial size and population , responded with an offer of $50 million in cash and $70 million in goods and services over a two-year period . Even after the United States turned down Taiwan 's offer because of its concern with the PRC 's critical vote in the UN Security Council , Taiwan still pledged $30 million to the Middle Eastern countries hurt by the crisis. 28 All of this aid is on top of other humanitarian programs , for example , $20 million to Jordan to offset losses during the gulf crisis and $10 million to Kurdish refugees in Iraq. 29 <p> Several observations about Taiwan 's new aid efforts can be made . First , in all cases , Taiwan apparently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends " first break ties with China . Instead , Taiwan was willing to accept their dual recognition of both Chinas . Even if countries are not enthusiastic about the idea of diplomatic recognition , Taiwan is still willing to use aid to promote official contacts between countries . Accepting that some developing countries , particularly those in Southeast Asia , more or less realize China 's role and weight in their national security and regional stability , Taiwan 's expectation is not the acquisition of full-scale diplomatic ties but ( at least ) the establishment of official trade or representative offices under the name of " Taipei " or " Republic of China . " The mere existence of such an office helps Taiwan 's trade and investors in the host country . Moreover , official interaction signifies a breakthrough in diplomatic isolation , a beachhead for further development , and a change of international image . <p> Another example is Europe . Perhaps because of Taiwan 's recent aid programs , in combination with its trade and investment , European countries and the European Community have started to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taiwan since 1991 . Europe also accounts for 18 percent of Taiwan 's two-way trade in the early 1990s. 30 Reinharde Drifte once pointed out that in the early 1980s , Taiwan was considered only an object of trade and tourism , without any political leverage in East Asia or the international community . There seemed no way for Taiwan to circumvent its diplomatic isolation. 31 In the early 1990s , however , Taiwan 's image has undergone a significant change in Europe . <p> Second , aid and investment are apparently complementary to each other . In 1990 , Sam Shieh , the president of Taiwan 's Central Bank , estimated that Taiwan 's total outward investment might reach twelve to fifteen billion dollars. 32 Aid furthers the expansion of Taiwan 's outward investment , as clearly seen in its interaction with Southeast Asia . Given its geographical closeness and cultural affinity , Southeast Asia catches Taiwan 's eyes . In 1989 , Taiwan directly invested $1.96 billion , 11 percent more than in 1988 , in Thailand , Malaysia , Indonesia , and the Philippines . The total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1986-1989 period was $4.1 billion , along with $15.9 billion in trade. 33 By 1991 , Taiwan had become the largest foreign investor in Vietnam , injecting more than $400 million into the Vietnamese economy . Vietnam also agreed to allow Taiwan to set up a trade representative office to protect the interests and rights of Taiwanese investors there. 34 <p> Aid and investment walk side by side in Latin America , too . In 1988 , the MOFA issued a special policy to encourage investment in this region . The program offers eligible projects a lower loan rate , a percentage of financing up to 80 percent of total investment , and an excellent deal in investment insurance. 35 Nevertheless , Latin America has remained a less attractive investment venue , from Taiwanese investors ' perspective , than Southeast Asia because of the latter 's cultural affinity and better work ethics . <p> Even so , experts from Taiwan provided managerial guidance for the establishment of export processing zones in Guatemala , Panama , and Costa Rica . For example , Taiwan paid most of the start-up costs for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sites and offering tax incentives . It is clear that this foreign aid was based as much on export need as on diplomacy : Taiwan was able to use these countries as duty-free launching pads to enter the U.S. market by taking the advantage of the U.S. Caribbean Basin Initiative , which began in 1983 to assist export earnings of twenty-eight Caribbean and Latin American countries by offering trade benefits in the U.S. market. 36 As U.S. resistance to East Asian exports has grown , the idea of lending a hand to the establishment of export processing zones certainly has benefited Taiwan 's trade . <p> Third , though Taiwan 's aid has concentrated on Africa , Latin America , and Southeast Asia , South Asia and the Middle East have been relatively neglected , partly because of the lack of regular dialogue and substantial trade relations between Taiwan and some countries in these regions , partly because of the volatile political situation in the Middle East . Another reason may be that certain oil-producing countries have accumulated more than sufficient petrodollars . Upon a recipient 's request , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount of technical and agricultural assistance . <p> Fourth , Taiwan is willing to adopt either the bilateral or multilateral approach to aid , as the situation requires . It seems to be to Taiwan 's advantage to engage in bilateral aid relations , which allow the recipient country to identify the donor more easily than in the case of multilateral aid packages . Such relations give Taiwan more discretionary power in negotiation as a donor and allow it to control the initiative . Even though no political strings are attached , indirect persuasion is at work . As long as give-and-take is established , Taiwan 's goal of " substantial diplomacy " has been partially fulfilled . <p> At times , the multilateral aid approach is employed , however , to reduce the political sensitivity incurred from bilateral aid . Moreover , when the organization in charge of the multilateral aid decides to accept Taiwan 's contribution , Taiwan sometimes acquires membership in order to participate in the management and governance of aid allocation . Even without such membership , the multilateral route establishes communication between Taiwan and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bonding " capability , improves its chances of eventual membership in international organizations , and strengthens its claims as a de facto entity separate from the PRC . The Objectives of Taiwanese Aid <p> The political transition of 1986-1988 to a democratic regime , with the establishment of opposition parties and the lifting of martial law , freed Taiwan from its decades-long ideological stance of non-coexistence with the PRC . Though the principle of non-coexistence satisfied the self-justified sense of morality in rhetoric , it in effect entrapped Taiwan in a self-limiting situation without sufficient freedom to maneuver for creative diplomacy . The gradual thaw in domestic politics has been reflected in external relations . Pragmatism seems to be taking the lead in Taiwan 's foreign policy , and foreign aid seems to be an indispensable and effective tool to achieve one of its top foreign policy objectives : to win more international support , preferably official recognition , for Taiwan 's existence as an independent political entity and Taiwan 's participation in international organizations , thus warding off diplomatic isolation and deterring the PRC from taking drastic measures against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to some mini-states with which Taiwan has no extensive trade or investment relationship at all . <p> This objective certainly can not be easily achieved . The PRC has consistently argued that Taiwan 's foreign aid policy is " silver-bullet diplomacy " to cloak its intention of establishing a " two Chinas " or " one China and one Taiwan " policy , resulting in the " creeping officiality " of Taiwan 's international status. 37 The PRC still has influence in blocking Taiwan 's aid offensive . For instance , Taiwan was excluded from a two-day conference in Tokyo in May 1992 that aimed at providing economic aid to Mongolia , at which seventeen countries and five international organizations participated. 38 After receiving $2 million in aid from Taiwan during the gulf crisis , Turkey turned down a further $3 million because of Beijing 's protest . Egypt also rejected a $5 million aid offer from Taiwan. 39 Partly because of the changing Middle East situation , and partly because of the reliance on the PRC for missile supplies and satellite launching , Saudi Arabia finally agreed to establish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greatly concerned with security , Taiwan 's money-oriented aid packages still have difficulty in competing with the PRC 's offer of arms . In order to head off further diplomatic setbacks such as those created by Saudi Arabia , Indonesia , and Singapore when they recognized the PRC in 1991 and South Korea in 1992 , Taiwan has pushed for more aid offensives in the developing countries . <p> Aid supporters , however , claim that aid is not strictly for political purpose . The need to maintain vigorous external economic relations for Taiwan 's sustained growth becomes another top priority . Aid paves the way for increasing Taiwan 's outward investment and acts as leverage to enable its investors to enjoy better treatment in recipient countries . " Aid constituency " in Taiwan apparently includes business groups who see foreign aid as one way to increase trade sales and investment opportunities . The commercial nature of Taiwan 's aid stimulates trade between donor and recipient and indirectly leads to more earnings because of viable trade cash flows . <p> Aid also creates relocation options so that Taiwan 's manufacturers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mainland China . Taiwan 's total investments in China reached well over $5 billion in 1991 , 41 but the Taiwanese government has long warned that the PRC intends to entrap Taiwanese enterprises and investment in China 's market and production in order to create irremediable dependency for future political blackmail . Dependence on the mainland has also pulled Taiwan into disputes that are not its own making . The United States has constantly threatened economic retaliation against the PRC for its unfair trade practices , lack of human rights protection , and violations of intellectual and property rights . Through its investments in mainland China , Taiwan is indirectly entangled in these disputes . A variety of aid packages in Southeast Asia gives Taiwanese business and industry the option of switching from the mainland to enjoy similar benefits of low labor costs and extensive investment advantages elsewhere . <p> Moreover , overseas investment eases pressures from the appreciation of Taiwan 's currency , labor shortages and wage increases , the growing demand for environmental protection , excessive foreign exchange reserves , and trade imbalances with other countries . Outward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bypass quota restriction in the fenced markets of major trading partners such as the United States. 42 Aid serves the role of lubricant to smooth relations between host countries and investors and makes it easier for Taiwan 's companies to put down roots without stirring up any existing racial resentment against ethnic Chinese and outside Chinese investors in local economies , especially in Southeast Asia . Taiwan 's investment is therefore seen to be of little threat to the local government and societies . Thus , an " underlying rationally " concerning Taiwan 's trade and investment opportunities pushes forward the foreign aid programs . <p> In addition to the two top priorities of a solid international standing and trade and investment promotion , other objectives have been discussed , but they have received relatively lower priority and less attention . One is to address the need to help the less developed countries ( LDC ) , an idea that gained momentum in domestic political dialogues in the 1980s . The government claimed that Taiwan 's aid is considered not only an answer to the call for " burden sharing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the economic power shift to the Pacific . U.S. aid to Taiwan from 1949 to 1965 partially contributed to Taiwan 's political stability and economic prosperity . Now it can be said that it is time for Taiwan to pay back its due . Moreover , using the words of Taiwan 's foreign minister , Taiwan becomes " a potentially valuable contributor to the emerging new world order " by helping others. 43 Although countries still resist the idea of recognizing Taiwan , aid provides Taiwan with some room for diplomatic give-and-take in the international community . " Being there " in the international aid regime at least cultivates a positive image of Taiwan as a burden sharer , not a free rider . Therefore , the U.S. Brady Plan intending to reduce the LDC debt problem in 1989 initially received a positive , enthusiastic response from Taiwan . No doubt the government 's enthusiasm for the Brady Plan is more or less related to image maintenance for the sake of downplaying Taiwan 's trade surplus in recent years . No one can deny , however , that Taiwan 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considerations of inequality between states . This concern serves as one legitimate reason for policy initiation and reinforces the justification for Taiwan 's continuing aid efforts. 44 <p> Another objective of aid is to enhance national pride . Taiwan 's rush toward advanced economic status has dazzled outsiders . The bestowing of foreign aid fosters a sense of pride because it indicates that Taiwan is capable of assisting others . The hidden implication behind such aid is that the government policies guided by the Nationalist party must have been correct all along in the past because they achieved such remarkable economic prosperity , which in turn has allowed Taiwan to offer help to others . The impact of foreign aid affects domestic politics in that it reinforces regime legitimacy and stability . The Effectiveness of Aid : Criticism at Home <p> Taiwan 's foreign aid program has not been implemented without controversy . At at time when people in Taiwan have been increasingly demanding extensive social and public services and an upgraded economic infrastructure for further economic development , they have been questioning the government 's priorities regarding domestic needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drawn the government back to the domestic needs and has somewhat restrained Taiwan 's external aid offensive to avoid internal criticism . For opponents of foreign aid , the first beneficiary of any " free lunch " should be the people of Taiwan . <p> Critics are particularly rankled by the Brady Plan . Several advanced industrialized states , the World Bank , and the International Monetary Fund are all involved in the multifaceted projects of the Brady Plan to relieve the third world debt . Although Taiwan received a tacit invitation to participate in this project , critics of foreign aid maintain that Taiwan has no obligation to join because it is no longer a member of these international organizations and has no diplomatic relations with participating industrialized countries . They add that the United States would use Taiwan 's contribution to promote its own philanthropic image and that Taiwan would remain anonymous . Pointing to the lukewarm response of the United States to Taiwan 's application for the GATT ( General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade ) in 1989 , these critics argue that it seems pointless to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a huge donation to a charity dinner without even receiving a ticket to attend the event . <p> Moreover , critics argue , most aid recipients are developing countries , hardly serious players in the world arena . Spending millions of dollars in aid in exchange for symbolic recognition does not seem to be a smart bargain . After all , Taiwan has been isolated for so long that to add a few more countries to the list of diplomatic recognition hardly improves the situation . <p> The pro-Taiwan independence groups , particularly those inside the opposition party ( the Democratic Progressive party ) , consider this " dollar diplomacy " a waste of Taiwan 's hard-earned foreign currency reserves and a tool to stall the natural course of Taiwan independence . In their view , the governing party , the KMT ( Nationalist party ) , tries to use foreign aid to sustain its claim of the " Republic of China . " They argue that the basic strategy for a diplomatic breakthrough is to claim Taiwan 's independent identity first . Only then can foreign aid be truly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , instead of using aid as a bargaining chip to purchase or to cling to a national title that has lost appeal to the international community. 46 <p> Opponents also raise the issue of the effectiveness of foreign aid . Although it is considered to be an excellent chance to participate in the international community , it has raised doubts about the worth of putting money into the deep , dark hole of third world countries . If advanced countries such as the United States and Japan have not been able to solve those thorny problems of debt and economic under development in the third world , how can one expect tiny Taiwan to achieve it ? There is evidence that foreign aid has done little to promote economic development in recipient countries . A typical case is Liberia , where two decades of foreign aid seem to have made little contribution to its economic development and agricultural production. 47 <p> Liberia is also an example of the two-China diplomatic tango : Liberia accepted help from Taiwan and mainland China , switching sides in 1977 and again in 1989 . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diplomatic relations with Taiwan twice in 1962 and 1968 but switched recognition from Taipei to Beijing in 1964 and 1976. 48 The establishment of diplomatic ties is built upon monetary assistance , but there is no guarantee that countries will not switch sides easily once the well of the aid package dries up . There is ample reason to question the use of foreign aid as a way to win international popularity . <p> In order to placate opponents ' criticism , much of Taiwan 's aid has been given on a request and application basis , which allows careful screening of the appropriateness of aid projects . This screening probably explains why so far the government in Taiwan has been slow to approve grants from the recently established IECDF . Until the end of 1991 , the government had budgeted $400 million for the fund , but only $114 million ( 28.5 percent ) had been delivered to twelve countries . Only seventeen out of eighty-three formal applications for IECDF assistance had been approved by 1991 , although twenty were still under evaluation. 49 Most applications have been from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of industrial parks or export processing zones in which Taiwan 's industrial investors can benefit. 50 The Effectiveness of Aid : Donor Interest vs . Recipient Need <p> In order to assess the utility and limitation of Taiwan 's aid , it is necessary to examine whether Taiwan 's foreign aid policy follows the recipient need approach or the donor interest approach. 51 The former allocates aid in proportion to the recipient 's needs , whereas the latter employs aid programs to promote the interests of the donor . The bargaining position of the donor is strengthened during the aid relationship because the donor is able to terminate aid at its option . <p> Because access to government information is limited , no systematic relationship between aid and development can be established to substantiate the recipient need approach . Nevertheless , a variety of Taiwan 's aid programs do allow recipients to improve agricultural production , meet immediate socio-economic needs , and supplement the capital accumulation process. 52 On the other hand , it is undeniable that there is a hidden agenda behind Taiwan 's decisions . As the deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right thing to help countries in need , and what 's wrong with getting some political benefit ? " 53 In fact , it seems naive to assume that most foreign aid efforts stem from purely humanitarian motives . Political expediency rides along with the aid programs . <p> Moreover , aid creates a reciprocal situation of commitment and reliance between Taiwan and aid recipients . Taiwan relies on the recipients , at least to facilitate investment , trade , and travel for the Taiwanese people , and at most to support its bid for membership in international organizations such as GATT and to help it gain diplomatic recognition . Aid from Taiwan is used as a carrot to reward countries pursuing policies favorable to Taiwan . <p> Aid efforts , nevertheless , are no guarantee of recognition or diplomatic ties . Taiwan 's bargaining advantage is unlikely to increase tremendously after the aid program begins , in part because the recipients see the PRC , a competing donor with Taiwan , waiting outside the door to strike a deal . A recent case is Niger : in 1992 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Taipei 's promise of loans but faced diplomatic pressures as well as a significant aid counter-offer from Beijing. 54 This means that Taiwan may not be able to exact whatever it wishes from the recipient . The existence of the PRC lessens the likelihood of a recipient 's dependency on Taiwan as a donor. 55 Therefore , the argument that the donor 's bargaining position will be reinforced during the aid relationship is limited in Taiwan 's case . <p> This should not lead one to conclude that Taiwan suffers severely from the " reversed dependence " incurred by the aid relationship . Although Taiwan seems desperate to welcome any kind of official linkage , it is unreasonable to believe that Taiwan would fulfill every recipient 's demand . The proliferation of states and the demise of ideological confrontation in the post-cold war era have given Taiwan more access to various channels to improve its international status . One country 's decision to switch sides will not cause great damage . Taiwan has become used to external denials of its status in the international community . The threat of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to yield to a recipient 's wishes . Because money talks louder than politics to cash-hunting developing countries , aid donors still have some leverage . Though " reversed dependence " indeed exists , it is hard to imagine that Taiwan would reduce its autonomous position to a significant extent to fulfill any recipient 's demand . <p> Many recipients in fact view Taiwan 's foreign aid as less threatening than aid from other industrialized countries , which usually generates charges of a sellout to imperialism or foreign intervention . Unlike other countries , Taiwan has never explicitly mentioned human rights improvement in the recipient 's society as a contingency for aid . Other than its requests for diplomatic support , trade convenience , and investment benefits , Taiwan offers aid that allows a large degree of freedom for deliberation . In particular , Taiwan 's status as a newly industrialized economy , a country only recently advanced from a developing condition , more or less relieves a recipient 's concern with foreign exploitation . That is , Taiwan 's aid is perceived less as a malignant intention to set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ societies , as world system approach or dependency approach scholars would proclaim , than as a coherent burst of pragmatism in Taiwan 's diplomatic approach . Aid therefore occurs when both donors and recipients see the convergence of national interests and willingness to accommodate each other . The modification of Taiwan 's stand on coexistence with the PRC in international affairs and the material incentives Taiwan offers give recipient countries a reasonable possibility of accepting the deal . The objectives of recipients and donors can be quite diverse yet complementary . <p> The twin crises of foreign debt combined with the lack of real substantial economic growth in the third world have apparently made Taiwan 's offers very tempting . So far , several countries have taken advantage of Taiwan 's economic aid and established official ties with Taiwan . Even though these nations are just " little friends , " the numbers game remains significant to Taiwan . In comparison with the more than 140 countries that have official ties with the PRC , thirty countries in total recognized Taiwan in 1992 , an increase from twenty-two countries in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suspension of relations with these countries , a step short of severing relations completely. 56 Conclusions <p> In comparison with other industrialized countries , the total dollar amount of Taiwan 's aid looks small , yet it provides Taiwan with an image of " non-free-rider , " a nation willing to participate in international affairs and ready to offer help whenever needed . Through this image-building process , Taiwan may be able to participate in international organizations such as ( GATT , IMF , World Bank , or even the United Nations . Taiwan is learning from the experience of Japan and Germany : both emerged from isolation at the end of World War II into full participation in international politics . <p> Taiwan 's diplomacy , long steeped in straight anti-communist policy , has grown more flexible . Today it has been seen less in terms of a Manichaear struggle between the forces of right and the forces of wrong . Foreign aid is good example of this new tendency . Taiwan 's diplomacy is not strongly affected by a recipient country 's ideological leanings . <p> Taiwan 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have accepted this aid and improved their relations with Taiwan . Even if countries are reluctant to endorse Taiwan 's official identity separate from the PRC , the sheer existence of aid programs still serves the function of diplomatic linkage . And even if a recipient country establishes official ties with Beijing , Taiwan 's aid has continued if desired by the recipient , as is shown in the example of Senegal. 57 <p> Taiwan 's foreign aid helps convince industrialized countries , moreover , of its contribution to the international community and willingness to cooperate with the others in international affairs . Undoubtedly , decisions of developed countries to accept Taiwan back into the community in full scale also depend on the PRC 's tolerance of Taiwan 's effort to project itself as an independent political entity and whether the rest of the world is responding to the PRC 's pressure . <p> With the emergence of " donation fatigue " in most industrialized countries and the subsidence of ideological competition in the post-cold war era , Taiwan 's entrance into the club of donors is welcomed . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy comes not so much from recipients but from criticisms of powerful opposition groups and suspicious constituencies within Taiwan . In order to diffuse criticism for its " black box " ( secret ) operations and the ambiguous delimitation of authority between governmental departments in the decision-making process , the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Taiwan has started to draft a law to restructure all aid deliberation as well as implementation under an umbrella body . It would also make aid subject to parliamentary approval. 58 This would avoid the mixture of policy voices and make aid more accountable to the legislative discretion . Nevertheless , the question of whether Taiwan 's international status will be greatly improved due to this restructuring of its aid policy still remains to be answered in the coming decade . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> Note : Sources are taken form various issues of Free China Journal , Far Eastern Economic Review , Asiaweek , and newspapers in Chine and English . This is intended for readers to have a general view of Taiwan 's aid programs . Aid figures may vary in different sources . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , figures here do not necessarily mean the total amount of aid delivered to the recipient in the years indicated in this table . <p> a Has official diplomatic relations with Taiwan . <p>
@@4003141 Section : Editorial 18 <p> According to reports , after the careful solicitation of all kinds of opinions , the department of interior affairs has invited relevant agencies and scholars and formed a special committee . The revision draft of the law of welfare for disabled people will be started soon . It clearly regulates that state-run businesses should contribute to the welfare of disabled people at a ratio of 3 percent . Agencies that surpass this ratio will be praised , whereas those below the ratio will be required to compensate . The government will establish a welfare fund for the disabled , with money to be used specifically . The main officials in the department of interior affairs have pointed out that since the implementation of this law in June 1980 , various responses have been evoked . The rapid change of society has outdated some of the statutes in the law and it is necessary that it be revised . First , the opinions of relevant agencies and people with various social backgrounds were sought . Then the managers of relevant agencies , the representatives of public opinions , experts and scholars , and the persons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting . Now , all the preparatory work has been finished . The social bureau in the department of interior affairs has included such crucial points as expanding the range and type of disability to be included , considering facial injuries as disability , and regulating clearly the welfare-fee ratio between different levels of government . <p> We feel very glad that the department of interior affairs has brought out this revised draft with timeliness . At the same time , it can be receptive to all kinds of opinion , according to the principle of eclecticism . After having been demanded for over thirteen years , the law of welfare for disabled people was finally implemented in June 1980 . However , many flaws in this law still need correction . Moreover , there is a shortage of funds . In all areas of society , including the governmental agencies , people have not shown enough respect for our disabled fellow countrymen . Much good will in the law has not been realized in reality . In recent years , we can frequently see disabled people being denied jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society . <p> The current law concerning disability has included visual , listening , and balancing disabilities . It also covers vocal or linguistic malfunction , physical deficiency , intellectual disability , complex disability , and other types that have been ratified by the central agency in charge of the issue . In our country , mental disability and facial injury are not included in the law of welfare for disabled people , and therefore many people who need help have been excluded from the protection of the law . This is one of the weaknesses of the disability welfare law . The department of interior affairs is planning to count facial injury as a disability , a progressive action . We believe that mentally disabled people ( with serious mental diseases ) in this industrial society , increasing in number , should also enjoy reasonable protection . <p> The content of our disability welfare law is very substantial , with regulations on the employment , education , medical care , and rehabilitation of disabled people . However , it lacks the cooperation of society . This has reduced the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the sufferings of the disabled people . The families of disabled people have spent huge amounts of energy and time on their unfortunate members . This may not be known to others . In a progressive and modernized nation , the government and the people have the obligation of helping the disabled with collective power to overcome some of their weaknesses and become active members of society . Therefore , it is extremely necessary to offer basic assistance to our disabled people . We have a disability welfare law , but a skillful wife can not cook without rice . All the agencies are limited in funding , and the real help they can offer to the disabled people is very limited . As we know , due to the limited help from the government and the society , more than half of the disabled people and their families have not registered with the relevant government agency or applied for assistance . Therefore , what the government knows about disabled people , their number , and their needs is insufficient , not to mention other welfare policies . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not been implemented . For example , the twelfth article says " the government should set in public buildings and other places of activities the equipment for disabled people . " If we go to the developed countries of Europe , America , or Japan , we will see that the governments there have implemented those regulations in reality . There are very careful considerations for disabled people in public buildings , offering them freedom of moving around . In comparison , although we also have similar regulations in our country , they have not been implemented . This is also protested by many people who care about the disabled . This time , the department of interior affairs plans to regulate clearly the ratio of disabled welfare fees between different levels of governments . This is a correct and timely action . We have laws but not the experience of implementing them . This explains why it is not easy to implement welfare in our country . <p> Job opportunities for disabled people are one of the main points of the disabled welfare law . The seventeenth article of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of disabled people by public or private organizations . However , there is not enough love for the disabled people in the society and the regulation has not been realized . Job opportunities for disabled people have not been protected , and sometimes the disabled may even face obstructions that are more serious . Last year the central bank once refused to hire a disabled person who had passed the college entrance exam and been assigned to the bank . Another time it refused to allow a disabled person to take the membership exam of the central bank . Recently , the dispute over whether to accept disabled people as justices has become another vivid example . If the government can not be an example , how can it expect the private companies to follow ? We consider it necessary for the personnel department of the government to form a special committee and completely set the regulations for the employment of governmental agencies . It should regulate what kind of job is not suitable to disabled people and what kind of job is not allowed to have restrictions . Moreover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give disabled people priority in employment , based on the fortes of the disabled . Thus , job opportunities can be provided to the disabled , and limitations in other jobs can be compensated . After the government has done this , the private businesses may follow suit or relevant laws may be established . Otherwise , even if there is a law , it can not be implemented . We hope that the department of interior affairs will consider the above principles and cooperate with the personnel department to make the law concerning the employment of disabled people as soon as possible . <p>
@@4003241 Section : Africa Rights Monitor <p> I spent a full four weeks in South Africa from February 7 to March 7 , 1991 , the length of the visa granted me by the South African government . My last visit was in 1954 , thirty-seven years ago . During all those intervening years , although I traveled frequently to Africa , I was never allowed into South Africa . I was one of quite a company of " prohibited immigrants , not looked upon as desirable by the regime which espoused apartheid . Now things are beginning to change . Although it took three months for my visa to come through , it finally did , to my relief and great satisfaction . The trip was exhilarating , but there was an air of unreality about it , for even two years ago I did not think I would ever be able to enter South Africa . <p> Everyone who travels knows there is a difference between being inside a country -- on the ground , so to speak -- and just reading or talking about it : that which was distant becomes close up ; that which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , becomes your own . It takes on life . It is the difference between reading a review of a play or a report of a great sports event and actually being on the spot for the performance . I have followed events in South Africa over the years since the early ' 50s , probably as closely as anyone . I could recite familiar statistics about the 17 million Africans who have been arrested in the last 30 years for being in areas reserved for white ; or the 3 + million Africans who have been dispossessed because they lived on land claimed for whites ; or the 80,000 people detained for years without trial ; or the 40,000 South Africans who have been in exile . But these are cold statistics which take on a new reality as one visits the notorious Robben island prison ( as I did ) off Cape Town and talks with political prisoners who , in some cases , have just begun 25 year sentences ; or goes to the African townships -- Soweto , Alexandra , Guguletu , Crossroads -- and sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , people living in hovels , that are the everyday plight of millions of black South Africans ; or stands on the spot in Sharpeville where , in 1960 , the police gunned down 69 nonviolent protesters , and wounded 180 in an anti-pass demonstration which played such a crucial role in changing the nature of the liberation struggle ; or sees burned-out houses in the African township of Mpophomeni in Natal , evidence of Inkatha attacks . <p> Let me try to summarize my impressions of South Africa under a number of headings . Is South Africa Really Changing ? <p> This was one of my first and most persistent questions . The answer which emerged is yes -- changes are taking place which help to create a different atmosphere . The fact that I and others who were prohibited from the country can now enter is a minor , but symbolic , change . Thirty-seven years ago I was tailed by police and finally picked up for interrogation when I was in the company of banned Africans . This time there was no surveillance . Why pay attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders are moving around at will and the ban is lifted on the African National Congress ( ANC ) , the Pan-Africanist Congress ( PAC ) , and even the South African Communist Party ( SACP ) ? <p> There are too many changes , large and small , to make a comprehensive list , but among them are : Integration of beaches around Cape Town , Port Elizabeth , and Durban . Suspension of prosecutions under the Group Areas Act ( even before the act is officially rescinded ) . The release of increasing numbers of political prisoners . For example , 31 were released from Robben Island on March 21 , including one of the two I talked with when I visited the prison on February 19 . Surprising confessions by government leaders . For instance , on February 20 Deputy Foreign Minister Leon Wessels said , " We now know that by apartheid ! we hurt our fellow countrymen . It was a horrible mistake that blighted our land . " Discussions between the non-racial sports associations and the traditional all-white groups , seeking an end to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a non-racial and an all-white rugby organization , mediated by the ANC in Cape Town on February 27 . Agreement was reached to bring them together in the South African Rugby Football Union . The convening of a broadly representative church conference last November at Rustenburg which brought the main line Dutch Reformed churches and apartheid-minded evangelical denominations together with the churches that have long condemned apartheid as a sin . This was the first such conference in thirty years The revelation by the pastor of a large church in a basically white community in Port Elizabeth that members he had lost by his outspoken opposition to apartheid were beginning to come back , influenced by de Klerk 's initiatives . <p> Many more examples could be given . It is possible to take a somewhat cynical attitude towards these changes by observing that they have been forced on the government and the white minority by sanctions , by resolute opposition inside the country , and by the suffering of hosts of people . However , the fact is that changes are occurring . The talk about a " new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Struggle Over ? <p> Will there now be an easy transition to a non-racial society ? This was apparently the perception of many in the United States and the international community following the speech of President F. W. de Klerk at the opening of Parliament on February 1 , in which he said he would call for the rescindment of the Group Areas Act , the Land Acts , and the Population Registration Act . However , no South Africans that I spoke with had this perception . I recalled Archbishop Tutu 's statement : " In this country we have so many people who want to change so long as things remain the same " Trevor Manuel , a leader of the United Democratic Front and publicity director for the ANC in Cape Town , said to me , " We thought we would see the light at the end of the tunnel when the ban was lifted on the ANC and Mandela was released , but not so . " When I asked Yusuf Cachalia , the former Secretary General of the South African Indian Congress , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was still in place , the tribal homelands still exist , the racially divided tri-cameral parliament is still in session with no African participation , and the black majority still have no vote . The problems to be overcome are daunting . <p> The U.S. Ambassador to South Africa , William Swing , with whom I spent an hour in Cape Town , pointed out that 5 percent of South Africans ( nearly all white ) own 88 percent of the total wealth . Unemployment in African townships is close to 50 percent . It is sobering to visit African townships and see the horrendous conditions . In Alexandra township , north-east of Johannesburg with a population of 200,000 , 75 percent of the dwellings have no electricity or running water . <p> While I was in Johannesburg , a survey made by the Star newspaper reported that in the Transvaal , despite the fact that the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act ( allowing discrimination in public facilities ) had been rescinded , only six of the 47 towns investigated had removed racial barriers . <p> Shortly thereafter , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative Party is proud of it . " This party , which splintered from the National Party of de Klerk , is committed to a racially partitioned South Africa . The Citizen newspaper , close to the government in point of view , reported on March 7 , the day I left South Africa , that " leaders of the right are all convinced that their people would fight and be prepared to enter into an armed struggle if a new political dispensation did not accomodate their ideals of separation and private property rights " One of the strongest right-wing groups , the Afrikoaner Weerstandsbewging ( AWB ) , headed by Eugene Terreblanche , announced that the organization had provided paramilitary training for several thousand of its members , now formed into commandos . <p> It is worrisome to talk with some ordinary whites -- taxi drivers , for example . Almost without fail , if I was in a taxi driven by a white the driver would comment on the large number of blacks on the streets . In the Hillbrow section of Johannesburg , where I was staying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The drivers invariably commented that 20 years ago there would not have been a single black there . And one said , " It is a bad mistake to turn over the government to these people " Yet , the shops in central Johannesburg now sell more to blacks than to whites . Is There Serious Conflict Ahead ? <p> The answer is probably yes . As Beyers Naude , the renowned church leader who was banned for years along with his anti-apartheid Christian Institute , said to me , " The real crunch is yet to come . " The showdown about what course South Africa will take is near , but it has not yet taken place . The government has taken some courageous initiatives by lifting the ban on antiapartheid liberation movements and organizations , by releasing many of their leaders from jail ( Mandela most prominently ) , and by beginning the process of allowing political exiles back into the country . De Klerk has won some respect from many opponents of apartheid for this , even though , they point out , he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> With the exception of the extreme right wing , and perhaps the extreme black nationalist left , there is an area of general agreement on what a " new South Africa " will be . It will be a country in which the vote will be available to all regardless of race , and in which the government will be representative of all the people . There is agreement , therefore , that a new constitution must be framed . But beyond that , differences are great , and herein lies the area of conflict . The principle negotiators are the National Party , which forms the government , on one side , and the ANC and its allies on the other . The ANC , of course , is not the only opposition group . The PAC is very much in evidence , but it probably does not have the same mass following as the ANC at this point . Furthermore , the ANC and the PAC have better relations now than at any time since their split in 1959 . Just three days before my arrival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 30 years . The ANC and the PAC are even talking about forming a patriotic front before beginning formal negotiations with the government , much as the Zimbabwe African National Union and the Zimbabwe African People 's Union did in Zimbabwe . <p> Other political organizations of influence include the Azanian People 's Organization ( AZAPO ) , the head of a number of black consciousness groups ; the Inkatha Freedom Party , which started as a Zulu cultural organization , then transformed itself into a political group centered in Natal province ; the Democratic Party , with a small following composed mainly of liberal whites ; and the Conservative Party , which opposes the government 's steps toward dismantling apartheid and has taken the position of refusing to negotiate with the ANC or its allies . <p> There are two areas of significant difference between the contending forces . The first has to do with the process which will lead to the drafting of a new constitution based on universal suffrage . The government wants to avoid any popular vote before a new constitution is in place . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose purpose would be to draft the constitution as was done in Namibia . The National Party also opposes the idea of an interim government , arguing that its own government is now in place and can not abdicate responsibility . The current government wants to maintain control of the process . <p> The ANC , on the other hand , strongly favors the election of a representative Constituent Assembly . The ANC feels confident it could win significant support in such an election , giving it the opportunity to exercise initiatives now denied the organization . The government has no intention of allowing this to happen . <p> George M Houser is Coodinator of the Southern Africa Education Program at the Stony Point Center , Cickettown Rd . Stony Point , NY 10980 He was Executive Director of the American Committee on Africa ( ACOA ) from 1954 to 1981 . He has been associated with Africa Today since its founding : from 1954 to 1967 it was the journal of the ALCOA , and since 1967 Dr. Houser has been a member of Africa Today Associates His most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Glimpses of Africa 's Liberation Struggle ( New York : Pilgrim Press ' 1989 ) . ARM is pleased to present his observations of the changing scene in South Africa where the struggle for human rights is at a critical stage <p> Both sides agree to the interim step of holding an All-Party Conference ( APC ) . No date has been set for this conference , but it could not meet before the ANC has its long-awaited national conference in July . Also , there is no announced agreement on who would qualify to participate in the APC . There must be some way of limiting participation to organizations with a serious following . One informal list I saw in a government office in Pretoria included about 50 organizations , some with infinitesimal followings from one of the homelands or from small Indian or Coloured parties represented in the tricameral parliament . A multiplicity of organizations will strengthen the government 's position by offsetting the popular following of the ANC , but the National Party should realize that if it tries to exercise tight control of the APC , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different agendas in mind for this all-party gathering . The government would like it to frame the constitution and be followed by a referendum , seeking the approval of voters , especially whites . The ANC would like the APC to be limited to framing principles for a constitution , mapping out a bill of rights , and electing a constitutional assembly to actually draft and adopt the documents . An interim transitional government might emerge from this process . <p> The second area of difference between South African political organizations has to do with the end product of the constitutional process . The government leans toward a federation and a decentralization of power . Power sharing is the key phrase . In this way more regional and local control could be exercised . This would tend to put the white minority in a stronger position . The ANC favors a strong , unitary , non-racial , parliamentary government . The difference between the two approaches can perhaps be seen in the first steps being made toward school desegregation . It is now possible for formerly all-white schools to accept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do so . However , 80 percent of the parents must vote on the issue , and a majority of 72 percent must approve the desegregation . Even then there is a limit on non-white students of 20 percent of the student body . This is the kind of local option envisioned by the current government . The ANC approach would be quite different . They would simply make segregation illegal . <p> These differences are grounds for real conflict , both in devising a constitution and in creating the kind of government to be installed . No one knows where it will all end . Obviously , the kind of government in place makes a difference in handling basic issues : for instance , in dealing with the claims of whole African communities whose land has been taken from them by whites under the Group Areas or the Land Acts , in equalizing educational opportunities , and in confronting the horrendous housing conditions in urban areas . An ANC-dominated government would lean toward nationalizing major resources and available land . The National Party desires a decentralized government which would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Acts , which has now been done , will not solve the problem Africans do not have money to buy back land taken from them . The trend for landless rural Africans is to move to the urban areas where they become squatters living in make-shift shacks under unbelievable crowded conditions . Already some 7 million Africans share these circumstances . The problem of inequities in land ownership can be exacerbated as the rich buy the land made available unless this is strictly controlled by government regulations . Can The Whole Process Break Down ? <p> Obviously it can . This is a precarious time in South African history . A moment of truth lies just ahead when the rewards of agreement between contending sides can be great and the tragedy of failure enormous . One thinks of other such critical moments in the struggle for independence in Africa : for example , early 1960 in the Belgian Congo . Following a round table conference in Brussels , the government of Belgium announced a date for independence in six months . The announcement was greeted with universal acclaim , only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by several years of chaos . Early 1975 in Angola is another example . A transitional government designed to lead to elections and independence in ten months was set up . The outbreak of civil war , exacerbated by the cold war and large scale international intervention , destroyed the possibility of peace . A more hopeful example is 1989 in Namibia , where elections led the way to the establishment of a government that has brought peace and stability thus far . This period leading toward an APC , and a possible Constituent Assembly , is just such a critical moment South African history . <p> This is a transitional time in South Africa . To succeed , the main political actors must be transformed . The anti-apartheid organizations must be transformed from liberation movements dedicated to the overthrow of the white minority government to political parties engaged in discussion and essentially nonviolent action to bring about change . The government , on the other hand , and those who have profited from the exploitative apartheid system , must be prepared to give up power . One white person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to me this way : the process is like peeling an onion . The white minority will be stripped of its power and special privilege layer by layer rather than by cutting through the onion with a knife in one quick motion . <p> The obstacles to a peaceful transition are formidable . The determination of the white right to resist change is one such obstacle . Yet , of all the people I talked with ( such as Walter Sisulu of the ANC ; General Secretary Benny Alexander of the PAC ; Helen Suzman , veteran liberal ; Boy Geldenhuys , National Party member of Parliament ; church leaders like Frank Chikane , etc. ) , not one believed the right wing could make a successful coup . The right is itself divided among the Rambo types who talk of guerrilla war , the theoreticians who unrealistically hope for a peaceful partition of the country , and the frightened ones who arm themselves because they know not what else to do . The feeling I got was that the right can cause problems at the edges , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has its lunatic fringe . According to a recent document made available while I was in South Africa , one group called the Boer Republic Army , patterned after the IRA , has a hit list of leaders and organizations including not only the ANC , the PAC , and the SACP , but also petrol stations owned by Shell and British Petroleum , and representatives of the Ford Foundation , the Carnegie Foundation , and even the CIA . <p> Another obstacle to a peaceful transition is the bloodshed wrought by fighting among essentially black groups . This began in Natal where Chief Buthelezi 's Inkatha Freedom Party has its main strength among the Zulus , and it has spread to African townships in the Transvaal where migrant workers from various ethnic groups are housed in hostels . I am not an admirer of Inkatha or Buthelezi . Although I appreciated the fact that Buthelezi refused to allow KwaZulu to become an independent Bantustan , his political philosophy has been conservative and his own rule autocratic . No African can be employed in KwaZulu who does not sign a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assembly , in which more than a hundred traditional Zulu chiefs serve , is a rubber stamp for Buthelezi . <p> John Aitchison , with whom I spent an evening , directs the Centre for Adult Education at the University of Natal in Pietermaritzburg . He has made a most intensive analysis of the violence in Natal and reported in one of his studies that the " big war " began in September 1987 , when Inkatha instituted forced recruitment into its ranks and young residents of the area resisted , particularly those affiliated with the UDF . It is dangerous to oppose Buthelezi in Natal . The day before I arrived in Pietermaritzburg , Chief Maphumulo , who was sympathetic to the UDF and the ANC , was murdered outside his home by an unknown assailant . I spent several hours on February 28 in the African township of Mpophomeni , whose people are know to be sympathetic to the ANC . I saw the damage done to some houses and a Catholic church by Inkatha attacks in April 1990 . <p> Although hooliganism may be a factor in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Transvaal townships , political controversy is more deeply involved . The meetings between Mandela and Buthelezi in Durban , one of which took place just before I arrived in South Africa and the other on March 30 , did not end this conflict . The question is , would it be possible to have peaceful elections in Natal under present circumstances ? Most people I talked with were skeptical . <p> A third obstacle to a peaceful transition is the problem of long-term unity within the ANC and the maintenance of a successful united front between the ANC and its allies . The longer the discussions with the government for agreement on a new constitution go on , the more difficult it will be to hold the movement together . There are mutterings of dissatisfaction within the lower echelons of the ANC that the leadership is not communicating effectively with the membership on the discussions with de Klerk . The Winnie Mandela trial has also caused controversy within the organization . It is not easy for the ANC to build up an effective organization after so many years in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members at the present time . The hope was that there would be a million members one year after the ban was lifted . The government can take advantage of ANC difficulties to organize the coalition against it among disgruntled whites , Inkatha and elements within the Coloured and Indian communities that accept the racial divisions in the tri-cameral parliament to offset the popular following of the ANC . <p> One thing was very clear to me . Sanctions against South Africa should not be lifted until a clear agreement has been reached about the process for devising a new constitution . Too many things can happen at this stage to knock the process off course . International pressure may still be necessary to see that progress is made towards a democratic solution . What Hope for a Peaceful Transition to a Democratic State ? <p> I posed this question to many people with whom I talked . No one had a glib answer . The problems are too serious for that , but I received no cynical answers either . I liked what Nabs Weasels , the director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political prisoners and a hostel for family members who have come to visit prisoners ) said to me : " I have a guarded optimism because I want it so much . The alternative is too awful to contemplate . " <p> In spite of fears , a general spirit of expectancy prevails . Changes already occurring strengthen this spirit . As the showdown approaches between the government and the ANC and its allies , both sides try to exercise caution in their public statements . A lot of public attention is given to Joe Slovo , General Secretary of the South African Communist Party and a member of the national executive of the ANC . I met him in the national office of the ANC in Johannesburg . I also came across his trail in various places I was visiting , for he speaks widely across the country . He spoke to a thousand students at the University of Natal in Durban while I was there , sponsored by student organizations . His speeches are designed to quiet fears . The report in the Natal Witness was headed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . " The burden of his speech was that " here in South Africa supporting multipartyism means working very hard to develop a culture of tolerance for diverging political perspectives . It will not be easy , but it is essential that we build from this pile of ashes , a new political culture -- where robust debate , criticism and disagreement does not lead to political suppression . " <p> When I questioned ANC leaders , as well as government people , on how they could solve their fundamental differences on election of a Constituent Assembly , or on the form of government to be created , they responded they may have to compromise . This is what Walter Sisulu said , without defining the kind of compromise that would be acceptable . The left wing of the movement would surely protest any great deviation from the organization 's stated position . The same kind of answer came from Dr. Sandy Shaw , Director of Planning for the government 's Constitutional Development Service , when I met with him in Pretoria . <p> The ANC 's public statements on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whites . The ANC Land Commission , for instance , issued a discussion document at the end of February saying that simple nationalization will not solve the unequal distribution of land . They recommended flexible forms of land ownership , including private , communal , cooperative , and state ownership . A document for internal ANC debate says nationalization " is not a simple , clear-cut issue " The paper said that while nationalization could ensure essential services , better working conditions and increased social expenditure , it could not give a new democratic government the means to provide jobs , houses , and education . <p> Hope for a peaceful transition to a democratic South Africa is strengthened by a general looking-ahead to the post-apartheid era . The Weekly Mail ( an anti-apartheid paper ) of March 1-7 , 1991 , ran a special section on " 30 rising stars who 'll shape tomorrow 's South Africa . " An introductory paragraph said , " One hopeful sign is clear amid the deep-seated problems as South Africa enters a period of transition . There is a rich diversity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new society " The list was impressive , including blacks , whites , church people , trade unionists , scholars , business people , and members of the ANC , the PAC , the Democratic Party , and the National Party . I was impressed by the fact that people with whom I talked , although they had suffered detention , torture , exile , and confiscation of land , did not dwell on grievances but talked of the task ahead . <p> There are a multiplicity of organizations as well as individuals making for a dynamic South African society . Even during the heyday of apartheid all kinds of opposition groups survived . And now they are thriving . There is a stimulating mix of organizations -- local , regional , and national -- with independent bases . This is essential in a democratic society . I must have been in the offices of 30 or more such groups quite beyond the essentially political organizations -- Black Sash , Transvaal Rural Action Committee , the Civic Association of Southern Transuaal , Legal Resources Centre , Pietermaritzburg Agency for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South African Health Workers Congress , etc . They will not be stifled . <p> The problems will not go away in South Africa . They must be faced and dealt with by the people who are there . Most whites will not leave the country as the French did from Algeria , or the white Rhodesians from Zimbabwe . Furthermore , just as it is most unlikely that there will be a successful white right wing coup , it is also unlikely that there will be a mass black uprising to take over the government in revolutionary action . The peoples of South Africa have to face the problems of the future together . The probability is that there will be no " independence day " like Namibia 's or Zimbabwe 's . The celebration can be reserved for a new government under a new non-racial constitution . Although plenty of rough days lie ahead , the only secure future in South Africa is for blacks and whites to learn how to live together . <p> One thing is certain in my mind : if a new , democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and turmoil of the past decades , it will be a historic miracle . For here is a country that experienced the European invasion , like the rest of Africa , but where the settlers stayed on because of a favorable climate and economy . They ruled a country of diverse people , languages and cultures . They exacerbated the divisions to strengthen their own domination even as the creation of an urban society tore down barriers and a unified opposition was born . Yet the fruits of the divisive policy still exist -- nine languages are spoken in South Africa . Twenty percent of the people do not speak either English or Afrikaans . The whites are divided into English and Afrikaans speaking , with the wounds of the Boer War still festering . The apartheid system that created the homelands not only tried to separate the Africans from one another , but also the Indians and the Coloureds . Not many societies have been so divided and so exploited for the benefit of the settlers . <p> And now this is breaking down . What a challenge to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stable , democratic whole . The task should be approached not in dismay , but with a sense of adventure and faith . <p> ILLUSTRATION <p> By George M. Houser <p> <p> George M. Houser is Coodinator of the Southern Africa Education Program at the Stony Point Center , Crickettown Rd. , Stony Point , NY 10980 . He was Executive Director of the American committee on Africa ( ACOA ) from 1954 to 1981 . He has been associated with Africa Today since its founding:from 1954 to 1967 it was the journal of the ACOA , and since 1967 Dr. Houser has been a member to Africa Today Associates . His most recent book is No One Can Stop the Rain:Glimpse of Africa 's Liberation Struggle ( New York : Pilgrim Press , 1989 ) . ARM is pleased to present his observations of the changing scene in South Africa where the struggle for human rights is at a critical stage . <p>
@@4003341 Mahmood Mamdani 's recent book , Citizen and Subject , examines the legacy of the bifurcated state in contemporary Africa . Under colonial rule , the full rights of citizenship were usually granted only to Europeans , while the vast majority of African inhabitants were recognized as subjects who therefore may have had " a modicum of civil rights , but not political rights . " 1 In French-administered colonies such as Gabon , this bifurcation was accomplished through the indigenat , the legal statutes that defined the civil status of the local African population in Gabon between 1910 and 1946 . Even though a small number of elites were able to obtain French citizenship , most Gabonese were subject to this authoritarian and restrictive system . The rights of African sujets indigenes to freedom of speech , association , and movement were severely restricted . The subjects were obliged to provide unpaid and often forced labor to the colonial state for public projects ; French colonial administrators also had considerable leeway in administering punishments for infractions , often imposing sanctions in arbitrary fashion . In 1946 the system came to an end when the Lamine Gueye Law granted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fourteen years a kind of African colonial citizenship evolved in Gabon in the context of an " ambiguous democracy . " 3 Growing numbers of Gabonese participated in an electoral culture that sent a Gabonese person to the French National Assembly and placed Gabonese representatives on various advisory , and ultimately governing , bodies. 4 Gabonese political elites were obliged to create a political system that catered to both a local electorate and to powerful French economic and political interests . Following independence in 1960 , French presence and influence in Gabon actually increased as the country experienced an extraordinary economic boom due to revenues from petroleum and mineral exports . Gabon 's relationship with France has been rightly described as neocolonial , as evidenced in part by French nationals ' full citizenship rights in Gabon until the mid-1970s . <p> The electoral culture that had been the most important arena for the " continuing series of transactions between persons and agents " 5 of the Gabonese state had , by the mid-1960s , given way to new instruments of citizenship formation , most notably the extension of modern education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argues , however , that since independence it has been the participation of Gabonese urban populations -- particularly those of Libreville and Port-Gentil -- in mob violence against foreign African communities that has provided the central ingredient to the formation of Gabonese ideas of citizenship . This violence served , in effect , as a recurring ritual of civic expression that solidified a sense of Gabonese privilege and identity . Specifically , participation in this conflict both reinforced an evolving Gabonese national identity and a sense of entitlement whereby being Gabonese implied possession of a set of rights and privileges not obtainable by foreigners . Although the evolution of Gabonese national identity and citizenship are closely related , a focus on the maturation of the latter is essential to understanding the popular revolts against the government of Omar Bongo in the early 1990s . The rituals of street violence -- the most powerful instrument for expressing the claim to Gabonese identity and its accompanying rights -- were turned upon the state itself and upon the extraordinary privilege of Gabonese elites and French neocolonial interests . Now Gabonese citizenship no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but could demand a political response from the Gabonese state to meet its growing sense of entitlement . <p> The connections between Gabonese political elites and French culture are intimate and of considerable historical depth. 6 This special neocolonial relationship has prompted critical commentary from Anglophone Americans that often betrays a historical tension between U.S. and French interests in Gabon. 7 The historian K. David Patterson saw fit to close his study of the nineteenth-century Mpongwe and Orungu trading polities by citing a 1971 speech by President Bongo that claimed Gabon 's relationship with France had been distinguished by an " entente and harmony which has never known a discordant note " -- this , despite the legacy of the Atlantic slave trade and brutal concession company rule in the opening decades of the twentieth century. 8 In Patterson 's view , " These words are more than ceremonial rhetoric ; similar conceptions of the past are widespread among the Gabonese and are part of the national myth . " 9 The anthropologist Michael Reed categorically states that " Gabon 's very identity is inseparable from France , " 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " unjust " nature of neocolonial structures in Gabon as a step toward becoming " outraged at them . " 11 <p> An ironic aspect of the French legacy in Gabon is the link between recent political agitation there and the 1989 celebrations of the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution . David Gardinier has suggested that this commemoration -- along with the breakup of the Eastern Bloc , a decline in the Gabonese economy , and a subsequent drop in living standards for the urban salaried classes -- led Gabonese to look critically at the excessive wealth and privilege that had accrued to their political elites during the country 's extraordinary economic boom from 1975 to 1985. 12 In this view , the revolutionary ideals of popular revolt helped to fuel the strikes and urban uprisings that rocked Gabon in the early 1990s . Gardinier further notes , " Focus on the rights of man and the citizen served to remind the Gabonese of the restraints on the exercise of such rights under the Bongo regime . " 13 The Context of Gabonese Citizenship <p> In focusing on Gabon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not intend to deny the role of other transactions between the state and its inhabitants in the formation of Gabonese citizenship . Florence Bernault , for example , clearly demonstrates that the period of " ambiguous democracy " and the electoral culture that developed in the wake of French colonial reforms following World War II laid the foundation for postindependence notions of citizenship. 14 In the 1970s and 1980s , Gabon 's petroleum-fueled economic boom allowed the state to intensify the kinds of transactions it had with its citizens . By the early 1980s , nearly all school-age children had obtained some primary-level education , which facilitated the spread of French as Gabon 's common language and introduced students to the images and rhetoric of the Parti Democratique Gabonais ( PDG ) . Founded by Omar Bongo a year after he took power , the PDG was Gabon 's only political party from 1968 to 1990 and it completely dominated civil and nationalist discourse during this period. 15 <p> The economic boom accelerated an already well-established pattern of rural exodus as the inhabitants of Gabon 's sparsely populated forests flocked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the petroleum industry ) and Franceville ( center for the mining industry ) . As a result , the great majority of Gabonese are now sufficiently urban based to assume their roles in the rituals of citizenship , since cities are the theaters where the state and the populace act out such rites. 16 Along with increased urbanization , the oil boom also produced greater revenues for the Gabonese government , enabling the state to become the single most important employer and , as one observer notes , " in the process recruiting virtually every adult Gabonese already in the modern sector to the State payroll or patronage trough ! " 17 These developments contributed to the growing sense of a national identity , as well as a sense of the rights and privileges that should accompany Gabonese citizenship . <p> At independence in 1960 Gabonese citizenship as both identity and entitlement was significant only for a very small portion of the population . The 1970s oil boom , however , created the conditions under which effective mass citizenship became possible as the huge influx of foreign labor ( recruited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the perfect foil for construction of notions of mass citizenship . A shortage of labor has marked Gabon ever since its traumatic entry into the modern economic sector under French colonial rule . Beginning in 1842 , when French marines established their garrison in the Estuary region with the aid of Senegalese sailors , small groups of West Africans have worked in Gabon as colonial auxiliaries or have been involved in commerce due to a chronic domestic labor shortage . When opportunities for significant investment and development presented themselves in the 1970s , it was readily apparent that Gabonese labor would not be sufficient to accomplish such ambitious infrastructure projects as the construction of the Transgabonais railroad or the radical transformation of Libreville from a sleepy colonial town to a modern urban center . Thus , the Gabonese state initiated a vigorous campaign of foreign labor recruitment that resulted in a non-Gabonese population of approximately 100,000 ( close to 20 percent of the country 's total population ) by the mid-1980s. 18 <p> Despite the absolute necessity of a large immigrant work force , experts nonetheless recognized that a significant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1978 study , the French geographer Claude Bouet emphasized that the recruitment of foreign workers must be strictly controlled and these workers should not exceed 10 percent of the total population. 19 Recalling past hostility of Gabonese people toward African foreign workers , Bouet suggested that urban-based Gabonese in particular , though " not being xenophobic , often adopt a reserved attitude towards the foreigner more enterprising than himself ( an attitude , by the way , which is rarely manifested in encounters with European foreigners ) . " 20 <p> It is this attitude that the Bongo regime has effectively exploited to promote Gabonese national identity and citizenship . By strategically playing to what has become full-blown xenophobia , the Gabonese government has diverted popular frustration and anger during moments of political and economic crisis by targeting different immigrant communities . Charles Tilly has noted how " citizenship sometimes serves as a basis of collective action , including attacks on foreigners , demands for their expulsion , and calls for the denial of benefits to them . " 21 In Gabon , citizenship has been reinforced and more deeply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on various foreign populations beginning in 1962 and continuing into the 1990s . Although most of this activity has occurred in Libreville , the riots in Port-Gentil in May of 1990 seem to indicate a significant shift in attitude toward the " European foreigners " referred to above by Bouet . Libreville 's 1962 Congolese Riots <p> In 1904 , the capital of the French Congo was moved from Libreville to Brazzaville , which also became the capital of the federation of French Equatorial Africa ( Afrique Equatoriale Francaise or AEF ) when it was created in 1910 . Throughout the colonial period , Gabon , due to its timber industry , generated much of the revenue for the four-colony federation that consisted of Gabon , Moyen Congo , Oubangui-Chari , and Tchad . Considerable sums were invested in developing Brazzaville while Libreville languished in relative isolation ; this situation did not please Gabonese colonial elites or the Librevilleois , who had not forgotten their city 's once central position in the French colonial world . In the 1940s and 1950s , intense political activity linked to elections in both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violent mobs asserted their role on the Libreville political stage. 22 <p> An additional illustration of such tensions was a soccer match between the Gabonese and Congolese national teams for the Coupe des Tropiques in 1962 , which incited mobs of newly independent Gabonese citizens to unleash attacks upon the immigrant Congolese in Libreville. 23 The match , which took place on 16 September in Brazzaville , ended in chaos as the Congolese crowd of nearly 30,000 attacked the referee and threatened the visiting Gabonese team . When the Gabonese players returned to Libreville and recounted their experiences , the news spread throughout the city and mobs roamed " the streets beating , maiming and killing Congolese. " 24 Two days of rioting ( 18-19September ) left nine dead ( five Gabonese and four Congolese ) and approximately thirty people wounded . Hundreds of homes in the Congolese-populated Akebe neighborhood were burned to the ground . On 20 September , 2,700 Congolese nationals were expelled from Gabon on a steamship to Pointe-Noire . Upon their arrival , reprisals began against the relatively small number of Gabonese residing in Pointe-Noire and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> The sudden influx of more than 2,000 Congolese into a depressed national economy suffering from urban unemployment placed considerable strain upon the Congolese government . Consequently , Congo 's President Youlou was obliged to institute special taxes to support " les refugies du Gabon . " 26 In a pattern that recurred later , the expelled Congolese represented the " enterprising " African foreigners ( masons , carpenters , mechanics , plumbers , electricians , and so on ) that Gabonese citizens treated with " reserve , " if not worse. 27 Such conflicts led to a diplomatic rift between the two countries . Although both President Fulbert Youlou of Congo and President Leon Mba of Gabon asked General De Gaulle to intervene to resolve their differences , the French president declined. 28 Diplomatic negotiations chaired by President Ahidjo of Cameroon in November 1962 , however , then led to a reconciliation and the possibility for the expelled Congolese and Gabonese to return to their previous situations. 29 <p> The 1962 Congolese riots are significant in that they establish the pattern of " enterprising African foreigner " as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violent acts . It is revealing that Mba reportedly explained these incidents as " the sequel to the AEF federation because Gabonese manpower and revenue sources had been sent to develop the Moyen Congo basin . " 30 At the time of Gabon 's independence , Mba had insisted upon the federation 's breakup so that Gabon alone would enjoy the benefits of its wealth . This notion of privileged access to the nation 's wealth thus became an essential element in the bundle of rights Gabonese people used to construct notions of citizenship . <p> Building upon real and perceived slights from their experience of the AEF federation , in 1962 , urban Gabonese made Congolese immigrants the target of attacks . At least one observer suggests that Leon Mba 's government cynically allowed the situation to develop : <p> It was obvious to us that the forty-eight hours of rioting had been allowed by the government , which had made little effective attempt to interfere with the mobs , to call out the police or military , or to protect the lives and rights of the Congolese minority. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congolese , the Gabonese inhabitants of Libreville exercised both their emerging national identity and citizenship rights in the most powerful and dramatic fashion imaginable . <p> The Gabonese coup of February 1964 -- which briefly removed President Mba from power and resulted in direct French military intervention -- was not the consequence of a popular uprising but rather of the actions of a handful of Gabonese military officers . In the aftermath of Mba 's restoration ( in which twenty-five Gabonese rebels and two French soldiers lost their lives ) , however , numerous incidents indicated the extent of popular discontent and frustration with the increasing heavy-handedness of the Mba regime. 32 Ironically , even though these demonstrations apparently did not contain strong anti-French sentiments , the Gabonese assistant secretary-general of the Francophone African and Malagasy Union , Germain Mba , resigned his position in protest following the French intervention , proclaiming : <p> Today , dozens of my compatriots have fallen , victims of French bullets , despite the fact that our revolution took place calmly . The restoration of Leon Mba and his incapable team by French paratroopers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has already been rejected by the entire Gabonese people. 33 <p> The coup and subsequent French intervention were watershed events in Gabon 's postcolonial history and demonstrated the extent to which the French would protect the interests of the Gabonese political class . When Albert-Bernard ( later Omar ) Bongo took power in 1967 , he blamed the political malaise of the Mba government on the Gabonese multiparty system and the " tribalism " it engendered . He thus rationalized the creation of a single-party state dominated by his Parti Democratique Gabonais. 34 Bongo subsequently presided over Gabon 's economic boom and the arrival of tens of thousands of foreign workers into Libreville , Port-Gentil , and the smaller urban centers . By fanning the flames of xenophobia , he skillfully ( and cynically ) used these populations to not only deepen the idea of Gabonese citizenship but also to divert ethnic tensions that might otherwise have led to incidents of intra-Gabonese violence . <p> It is instructive to compare Gabon with the Congo in this regard because the latter has suffered enormously from interethnic violence. 35 Gabon 's large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violent passions that develop in some modern urban contexts . It is here that state and citizen engage in the " connivance " or " intimacy of tyranny " described by Achille Mbembe , where " the masses join in the madness and clothe themselves in cheap imitations of power . " 36 Gabon 's advantage is that the targets for such violence are not " citizens " but inherently vulnerable " immigrants . " Moreover , Bongo has purposefully provoked antiforeign sentiment that has led to deadly actions . The Congo , on the other hand , has had no such " luxury . " The violence that has so profoundly marked its postindependence history has been organized around shifting conceptions of ethnicity among its own citizens , a much more complex and destructive affair . The 1978 Beninois Expulsion <p> The 1970s witnessed a massive influx of foreign immigrants to meet the growing labor needs of Gabon 's booming economy . Not all the immigrants came for economic reasons , however ; the largest foreign community in Gabon consists of some 60,000 political refugees who fled ( in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1968-1979 ) in neighboring Equatorial Guinea . Some established themselves as independent farmers or agribusiness farmworkers in Gabon 's Woleu-N'Tem province . Most Equatorial Guineans , however , came to Libreville where their presence strained local services and added to growing xenophobia . Les Equatos came to be associated with manual labor and have been subject to attacks from Gabonese citizens , most notably during police sweeps in February 1978 . Their situation differs somewhat from other foreign populations because many of the Equatorial Guinean refugees are from Gabon 's most important ethnic group , the Fang , and thus have family and kin relations with Gabonese citizens. 37 <p> The combination of an economic boom , inflation in Libreville , and the control of food distribution in the capital by foreign commercial retailers led to a tense situation by the mid-1970s. 38 High food prices led to attacks upon foreign commercants based in Libreville in January 1975 , killing one person and injuring approximately twenty others . When the government responded with price controls , hoarding and food shortages spread throughout towns . In addition , Gabonese farmers were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the military was enlisted to create Gabonese commercial networks to demonstrate that " the Gabonese people know how to farm and how to do business -- they are not lazy . " 39 These tensions reached a crisis when a festering political feud between President Bongo and Benin 's President Mathieu Kerekou coincided with a decline in Gabonese economic fortunes in 1978 . <p> In preparation for the 1977 Organization of African Unity ( OAU ) summit ( Bongo being the OAU president from 1977-1978 ) , an estimated $600 million -- equivalent to three-fifths of the 1977 national budget -- was spent to turn Libreville into a modern urban showcase , and another $300 million was expended for the construction of Bongo 's presidential palace . The timing was poor , however , because the economy took a nosedive in 1978 and the government was obliged to implement austerity measures . Meanwhile , a political feud that began in January 1977 when a small group of mercenaries attempted to invade Benin to topple the Kerekou regime ultimately led to an explosion of violence in Libreville in July 1978 . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials had played a key role in the attack upon his country , Bongo accused him of trying to sabotage Gabon 's hosting of the July OAU summit. 40 Kerekou countered that any African leader who attended the Libreville meeting was , in his eyes , a " traitor " ; Gabon subsequently banned Benin nationals from entering its territory. 41 <p> The feud continued over the next year , culminating at the July 1978 OAU summit in Khartoum where Kerekou reiterated his allegations in Bongo 's presence . The Gabonese president was furious , viewing the accusations as both a personal insult and as an affront to the integrity of the Gabonese state . Thus , the person of Bongo and the image of the state were now merged in the minds of many Gabonese citizens . Kerekou 's allegations were sufficient fuel to ignite violent attacks against Beninois residing in Gabon . In a telegram to the OAU chairman , Bongo stated that " the anger of an entire people , which has been controlled for a whole year , literally exploded after the verbal vulgarities and insanities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took place on 21-22 July , resulting in the destruction of Libreville 's main market , Mount Bouet , whose commerce had been under the control of Beninois merchants . On 23 July it was decided that the 10,000 Benin nationals residing in Gabon were to be expelled , a decision that had consequences not only for food distribution but for other sectors of the economy and society as well ( especially education ) . A significant percentage of Gabonese secondary school teachers were from Benin , for example , and their departure led to delays in opening the 1978-1979 academic year . In addition , the government of Upper Volta ( present Burkina Faso ) opted to repatriate its nationals in the face of growing hostility toward foreigners. 43 Though there was an economic price to pay for these actions , the Gabonese state was able to avert more serious political unrest through an exercise in " citizenship promotion . " It was noted at the time that <p> Bongo denied charges that his decision had been motivated by the economic crisis in Gabon . However , unemployment had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of xenophobia is a familiar tactic in Gabon as elsewhere. 44 <p> A continuous loop has been established whereby the perceived economic entitlement of Gabonese citizens is threatened by economic downturn and the commercial activities of foreign Africans , which in turn creates political tensions . The state seeks to alleviate these tensions by allowing xenophobic violence that , through mass participation , reinforces the sense of entitlement until a new set of circumstances places these rights under threat . Ironically , although the expulsion of Benin nationals in 1978 ultimately strengthened Gabonese nationalist identity and citizenship , in the short run it resulted in more difficult material conditions for the average Gabonese person . " La Guerre du Football " : The 1981 Flight of Cameroonians <p> By the early 1980s , the economic outlook had improved due to a rise in oil prices and the discovery of new reserves , alleviating a panic that oil revenues were soon to disappear . But the elements of violence still remained : immigrant communities energetically working the Gabonese milch cow and tense Gabonese citizens feeling that some of their own rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lived in Gabon from 1982 to 1984 , I often heard Gabonese proudly refer to their country as being wealthy , reflecting their president 's comments that Gabon was like a beautiful young woman with many suitors . Some assumed that simply by being a citizen of Gabon one was entitled to a comfortable government office job at decent pay , and for a time the Gabonese state could almost guarantee this . But when economic reality set in and this basis for citizenship was undermined , political crisis and attacks on foreigners were never far behind . <p> The economy in 1981 was in a much better condition than three years previously , but concerns about inflationary prices for basic necessities still haunted the inhabitants of Libreville and Port-Gentil . Further , anonymous political tracts criticizing President Bongo and his family were circulated in Libreville in March . These were early signals of opposition political activity organized by the Mouvement de Redressement National ( MORENA ) that boldly burst upon the scene in November and December . This activity was encouraged by the election in May of Francois Mitterand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bongo regime . Partly in response to the distribution of these tracts , a new Public Security Ministry was created in April . Life in Libreville continued in a state of tension. 45 <p> Once again a football match led to violence . This time Cameroonians were the target , a community whose networks were said to supply almost 75 percent of Gabon 's food needs in 1981. 46 A soccer match between teams from Douala and Libreville held in Douala on 20 May was marred by fighting among the players . On 22 May the Gabonese daily , L'Union , published photos showing Gabonese players laid out on the turf , apparently injured. 47 The next day , Libreville mobs started to attack <p> the symbols of Cameroonian activity : markets , small bars and stores . At the central Mont-Bouet market , stalls went up in flames , the largest stores were looted . According to eyewitnesses , police were seen attacking and even looting . Students as well let loose and took part . In many quartiers , cars were in flames , especially " Cameroonian " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were killed in this rioting and that a number of Cameroonians were injured . The Cameroon government quickly made arrangements for the evacuation of its population as the violence spread to Port-Gentil and other urban centers . Within a few days , 6,000 Cameroonian nationals were airlifted out of Gabon , with the total ultimately reaching 10,000 . In turn , Gabon recalled 100 or so of its nationals studying at the Cameroonian National University in Yaounde. 49 In the midst of all this , Senegal 's President Abdou Diouf was in Libreville on a state visit . Ironically , when Diouf met with Bongo , the latter expressed his satisfaction with the comportment of the 5,000-strong Senegalese community in Gabon , stating that " African peoples must stand together . " 50 The State Steps In : Bongo 's 1985 Attacks on the Lebanese Community <p> At the end of 1984 , President Bongo initiated his most blatant attempt to manipulate the xenophobic tendencies of Gabonese citizens . In an address to the PDG 's Political Bureau , he cited immigration as a problem that had to be brought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members of the Gabonese gendarmerie at the end of January 1985 ( which was subsequently published in L'Union ) , Bongo let loose a burst of antiforeign invective. 51 He first targeted prostitutes , claiming that all the women plying this trade in Libreville were foreigners . He authorized the gendarmerie to send out trucks to round up these women and then rather crudely suggested , " Then we will leave them to the army . Once five or six soldiers have been on top of them , perhaps they will understand that we do n't tolerate streetwalking in Gabon . " 52 <p> Next he moved to attack immigrants who " enter Gabon and leave as they wish , " spreading " disharmony among Gabonese " and " murdering the national economy . " 53 It was perhaps no coincidence that 1985 marked the beginning of a serious decline in the Gabonese economy from which it has yet to fully recover . This time , the Lebanese community was singled out for cheating the Gabonese population by not paying customs duties . When similar accusations had been made against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lebanese nationals. 54 The consequences were more serious this time , however . Immediately after the speech , Libreville mobs began pillaging Lebanese stores , and Bongo was obliged to issue a communique calling for calm. 55 <p> The Lebanese community in Gabon ( with an estimated population of only 600 ) , was not Bongo 's real worry . Rather , he feared the development of a large foreign underclass of beggars and unemployed as immigrant workers opted to stay in Gabon despite its economic decline because prospects in their home countries were even more dismal . Beginning in 1985 , Gabonese authorities began to control more rigorously the immigrant population , conducting systematic identity checks and arresting those whose papers were not in order . In May the borders were closed to facilitate a census of all foreigners . Simultaneously it was announced that new bureaucratic measures would be instituted in 1986 to establish residence status and to distribute work permits . In addition , the government launched a campaign of " Gabonization " of both public and private employment. 56 <p> As planned , new residence cards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years of research at a cost of several million dollars produced a card that was supposed to be impossible to forge . The card could be obtained for CFA 50,000 ( 50,000 African Financial Community francs , about U.S.$200 ) after receiving a work permit from the Ministry of Labor . Immigrants were also obliged to pay a repatriation fee equivalent to the price of a return ticket to their home countries , and an additional charge of 20 percent was tacked on for administrative costs . If immigrant workers desired to visit their home countries and then return to Gabon , they would have to pay another CFA 250,000 ( about U.S.$1,000 ) . 57 These bureaucratic measures indicated a shift in strategy of the Gabonese state -- namely , attempts to control the immigrant population were becoming more institutionalized . From 1986 to the present , bureaucratic instruments of the state , rather than volatile and destructive mobs , would play a more central role in strengthening Gabonese citizenship . <p> Although the more than 100,000 African immigrants in Gabon were alarmed by the exorbitant costs of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought under control . In a speech to the PDG Central Committee shortly after announcing these measures , he stated : " We can not go on entrusting our destiny to foreigners , however honest they may be . " 58 Bongo reiterated that the immigration situation was out of control and once again called for a census and registration of the foreign community , threatening illegal immigrants with deportation . In addition , he accused European residents in Gabon of having racist attitudes and the Lebanese community of engaging in corruption . Furthermore , Bongo blamed the African immigrant community for an increase in crime and the spread of various kinds of sorcery . The immigrant registration program advanced in fits and starts . In June 1988 a thorough street-level search to check for new residence cards and work permits resulted in the deportation of 2,500 illegal aliens. 59 Nonetheless , these actions failed to have any impact on growing unemployment among Gabonese , which was becoming a serious political liability for the Bongo regime as it entered the 1990s . Into the 1990s : Citizens Challenge the State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures to control government led to unprecedented political instability as the new decade began . The year 1989 had witnessed the return of exiled MORENA opposition figure Father Paul Mba-Abessole , as well as the uncovering of two plots by well-placed government officials who sought to overthrow the Bongo regime . In 1990 , the Libreville crowd turned the tables on the government and exercised its citizenship rights by attacking the symbols of excess associated with Gabonese political elites . The foreign community did not escape unscathed , as Lebanese enterprises continued to be targeted during the unrest . But it was clear that this violent mob was acting in a very different manner and in very different circumstances than in previous years. 60 <p> The wave of demonstrations and strikes began on 16 January 1990 as students at Omar Bongo University in Libreville protested the deteriorating state of the campus and its facilities . The following day police moved in to evict the students and occupy the campus . On 18 January secondary school students struck in solidarity , and then the general public also joined their protests . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 Lebanese businesses were damaged and several store owners were injured . As the spirit of rebellion spread , strikes in both the public and private sectors brought all activity in Libreville to a virtual standstill . The crisis peaked in the final days of February when airport personnel , telecommunication workers , and gas station attendants added their numbers to striking teachers and physicians , each sector demanding higher salaries and better working conditions . The diverse array of public and private sector workers engaging in labor strikes indicated that the Gabonese sense of entitlement -- the foundation of Gabonese citizenship -- was faced with a serious threat . As economic privilege declined for average citizens , their lack of political rights was highlighted , making the unrest particularly acute ( not to mention that these developments occurred just months after the French Revolution 's bicentennial celebration ) . The ritual of mob violence now directed its rage toward the Gabonese state , and the government was forced to react . <p> The unrest pushed Bongo to dissolve the ruling PDG and organize a national conference in March 1990 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 61 Bongo however , was able to ride out this rough patch and successfully manipulate his victory in the 1993 presidential elections . As the 1990s draw to a close and he enters his fifth decade as head of state , Omar Bongo continues to master the system in a new age of " ambiguous democracy . " 62 <p> Although Gabonese citizens are no longer quite as apt to define themselves in opposition to the foreign community , the large number of immigrants continues to be seen as a serious cause of instability . Since 1986 , the Gabonese state has focused on closing the petite porte to those foreign workers at the lower end of the economic scale . In the succeeding decade , Gabonese security forces have ordered several expulsions of illegal immigrants ( mostly Nigerian nationals ) , and there have been reports of human rights violations against foreign workers. 63 This is an intractable problem because the once-expelled illegal immigrants often return to Gabon from Nigeria via dangerous ocean routes in open boats . Indeed , the potential for tragedy has been great . In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationals accused of being illegal immigrants -- suffocated to death in an overcrowded cell in a Libreville detention center. 64 <p> A new plan was announced in September 1994 whereby illegal immigrants in Gabon would have until 31 January 1995 to obtain proper residence papers or be expelled . By the end of 1994 , thousands of immigrant workers , fearing violence after the deadline , gathered without incident in Libreville and at Gabon 's border posts with Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon to return home . As 31 January approached the Gabonese government extended the deadline to 15 February , and , as the latter deadline passed , papers for a number of cases were still being processed . Nonetheless , as of early March , an estimated 64,000 foreigners had left Gabon in relative calm . The bureaucratic instruments of the state had in effect replaced the Libreville mob. 65 <p> In the ironic pattern that followed previous expulsions , everyday life in Libreville became more difficult. 66 A report from mid-February stated : <p> Taxis are rare and this hurts businesses whose employees now arrive late to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fisherman were exclusively Nigerians or West Africans . In the popular quartiers , a number of shops , the majority run by Malians , have closed up. 67 <p> One journalist predicted serious economic and social repercussions in Gabon , noting that <p> according to popular imagery , the Gabonese is seated on a throne ; he has a Ghanaian to shine his shoes , a Beninois to drive him around in a taxi , a Cameroonian to sell him things to eat , and an " Equato " ( Equatorial Guinean ) to take care of his household . ... 68 <p> There was a sense that these days had come to an end , and the Gabonese government attempted to make this clear in a series of pronouncements once again stressing " Gabonization " and encouraging Gabonese citizens to work hard and enter jobs they had previously snubbed . <p> A shift does seem to have occurred ; long-term economic hardship has severely damaged the sense of economic entitlement that had been so important to Gabonese citizenship from the 1960s through the 1980s . Prime Minister Paulin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one where " we have been too used to the good life . It is time that we take action ; the Providential state is finished . " Then , reflecting upon transportation in Libreville , he asked , " The whole taxi transport network is in the hands of foreigners . Do you find that normal ? " He concluded by noting that France won the Battle of the Marne in 1914 " with Parisian taxis , because the taxi drivers were French . " 69 <p> Nguema 's final remark is revealing and speaks volumes about the nature of the French influence in Gabon and about Gabonese ideals of citizenship . Yet the nature of French influence in 1995 was not the same as that in 1964 . In the middle of the government campaign against illegal immigrants , a mysterious group known as the " Committee of the Libreville Unemployed " distributed tracts throughout the city threatening that if the order for expulsion was not applied by the indicated date , " every foreigner living in the popular quartiers and whose papers were not in order will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Libreville will be taken hostage and progressively killed . " 70 By 1995 , the Gabonese sense of citizenship had become strong enough to issue threats against what had always been the most important foreign community in their midst -- the French . <p> Under Bongo 's repressive rule in the 1970s and 1980s , niches existed where Gabonese people were able to construct a sense of citizenship -- usually at the expense of the foreign community -- and ultimately to challenge seriously the president 's survival in the early 1990s . The state 's connivance with the Libreville crowd or general mob backfired , first in 1990 and then again following the flawed presidential elections in 1993 as the mobs turned their violence on the state itself. 71 They also directly attacked the French presence for the first time . <p> The most dramatic developments of 1990 occurred in Port-Gentil at the end of May following the mysterious death of opposition leader Joseph Rendjambe . Amid the rioting , several French businesspeople and diplomats were held hostage , and French troops were obliged to intervene and evacuate French @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect its citizens , it also effectively kept Bongo in power , though demonstrating that he had lost control of the situation. 72 Paris subsequently undertook to mediate differences between Bongo and elements of the political opposition . The neocolonial relationship remains , as was made clear during the 1993 presidential elections when French " electoral experts " from their Ministry of the Interior helped to falsify the results in Bongo 's favor. 73 At first glance , it would appear that " plus ca change ... " ; but this would be denying the real evolution of Gabonese citizenship and its influence in bringing about the reforms -- albeit incomplete -- of the 1990s . It would also deny Gabonese citizens ' new-found ability to question France 's dominant position in the politics of their country . <p> As often happens , events may be running ahead of the special Franco-Gabonese relationship . By August of 1997 , it appeared that the realignment of France 's relationship with its former African colonies ( as proposed in the early days of Mitterand 's presidency ) might now actually occur under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democratic Republic of the Congo ( the former Zaire ) , as well as rebellions in the Central African Republic and Congo-Brazzaville , have undermined the diverse networks through which French policy in Africa often operated in cloak and dagger fashion . Omar Bongo remains one of the last figures of the old order and has in effect become the senior spokesman for " Parisnoia , " as evidenced by comments he made at the end of June 1997 : <p> I think there exists a plot at the moment against Francophone Africa . How else can you explain that the slightest spark in this part of the continent is immediately fanned ? ... Francophone countries of Africa have understood the meaning of democracy but that is far from the case for their English-speaking counterparts , where multiparty systems do n't exist . Is n't it strange that no voice denounces that state of affairs ? 74 Conclusion <p> Bongo 's claim that only Francophone African regimes " have understood the meaning of democracy " implies that it is these regimes ' privileged access to the legacy of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developed democracies and citizens than other African countries . His point is made in reference to democratic reforms undertaken in the wake of Mitterand 's pronouncements about aid and democracy at the 1990 Franco-African summit in La Baule . Yet in the Gabonese context these reforms were a consequence of Gabonese citizens exercising their power by taking to the streets to attack the privileges of Gabonese and French elites . This citizenship was largely forged through a series of informal transactions -- indeed , connivances -- between the state and its citizens that targeted different foreign populations for xenophobic attack between 1962 and 1990 . The experience of mob violence not only served to crystallize Gabonese citizenship around a sense of economic entitlement , but also established a pattern of citizenship politics that would target the state in the 1990s . Perhaps most significant , however , Gabonese citizens ( though not the Gabonese political class ) have gained sufficient strength to stridently confront the fundamental issue of their country 's neocolonial relationship to France . <p>
@@4003441 This paper is a report from the field rather than the result of formal research into comparative education . For the academic years 1995-1998 I , an American medievalist , have been teaching European and American history at the European Humanities University in Minsk , Belarus . For the last two years , I have done so through the auspices of the Civic Education Project , an international voluntary educational organization that places western-trained lecturers in partner universities in the former Soviet Union and eastern Europe . My students and I rapidly discovered that we had very different assumptions about the purpose and methods of university teaching and student evaluation , and we have both learned a great deal from our mutual culture shock . <p> One of my senior students asked me once how Belarusian students were different from American students , and I replied that to some extent students everywhere were the same : some come regularly to class and some do n't ; some do the reading and some do n't ; some work steadily through the semester and others try to learn everything in the last week before the exam . Every country has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are produced by a mixture of different abilities and levels of motivation . This is all I said to my student . However , I have noticed some real differences differences in learning styles , which I think have been produced by radical differences in teaching styles . In a traditional post-Soviet university classroom , as I have been informed by numerous students and professors in Belarus , Russia , and Ukraine , professors read lectures , students copy them down word for word as much as possible , memorize them , and then repeat them to the professors at oral exams . Students avoid asking questions in order not to be made to look like a fool . While senior students may take seminars involving class discussion and research papers , first and second year students generally do not speak in class or do independent writing . <p> This is quite different from the usual style for the social sciences and humanities in the United States , where factual content is conveyed as much through assigned reading as through lectures , even introductory courses normally involve some discussion , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all advanced courses in the humanities or social sciences , and students are tested by written exams which include , or even consist of , analytical essay questions . Even in large lecture courses at large universities , professors normally answer questions , and discussion sessions led by teaching assistants allow some discussion . While some students are quieter than others , and naturally students who have n't done the reading tend to sit at the back and not volunteer , an invitation to ask questions in an American university classroom usually produces questions . <p> I have appreciated one advantage of the traditional system in Belarus , namely that Belarusian undergraduates seem far more willing and able to memorize facts than American undergraduates . When I have provided a study sheet of names and dates which will be covered on an exam , even many of my worst students in Belarus memorized it ; in the United States only the better undergraduates would do so . Some American students will refuse to learn any facts unless they are presented as dramatically as possible ; unless the professor , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States , " behaves like an actor . " In fact I do try in my lectures to " behave like an actor " in both Belarus and the United States , but for different reasons . In Belarus I use exaggerated expressions and gestures to make it easier for non-native speakers of English to understand what I 'm saying . In the United States I do it to force the students to pay attention and actually learn a few facts . <p> In my own field of history , names and dates are the basic building blocks of knowledge ; one can not analyze or theorize successfully about the past without first making some attempt to learn at least the bare outlines of what actually happened . On the other hand , these facts are useless and irrelevant until they are arranged and interpreted : until they are used to understand what happened , how human societies have been and can be organized , and the interaction between politics , economics , social organization , religion , literature , and art . It is here that a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a greater advantage . <p> Students do not learn critical thinking or communication skills from listening to and regurgitating lectures ; more active learning methods are needed . Active learning methods include but are not limited to class discussion , interpretive essays , and research papers . However , critical and independent thought can also be encouraged by the choice of material taught . Fortunately , all of these methods are available even to faculty working with the limited resources of a post-Soviet university ; they do not require computers or audio-visual equipment . Over the course of two years ' teaching in Belarus , I have found myself making more and more of an effort to involve my students in active learning situations requiring critical thought , through class discussion , written assignments , and the choice of material ; and these efforts have met with increasing success . CLASS DISCUSSION <p> In Belarus , more than in the U.S. , I have found it very difficult to get each new group of students to speak in class , or even to ask questions . Yet speaking in class @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organize and articulate their thoughts ; and those abilities , in turn , affect their later job potential , whether they remain in academia or work in business or one of the professions . Their reluctance is not due to lack of intellectual curiosity ; I have had some very bright students in Belarus , and some of them have come up after class to ask the questions they were too shy to ask during class . Nor is the students ' reluctance to speak up in class only due to the obvious difficulty of speaking in a foreign language . Belarusian and Russian colleagues who attempt to use active learning methods have told me that they also have difficulty in getting students to speak up in class . The students themselves have told me , when I urged them to ask questions in class , that " this is not our custom . " <p> This custom has not changed much in recent years , even at universities with a relatively high level of international cooperation . A recent study of social science teaching at central and east European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the professors ' participation in international conferences or study abroad , nor the presence of western lecturers -- had yet had any measurable positive effect on teaching methods that give students an opportunity to participate actively in learning , such as question and answer exercises , in-class discussion , laboratory exercises , role playing , or case studies . Even teacher training workshops produced more changes in course content than in teaching methods(n2) <p> In spring of 1997 I taught a course that was a fairly radical departure from the usual teaching methods in this part of the world . The course , called " Readings in American Historical Documents " involved the students ' required weekly readings in original documents in American history . I was able to provide the fourteen students with individual textbooks ( itself a novelty in Belarus ) through the generosity of the United States Information Service , which provided copies of its Basic Readings in U.S. Democracy free of charge. ( n3 ) Since the book did not cover all the topics I wished to cover , I supplemented this text with photocopies from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n4 ) During class time , I provided a brief historical background , and the students then analyzed the documents in detail . Seventy percent of the grade was based on their classroom participation , and the remaining thirty percent was based on a written exam which included both objective and analytical questions . Needless to say this was very strange for the students . I tried to make it less so both by the American custom of providing a syllabus or written document explaining the class requirements , schedule of class topics , and the grading system , and by explaining the purpose and methods of the course verbally . <p> How did I get students to participate in this class when " it is not our custom " ? For the first half of the semester I had to remind the students repeatedly that every student was expected to speak in every class ; even if they did not have a comment to make , they should at least be prepared with a question . I was very open about my evaluation process , telling them that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was present , who spoke at least once , and who either spoke often or else made an unusually insightful or analytical comment , without making any notes about which students took what point of view . Being open about the evaluation process is crucial . While professors ' teaching strategies will depend on the content and skills they wish to convey , students ' learning strategies will depend on how they expect to be evaluated . If students in Belarus have a phenomenal ability to memorize and regurgitate set facts and set opinions , this is due to the fact that their academic performance has depended on their ability to do precisely that . Students are most likely to make the effort to learn different skills , such as critical thinking and communication skills , if they understand that their progress in this area , too , will be evaluated . In my first semester of teaching in Belarus , I did not understand how strange my methods of evaluation , none of which were in the least revolutionary in an American context , appeared to my students . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students from the beginning , orally as well as in the syllabus ( since they are not accustomed to receiving a syllabus ) , exactly how their grades will be determined , and how that relates to what we do in class . <p> To break the ice , I began every discussion with an activity in which even the less sophisticated students could participate : asking questions about the meanings of words or phrases . Often an explanation of the more difficult or colloquial words , which did not appear in the students ' dictionaries , led directly into a substantive discussion of issues . I then asked students for their general reactions . Sometimes this open-ended question produced unexpected or in , sightful remarks , as when students commented on Lincoln 's magnanimity to the South in the Gettysburg Address . Often , however , an open-ended question produced only silence . I had more success asking specific questions about what the text has to say , and then what the significance of that was . Most often , class discussion moved from what words meant , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they did . <p> Over the course of the semester , the students ' performance improved with practice . In the first class only 60% of the class spoke at all , even to ask a question , and no one made a really substantive comment or spoke several times . By the third class session , nearly 80% of the class spoke at least once , and some were beginning to make insightful or analytical comments beyond the basic vocabulary questions and document summaries . For the second half of the course , all but one or two students in every class made some contribution , and a few students who at the beginning never spoke began to offer substantive comments as well as asking questions . It is worth emphasizing that most of the students in this class were secondyear students and none were history majors ; it is not necessary to limit class discussion to advanced students even in eastern Europe . WRITTEN ASSIGNMENTS <p> Even when the main purpose of the course is to convey a large body of knowledge , so that more of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , students ' ability to think independently and critically can be fostered through written work . Independent written work is a normal part of a university-level history class in the United States , Canada or western Europe . Students are expected to produce either one or more short interpretative essays or a longer research paper . This is most often in addition to , not instead of , a written examination which consists either wholly or in part of written essay questions . <p> Unfortunately this kind of writing assignment is relatively rare in Eastern Europe . A recent study found that although either the presence of western visiting lecturers or a high level of professors ' attendance at international conferences caused East European social science departments to assign students more written work , nevertheless overall East European social science undergraduates were assigned essays in less than 1 out of 4 courses and required to write research papers in only 1 out of 5 courses. ( n5 ) The background for the low number of written assignments , at least in Belarus , is the high number of courses required @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receive a recognized diploma . While students in the United States normally do not take more than 4 to 6 courses per semester , students in Belarus might take 10 or 11 courses at a time . Faculty work loads are also different . While non-adjunct American faculty rarely teach more than three or at most four courses per semester , many Belarusian professors teach more than twice that many courses at their primary university. ( n6 ) Furthermore , due to the difficult economic situation , even faculty with a full-time job at one university usually teach extra courses for extra pay at other universities . While I have not had to work at more than one university , students ' workloads have meant that I am not able to assign nearly as much work outside class as I normally would in the United States . <p> Yet the educational value of independent written work can hardly be overestimated . The value of longer research papers in developing students ' abilities to work independently , think critically , and express themselves clearly , is fairly obvious . Both Belarusian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect to continue academic work at the graduate level . In most American universities , however , some research papers are assigned even to first-year students , and therefore the better American high schools ( though unfortunately not all ) provide some training in writing such papers . My students in Belarus have not received such training , and indeed some asked me to teach a course in Academic Writing , even though this extra course would be a heavy addition to their already heavy load . <p> I have not assigned long research papers in the history and art history courses I have taught in Belarus , partly because I do not have the Russian language ability to check their sources and make sure they are not plagiarizing , and partly because I know the students are taking so many other classes . An additional problem is the fact that most post-Soviet libraries are not well equipped for research papers in American or west European history ; prior to 1989 books had to pass an ideological test , and since then the acquisition budget for foreign books has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ essays in lecture courses in which students were not otherwise required to express their own opinions . I have usually assigned short interpretative essays based on students ' choice of a single long reading from original source material . The questions they were given to answer required some independent analysis , rather than just summarizing the reading . Some students rose to the occasion , read the material critically , and presented their own opinion in a way which differentiated carefully between fact and opinion . Some unfortunately ignored the question and merely summarized the work they had been given to read , or even plagiarized published work . Most , however , fell somewhere in between ; typically , they had not read the material very critically , but made some effort to offer their own opinions . <p> Even when these opinions were naive and uncritical , they had educational value , since they represented the beginnings of independent thought applied to the material . A Belarusian who did graduate study in educational methods in the United States told me that his favorite professor there had been one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of independent thought , " even when these first efforts were naive or weak , rather than attacking or humiliating the students . This encouraged students to make further attempts at independent thought , with the result that later efforts were less naive . <p> In the discussion course Readings in American Historical Documents , I did not assign an essay based on a single long document , as the students were already reading so many . Instead , I had them write an essay question as part of their exam . In order to prevent simple repetition of class discussion or summary of documents by my skilled memorizers , all the essay questions from which they could choose required students to draw on material from at least three different class sessions. ( n7 ) I passed out the questions and explained what was expected three weeks in advance , to give time for reflection , but did not allow the students to bring written notes to class , in order to prevent cheating . These techniques worked very well . No students cheated , and every student cited documents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few students merely cited two documents as illustrating the principles found in a third , more than half engaged in some real comparison , and the best produced thoughtful , well-supported essays . <p> Several groups are trying to compensate for the relative lack of writing experience among east European university students by sponsoring student conferences . The American Studies Association of Belarus sponsored a student conference in May 1997 , in which more than twenty students delivered academic papers to a jury ; the best were awarded book prizes . The Civic Education Project regularly sponsors country-wide or regional student conferences on post-Soviet society , including an annual international student conference in Budapest . Students from a variety of social science disciplines write and present papers , and a few of the best are published . While preparing these papers is a lot of extra work for students who already carry a heavy load , many students have told me that participation in Civic Education Project conferences was a high point in their intellectual development . CHOICE OF MATERIAL <p> In addition to class discussion and independent written @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through the choice of material taught . Some might wonder how choice of course content is relevant to a discussion of teaching methods . In practice , I think there is a very clear relationship between the skills we seek to impart , the methods we use in teaching , and the material we choose to teach . Certainly in my own field of history , the most difficult question to decide in designing a course is what material , from the vast sum of the totality of human learning , will be included . If you are teaching a history survey covering several countries over several centuries , most of what actually happened will have to be left out . The choice of what tiny fraction of this vast sum of knowledge to include reflects what the professor considers important . For example , if your world view says that only wealth and power are important , you will teach the history only of political and economic elites , and ignore social or cultural history or the history of the less powerful . If you teach the history only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the message is that women are not human . If you teach the history only of western Europe and America and label it " world history , " as was sometimes done in the United States when I was a schoolgirl , you are saying that the rest of the world does not matter . <p> Students are most likely to do the difficult work of becoming intellectually involved with a historical issue when the professor is able to select issues which in some way parallel students ' current concerns , so that they want to think and discuss . For example , in teaching the conflict between pope and emperor in medieval western Europe , a conflict which has many facets , I have chosen in Belarus to focus on the fact that neither pope nor emperor gained absolute power over the other , and that both sides developed theories of resistance to unjust use of power . Both these facts were crucial to the development of western concepts of democracy , and thus are relevant to post-Soviet society . Similarly , when selecting readings in American history I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform movements , Horace Mann 's arguments about the value of public schools for civic education . This was obviously relevant to students at a non-state university in a newly independent state , and I was rewarded for my choice when the class discussion on this topic was one the liveliest and most substantive we had . <p> What is less obvious is that the choice of what material to present is also directly relevant to the question of what skills we seek to impart . Analytical thought is best taught when the course material presents more than one point of view . It is not enough to simply say " bad people did bad things ; good people did good things ; " the self-justifications of the different sides of a conflict must be presented . For example , in teaching the crusades , I teach the students both the theological justification and inspiration for the crusades and the pogroms and bloodshed that resulted . In my course on American historical documents , the documents on westward expansion included both an editorial advising western settlement as a way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and appeals from Native Americans against the settlers ' violation of their personal and property rights . <p> In practice , this last topic proved one of the more difficult discussions to lead . The students , having identified President Andrew Jackson 's violation of the Supreme Court ruling in favor of the Cherokees with their own President Lukashenko 's violation of the Belarusian Constitutional Court 's rulings , saw westward settlement solely as a Bad Thing . They could not understand how westward settlement could possibly be seen as a way of broadening opportunity for the downtrodden , and were reluctant to consider the argument of the editorial Vote Yourself a Farm . Yet a few weeks later , when westward settlement was discussed again in the context of the rise of European immigration and Emma Lazarus ' poem The New Colossus , westward settlement was a Good Thing ; not one student brought up the issue of dispossession of native Americans . These difficulties confirmed for me how necessary it was for the students ' intellectual growth to present different points of view . IDEOLOGY AND HISTORY <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) tend to accept whatever they read uncritically , the professor needs to set an example by demonstrating how to read to a document critically . However , this can lead to another problem in teaching independent critical thought : the tendency of students to accept , or pretend to accept , the professor 's point of view . This seems far more common among my Belarusian students than among American students . I have used two methods to try to combat the problem . First , I have been explicit about my marking system to the students : that after each class , I note down the students ' degree of participation , but not what they said . In other words , I was not looking for a particular interpretation , but for intellectual engagement with the ideas and situations presented . My second tool has been to point out omissions and persuasive techniques even in texts the class had agreed to admire , and to discuss why these are present . Examples of two different class discussions from the American Historical Documents course illustrate these points . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Deal and Social Security . I had chosen this topic , despite the fact that it is not covered in Basic Readings in US Democracy , partly because it is an issue which is currently relevant in both the United States and in Belarus , which has an aging population . By the time this subject came up towards the end of the semester , my students were fairly adept at summarizing the point of view of the document , but still preferred to judge every document as either all good or all bad . They could tell from my historical introduction that the New Deal was intended to solve specific and urgent societal problems , and so they summarized the document 's content approvingly . When I then challenged them to discern that Social Security was presented as a savings plan , but was actually a tax-funded social welfare program , students appeared very confused -- I could almost hear them think " Is she for it or against it ? " One student however quickly argued that the funding problems of Social Security meant of course it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the student what economic justification President Roosevelt and Frances Perkins had offered for the program , he not only summarized their justification for these programs ( that minimum economic security makes a society more stable and therefore provides a better climate for economic growth ) , but changed his mind a second time and began arguing along New Deal lines himself . It was hard for me to know whether this represented solely a desire to please , or also a genuine effort to grapple with different sides of an issue . <p> Another , somewhat more successful effort at a nuanced historical analysis occurred during our discussion of the Emancipation Proclamation . Obviously both the students and I felt that the Emancipation Proclamation was a Good Thing . However , this simple judgment was very far from a real understanding of the Civil War period . I asked students what attitude the proclamation took toward slave rebellions , and why . As we were attempting to define this precisely , one student suddenly asked what the point of Lincoln 's exhortations to the slaves was , since most slaves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I said , " So why do you think it 's in there ? " In our ensuing discussion of southern fears and the course of the civil war , we succeeded finally in reading the document both critically , as careful piece of war propaganda aimed primarily at whites , as well as admiringly , as a step toward realizing the ideal of equality . <p> This discussion , and every discussion in which students showed an ability to separate analysis from judgment , was a breakthrough in a country in which most schools still use textbooks from the Soviet era in which fact is never allowed to interfere with ideology . Knowing the kind of history to which my students have been exposed in the past , I have been particularly careful in my treatment of the relationship between history and ideology . Every thinking person has an ideology , more or less conscious . Yet anyone who wishes to teach students to think independently will need to distinguish clearly between fact and opinion , between events and their interpretation . This means that factual material must be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solution has been to let my ideology guide my selection of what is worthy of study , though even there I try to measure my judgments against others ' , so as not to leave out important topics which do not happen to interest me . My ideology has also guided my choice of teaching methods ; I try to teach independent critical thinking because I believe it is valuable . But once I have chosen the subject and methods , I try to distinguish as clearly as possible between factual material and its interpretation - and most important of all , I try not to simply leave out the uncomfortable facts . <p> I had not realized myself how automatically I , coming out of the western tradition of history teaching , was doing this in my teaching , until one of my students exclaimed with dismay : " We 're used to being told what to think , but you just tell us what happened ! " This was not a positive comment for the student who made it ; she found that being expected not only to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it on her own in an independent essay , very hard . She was confused because I did not provide an ideological structure into which I squeezed all of human history , eliminating everything that did not conform to my beliefs , or pretending that uncomfortable facts did not exist . The same confusion showed up in many of the essays I read ; students often had trouble distinguishing between fact and opinion . This difficulty is of course not limited to Belarusian students ; many American undergraduates , and indeed I suspect all people , have trouble distinguishing between fact and opinion until they are taught . The important thing is that they be taught , and the younger age at which this can begin , the better . <p> Distinguishing between fact and opinion is not the same as having no opinion . My beliefs , my personal ideology , do not include a belief that beliefs themselves are wrong . On the contrary , I think awareness of our own beliefs is essential for understanding both ourselves and our world . One of my beliefs is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this belief is shared by almost all of my Belarusian students . Both from an ideological and a practical point of view , it is crucial to the intellectual development of all people who hope to live in a democratic society to learn the difference between fact and opinion , and to do this they need practice . This ability to distinguish between fact and opinion can and must be fostered in university classrooms . <p>
@@4003541 THE GROWING INFLUX of immigrants that troubled America 's elite in the early twentieth century gave rise to a movement to assimilate the newcomers as quickly as possible. 1 Several characteristics of the new immigrants disturbed native-born Americans . They entered the United States from southern and eastern Europe , regarded as inferior to the northern and western sections of the continent , the main source of earlier immigration . For the most part , they differed in religion from the Protestant majority in the United States . They tended to crowd into cities , where the population density of their districts was more visible and disturbing than scattered , rural immigrant settlements . Native-born Americans , who may have grown up in areas now occupied by immigrants , uncomfortably sensed that they were passing through a foreign land when they revisited the neighborhoods of their youth . <p> Many observers perceived the problem posed by large-scale immigration , and many schemes were advanced to deal with its troubling growth . The Immigration Restriction League sought to reduce the number of entrants through a literacy test . The American Protective Association embodied a blatant anti-Catholicism which appealed to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also advocated restriction . Some Americans , however , articulated a somewhat more balanced perspective regarding the newcomers . Chicago 's Immigrants ' Protective League recognized that the immigrants were capable of contributing to the growth of the United States without undermining its character . The League 's goal nonetheless was to turn the immigrants into " middle-class Americans , accepting the nation 's core values and displaying their European past only as quaint , aesthetic variations on a general American type . " 2 <p> The nation 's elite concurrently fretted over the need for an adequate supply of military manpower to enhance America 's status as a great power. 3 Immigrants posed only part of the problem , but an important part nonetheless given their number , at a time when reformers were struggling to modernize the army . They had to reverse a congressional ban , enacted in 1894 , on enlisting men who could not speak English before the army could play its role in Americanizing the immigrant . By the time the nation intervened in World War I poor command of English no longer prevented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at first segregated in so-called developmental battalions. 4 <p> The outbreak of the war produced a number of proposals in the American immigrant population to mobilize in support of the various countries of origin . The neutrality of the United States circumscribed all of these plans , though nothing prevented individual men from leaving the country to enlist in one of the belligerent forces . After the United States associated itself with the Allies in April , 1917 , they began to enlist their nationals living in America . Once again plans that had surfaced in 1914 were revived . Several groups , deprived of states which they acknowledged as homelands , offered to form military units of varying size , affiliated with one or all of the Allies in the common struggle against the Central Powers . Their hope was to free their native regions from foreign occupation and establish new national states . The most visible and successful of these efforts was the Polish American Army , formally designated the Polish Army in France , which had to come to terms with the American draft before it could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has received its share of attention in studies of the American military experience in the Great War. 5 Less well known are the recruiting efforts of the European Allies in the United States , though the Provost Marshal General 's reports discuss their work during the period of American intervention. 6 A similar campaign unfolded in the Polish-American community , often referred to as Polonia , with the reluctant authorization of the federal government . What distinguished it and a comparable movement for the Czecho-Slovak Army in France from the American and Allied efforts was the absence of existing governments to which these military formations were responsible . Though the student of World War I finds references to these units , 7 there is no extended treatment of this topic in the available literature . The focus of this study is the relationship between the American draft and the American Polonia 's drive to raise an army for the western front . <p> The Selective Service System was organized after the passage of the Act establishing it on 18 May 1917. 8 Congress approved this legislation six weeks after it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between Germany and the United States . Between these two dates Congress debated the nature of the force the country needed in order to do its share in the common struggle against the Central Powers . Conscious of the draft riots which had occurred during the Civil War , many congressmen wanted to avoid a recurrence by relying on a volunteer army . The draft had such an odious connotation that Secretary of the Interior Frank K. Lane counseled Secretary of War Newton D. Baker to substitute " some euphemism , such as ' Universal Service ' or ' Democratic Service ' bill " when urging its adoption. 9 President Woodrow Wilson intended at first to rely on volunteers to provide the manpower for the American Expeditionary Force ( AEF ) until former President Theodore Roosevelt demanded authorization to recruit and command a volunteer division. 10 After thorough consideration Congress passed and the president signed the Selective Service Act . The registration it mandated for men twenty-one to thirty years of age was quickly set for June 5 , because Gen. Enoch Crowder , the Judge Advocate General of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorized the draft. 11 <p> Meanwhile , in France a series of events occurred which would have an impact on the functioning of the American draft . On May 20 , two days after the Selective Service Act was passed , the French Minister of War Paul Painleve established the Franco-Polish Military Mission . Reporting to the French President Raymond Poincare on June 4 , the day before registration in the United States , he and Alexander Ribot , the President of the Council of Ministers as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs , adverted to the presence of Poles in the French Army since the start of the war and the Allied intention to restore a Polish state . The report specifically mentioned the Russian Provisional Government 's statement favoring Polish self-determination , because to the end the czarist government rejected British and French urgings of broader autonomy for Poland after the war . The ministers appended a six-point decree , which President Poincare signed , creating a Polish Army in France. 12 <p> On June 6 Poincare appointed Gen. Louis Archinard head of the Franco-Polish Military Mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greatest number of men for the Polish Army from the Polish community in the United States. 13 They had plausible reasons for this expectation . Ambassador J. J. Jusserand had met repeatedly with the president of the Polish Falcon Alliance , Teofil Starzynski , before American intervention. 14 Prominent Poles in France , in particular Waclaw Gasiorowski , a popular author and journalist , convinced the government that many Polish Americans would volunteer for the army. 15 Perhaps most persuasive was the entry of the United States as an associated power into the struggle against the Central Powers . France needed manpower , as Marshal Joseph Joffre informed his hosts in April during his visit to America , and the Polish Army provided the means of shoring up the French forces. 16 <p> But France would have to wait until October before it could enlist Polish-American volunteers . In the meantime the United States established the draft , starting with registration on June 5 . Despite widespread skepticism it occurred without difficulty . Almost ten million men reported as directed . The pool from which the draftees would be called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not alien enemies who have declared their intention to become citizens , between the ages of twenty-one and thirty years , both inclusive . " 17 <p> The next step toward the draft was a lottery to determine the order in which men would be called . This occurred on July 20 . In the meantime General Crowder as Provost Marshal General apportioned the quotas among the states on the basis of the total number of registrants in each jurisdiction . Once the order of the call was determined , the local boards could then summon men for induction. 18 <p> Here an unforeseen difficulty arose . Though all men within the designated ages were required to register , only citizens and alien declarants were liable for service . Thus , the total of registrants included enemy aliens , i.e. , residents born in Germany who could not be drafted . To confuse matters more , some declarants were technically enemy aliens , whom the law excluded from service . An obvious example was a Pole born in Germany . To compensate for ineligible registrants , local boards had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allotments . States with large immigrant populations , such as Illinois , were especially vulnerable in this respect . Subsequent drafts adjusted the quotas for this imbalance. 19 <p> Before the first draftees reached camp , the French , dissatisfied with the lack of American reinforcements for the Polish Army , dispatched a six-man military mission to the United States . Lt. Waclaw Gasiorowski , one of the army 's most ardent promoters , headed the group . Negotiations with Americans were to be the responsibility of 2d Lt. Stanislaw Poniatowski , whose father was a French banker with American interests . His surname , shared with the last king of Poland during the era of the partitions in the eighteenth century , as well as one of Napoleon 's generals , also aroused a patriotic response in Polish America . Sergeants Wlodzimierz Szaniawski and Henryk Rzekiecki and Cpl . M. Mazurek accompanied the officers on their travels . The sixth member of the delegation was Stefan Rejer , president of the Polish miners in France . He came to appeal for volunteers among Polish-American miners. 20 <p> The Mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Chamber of Deputies , whose overt reason for visiting the United States was to promote an Interallied Parliament . In fact , Minister of War Painleve had given him a letter of introduction to Secretary of War Baker . It revealed that Franklin-Bouillon 's mission was to investigate " all questions concerning the recruitment of the Czech Legion and of the Polish Legion destined for France . " Before his return in mid-September he reached agreement on recruitment for the army with the Chicago-based agency ( Polish National Department ) that represented most of the Polish organizations in America and attended a rally at Carnegie Hall for Czech independence. 21 <p> One concern that prolonged negotiations was doubt among Polonia 's leaders that the United States would allow recruitment for the army . Repeated assurances from the French visitors failed to satisfy the National Department , until its representatives consulted Washington . They had , after all , raised the possibility of a Polish force in the United States Army as early as February , 1917 , without success . Even then , after French assurance , the National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the conditions under which recruitment would operate . A three-member military commission was appointed on September 20 , and by October 6 the War Department issued a statement endorsing recruitment for the Polish Army in France. 22 <p> The statement also emphasized however that " no individual of Polish nationality resident in the United States who is in any way subject to the draft will be accepted as a recruit by this military commission . " Practically identical phrasing appeared in a letter from one of the commissioners to the State Department . It further promised to refrain from recruiting " any man whose family would be left without means of support " and to be " discreet " in publicizing the army. 23 <p> The agreement may have satisfied the Wilson administration , the French government and the Polish National Department , but the clear language of the documents blurred when applied to the local recruiting effort . The fault lay as much with the Selective Service network as with overzealous Polish-American recruiting officers and sergeants . General Crowder noted " the desire of the representatives of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own commanders and to join immediately the allied forces in the battlefield . " He saw no hindrance if the volunteers were less than twenty-one or over thirty years old . As for men of draft age , he divided them into three categories : ( 1 ) " technically enemy aliens , who could not be admitted to the American Army , and , therefore , might well be released to these foreign legions " ; ( 2 ) men " in deferred or exempted classes . . . if they were willing to fight , they might as well fight in the American Army " ; and ( 3 ) men in Class I who " might go into the field earlier if they were permitted to enlist in the foreign legions . " 24 <p> Crowder specifically mentioned Russian Poles as examples of the second category who , as subjects of an Allied State , were liable for service in the Russian Army . Polish Americans posed a complicated problem , because , if aliens , they were formally subjects of Germany , Austria or Russia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become citizens were enemy aliens . This meant Alsatians as well as Poles , though Americans understood the situation with respect to Alsace-Lorraine better than the Polish case . In his report Crowder noted " a large share of anti-German aliens , belonging to other race stocks who were enemies in a purely technical sense . " 25 <p> Of the men registered on June 5 about forty-one thousand were German subjects . Almost a thousand German nondeclarants somehow wound up in camp as a result of the draft . Crowder opined that a greater number of German declarants were drafted by the end of the year . Many nondeclarants at the time of registration had since then applied for first papers . When the United States declared war on Austria-Hungary in December , the numbers of both alien enemy declarants and nondeclarants in camp jumped tremendously . Crowder estimated that some nine thousand nondeclarants had waived their exemption by reason of alienage. 26 <p> It appears that the War Department did not consult Crowder during the negotiations regarding the Polish Army . Initially , there seemed to be little @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in France . The Provost Marshal General concentrated on supplying the manpower that the AEF needed . <p> In November Gov . John J. Cornwall of West Virginia inquired whether Polish draftees should be released to the recruiting officer at Wheeling for transport to the Polish Army Camp at Niagara on the Lake , Ontario . Crowder responded that they should not . Earlier in the month he informed Gov . James B. Goodrich of Indiana that Czechs and Slovaks with first papers were ineligible to enlist in the Czecho-Slovak Army. 27 <p> In late December , three months after Polish recruitment began , Crowder received a letter from the Bureau of Investigation in the Justice Department reporting that a twenty-three year old man from Pittsburgh had volunteered for the Polish Army and , deemed physically unfit , was sent home from the Polish Army camp . Crowder replied that he would look into the possibility that recruitment for the Polish Army was interfering with the draft . He was not unduly concerned at this point , possibly because a candidate unfit for service in the Polish Army was unlikely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the same month the United States Fuel Administrator Harry A. Garfield , seeking to assure an adequate supply of coal during an exceptionally harsh winter , transmitted two letters from W. H. Wilson , vice president of the Delaware and Hudson Company , to the War Department . The first asserted that " some 2,500 Polish miners " worked for the company and called attention to the British and Canadian experience with conscripted miners who had to be returned to the coal fields . Garfield 's cover letter concluded that " the public interest " required that recruitment for the Polish Army " should not be encouraged . " 29 <p> Col. P. D. Lochridge , acting chief of the General Staff 's War College Division , found sufficient merit in Garfield 's argument to warrant a reconsideration of the official American attitude toward recruitment for the Polish Army . Citing an amendment to the criminal code , he underscored the use of the word country in its proviso . Crowder , functioning as the Army 's Judge Advocate General , had earlier interpreted this word to allow for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resident in the United States . Lochridge equated the term country with government and observed : " In Poland , at the present time , there is no duly accredited Polish government . The government existing in Poland is the government of our enemy . " This interpretation raised the question whether official policy in this matter was in conflict with the law. 30 <p> These reservations received confirmation from the Judge Advocate General 's office on December 28 . Accordingly , a letter ordering the Provost Marshal General to " stop further enlistments for the so-called Polish legions " and another for Garfield were drafted for the Secretary of War 's signature , but both remained undated and unsigned . <p> With respect to drafting miners Crowder informed Baker that the Fuel Administration 's request for exemptions was unwarranted . Of a total of 600,000 miners about a third registered on June 5 , of whom 74,000 were called by local boards . The actual number of coal miners drafted to date was 18,710 . This provided an " almost negligible " ratio of 3.13 percent . ( The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ located at Scranton , Wilkes-Barre and Mount Carmel , Pennsylvania , as of 31 December 1917 . ) The Provost Marshal General expressed the fear that these exemptions , if granted , would lead to requests from other industries and urged the secretary to reject them. 31 <p> Both President Wilson and Secretary Baker accepted Crowder 's position . Responding to the questions of exemptions and the legality of Polish recruitment , Baker testily informed Garfield that it was authorized " after very careful consideration of this subject in all of its phases , national as well as international . " The secretary further remarked that " this law will permit Poles who are subjects of Russia , for example , and who are not within the draft age , to enlist for the Polish Army . " He dismissed the War College 's strained interpretation that the Polish Army was somehow hostile to American interests because of the German occupation of Poland. 32 <p> Why the War College suddenly developed scruples over the legality of the Polish Army is puzzling . The letter initiating the review of Polish recruitment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it would augment . But W. H. Wilson 's main concern was his company 's work force . Garfield too did not wish to see coal mining disrupted . The General Staff officers who took up the matter adopted the same approach and introduced a legal complication . This concern may have reflected a genuine fear that the War Department had inadvertently violated the law in authorizing recruitment . <p> Another possible explanation of this development may be that W. H. Wilson , Garfield and the officers did not fully comprehend the Department 's action regarding the Polish Army in France . The potential for confusion was great , nor was it limited to the American military . Despite the clear official announcement of October 6 , the Department received repeated requests for verification of the recruiting centers ' right to function . <p> It is also possible that the military had never completely agreed with the decision , though they had no choice earlier but to obey Baker . The letters from the Delaware and Hudson Company then provided a chance to reopen the matter with new arguments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memoranda , neither W. H. Wilson , Garfield , nor the War College carried their point with the Secretary of War , and the Polish Military Commission continued its work . <p> This correspondence was prelude to the overlapping throughout 1918 of the Selective Service System and the Polish recruiting effort . Their interaction did not differ significantly from Selective Service 's problems with other foreign recruiting missions in the United States . In May , 1917 , Crowder as Judge Advocate General interpreted a change in section 10 of the Penal Code to allow allies of the United States to recruit nondeclarant aliens in the country for service with Allied forces . Prior to the change this was illegal under section 10 . Should a declarant alien enlist in these forces , his military oath of allegiance would nullify " his declaration of intention to abjure all foreign allegiance . " The memorandum alluded to the British and Canadian desire for American assistance in recruitment . Crowder saw no problem in such cooperation. 33 <p> The problem of alien overrepresentation in certain regions , along with Britain 's concern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to negotiations in July . By September 17 the State Department , after consulting the War Department , submitted a draft treaty to Britain , France , Italy and Greece . At this point , too , the Wilson administration was close to sanctioning Polish recruitment in the United States . The Polish matter was , of course , part of the French negotiations . Despite the progress on the treaties , the first agreement , with Britain , was not signed until June , 1918. 34 <p> In the meantime recruitment for Allied forces continued on the basis of the Judge Advocate General 's opinion of May , whose terms had induced the British to propose a treaty . The president of Local Board 3 of Duluth , Minnesota , J. D. Mahoney , indignantly reported the activity of Captain Bonner , " a low down cur . " One of six to ten Canadian recruiters in the area , he defied the local Justice Department agent to stop him . For February and March , 1918 , Mahoney reported that the Canadians had recruited 193 men , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were drafted . Later , one American recruit in the Canadian Army reported acting " under the influence of liquor " when he enlisted. 35 <p> Such abuses served as a background for complaints against Polish recruitment which reached the War and State Departments at the same time . Once again Duluth was involved . A. Bruce Bielaski , head of the Bureau of Investigation , informed Crowder on 12 March 1918 that local board 3 demanded the release of a man classified IA who was at the Polish Army Camp . Local board 1 reported that two men with the same classification were in the Polish Army. 36 <p> Crowder , who wrote in late February that the Polish Army encompassed " Poles , Bohemians , Slovaks and Czechs , resident in the United States , " was somewhat confused with regard to its recruitment . He attributed the problems to misunderstanding in the recruiting centers and stations . He had no quarrel with enlistment of men younger than twenty-one or older than thirty , as long as their classification was VF , which indicated that they were nondeclarant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the French Military Attache . Military Intelligence had already worked out a procedure with him to forestall violation of Selective Service regulations . The French would submit a list of men bound for France two weeks before departure . Copies would go to the Provost Marshal General , the Department of Justice and Military Intelligence , which would also assign an officer to monitor the embarcation of the recruits. 38 <p> The Bureau of Investigation on February 21 also approached the Polish Military Mission in the person of its liaison with the French High Commission , Col. James Martin . From his conversation with Agent S. D. Bradley it became clear that , though the colonel knew that men subject to the draft were ineligible for the Polish Army , he did not realize that this provision excluded men with first papers . This interview may have resulted from an earlier complaint to Secretary of State Robert Lansing from J. J. Blachowski of Saint Paul , who reported that recruiting officers for the Polish Army promised promotion to the rank of officer to men who transferred from the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War Department , which was also informed of the Martin interview. 39 <p> In March another violation of recruiting guidelines came to the attention of the State Department . Julius Danielewski of Milwaukee wrote to President Wilson that his son Frank , a minor born in Chicago , had enlisted in the Polish Army . The Department asked for proof of the boy 's citizenship or the father 's naturalization papers before contacting the Military Commission . His release was requested on April 30 , but in March the soldier had sailed for France . The State Department nonetheless demanded his discharge and return , asserting that his enlistment violated section 10 of the Penal Code as amended on 7 May 1917. 40 <p> Yet the State Department revealed earlier that it did not thoroughly understand the terms under which Polish recruitment was authorized . When it informed the Provost Marshal General of the impending departure of Polish and Czech volunteers for France , according to the plan worked out in late February , it also instructed the Treasury Department that French " identification certificates " sufficed for naturalized American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made special arrangements . " The Acting Secretary of War Benedict Crowell quickly corrected this misconception , asserting that no such arrangements existed and all American citizens were ineligible to join the Polish Army. 41 <p> Crowder sought to clear up the confusion in early March by sending a telegram to all governors which stated that only Class V registrants , aliens who had not declared their intention to become citizens of the United States , could enlist in the Polish Army . The governors were to instruct local boards to enforce this ruling . The Adjutant General of New York , however , considered this procedure inadequate , because volunteers proceeded to the Polish Army camp without informing their local boards. 42 <p> These incidents demonstrated that the apparently straightforward language of both the Provost Marshal General 's instructions and the agreement authorizing Polish Army recruitment eluded both American officials and Polish recruiters . Given the many people involved in both recruitment efforts , this confusion is not surprising . As problems emerged , the Provost Marshal General issued revised instructions to deal with them . Since most people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one could anticipate that mistakes would occur in the application of guidelines . The situation of citizens and nondeclarants was relatively simple with respect to foreign recruitment . Citizens could only serve in the AEF , and nondeclarants could choose service in either foreign or American forces . The major problem surfaced with the declarant alien . Not yet a citizen , he was regarded by most Allied recruiting missions as a potential volunteer , though under the Selective Service Act he was subject to the draft . If he refused to serve or enlisted in an Allied force , he thereby renounced his right to become an American citizen . Yet even the Provost Marshal General was ready to relax all these prescriptions occasionally. 43 <p> In February , 1918 , a new Polish Mission arrived to replace the one which had inaugurated recruitment . Maj. Joseph Kozlowski took the place of Lieutenant Gasiorowski , who in any case had run afoul of Ignacy Jan Paderewski , the piano virtuoso who spoke for Polonia . Gasiorowski criticized Paderewski 's close ties to the Polish National Committee in Paris , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . When Paderewski got involved in a project , he expected everyone to carry out his orders without question . Thus he completely rejected Gasiorowski 's critique . The French , who understood the importance of Paderewski 's support , complied with the maestro 's insistence on full control of recruitment. 44 <p> By this time Gasiorowski and others were concerned that recruitment had slowed down and the goal of one hundred thousand men would not be reached . It occurred to many involved in Polish Army recruitment that the men classified V by Selective Service local boards were an untapped pool of volunteers . <p> On January 11 the Saint Paul Polish Citizens Committee requested representation on each local board for access to the addresses of Polish aliens . Crowder instructed the Minnesota Adjutant General to make his own decision whether to grant this favor . If he consented , he was to supervise its implementation. 45 <p> On February 23 the recruiting officer in Cleveland wired a request to Crowder for the names of all Poles in Class V in the city . Crowder refused to provide this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compile such a list , provided this neither interfered with the functioning of local boards nor drew upon their funds. 46 <p> In April Major Kozlowski sent requests directly to the state Adjutants General for lists of Polish Class V registrants , without going through the proper channels. 47 The officers consulted Washington , which brought this matter to the attention of the State and War Departments . In turn , the State Department informed the French High Commission of the breach in protocol . The French apologized , informing the State Department that Kozlowski had been instructed to send any further requests through the French High Commission. 48 <p> Recruiting centers used the information on Class V registrants innovatively . In Wilkes-Barre and its vicinity the center sent out " The Summoning Card . " In one long sentence the pink postcard asserted that the recipient was bound , " on the strength of privileges given the center by the United States Government , " to appear for a medical examination and service in the Polish Army . When informed of this practice , the State Department advised the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Secretary of War . Recruiting center 2 at Chicago also mailed " cleverly drawn up " letters implying that Class V registrants " must enlist in the Polish Army , " until warned in May by the Bureau of Investigation to change this message. 49 <p> There remained the problem of what to do with men improperly recruited for the Polish Army . In response to pleas from Paderewski and the French High Commission , the War Department allowed 113 volunteers with first papers , who had completed training in Canada , to stay in the Polish Army . The Department assumed that the men involved were Poles , " many of whom probably understand thoroughly no language but the Polish . " Their availability " for immediate service at the front among men of their own national aspirations " and the negative impact their discharge would have on further recruitment for the Polish Army persuaded the American authorities to agree in this case. 50 <p> But this was not meant to be a precedent . The War Department intended to enforce the law regarding enlistment in foreign armies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exclusively on the recruiting officer . The military intelligence officer present at the embarcation of the volunteers could deny ineligible men permission to board the transport . He would determine this status by checking the nominal lists the French High Commission submitted two weeks prior to departure . Despite the advance notice military intelligence did not always identify ineligible volunteers . By July it relinquished the task of checking the nominal lists to the Provost Marshal General 's office. 51 <p> At the same time the War Department slowly recognized that unlawful recruitment was not the only reason for the enlistment of ineligible men . There were repeated instances of their voluntary entry in all the Allied forces , such as the case of Frank Danielewski cited above. 52 The volume of correspondence generated in trying to rectify the situation led the War Department , with the concurrence of the State Department , to formulate a rule for handling such violations . The War Department would demand the release of a volunteer subject to the draft only if the violation was discovered before transport to Europe . The result of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guidelines between the recruiting missions and the volunteer. 53 <p> To confuse matters further , Congress ordered the reluctant War Department to raise a Slavic Legion in the summer of 1918 . The military had not favored recruitment for the Polish Army in September , 1917 , and revealed continued opposition by supporting the United States Fuel Commissioner 's objections to recruitment in January , 1918 . The War Department responded in the negative in October , 1917 , to a proposal to raise a " Russian Legion " in the United States for the western front . It repeated this response to a similar proposal in March , 1918 . In short , ethnic units had no appeal for the American military . Yet Congress passed a law mandating the Slavic Legion in July , 1918. 54 <p> This action caused the French to seek clarification of the measure . The initial proposal encompassed Polish , Czech , Slovak and Yugoslav immigrants resident in the United States . The rider , attached to the Army Appropriation Act of July 9 , deleted Poles from and added Ruthenians to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passed during the period in which Congress debated intervention in Siberia , the law left the assignment of the force to the discretion of the president. 55 <p> In addition to the Polish Army , France had established a CzechoSlovak Army which received authorization in May to enlist Czech and Slovak Americans under the same conditions that applied to the Polish Military Commission . Earlier , the Serbian Mission had enlisted Czech and Slovak volunteers in the United States . The French were understandably concerned that the proposed Slavic Legion would hamper the growth of the Polish and Czecho-Slovak Armies. 56 <p> As of June 30 , 11,638 Polish volunteers had sailed for France . The War Plans Division of the General Staff reported in July that 16,000 men , mostly from the United States , were in the Polish Army and that only 1000 Czech and Slovak immigrants had volunteered in America . As the army prepared to comply with the law , prodded on by Congressman Adolph J. Sabath of Chicago , one of the sponsors of the Slavic Legion , the War Plans Division projected a force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Slovaks and 8,000 Ruthenians . The Division argued against recruiting in coal mining regions , " as the services of men of these races , employed in coal mining , is more valuable to the Government in that capacity than in the Army . " This assertion recalls the challenge to Polish Army recruitment of January and supports the conclusion that the General Staff would have preferred not to bother with the Slavic Legion. 57 <p> The War Department finally issued the regulations for the Slavic Legion on 5 October 1918 , but when the Armistice took effect on November 11 , nothing had been done to begin recruitment . Two days later Maj. General Frank McIntyre , executive assistant to the Chief of Staff , informed Crowder : " These regulations with reference to the Slavic Legion will be killed . We are dropping the Slavic Legion altogether &; making no effort to form one so they will not be necessary . " In retrospect , the French , Poles , Czechs and Slovaks need not have worried about the Slavic Legion. 58 <p> Another complication intruded upon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when a third registration encompassing men from eighteen to forty-five years old was held . The questionnaire asked for the registrant 's citizenship . When Czechs and Slovaks , knowing that the United States had recognized the Czecho-Slovak National Council as a cobelligerent on September 3 , responded " Czecho-Slovak , claimed as subject of Austria-Hungary , " local boards refused to record this answer. 59 <p> On registration day the Daily Slovak American reported to Crowder that New York local boards were not complying with instructions . The Provost Marshal General instructed the city 's Director of the Draft to reply to the paper and " take appropriate corrective measures if necessary . " It may be that the local boards were in compliance , but the registrant technically remained , despite his response , an enemy alien . The distinction , which applied to German and Austrian Poles , Alsace-Lorrainers and others , may have been too subtle for the average registrant and even for the average editor. 60 <p> This problem surfaced as soon as America entered the war . Polish immigrants , just as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Germany or Austria , when they had no love for either empire . Throughout 1918 Paderewski approached the State Department for authority to issue certificates of Polish nationality . He achieved limited success . Immigrants from Alsace-Lorraine gained a similar concession . Czechs and Slovaks , however , did not yet share this privilege. 61 <p> Nonetheless , German and Austrian subjects remained enemy aliens under American law . Selective Service officials debated the problem until the Armistice rendered it moot . One officer in the agency argued that American recognition of the Czechs and Slovaks as cobelligerents nullified the legal technicality . Others insisted that congressional action was necessary to change the classification of enemy alien . Selective Service responded to protests over classification by directing the correspondents to the Slavic Legion . Yet it is hard to imagine that Crowder did not realize the General Staff 's reluctance to expedite its formation . On August 8 Congress authorized Selective Service to halt all voluntary enlistment for the armed forces , in order that the local boards could fulfill their assigned quotas without difficulty . At the same time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Slavic Legion . In alluding to it Crowder may have been trying to relieve the pressure applied to Selective Service by indignant Czechs and Slovaks. 62 <p> While the agency sought a way out of this problem , Congressman Sabath intervened . Representing the Pilsen neighborhood in Chicago , he had numerous Czech and Slovak constituents who protested their classification . In October , Crowder had to explain the agency 's behavior to Sabath . Just before the Armistice he informed the congressman that he believed he had found a way to resolve the difficulty . After November 11 , however , the problem lost its urgency. 63 <p> With the Armistice , Selective Service relaxed its supervision over recruitment for the Polish Army , which continued to enlist volunteers until 15 February 1919 . In December the transportation officer inquired how to respond to American immigration officials at the Canadian border who demanded a release from the local board before allowing volunteers to cross into Canada . Crowder replied that they no longer needed such releases . Responding in January , 1919 , to a native-born American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Marshal General provided the text of section 10 of the Penal Code . His final words nonetheless contained this advice , " It may be possible for you to enlist in a Polish force outside of the United States . " 64 <p> During the eighteen months of its work the military commission sent 20,720 men to the Polish Army in France . When the army was transferred to Poland in April , 1919 , it consisted of some 68,000 men . Thus , the American contribution , including over 200 Canadians , made up almost one-third of the force . This number fell short of the 100,000 men anticipated when Paderewski first proposed raising a Polish-American force to be called Kosciuszko 's Army under the auspices of the United States in April 1917 . But it was an impressive showing for a state that only took shape at the end of the war . The British and Canadians , who started recruiting six months earlier than the Poles , together raised about two and a half times this number. 65 <p> Yet recruitment in the United States encountered vigorous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ KON from its Polish acronym . Grouping the few leftist elements in Polonia , the organization professed adherence to the course followed by Joseph Pilsudski in Poland . He had fought with the Austrians against the Russians and later agreed for a time to raise a force within the Polish districts from which Germany had driven the Russian Army in 1915 . KON feared that the conservative exiles in western Europe , whose vision of a restored Poland differed from Pilsudski 's , would use the Polish Army in France to achieve their goals . The Polish National Committee based in Paris did acquire full control over the army nine months after its creation , but proved incapable of manipulating it for its political benefit in Poland . These considerations also engaged the leadership of Polonia 's feuding organizations , but for the most part hardly mattered to the volunteers who joined the army . Selective Service , whose concern was to field an American Army , was oblivious to the dispute , through military intelligence paid attention to it because of the appearance of pro-German sympathy within KON . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Polish Council of State , a body established under German occupation as a precursor to a promised postwar " Polish Kingdom . " But there is no way to gauge how all this helped or hindered recruitment in America. 66 <p> Once accorded the right to recruit , the military commission received the same consideration that the other Allied recruiting missions had in the United States . Formally the Poles operated under the French Mission , and the French High Commission regularly handled communication regarding the army . This statement , nonetheless , masks the confusion which attended Polish Army recruitment . Similar confusion existed with regard to the more familiar Allied missions , but it cleared up somewhat once treaties regarding recruitment were signed in 1918 . There was no state with which the United States could negotiate such a treaty with respect to Polish recruitment . American recognition of the Polish National Committee in Paris simply acknowledged its representation of Polish interests . Finally , in January , 1919 , when Polish recruiting in America was approaching an end , the United States established diplomatic relations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for such a treaty had disappeared. 67 <p> American military authorities expressed varied opinions on the use of Polish-American manpower in the war . Some were loathe to surrender the immigrant to the Allies , because they refused to relinquish reserves the country might need in the struggle against Germany . Yet many commanding officers objected to the immigrant soldier in their units , because they considered him inferior to the native-born enlisted man. 68 <p> Complaints about " undesirables " in the training camps reflected the attitude toward recent immigrants prevalent in the society from which the officers were drawn . It revolved around the fear that loyalty to the land of birth would displace the immigrant 's love for his adopted country . In the case of Polish immigrants this was improbable . Their homeland was divided among three of the belligerents , for which few Polish Americans had any love . Polish leaders argued during the war whether alliance with one side or the other would more efficaciously accomplish their shared goal , an independent Poland . Each side envisioned a military force which could convince the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whereas the Central Powers on the one hand and Russia on the other made limited promises in this direction , neither was really willing to contemplate a truly independent Polish state . This is why many Polish immigrants enthusiastically embraced the opportunity to fight with the United States against the Central Powers . President Wilson had called attention to the Polish tragedy in his Peace without Victory speech in January , 1917 , and referred to it again a year later when he framed the fourteen points . These statements convinced many Polish Americans that the president championed a Polish state , and consequently they inaccurately equated American and Polish war aims . When the administration rejected the proposal to raise a Polish unit within the AEF , many immigrants volunteered for the United States Army in order to get to the front as soon as possible. 69 <p> The army never kept an ethnic breakdown of volunteers and draftees , because it viewed itself as an Americanizing agency . After the war The Literary Digest estimated that the army had two hundred twenty thousand Poles in its ranks and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ casualty lists , while the proportion of Poles in the country amounted to 4 percent. 70 <p> The number of draftees who did not understand English forced the army to deal with the problem in 1918 in a way that appeared to contradict its Americanizing role . The developmental battalions , which grouped immigrants in linguistically homogeneous companies , revealed the army 's mistaken presumptions . Under officers who spoke their language , one hundred twenty-nine thousand immigrants learned enough English to transfer to units destined for Europe . Paradoxically , by respecting the draftee 's native tongue , the army came closer to accomplishing its goal of integrating the immigrant into American society. 71 <p> By and large , Polish Army recruitment complemented the American draft , because it accepted volunteers younger and older than the men subject to it . Much of the early confusion over Polish Army recruitment in the United States had diminished by the time the war ended . Some puzzlement persisted over its continuation beyond the Armistice , but the War Department permitted the recruiting officers to enlist men and the final transports to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ completely dissipated . As late as August , military intelligence supplied the Provost Marshal General with two tables of Polish-American population statistics based on the 1910 census in order to help Selective Service plan for the Slavic Legion. 72 As the most numerous Slavic group within the United States , Polish Americans may have seemed perfect candidates for the Legion , except that they were not among the groups designated in the law establishing it . Ironically , before the formation of the Polish Army in France , Poles in America had unsuccessfully sought such a unit within the American forces . Thus this episode in American ethnic history ended the way it began , with uncertainty and confusion over the status of Polish-American immigrants as military manpower . <p>
@@4003641 Section : Review Essay <p> Harvest of Empire : A History of Latinos in America . By Juan Gonzlez . New York : Viking Penguin , 2000. xx + 346 pp . Maps , tables , notes , bibliography , and index . $27.95 . <p> Changing Race : Latinos , the Census , and the History of Ethnicity in the United States . By Clara E. Rodrguez . New York : New York University Press , 2000. xv + 283 pp . Tables , notes , bibliography , and index . $55.00 ( cloth ) ; $19.00 ( paper ) . <p> The 2000 decennial census will confirm that the Latino population in the United States now exceeds 32 million . Buoyed by both high birthrates and heavy immigration , this figure represents a 45 percent increase during the decade of the 1990s . Moreover , across the country Hispanic communities are rapidly expanding beyond their traditional strongholds . Puerto Ricans and Cubans , for example , are venturing well beyond the barrios of the Northeast and Florida , respectively . Mexicanos , who represent about two-thirds of the Hispanic total , have now become a national minority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . As these ethnic communities converge , a pan-Latino identity is surfacing , an emergent trend encouraged both by entrepreneurs seeking to simplify marketing strategies and ethnic politicians hoping to create a broader electoral base . Mirroring this momentous demographic shift in American society is an escalating interest in Latinos ( or Hispanics ) . Representative of the recent literature on the subject are the two volumes under consideration : Harvest of Empire and Changing Race . <p> In an effort to make sense of the Latino mosaic in North America , Harvest of Empire surveys the epic history of Hispanic immigration by focusing on the largest communities : Mexicans , Puerto Ricans , Cubans , Dominicans , Colombians , and Central Americans . Effectively combining personal interviews with an expert knowledge of the literature , Juan Gonzlez , a columnist for the New York Daily News , argues trenchantly that Hispanic immigration is largely a product of American political and economic penetration of Latin America . Thus , this massive immigration is seen as the " harvest of empire . " <p> An ambitious work , the volume is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans , for example , fails to incorporate many of the most recent important works on the subject , especially those that focus on women . The weaknesses , however , are relatively minor and do little to detract from this fine interpretive volume . Gonzlez is the first student to stress the crucial link between Latino immigrants in the United States and American policies in their homelands . Moreover , his book performs a valuable service because , as he rightly asserts , many Latinos who are well versed in the history of their own national group know little about other Hispanic communities , and Harvest of Empire helps to fill the void . <p> The Puerto Rican-born journalist is at his best when examining the complex relationship between his island homeland and the American mainland . Although his passionate criticisms of United States foreign policy in Latin America will alienate some readers , serious students of Latin American history will be inclined to sympathize with Gonzlez 's anti-Yankee perspective . In fact , prodded by corporate interests , the United States did turn the Caribbean into an American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arms . Moreover , it is undeniable that immigration has been a consequence , albeit largely unintended , of economic exploitation . This cause/effect relationship is still in evidence today . An excellent example-though one that the author fails to adequately explore-is the exodus to the United States in recent years of large numbers of Indian immigrants from southern Mexico , where village economies have weakened as a result of competition caused by American corporations , as well as other factors . <p> A question that Gonzlez treats superficially is the subject of a timely work by a fellow New York Puerto Rican , Clara Rodrguez , a Professor of Sociology at Fordham University who has written extensively on Latinos in general and Puerto Ricans more specifically . Changing Race examines the question of Latino racial identity : how the different Hispanic national groups define themselves and how they are defined by outsiders , in particular by the United States government . Based primarily on personal interviews and a painstaking examination of census data , this monograph is divided into three sections . The first part , " The Fluidity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society defines race almost exclusively as a biological category , rigid and unchanging , Hispanics retain a Latin American perception of race as constantly regulated through relationships and situational contexts . The second part , " Historical Constructions , " surveys the history of racial categorizing in the United States through an analysis of official census records . The last part , " Race and the Census , " traces the difficulties and contradictions of the racial classification structure used by the United States census bureau during the past twenty years . <p> Although it displays evidence of careful scholarship and focuses on a topic of immense interest among minority scholars today , that is , ethnic identity , Changing Race is somewhat disappointing . True , Rodrguez does make a convincing argument that Latino self-identity is fluid and constantly changing . She succeeds , too , in clarifying the myriad difficulties United States government agencies have encountered in reflecting the diversity of the disparate Latino communities in this country . Unfortunately , her study lacks a clear focus . Her introduction promises to pursue a variety of objectives , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on any of them given the space limitations imposed by this thin volume . Moreover , several of her key interpretations remain problematic . For example , Rodr/guez concludes that the reason that more than 43 percent of Latinos opted for " other race " when asked to indicate their racial identity in the 1990 census-the other possible choices were " white , " " black , " " Asian or Pacific Islander , " and " American Indian " - was because they rejected the notion of race based largely on skin color . In fact , the overwhelming majority of these respondents may well have accepted a genetic definition of race , but being people of mixed racial background ( mestizos ) they naturally opted for " other race " by default . <p> While a vast ignorance about Spanish-speaking communities has pervaded American society in the past , happily this situation is changing as demographic shifts stimulate interest in these groups . Several provocative volumes on Latinos in general , as distinct from individual ethnic groups , have appeared in the past decade . Well-written and insightful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these works . Narrow in scope and informed by a limiting postmodernist perspective , Changing Race will be less useful to the general reader but should engage public policy analysts and other specialists . <p> By Manuel G. Gonzales , Diablo Valley College <p>
@@4003741 In his journal entry for March 2 , 1835 , the Reverend John Dunbar , missionary to the Pawnee , described the Indian women as " mere slaves " condemned to a " laborious " life and banished to the cold part of the lodge beyond the glow of the fire . The Pawnee men , Dunbar reported , were " abominably lazy , " expending energy only on the " sport " of hunting or raiding. ( n1 ) About a century later , the feminist anthropologist Gene Weltfish , in her brilliant reconstruction of a year ( 1867 ) in the life of the Pawnee , concluded that the situation of men and women in traditional Pawnee society was " decidedly more balanced " than in contemporary American society. ( n2 ) <p> Which depiction is correct ? The postmodernist historian F. R. Ankersmit would say neither , because he would reason that the depictions reveal nothing about Pawnee men and women and everything about the observers . Ankersmit refers to this epistemological inevitability as the " contemporization of the historical source . " Yet Ankersmit also writes that " what is most characteristic of a period @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the period itself . It is not revealed until after the period has come to an end . " In this case , Weltfish 's assessment , while no doubt also an " allegorical creation for a human purpose , " is likely to be more representative of past reality than Dunbar 's idea. ( n3 ) <p> With this in mind , my first objective is to go behind the statements of early nineteenth-century observers like Dunbar to try to understand their angle of vision , and hence their conclusions , regarding the roles and status of men and women in the Pawnee and Omaha nations of nineteenth-century Nebraska . <p> My second objective is to take advantage of the privilege of historical hindsight to identify empirical evidence , drawn from activity analysis and demography , which provides a firmer foundation for assessing the places of men and women in these societies . This may well sound positivistic to postmodernist ears , and no doubt Ankersmit would recoil , but even the champion of postmodernist history , Hayden White , has latterly recognized the need to establish the " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenge of putting those facts together into a narrative. ( n4 ) THROUGH THE EYES OF EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY OBSERVERS <p> Dunbar 's assessment of the lives of Native Nebraskan men and women was echoed again and again by early nineteenth-century explorers , missionaries , and Indian agents . These witnesses were all men and predominantly middle-class , or sometimes aristocratic . Some , like the explorers Stephen Long and Charles Augustus Murray , were transitory visitors ; others , like Dunbar , were long-term residents . Ail depicted Indian men as idle and Indian women as mistreated , overworked , and powerless . <p> Long , for example , travelling through eastern Nebraska in the summer of 1820 , remarked that the Indian men were " without exception , addicted to habits of extreme indolence " while the women performed all the " domestic drudgery . " Similarly , the British traveller , Murray , who visited the Pawnee villages in 1835 , concluded that the women 's lives were characterized by " perpetual degradation and slavery . " Murray was perplexed , however , by the way the women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n5 ) <p> To Euroamericans like Murray and Long , this seeming mistreatment of women was confirmation of the uncivilized state of Indian life . The Moravian missionaries Gottlieb Oehler and David Smith , who journeyed to the Pawnee villages in 1851 , explained this connection : <p> The more enlightened people become through the benign influence of religion and the cultivation of the arts and sciences the more the weaker sex attains to that role in society that the Creator intended for them ; but the more debased and sunk in Heathenism a Nation lies , the more is the woman enslaved and held in subjection. ( n6 ) <p> The American ideal ( and apparently the Creator 's too ) was the cloistered , protected woman , practicing the " culture of true womanhood , " a life of piety , purity , and domesticity . Her place was in the home , not in the fields , and her situtation , as de Tocqueville observed , was one of " extreme dependence . " ( n7 ) Indian women 's heavy labor was an affront to these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This assumed low status also was confirmed by the men 's obvious domination of political and religious power . Consequently , federal Indian policy throughout the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth century was aimed at reversing the Indians ' traditional gender roles by transforming the men into yeoman farmers and the women into housewives . The policy failed . <p> Ankersmit , citing Foucault , urges that we should pay attention to what is not said in historians ' accounts. ( n8 ) In this respect it is worth noting that many nineteenth-century American women fell outside this hallowed sphere of domesticity . Frontier women were hardly cloistered ( though possibly isolated ) , and they often shared what were regarded as men 's roles ; and in 1846 two-thirds of the workers in the Lowell , Mass. , textile mills were women and girls . Among Americans , their rate of tuberculosis infection was second only to that of Native Americans. ( n9 ) <p> The stereotype of the subordinated Indian woman has been persistent . It 's in Margaret Mead 's 1932 ethnography of the Omaha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the summer of 1930 . In Mead 's view , in traditional Omaha society women did all the work yet had no power or respect . " Economically , " Mead writes , " women played a background part , " and although a few women were members of secret societies , their roles were " pallid versions of the men 's . " Mead 's Omaha women walked a few paces behind " their men , " their eyes fixed " meekly " on the ground. ( n10 ) <p> How can such a depiction be accounted for , fifty years after Alice Fletcher had observed that much of the livelihood of the Omaha depended on the women 's labors , for which they were held in high regard ? ( n11 ) Perhaps it comes from Mead 's jaundiced view of a people who would not give her information without payment . Perhaps it stems from the fact that Mead was an elitist , not a feminist , who believed that it was women 's own fault if they had n't improved their lot. ( n12 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her work on the Pawnee , illustrates that , contrary to some postmodernist thinking , we are not merely ciphers for our times , with . our histories being written through us , but also individuals , asking different questions , adopting different styles , coming to different conclusions . <p> No one , from early nineteenth-century male travellers to twentieth-century feminist anthropologists , denies that Indian women worked hard or that Indian men wielded society-wide political power . What is at issue is whether Indian women were respected for their work and whether Indian men contributed equally to the day-to-day functioning of the society . <p> These issues can , perhaps , be resolved by itemizing men 's and women 's activites in nineteenth century Pawnee and Omaha societies and by analyzing changes in their demographic structures as statistical evidence pointing to a judicious balance of roles and responsibilities in everday life . ACTIVITES , ROLES , AND STATUS <p> The information on activities ( Table 1 ) is drawn mainly from Weltfish 's study of the Pawnee , Fletcher and LaFlesche 's study of the Omaha , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n13 ) In keeping with the critical stance of the postmodernist historian , and accepting that " the study of the past is never innocent , " these authors and their feasible biases must first be previewed. ( n14 ) <p> Alice Fletcher and Gene Weltfish had much in common . They were feminists who were alienated from an American society that had mistreated them . They sought refuge by re-creating the distant world of nineteenth-century Indian society , establishing close connections with Indian men ( Francis LaFlesche in Fletcher 's case , Mark Evarts in Weltfish 's ) who helped them record the old ways before they faded from memory . Perhaps they idealized traditional Pawnee and Omaha life , particularly women 's roles , seeking there a dignity that they found lacking in their own society . Joan Wallach Scott has recently pointed to this risk of conflating the " valuation of women 's experience " with the " positive assessment of everything women said or did . " ( n15 ) But their books are richly detailed , and the Indians ' own voices are heard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Murie , the mixed-blood Pawnee who devoted his life to recording the elaborate ceremonies of his people , writing down what previously had only been spoken . Murie worked with Fletcher ( and later with Clark Wissler ) , and after Murie 's death Weltfish used her knowledge of the Pawnee language to translate and transcribe his texts. ( n16 ) These are the classic works of Omaha and Pawnee ethnography . <p> Women 's work was arduous and perennial . The women erected and dismantled the tipis , built and repaired the lodges , produced the staple crops , collected wild plants , hauled fuel and water , dug and transported salt , processed skins and furs , bore and raised children , and in general looked after the household . This heavy work load actually increased during the early nineteenth-century as the fur trade raised the demand for dressed skins . Women also carried heavy loads on the long bison hunts , especially if the family was poor and owned few horses . The work was , of course , communal , because polygamy , especially sororal polygamy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the household . <p> It is equally true that Indian women lacked formal political power and played a subordinate role in ceremonial life . Only one Pawnee ceremony-the Corn Planting Ceremony-included women in a major role , but even in this case male priests were in charge of the proceedings . Later , in dealings with the American government through treaties , annuity payments , and even in the allocation of allotments , it was Indian men , not women , who represented their societies . This , of course , reveals as much of American norms as it does of Indian society . <p> Yet in the lodge , and in other contexts , too , women had positions of authority and respect . In Pawnee and Omaha societies ( and among the Ponca and Otoe-Missouria too , the other indigenous peoples of eastern Nebraska ) , the lodge , tipi , and most of their contents were the women 's , a right of property ownership that married American women did not have until after the 1830s. ( n17 ) The women also owned the fields , seeds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who had the right to trade these products . Women often made the decisions on where to camp on the bison hunts and where , specifically , to pitch the tipis in relation to those of other clan members . The senior wife was the main decision maker in the lodge and controlled the distribution of food . A woman had the right to refuse to marry a man selected by her parents , and she also had the right to divorce . Since the woman owned the lodge , an unkind husband often found himself homeless with only his weapons , clothes , and horse to count his own . <p> Women were held in high esteem for the elemental role they played in the functioning of village life , including the production of food surpluses . They often were largely responsible for their husband 's status ( and hence the family 's ) because they manufactured the garments , skins , pipestems , and other products that were traded , or given as gifts , to attain or consolidate social position . Some women were especially esteemed for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and spoons and tipi covers . They earned additional wealth for the family in the form of fees for imparting knowledge of such skills . Women also played a role in healing , especially in problems associated with childbirth , and they had the responsibility of taking care of the religious items , an obligation of the highest importance . Finally , and surely of great symbolic significance , the Skiri Pawnee believed that woman was created first and that " through her all human things came into the world . " ( n18 ) <p> The conclusion is that Indian women 's roles , while different from the men 's , were no less valued . Fletcher and LaFlesche explained this : <p> The Omaha woman worked hard .... In return she was regarded with esteem , her wishes were respected , and , while she held no public office , many of the movements and ceremonies of the tribe depended on her timely assistance . In the family she was generally the center of much affection. ( n19 ) <p> The ethnologist James Owen Dorsey , who lived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ writing that " the woman had an equal standing to the man in society " and " always did the work of her own accord . " ( n20 ) Dorsey , like Fletcher and LaFlesche and Weltfish , was harkening back to earlier times when he wrote this . By the 1880s , with men 's traditional roles increasingly defunct , the weight of supporting the people fell increasingly upon the women , and their relative power in the society may have increased . This process of role reversal has continued through to today. ( n21 ) DEMOGRAPHY AND THE FATAL CONTRIBUTION OF INDIAN MEN <p> Weltfish , Fletcher and LaFlesche , and Dorsey all make a point of stressing that , contrary to early nineteenth-century stereotypes , Indian men Worked hard . " The life of a man was not an idle one , " wrote Fletcher and LaFlesche , " for want and danger were never far distant , and plenty and peace for the family and the tribe depended on his industry , skill , and courage . " Dorsey came to the same conclusion : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the man was not accustomed to lead an idle life . " ( n22 ) <p> Men were responsible for hunting , defensive and aggressive warfare , manufacture of weapons , and nearly all society-wide political and religious operations . The division of labor had some flexibility , and men would help with heavy work , such as lodge construction , and there were many instances of women helping defend the village . The complementary nature of the roles , and the high status that went with being a skilled farmer as well as successful hunter , was missed by the early nineteenth-century observers . <p> Part of the problem was that these observers generally saw the men at the villages , not out on the range . Henry Carlton , who led a military expedition to the Pawnee in 1844 , drew his conclusions from the village scene : <p> Go into the village at any time of the day , and you will find the men entirely idle ; there may be here and there one or two who will be making a bow or sharpening a lance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or talking politics , while all the women will be engaged at something. ( n23 ) <p> Men 's work took place away from the village : journeying on foot to raid for horses as far away as Santa Fe ( in the case of the Pawnee ) , hunting on an increasingly contested bison range , and striking deep into the heart of enemy territory to prove courage , gain wealth , or retaliate for past atrocities . Contrary to Dunbar 's ideas , these activities were not " sport " ; they were matters of life and death . In one Pawnee hero story , Lone Chief , son of a chief of the Kitkahahki band , is encouraged by his mother to follow the man 's path : " It is not the man who stays in the lodge that becomes great , " she tells him , " it is the man who works , who sweats , who is always tired from going on the warpath . " ( n24 ) <p> The balance of obligations between men and women is apparent from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the age of sixty , worn down by a life of childbearing and manual labor ; but the men died in greater numbers and at an earlier age , victims of their dangerous occupations . As a result there were far more women than men in these societies , a gender gap that did not close until the era of hunting and raiding was over . <p> Prince Maximilian , for example , saw very few " vigorous young men " at the Omaha village in 1833 , and Carlton described the Pawnee villages in 1844 as being " overstocked with widows . " ( n25 ) Such descriptions could be repeated , though it might be suspected that the men were only absent from the villages , doing their jobs . More persuasive evidence comes from three census counts of the Pawnee , taken in 1840 , 1872 , and 1887 ( Table 2 ) . <p> The 1840 count was made by Dunbar . For all his ethnocentrism , he knew the Pawnee well : by 1840 he had lived in their lodges for six years , accompanying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reliable . Dunbar 's use of the age often to distinguish between children and adults may seem problematic , but childbearing often began by age thirteen , and boys were hunters from an early age . By 1840 the toll taken on the Pawnee men , particularly at the hands of the Ogalala Dakota , was evident : only 41 percent of the population over the age of ten were men ; the Chaui and Kitkahahki bands had been stripped of their men even more drastically . <p> As the century wore on , the Pawnee became increasingly endangered . They were shadowed by the Ogalala on the bison range , besieged by this same enemy in their villages , and left unprotected by an American government which , contrary to treaty agreements , refused to protect them . Their agent 's census in 1872 shows drastically reduced numbers and an even wider gender gap than in 1840 . Barely 36 percent of the population were men . This census , based on annuity lists and in preparation for the allotment of the reservation , may be considered accurate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between children and adults . <p> After the removal of the Pawnee to Indian Territory in 1875 , the gender gap had almost closed . The 1887 census count identified every individual in the Pawnee nation , and its accuracy is beyond dispute . It showed that more than 48 percent of the adults were males , and the Kitkahahki band had more men than women . The total Pawnee population continued to plummet and would do so until after 1905 . But this was the result of poverty and dislocation ; hunting and raiding had ceased and death rates were no longer weighted against the men . CONCLUSION : HISTORY AS TRUTH OR ILLUSION ? <p> The British historian E. H. Carr , who anticipated many aspects of the recent postmodernist critique , liked to refer to the " center of gravity " between the historian and the facts. ( n26 ) To the positivist historian or historical geographer the center of gravity lay firmly on the facts : their truth value was absolute and historical accounts were facsimiles of past reality . To the postmodernist thinker , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , fact and fiction blur , and historical accounts are at best " substitutes " for the past. ( n27 ) On the one hand there is " ontological arrogance " ; on the other there is " epistemological angst . " ( n28 ) <p> This paper is an attempt to return the center of gravity to a middle zone between the historian and the facts . The facts here are derived from an analysis of activities carried out by Indian men and women in early nineteenth-century Nebraska and by inference from data describing the gender balance in these societies . Agreement on the validity of these facts would not necessarily lead other scholars to the same conclusions and certainly would not result in the same narratives ; but such agreement would hold relativism at bay and prevent the perpetuation of crude stereotypes such as those of the downtrodden Indian woman and the lazy and exploitive Indian man . <p>
@@4003841 Previous to 1940 fewer than 10 percent of women living in the western Navajo reservation gave birth in a hospital , but by 1970 the percentage of hospital births was nearly 100 percent ( Kunitz 1976 , 16 ) . Leighton and Kluckholn stated in 1948 , " Today an increasing number of Navajo women go to the Indian Service hospitals for delivery , but they still form a trifling portion of the total " ( Leighton and Kluckholn 1948 , 15 ) . The greatest shift toward hospital birth occurred in the late 1950s . The implications of this shift are worth examining to increase understanding of Indigenous knowledge about childbirth and how it contributes to positive birth outcomes . <p> Infant mortality data is scarce before the introduction of hospital birth , though it appears it was high . In the late 1950s in the Many Farms -- Rough Rock area of the Navajo reservation , Loughlin found the general infant mortality rate to be much higher than the national average . The neonatal mortality rate , however , was comparable or better than the national rate , in spite of the fact that only an average @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Loughlin 1969 ) . Separating the neonatal ( within thirty days of birth ) from the postneonatal ( after thirty days of birth ) infant mortality indicates that the neonatal deaths were comparable to that of the general population . This suggests that factors associated with childbirth itself were not the likely cause of the high infant death rate . <p> I was pregnant in 1979 and began to ask my mother-in-law about childbirth . She had sixteen children at home and was a deep well of information . The more I learned , the more my interest grew , and soon I was asking other women about their experiences . I was also in a doctoral program in public health , but I initially did not consider childbirth to be an academic subject . My motive for asking questions about childbirth was only my interest in the subject . A an Indigenous woman I had some anxiety about proving myself as a professional and did not think a " woman 's subject " would improve my professors ' perceptions of me . My passion for talking to women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Begay 1985 ) , though I have rarely spoken about the dissertation and have never sought to publish anything about it until now . I conducted lengthy interviews with twenty-one mothers who had given birth at home , most of whom were over forty years of age at the time of the interview . I also interviewed fifty women who gave birth in Navajo reservation hospitals . My methodology was anthropological , not survey based . Since I was a pregnant Native woman living on the Navajo reservation , I spent many hours sitting in Indian Health Service waiting rooms . I also went to chapter meetings , the Shonto trading post and Post Office , Enemy Way Ceremonies ( sometimes called squaw dances ) , and the Shonto Bureau of Indian Affairs School where my daughter was a day student . I also worked on a number of community projects and attended community meetings . I was a participant observer , which is neither a method nor a kind of data , but it allowed me to spend many hours listening to women and their husbands talk about their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and continued until 1983 . <p> In 1955 the U.S. Public Health Service took responsibility for medical care on the Navajo reservation . At the same time increasing numbers of children were being sent to boarding schools for most of the year . Even though children were still being born at home in the 1960s , their older brothers and sisters were often away at school at the time . These school children knew that they had younger siblings born at home , but few of these children were actually able to observe the birth of siblings . A consequence of this was that knowledge about childbirth practices at home began to disappear . Since much information about life outside the purview of formal education is " caught not taught , " there were few opportunities for young people to learn about traditional childbirth practices . <p> The women I interviewed who were first-time mothers in the 1960s and 1970s knew little about what to expect when delivering in the hospital . They rarely went to prenatal visits and had seldom been to the hospital at all before childbirth . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first child in the hospital during this time period spoke of being somewhat afraid and relieved that they were going to the hospital when in labor . They had a sense that there was some danger in childbirth and that the hospital was a safe , though alien , place . The older women who had their babies at home before the 1960s said that they were not afraid of childbirth . They did not think that the hospital was a safer place to have a baby than at home . Those who later had other children in the hospital said that it was not because it was safer but because the hospital could give them pain medication and that they were given gifts to take home -- diapers , baby clothes , shampoo , and soap . They also were pleased that the hospital saved their family from having to go through much trouble for them . <p> According to the ages of the women I interviewed , giving birth in the hospital because of safety was not a major consideration until several years after the Public Health Service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a safe experience was unexpected ; I had assumed that women welcomed hospital birth in order to feel safer than being at home . Most women in the United States today feel that the hospital is a safe place for childbirth and that medical intervention can save a potentially dire birth outcome . A possible consequence of this changed attitude about the safety of the hospital is a greater propensity for pursuing legal action if there is a poor birth outcome at the hospital . There were , however , systems to provide women both support and healthy outcomes before the introduction of modern childbirth practices . To assume that nothing existed before the new system was introduced not only makes it dif cult to perceive that there was a change in attitudes about childbirth but also allows the knowledge about the previous systems to pass from existence . <p> PRENATAL SUPPORT <p> All the women I interviewed , both young and old , told me that during pregnancy a woman should stay busy . This would keep the baby from growing too large and would also keep the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considered unwise to dwell too much on the future . Baby showers were considered to be tempting fate . Every woman talked about proscriptions during pregnancy . There was a large variety of prohibitions , some of which they did not feel were important any longer . For example , one woman said it used to be thought that one should not eat tomatoes during pregnancy , probably , she said , because of their blood-like red color . She laughed at this and said that now no one worried about tomatoes . Many older women thought that asking or talking about old taboos was odd , if not unwholesome , for a pregnant woman . <p> One of the most common prohibitions in pregnancy dealt with tying knots and performing actions that involve binding and lacing such as weaving and saddling horses . In the Navajo origin story of the birth of the hero twins , Changing Woman 's birth is blocked by the binding of a doorway . Not all the younger women had heard this story , but nearly every woman had a personal story about not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who had half-finished a basket when her grandmother made her undo it . Binding and tying are symbolically associated with slow deliveries , and these images are used in other cultures as well . A common practice for a Navajo midwife in a slow delivery was to unravel a crochet stitch while the laboring woman watched . <p> Other restrictions in pregnancy related to the health of the baby as well as the well-being of the mother . Many of these are still practiced . These included staying away from things associated with death , disability , uncontrolled power , and spirits . Dead animals , broken dolls , ancient ruins , and trees truck by lightening were some of the things mentioned by interviewees . Often , these stories were told when something was wrong with the baby and had to be corrected by a ceremony . An example was a baby girl who failed to gain weight a few months after she was born . The mother took the baby to the Indian health clinic first and then to a Navajo diagnostician who said that the family had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had looked at dead animals . There were many stories about avoiding things that could cause a woman mind to be sad , scared , unhappy , and " out of harmony . " <p> Preparation for childbirth in Navajo culture involved preparing the psyche to be harmonious with life . A proper attitude meant to think that the world is beautiful and that one is happy to be alive . The women interviewed expressed the idea that a pregnant woman should work diligently and think of herself as strong and healthy . She should not be jealous or envious of others . One of the ways in which women in my sample said that they increased their feelings of harmony was to have a Blessingway ceremony . A " singer " ( Hataalii , medicine man ) explained that there was a special and shortened version of the Blessingway ceremony that was particularly suitable for pregnant women . My informants agree that this ceremony should take place toward the latter part of pregnancy , generally a month or two before the birth is expected . Not all the older @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they all knew about it and had been to at least one for someone else if not their own . Since it requires the services of a singer , some women felt that they should save the money a singer would cost and were satisfied that labor and delivery proceeded well without the ceremony . Other , mostly older , women thought it was important to have the ceremony . One older woman said that the Blessingway was like a prenatal checkup , a reinforcement of positive thoughts . She had never been to a prenatal checkup herself , but she thought they must be for the same purpose . <p> For many of the Navajo women I interviewed , the main function of the prenatal checkup was perceived as being the same as the Blessingway ceremony : to increase positive thoughts and ensure that things go well during childbirth . A woman who had four children and was pregnant with her fifth explained that she did not go to prenatal exams with her first four children but had a Blessingway ceremony instead . She now felt that the ceremony @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in addition to buying materials and a basket . She felt that she did not need the ceremony as long as she went to prenatal exams and her Indian Health Service provider told her that everything was fine . <p> Another young woman said that her first labor had been extremely painful ; she had the ceremony before the next child was born , and she thought it was worth it because her labor was easier . Since most of the women perceived that the Public Health Service provided a substitute in prenatal checkups , they felt that it was a luxury to have a ceremony . <p> Many Public Health Service providers did not expect the attitude that the purpose of the prenatal checkup is to ensure harmony . Nonetheless , sensitive providers responded to the pregnant woman 's need for reassurance . The women I interviewed spoke positively about prenatal providers who told them that everything would be fine ; if they were told negative information they sought to change examiners or even go to another clinic . One woman , whose first child was a caesarian birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delivered caesarian ; and she ceased going to the prenatal visits . When she went into labor , she made her husband drive her two hundred miles to another hospital on the reservation because she felt that the Tuba City personnel were not harmonious toward her . <p> TRADITIONAL CHILDBIRTH AND POSTPARTUM <p> When a woman 's labor began a log was brought into the home and secured so that a rope or sash belt could be suspended from it . This rope might also be suspended from the ceiling instead of a log . A place was prepared for the laboring woman to sit next to the log . Most often the husband was the one who made these preparations . If the floor of the home was dirt , he dug out a shallow circle and may have put smooth sand from a stream bed in it to encourage a smooth flowing birth . If the floor was not dirt , he created this place by bringing in the sand and putting it on the floor , making a shallow nest with the sand . The sand was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freshly cleaned cloth or sheets . <p> The husband or another person sat , knelt , or stood behind the woman and held her tight against him with his arms around her and his hands knit together just under her breasts and over her pregnant belly . As the labor contractions intensified , the husband or other holder attempted to feel the contraction and tighten his embrace with a pressure corresponding to the tightness of the contraction . At the same time the woman pulled on the rope or sash with increasing force during the contraction . By having both a person hold her from behind and holding herself with the rope , a woman was able to stay in an upright , supported position during labor . In addition , the support and warmth of the holder could be felt on the woman 's back . According to the Navajo origin story this holding person has good intentions for the laboring mother . Many women in my sample stated that it was important that this person be someone who cared for them . Most of the women said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some said their own mother took this role . <p> It was also primarily the husband 's role to keep a fire going during the labor . This was done even if the labor took place in summer . Among the interview participants , it was thought important to keep the laboring mother warm . The wood stove usually had a pot of water with the inner bark from a juniper boiling on it , and juniper tea might be given to the woman during labor , though often this was only given after the baby was born . The husband cut juniper branches and kept them warm by placing them near the wood stove for use after the birth . The woman took her hair down and removed her jewelry and anything else that might be binding to her . The room was aromatic with the smell of juniper . <p> If a singer or medicine man was with a woman during labor , he sang Blessingway songs . The songs of the Blessingway come from the origin stories of the Navajo , and chanting them during the labor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identification with ancestors , the Holy people , and the Universal Forces of Life . In giving birth to a new person , the woman is spiritually joined to both the past and the future . The words and chants of the singer inspired her to feel these spiritual connections . Pollen blessing is essential in every Blessingway ceremony . During labor the singer dipped an eagle feather in pollen and brushed it in a downward motion over the woman . This has been called " chasing out the baby . " By his words and gestures , the singer focuses the woman 's attention in letting the baby loose . This focusing not only affected the parturient woman but the other supportive participants as well , especially the husband , who was usually holding his wife . The singer did not touch the couple or in any way come between them , and he sought to enhance their concentration on the experience and avoid any distraction . This concentrated state that the singer brings about or enhances is described by Bailey ( 1950 ) . He observed an Indian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been in labor for four days . When the doctor attempted to examine her , she became greatly distressed and appeared in such pain that he gave up the examination . When the singer began chanting again , her serenity returned . She gave birth the next day ( Bailey 1950 , 53 ) . <p> The woman was held and supported until the placenta was delivered . She was given juniper tea to help her uterus to contract as she rested on her mat . Warm juniper branches were tied around her belly , and she inhaled their fragrance for the same purpose . Immediate care of the newborn required clearing the mucus out of its mouth and nose . This was accomplished by administering small amounts of weak tea or warm water to the baby so that it would spit or sneeze . An attendant bathed and swaddled the baby and placed it with its head toward the fire . Women said that they would not nurse right after the baby was born because the mucus passages must be totally cleared of phlegm before nursing . If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rebellious and demanding , causing his family much grief . <p> After the birth , the mother was said to be like a newborn herself . Both she and her baby were described as being soft and pliable . She ate only soft food and did not pull at her skin or scratch herself . Women spoke about being able to manipulate their newborn 's features to make them more attractive . Most of the women in my sample said that it was possible to shape the features but that it is better to leave the baby alone and let it be the way he or she was born . Another practice was for a postpartum woman to put the baby 's meconium on her face to remove any dark pigmentation ( melasma gravidarum ) that she may have acquired during pregnancy . In 1983 several hospital nurses I poke with said that they had observed women doing this , though the practice seemed to be decreasing . <p> Five women I interviewed had births both at home and at the hospital . One said they were different but that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women liked the traditional way better because they thought it was faster and less painful when someone was holding them . In addition , a young woman said her grandmother told her that the old way of childbirth was probably better because it gave women something to do instead of just lying down . Another woman related a story of her hospital experience that combined some of the traditional methods . She was in the hospital and said that the nurse left her because she was not ready for delivery . She said the nurse told her to lie down and wait a while . But after the nurse left , she said that her mother and sister told her to get up ; they held her up while she pushed , and she said the baby was born right there in the labor room . <p> TWO HOME BIRTHS IN 1984 AND 1989 <p> I was pregnant in 1984 and had prenatal care at the Inscription House Health Center , located in the Kayenta Service Unit of the Indian Health Service . I was writing my dissertation about childbirth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Monument with my husband and our two children . My youngest child had been born four years earlier while I was a student at Berkeley . Her older sister was enrolled at the Shonto Bureau of Indian Affairs School . Since I had spent the last four years talking to people about childbirth , taking copious notes about it , and thinking about it and was now finishing my dissertation on the subject , I thought that I should have my next child at home using the traditional childbirth practices . My mother-in-law said she would help and my father-in-law , a Hataalii ( singer ) , said he would be there . They and my husband had everything prepared ahead of time : a log , bucket of river sand , and clean sheets . <p> I told my doctor and friend at Inscription House what we intended to do . He asked me what role I wanted him to play at the birth . I said I wanted him there just as an observer and as someone who could give advice if something went wrong . He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scheduled near my due date and said he would try to get some of the other providers in the Kayenta Service Unit to give support , should he be unavailable . He later told me that all the providers in the Service Unit were violently opposed to his supporting me . I heard that some of the doctors were very angry that I had asked him to do this and that he had agreed to it . He did talk his nurse into giving support . Although she tried to convince me to forget the plan , she reluctantly agreed to help because of her loyalty to the doctor . <p> At my last prenatal visit , the doctor said he was leaving for his trip , that I should not worry , and that he would be back before I delivered . I asked him if he could give us one of the sterile emergency childbirth packs that they kept in the clinic with sterile clamps and scissors . We knew that was against all the rules , but he did it anyway . A day or two later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the afternoon of August 29 , 1984 . I was fixing dinner around five o'clock in the evening and had to stop with each contraction . My husband drove to get his parents , who lived about ten miles away on a dirt road . He returned and told me that they were not home , but he left a picture message for them . He began to plead with me to let him drive me to the Tuba City hospital . I told him it was too late . <p> Shortly thereafter , his parents drove up and everything fell into place . They and my husband brought in the log , fixed a nest on the floor , built a fire , and cut the juniper branches . My mother-in-law held me during labor . To me it was like when you hurt yourself and run to your mother and she hugs you and makes it better . It was like she hugged each contraction . The daylight began to fade and the room was warm . I was in early labor and thinking that I was actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long way to go . I got up to use the bathroom and when I returned my father-in-law began singing and brushing me with the feather and pollen . All of a sudden I felt the baby descending from me in one huge contraction . I lifted my skirt , and to my own and everyone 's amazement the baby boy had slid out and was staring at me and crying . The room was a rosy pink color , and it seemed to radiate from the baby . Maybe it was the sun setting , but everyone in the room saw the same color of light . <p> My husband used items in the sterile pack to clamp and cut the cord , discussing with his mother where to cut . My mother-in-law washed the baby and then used the same water to pour over the two older girls ' hair , saying that they would not be jealous of the new baby because they were washed with the same water . Today this baby is nearly a twenty-year-old young man . <p> Four years after his birth , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ourselves . This time it was during a severe snowstorm in January . I was working for the Indian Health Service in Kayenta at the time , and I again had a doctor/friend who agreed to support me but could not attend because of the snowstorm and the rough road . The pictures in this article are of this birth . <p> Today my children are grown and my oldest daughter is pregnant with our first grandchild . Twenty years passed quickly . I am reminded of the ninety-year-old Navajo woman who said , <p> The old way of childbirth was a lot of work . You had to prepare and butcher sheep and give things away . It seems easier to go to the hospital and have them take care of everything . But now I think about how much is given away to make things easier . Families were closer then . The birth of a child was prepared for from the time of the wedding .... Birth then was a ceremony . It wa regarded as a holy experience . It brought the family together . PHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way , but it does n't do everything ( BB , 1979 ) . <p> Navajo childbirth practices at home were learned primarily by observation , and childbirth education took place without classes . It was part of the total system of life in which knowledge was acquired without institutional instruction . The Public Health Service and the institution of boarding schools in the 1950s were major influences in the rapid alteration of that life system and brought about universal hospitalization for childbirth by 1970 . Many modern Navajo mothers have retained a desire to have their families with them in childbirth , but institutionalization has diminished the family 's responsibility and role in supporting the women in childbirth . Navajo midwives have completely ceased practicing , although the Hataalii may still play a role today . Navajos in Indian Health Services have made an effort to return some of the traditional practices to the Indian Health Services hospitals on their reservations , but the system in which childbirth took place in the home is changed . <p> I was fortunate to have had a traditional family with knowledge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ childbirth practices . Not all Indigenous women have these resources . The advent of modern medical services made traditional practices obsolete and of little value according to the dominant society 's standards . My children grew up on the Navajo reservation , but they heard criticism and teasing for being a " John " and doing things " the John way . " In American society this is like calling someone a " hillbilly " or " yokel . " Like the other children , they wanted to emulate what they saw on television . It was not until my daughter left the reservation for a summer school program that she began to want to know more about Navajo history and language . <p> Letting go of the old ways is letting go of our own experience and our own selves . In childbirth women need something to hold on to for support , both literally and figuratively . The sash belt symbolizes that support . It weaves together the past into the present . Pregnancy and childbirth is a time in a woman 's life when she is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important that she feels and understands this connection in order to create a more meaningful birth experience . It is impossible to go back in time , but it is not impossible to recover the stories about it and to recover the basic spiritual , cosmological bonds that connect us to our ancestors and to all other women . Ultimately a woman 's sense of herself as a person and a mother comes from these connections . Women nourish the new generation by bringing them into a family that includes many generations of parents to provide comfort , support , knowledge , and respect for all that was experienced and endured to create a single baby to carry us into the future . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Labor in upright supported position . ( All photos in this article courtesy of the author ; photographs by Shonto Begay . ) <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Birth of my daughter . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Supportive women , birthing log , and juniper branches being heated by the wood stove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ log and tying of sash after childbirth . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : After childbirth juniper branches are tied tightly around the mother 's waist . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Cleaning and wrapping afterbirth . <p> @#@ 3842 Reviving Indigenous Languages across North America <p> The people of the Cochiti Pueblo were moved to revitalize their language after they conducted a survey that disclosed that all of its fluent speakers were thirty-five years of age or older . The few speakers under age thirty-five were semiliterate , according to Mary Eunice Romero , a Karas ( Pueblo ) . Romero then asked , " What is going to happen to our language in 20 years when those who are 35 years old become 55 ? In 20 more years , when they 're 75 ? " ( n1 ) <p> The Cochiti immersion program began in 1996 with a summer program for thirty children under instruction from the Tribal Council , all instruction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . After that , according to Romero , the program grew quickly : " When the kids went home , they spread the news that , ' Wow , they 're not using any English . They 're not writing . It 's just totally in Cochiti . ' We started out with four teachers . The next day , we got 60 kids . By the third week , we had 90 kids . By the end of the summer , the kids were starting to speak . " ( n2 ) Romero also watched the mode of instruction change the behavior of the children : " The behavior change was a major miracle . These kids came in rowdy as can be . By the time they left , they knew the appropriate protocol of how you enter a house , greet your elder , say good-bye . The fact that they could use verbal communication for the most important piece of culture , values , and love started a chain reaction in the community . " ( n3 ) <p> Experiences at the Cochiti Pueblo mirror a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American languages , many of which have been verging on extinction , have enjoyed a revival in recent years largely due to many Native American nations ' adoption of " immersion " programs , which teach a language as the major part of many reservation school curricula . <p> Two books have been developed from a series of symposia on teaching Indigenous languages that have been held annually since 1994. ( n4 ) The symposia have gathered roughly three hundred people a year at several venues around the United States . Several were held at Northern Arizona University , where they were sponsored by its Multicultural Education Program , a subdivision of the university 's Center for Excellence in Education . These two books celebrate the rediscovery of language with a sense of joy . The revival of Indigenous languages -- immersion training has become one of the hottest educational tickets in Indian Country -- is in stark contrast to the somber purge of Native languages and cultures that was delivered more than a century ago with the federal government 's historical emphasis on assimilation into English-speaking mainstream culture . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , save the man , " used by Richard Henry Pratt , who founded the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in 1879 . <p> Julia Kushner , one of the contributors to Revitalizing Native Languages ( she describes language work among the Arikara ) , cites studies indicating that 90 percent of the 175 Native languages that survived General Platt 's cultural gauntlet today have no child speakers. ( n5 ) That figure dates from the mid-1990s . Speakers mourn the continuing loss of several languages , more than a dozen of which lost their last living speakers during the first half of the 1990s alone . <p> The revival of Native languages has been a grassroots affair in many Native American communities , as immersion programs have spread across Turtle Island , from the Akwesasne Mohawk territory ( which straddles the borders of New York State , Ontario , and Quebec ) , to the Cochiti Pueblo of New Mexico and the Native peoples of Hawaii . <p> LANGUAGE AS THE BASIS OF SOVEREIGNTY <p> Why teach language ? Little Bear said that " language is the basis of sovereignty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n6 ) During the nineteenth century , said Little Bear , the United States showed its respect for Native American languages essential role in culture by trying to eliminate them : " We have all those attributes that comprise sovereign nations : a governance structure , law and order , jurisprudence , a literature , a land base , spiritual and sacred practice , and that one attribute that holds all of these . together : our languages . So once our languages disappear , each one of these attributes begins to fall apart until they are all gone . " ( n7 ) Little Bear said that , for the Cheyennes , the transition to a written language occurred about a century ago . As more and more communication took place in English , " Those in my generation who speak the Cheyenne language are quite possibly the last generation able to joke in our own language . " ( n8 ) <p> The prestige of a language and the self-esteem of its speakers may play a pivotal role in its revitalization . Navajo , for instance , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , once deemed worthless by many Anglo-Americans , was used by the Navajo Code Talkers to confuse the Germans and Japanese in World War II . With Navajo 's validity as a real , complex , and useful language suddenly nationally acknowledged , its usage increased , and today this language again is spoken widely. ( n9 ) <p> A CONFERENCE IN SANTA FE <p> Immersion programs had become popular enough by 1998 to sustain a wide-ranging conference , " The Critical Moment : Funding the Perpetuation of Native Languages . " The conference , held January 26-28 , 1998 , in Santa Fe , New Mexico , was sponsored by the Lannan Foundation , which has made Native language reclamation one of its funding priorities . <p> Language immersion programs are part of a growing commitment to traditional Native education often initiated by parents and educational professionals seeking an alternative to students ' alienation and high dropout rates in federal or local public schools . Mary Eunice Romero said that her people came to language revival as they sought " to understand why our children were not being referred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as any other child . " ( n10 ) <p> This quest brought Romero and her associates to a realization that the Karas concept of giftedness was quite different from the dominant standard in most non-Indian schools . These schools tended to define giftedness in terms of tests and grades , while , said Romero , to the Karas " gifts and talents . are expressed in traditional terms " and directed not toward the fame and fortune of an intelligent individual but toward the well-being of the community as a whole. ( n11 ) To many " immersion " educators , the revival of Native languages comprises an exercise of community-based intellect . " When we talk about trying to revitalize our language , " said Romero , " it is survival of how we think , who we are , and what we truly believe our children should be . We want to pass this information down to our children in the right way , the appropriate way . " ( n12 ) <p> The Santa Fe conference allowed participants from across the continent to share the histories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways to raise funds for their programs , many of which rely on a combination of federal funds ( such as Head Start ) and private donations . The Lannan Foundation also sought through this conference to raise the salience of Native American language revitalization for other funding organizations . <p> Janet Voorhees , executive director of the Lannan Foundation , said that Native language revitalization benefits everyone , not only the Native peoples who are maintaining and enhancing languages that serve as vehicles for traditional cultures . For non-Indians , said Voorhees , Native language revival " will result in a world that is more deeply compassionate , wise , more caring and protective of the Earth , and more beautiful for its songs , ceremonies , and prayers . " ( n13 ) Voorhees quoted Dorothy Lazore , a teacher of immersion Mohawk at Akwesasne , describing a basic paradigm shift in how Native children view schooling : " For Native people , after so much pain and tragedy connected with their experience of school , we finally now see Native children , their teachers and their families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing and being themselves in the immersion setting . " ( n14 ) <p> WHAT IS LOST WITH LOSS OF A LANGUAGE <p> Many immersion programs were started after parents became concerned about ( in the words of author Joshua Fishman ) " What you lose when you lose your language . " According to Fishman , <p> The most important relationship between language and culture . is that most of the culture is expressed in the language . Take language away from the culture and you take away its greetings , its curses , its praises , its laws , its literature , its songs , riddles , proverbs , and prayers . The culture could not be expressed and handled in any other way . You are losing all those things that essentially are the way of life , the way of thought , the way of valuing the land upon which you live and the human reality that you 're talking about. ( n15 ) <p> Fishman , a pioneer in the revitalization of Indigenous languages worldwide , has provided a theoretical structure for the revivals that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and others inspired by what he has written , ( n16 ) are often cited at conferences where revival of Indigenous languages is a major subject . <p> In her opening remarks at the Santa Fe conference , Voorhees said that at least three hundred distinct Native American languages were spoken in North America at the time of Columbus 's first landfall in 1492 . Today , 190 languages remain , but a great many of them are in imminent danger of being lost . Michael Kraus , former president of the Society for the Study of Indigenous Languages , was cited at the conference as having written in Stabilizing Indigenous Languages that only 20 of 175 surviving Native American languages in the United States are still being learned as a first language by children from their parents. ( n17 ) <p> Many immersion programs have been started after middle-aged or elderly members of Native nations discovered that the use of their languages had become restricted to a few elders and would vanish as collective cultural knowledge upon their deaths . This knowledge has provided motivation in case after case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Richard Little Bear told the conference that families must retrieve their rightful position as the first teachers of Native languages . " They must talk our languages every day , everywhere , with anyone , " he said. ( n18 ) <p> Darryl Kipp , co-director of the Piegan Institute , a language immersion program on Montana 's Blackfeet reservation , estimated that without programs to make young people fluent in Native languages , 70 percent of the Native languages that are spoken today in North America will die with the next few generations of Elders . As on many other reservations , the Blackfeet Confederacy ( totaling about 40,000 people ) started language immersion as a response to the failure of education provided to them by outside governments and agencies : " Out of the 17,000 that belong to my band , less than one per cent have a college education . Sixty-five per cent of the students in our schools never finish the tenth grade . " ( n19 ) Kipp continued : <p> These are damming statistics about a Western form of education that fails to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our language , move forth as English-speaking people and become successful in the world , has not come true . This may never become present unless we use our Native language . When it is reintroduced to a child , this can be used as a very powerful force and source of healing . When we look at the beautiful , happy faces of the children reimmersed in their language , we begin to realize again that Native Americans have potential and possibilities. ( n20 ) <p> Kipp said that language is too often taken for granted , like the rugged Rocky Mountains with which the Blackfeet live . " Many a day we get up and forget they are even there , " said Kipp . " In America , we tend to treat language as a strictly political issue . We never talk about the aesthetics , beauty , or many attributes that come through a diversity of languages . " When he is asked why the Blackfeet want to preserve their language , Kipp is tempted to answer , " Why do we wish to breath air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walking on this earth ? " ( n21 ) Language immersion instruction on Kipp 's reservation is now provided to five hundred children per year . " We have a goal , " said Piegan cofounder Dorothy Still Smoking , " that . 100 per cent of our Blackfeet children leaving Head Start will have proficient Blackfeet speaking skills " ( n22 ) Kipp was one of several speakers at the Santa Fe conference who urged that Native languages be conceived as living , evolving communities of speech : " We look at Native languages as part of the future . We can not relegate them to the dusty bins of history of the artifact shelf of a museum , but as a living presence with ourselves . " ( n23 ) Kauanoe Kamana , a leader in Hawaiian language revitalization , said , " We are really aggressive , especially in the area of Hawaiian word development . If a language is to be living , it has to change and move . You can not have a language that is stuck in another century " ( n24 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committed himself to a revival of his Native language after a discovery that the last elder speakers of it might take the language to the grave with them . Kipp came to the language after having been an English professor and a writer . <p> The first time I understood our language was in peril was in 1985 , when we did a research project . We went to homes in our reserve and asked people if they spoke the language and what they did that reflected our tribalism . We found that almost all the speakers in our community were over the age of 50 , and that there were no children , teenagers , 30-or-40-year olds who could speak our language . It did n't take a mathematician or prophet to determine how long our language would last. ( n25 ) <p> After that study a group of Blackfeet , including Kipp , spent five years developing ways to teach the language . They ran into some opposition from tribal members who asserted that knowledge of the language was of little practical use . One woman asked him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " Kipp replied , " I struggled and had a hard time with that one . While I ca n't necessarily make soup , we can make healthy children , and healthy children can make all kinds of soups . " ( n26 ) <p> Among the Comanches a language immersion program has been started that utilizes master speakers who teach entire families ( who then use the language at home ) at once . Several Pueblo communities , including Cochiti , Acoma , and Laguna , maintain immersion programs that take place in a ceremonial context . Hawaiian Native people have established immersion programs that span several islands . " If our language dies , if our culture dies , " he said , " We die as a people to the world .... We can not let that happen . " ( n27 ) <p> LANGUAGE IMMERSION IN HAWAII <p> Kamana outlined the steps that led to language immersion schools in Hawaii . First , he said , a group of people decided to make the effort required to maintain a living language . Like Kipp , Kamana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he committed himself to its preservation . " Most of the teachers had to learn it as a second language , " he said. ( n28 ) <p> Once a commitment to the language was made , a small group of people began to develop plans for organized instruction in it . " When we began , it was a belief , " said Kamana . " We did n't begin with money .... We did n't all live in the same community . We are university-level secondary-school teachers in the Hawaiian language from different islands . We decided one day that what had been happening at the university system was not enough . " " We began in 1983 with the idea , " said Kamana . " We were eating dinner one night and I said , ' Yeah , let 's do it . ' We got a non-profit licensed business and started opening schools . You ca n't do it alone . You have to do it in a group . " ( n29 ) <p> Kamana and others in Hawaii studied as many other examples @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Maoris of New Zealand , who have been using Elders to teach their language to young children , even babies . The Hawaiians decided to name their school " Punana Leo , " which means " Language Nest . " <p> Having assembled a core of committed people , Kamana and others then built support for language revitalization in their communities . " Our first stage was to find people . like parents who wanted it , said Kamana. ( n30 ) Soon they had a schoolroom and a teacher . Next , they researched the best ways to teach the Native Hawaiian language to their children . The curriculum was created locally ; Kamana said that he developed the curriculum for grades 7 through 11 himself . <p> Attention to financial resources became a concern for Punana Leo 's language revivalists only after public support was evident . Money comes because you are doing a good job , Kamana believes . Once popular demand enhanced prospects for funding , the Punana Leo school became a physical reality , with buildings , materials , teachers , and curricula . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tress must be placed on producing people who utilize the language in their daily lives . <p> Kamana 's experiences were shared to some degree by Edna Viak McClean ( Inupiag ) , who is an instructor at Ilishavilk College in Bear , Alaska . Any immersion program may fail if it lacks a core of committed people , she told the Santa Fe conference . The second biggest hurdle , she said , is the lack of educated Native language speakers who can serve as translators , curriculum developers , teachers , and advocates and people versed in the fundamentals of an immersion program who can advocate for it with the school board and funding agencies . McClean said that another common concern is the need to insure Native cultural transmission in the language schools . <p> Darlene Franco of the Native Californian Action Network said that her grandmother and grandfather were the last in her family to use Native language as a living tool in their daily lives . <p> The language started breaking down in my mother 's generation . She did n't speak English until she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to boarding school where the language was beaten out of her . She was far away from home . As a result , when I was growing up , my parents wanted me to speak English . They wanted me to survive in this world , but , in doing so , they did n't let us forget who we were . Ceremonies were still carried on. ( n31 ) <p> Franco teaches at an immersion preschool , where " We have two-to six-year-old kids who are learning and speaking the language every day " ( n32 ) <p> A small group of young people on the Prairie Band of Potawatomi Indian Reservation in northeast Kansas decided to arrest the decline of Indigenous language on their reservation , despite scoffing by some there who said , " You ca n't learn to talk Potawatomi. " ( n33 ) Eddie Joe Mitchell , a 1991 graduate of Washburn University , who has a strong background in English and journalism , was one of the early organizers and often played the role of facilitator by sounding out the words and writing them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ language to continue came forward to teach . Men such as Nelson Potts and Irving Shopteese were both supportive and instrumental in the early days of the class . After these two men died , Potawatomi women , such as Cecilia " Meeks " Jackson , and Albert " Shaw no queue " Wamego stepped forward to take up the slack. ( n34 ) <p> When the class started during 1990 , it had as many as fifty to sixty students in attendance at any given time . Of these original students only three have remained with the group from the beginning -- Eddie Joe Mitchell , Mary Wabnum , and Mary LeClere . The students have since accumulated 6,000 words of the language and the ability to use them in sentences . During the ensuing decade , " The influence has spread out among the community to where the usage is more prevalent today . Mostly , by every-day use by the participants , the elders and their children are now using parts of the language in daily situations . " ( n35 ) <p> Some programs have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Winnebago ) , for example , has taken part in an immersion program that draws students from a reservation that spans fourteen counties , about two hundred miles from one end to the other . The program , with twenty to thirty-two teachers at any given time , also provides immersion language education in some urban areas with large numbers of Ho-chunk people , including Chicago , the Twin Cities , and Madison , Wisconsin . <p> NATIVE LANGUAGE AS AN AID TO LEARNING ENGLISH <p> Bill Wilson of the Punana Leo school said that the word " immersion " does not wholly cover what goes on in these new language schools . " We are not talking just about immersion . We are talking about going to school in a Native language , if you 're a Native speaker or not . In Hawaii , we have one community that has all Native speakers " ( n36 ) <p> Wilson said that children who are immersed in their Native language also tend to do well at learning English as it is introduced . " One of our immersion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had one hour of English a day starting in the fifth grade . " Learning English is not difficult for immersion students , said Wilson , because they are submerged in it as soon as they leave school . At school , instruction is half in Hawaiian and half in English . Students in immersion school " reach parity with non-immersion students in reading comprehension , vocabulary , and grammatical knowledge , " said Wilson . " They have not lost anything , " he said , " and they have gained a language . " ( n37 ) Hawaiian immersion teachers told a U.S. Senate hearing in 2003 that their students have an 85 percent acceptance rate at colleges and universities. ( n38 ) <p> In some cases , language revitalization becomes part of general community life , as at Akwesasne , where the weekly community newspaper , Indian Time , carries regular Mohawk language lessons by Mary Arquette that cover everyday situations , such as weather : " Teioweratashne , It was a windstorm ; Ionen'onkin:ne , it was hailing . " A quarter of the Mohawks at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The emphasis on language revival is arriving barely in time for some Native American languages , those which have reached stage eight of Joshua A. Fishman 's eight stages of language loss ; in this stage only a few Elders speak the language that once served an entire people at home and in their working lives. ( n39 ) <p> The two books developed from the immersion program symposia present concrete , tested strategies for preserving Native languages as living tools of culture in daily life , not as museum pieces of a presumably also-dead culture. ( n40 ) Fishman 's landmark book , Reversing Language Shift : Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages , is cited throughout these two volumes . The reach of language revivals described in these books is worldwide ; lessons and examples are freely borrowed from the Maori of New Zealand , who have had an active language revival program for several decades . The New Zealand government has maintained a Maori Language Commission since 1987 . These two books also describe Native peoples ' efforts to revive their languages in Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spirits , " a poem by Little Bear that appears at the beginning of Revitalizing Native Languages , reveals a sense that revival of Native American languages closes a historical and cultural circle : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> In Revitalizing Native Languages , editor Jon Reyhner stresses the need to use a revitalized language as a living tool to teach academic subjects rather than as a second language . The language must be restored to its place in the everyday life of a people , he believes . This belief is widely shared . <p> SHOULD NATIVE LANGUAGE BE WRITTEN , OR SOLELY ORAL ? <p> Reyhner 's two books present a balanced summary of a subject that causes controversy in Native language revitalization studies : should the revived language be written , or solely oral ? Some language activists point out that many Native languages were first committed to writing by missionaries seeking , as Reyhner writes , " to translate their Bible and convert Natives from their traditional religions . " ( n42 ) These two volumes present a wide range of programs that have evolved locally , some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs , and others that have grown out of the same type of programs . While some of the programs strive to maintain an emphasis on spoken language to the exclusion of written communication , others emphasize production of written sources to be revived in the Native language as well as in English . Some of the programs use computers extensively , while others avoid them as a culturally inappropriate intrusion . <p> Fishman himself comes down squarely on the side of literacy : " Unless they are entirely withdrawn from the modern world , minority ethno-linguistic groups need to be literate in their mother tongue ( as well as in some language of wider communication ) , " he asserts. ( n43 ) The often-disputed distinction between oral and literate language may be culturally artificial because many Native American cultures possessed forms of written communication , even if many European immigrants did not recognize them as such . From the wampum belts of the Haudenosaunee ( Iroquois ) , to the illustrated codices of the Aztecs and Maya , to the winter counts of the Plains , written communication @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ H. Russell Bernard as he urges Native Americans to establish publishing houses. ( n44 ) <p> LANGUAGE REVIVAL AND MUSIC <p> Language revival also is being used in some cases to encourage the expression of Native oral histories , in written and spoken forms , as well as to enhance and preserve musical expression . Some teachers of language are finding that music is an amazingly effective way to introduce young students to music and cultural heritage . " Why music ? " asks Amar Almasude , who writes about language revival in Northern Africa : <p> It is perhaps the best vehicle for becoming acquainted with humans . It is the expression that is the most pervasive . In songs , human society is portrayed and everyday experiences are reflected . Their themes are usually social issues and historical events , including national and religious feasts and holidays .... Thus , music is a fundamental element in human life. ( n45 ) <p> Reyhner 's books present precise descriptions and examples from teachers who have been involved in a wide variety of language revival programs , from several Native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Arapaho , and Navajo . While describing individual programs , these books also sketch the common pedagogical essentials basic to all language revitalization efforts . <p> Reyhner suggests use of the 3 Ms of language revitalization : methods , materials , and motivation : <p> Methods deal with what teaching techniques will be used at what age levels and stages of language loss . Materials deal with what things will be available for teachers and learners to use , including audiotapes , videotapes , storybooks , dictionaries , grammars , textbooks , and computer software . Motivation deals with increasing the prestige ( including giving recognition and awards to individuals and groups who make special efforts ) and usefulness of the indigenous language in the community , and using teaching methods that learners enjoy , so they will come back for more indigenous language instruction. ( n46 ) <p> Language must become a familiar part of a student 's life ; immersion specialists believe that 600 to 700 hours of such contact is necessary to acquire the kind of fluency that allows for transmission of culture from generation to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ linguistic innovation , describing how Native languages are being revitalized using both traditional methods and modern technology to extend the reach of oral cultures . In Mexico traditional Aztec Danza ( dance ) is being used to teach classical Nahuatl . The dances are part of an eighteen-ceremony ecological calendar , so while learning the language , students also absorb some knowledge of Aztec history and culture . These ceremonies deal with rain , germination , ripening of corn , war victory , hunting , and the tribal dead , comment authors of a study on revernacularizing classical Nahuatl through Aztec dance . The authors list the intertwined benefits of this approach , by which students acquire not only knowledge of language , but also , " Nahua Aztec history from an indigenous perspective , a deeper understanding of Danza steps , creation myths , and the making and playing of indigenous musical instruments . " ( n47 ) <p> In Alaska a number of Deg Hit'an ( Ingalik Athabasken ) people have been teaching each other their language , Deg Xinag , over the telephone , using conference calls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to create a space to practice their skills and to teach each other new phrases and words . Phone conferences are hardly immersion ( since the calls last only an hour a week ) , but language is being taught . Callers have joined the conversations from as far away a Seattle . <p> In a similar vein , KTNN AM 660 , the Navajo Nation 's official radio station , has been making plans to offer instruction in the Navajo language over the air in an attempt to follow Joshua Fishman 's advice that revitalized languages , to be successful , must be shared by a people via the communications media of their communities . " The Voice of the Navajo Nation , " as KTNN is called , has a signal that reaches from Albuquerque to Phoenix . <p> The Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas ( SSILA ; see http : //www.ssila.org / ) was founded in December 1981 as an international scholarly organization representing American Indian linguistics . The society has approximately nine hundred members , more than a third of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a comprehensive listing of articles on American Indian languages in more than one hundred journals ( 1988 to the present ) . The group also maintains an index of abstracts for more than two hundred dissertations and theses on American Indian languages and related topics , also a forum for a wide range of ideas . General Pratt would certainly be surprised at how completely his set of educational assumptions have been turned on their heads , now that educators are no longer ( as Pratt once proudly announced as an advertising slogan for his boarding schools ) " killing the Indian to save the man . " <p> A measure that might have General Pratt turning over in his grave has been advanced by advocates of language immersion schools : federal funding , just as boarding schools were funded a century and more ago . The idea has been advanced before the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs but not yet passed out of committee . University of California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the idea , testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs during May 2003 in support of S. 575 , a bill that would give long-term funding to Native American language " survival schools , " another name for immersion programs . These are languages that exist no place else in the world , Hinton said . They 're a part of what makes America America . " ( n48 ) Of 85 Indigenous languages in California , 35 have no speakers and the remaining 50 are spoken by only a few Elders , Hinton said . " We 've found that teaching the kids everything in their native language is the most effective way of doing it , " Hinton said . " If people are n't learning the language at home , they 've got to learn somewhere , and school is the next best thing . " ( n49 ) <p> Native communities that have too few speakers remaining to staff an entire immersion program may establish a " master-apprentice learning program , " where a single teacher is assigned to a student . Through such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ language to eventually form the core of an immersion program . Hinton hosts a biennial conference called " Breath of Life " at the University of California at Berkeley to help revive Native American languages with no living speakers . Languages with no living speakers sometimes can be revived , at least in part , from documents . " We have sound archives and paper archives on campus , " Hinton said . " We invite California Indians to come learn how to use their languages . " ( n50 ) <p> One wonders what General Pratt would think of the joy with which Native peoples across North America are recovering their languages a century after his boarding schools prohibited the speaking of them and did it , so he said , for Native peoples ' own good . Pratt and other reformers of that era thought they were doing Native peoples a favor , that their policies were a humane alternative to outright extermination . Left unsaid a century ago was a third option -- that a rich quilt of diverse Native languages would be preserved and cultivated . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losing their last speakers , that is what we are seeing today . <p> The language revival movement has become strong enough to sustain a festival called " Native Nations , Native Voices " to honor contemporary Native language writers . Native language writers are being invited to participate in a three-day festival sponsored by the Indian Pueblo Cultural Center of Albuquerque . Writers will read from their works in their Indigenous languages . A special effort has been made to include and honor high school and college authors in Native languages . As of this writing , the festival is being scheduled for July of 2005 . <p>
@@4003941 INTRODUCTION <p> This study is intended to establish a framework for analyzing the economic impact of narcotraffic between Colombia , where most of the world 's cocaine is refined , and the State of Florida , which is the primary area of entry for Andean cocaine into the United States. 1 The purpose of the study is to analyze the economic costs and benefits of this activity to Florida , as an example that could be extended in both directions -- to Colombia and to the entire United States -- if additional data were to become available . Only the trade in cocaine is examined , though additional traffic in marijuana does take place and , in some cases , the data are not disaggregated for each drug . Only the economic impact is studied , though the trade obviously impacts the social and political realms as well . Because the tools of analysis are quite different among the disciplines , and because the economic issues need to be sorted out in any discussion of the overall impact of the cocaine trade , only economic issues are treated here . <p> While trade in illegal drugs in Florida encompasses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trade extends far beyond Colombia and Florida ( Bagley , 1988 ; Lee , 1985-86 ) , 2 the present study is limited to Colombia-Florida cocaine trafficking , distribution and consumption in Florida , and the financial flows involved . The conceptual framework illuminates the key factors involved in measuring costs and benefits to the state of Florida of the range of activities that constitute this drug trade . The key difference between Florida and other states , despite the fact that cocaine trafficking and consumption are national , not local , phenomena , is that cocaine typically enters the US market through Florida , and the flow of funds related to the wholesale trade often pass through Miami . This is in addition to the retail traffic that is similar across states in terms of the kinds of economic impacts involved . <p> The most common issues treated in impact studies of this type are the law enforcement costs and the drug treatment and rehabilitation costs due to illegal trafficking and drug consumption . Both of these are direct costs . In addition , the implicit social costs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drug abuse are usually estimated . The present project includes these issues and raises several additional concerns that apply especially to Florida . <p> Among the issues that are peculiar to the State of Florida is the process of international money laundering of cocaine-related income . During most of the 1980s , this phenomenon was centered in Miami , though in the past two or three years an increase in law-enforcement efforts have pushed money-launderers to seek additional points of entry into the United States , including other Florida cities such as Tampa and Orlando ( NNICC , 1989 : 91-99 ) . Money laundering can take place through many financial instruments and institutions , so the issue is much more complex than simply the process of depositing narcodollars in cash in Florida banks . Our interest is in the impact of this activity on Florida , but we need to trace it through the mechanisms used in order to understand the full significance . <p> Another issue that is clearly different in Florida from the narco-traffic picture in most of the rest of the United States is the investment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . This investment has taken the form of purchases of condominiums , apartments , and homes in ( principally South ) Florida , as well as acquisitions of companies , commercial real estate , and financial instruments in the area . Although it is not straightforward to estimate the amount of such investment in Florida , casual empiricism indicates that the quantity is quite large , and that it is concentrated in the Latin part of the state , mainly in Dade County. 3 As with the money laundering , these investments often are carried out through unusual vehicles , such as offshore trusts and non-resident companies . Investigation on this issue includes an effort to model the investment patterns and then to measure the value of such investments . Note that investments by local cocaine traffickers are not expected to differ across states , but that investment by the Colombian suppliers of the drug is known to concentrate in Florida . <p> A third issue that is specific to Florida is the consumption of goods and services by Colombian and Florida narcotraffickers , who use more of their funds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they consume as well as invest in the local market . Consumption items include all goods and services , other than real estate and financial instruments , that may be purchased with available funds . Part of the effort here is to construct a plausible model of expected consumption by narcotraffickers . Then it will be possible to extrapolate the spending of this type , based on our initial estimates of the income produced . <p> An assessment of the economic impact of these activities , however accurately or inaccurately measured , requires comparison with alternative situations that could plausibly exist in the absence of the cocaine-related phenomena under study . Specifically , it is necessary to compare the costs of drug abuse now with what would occur in the absence of cocaine ( i.e. , assuming successful TOTAL INTERDICTION of the drug ) . This comparison would permit a discussion of the results of eliminating cocaine from consumption , which is the logical goal of the interdiction efforts . Also , it is useful to examine the alternative of LEGALIZING cocaine use in the United States , so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared with the current costs and benefits of partial interdiction and continued illegal consumption . Each of these comparisons requires evidence from other contexts ( such as prohibition of the sale of alcoholic beverages and the subsequent abolishing of prohibition in the United States earlier in this century ) , since neither total interdiction nor legalization has been achieved . <p> The paper is divided into five major sections . First , the issue of crime protection/law enforcement is treated , presenting measures of the costs involved . In this section the costs of ( i.e. , damages due to ) criminal activities also are discussed . Second , the medical and rehabilitative costs are reviewed . Third , the question of lost employee production is raised and estimates suggested . These three sections use widely-available data and do not present any new evidence . The fourth section focuses on the financial flows involved in the narcotraffic , which lead to added investment and consumption in the Florida economy , as well as some added costs . This section presents a variety of methods for measuring the likely size of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present . All of the estimates refer to the year 1988 , unless otherwise noted . The fifth and final section compares these results with hypothesized outcomes under a situation of total interdiction of the cocaine trade and also under a situation of legalized cocaine trafficking . CRIME PROTECTION/LAW ENFORCEMENT <p> Protection against the crimes associated with drug trafficking is the largest direct cost found in this study . The crimes include such activities as : physically shipping cocaine into the United States from abroad ; transferring payments for the drugs into US financial institutions and other investments ; and robbery committed by cocaine addicts seeking money to buy more drugs . These activities alone suggest some of the key areas for protection expenditure : i.e. , government provision of ships , airplanes and people to interdict cocaine shipments ; the use of Operations Greenback , PolarCAP , C-Chase , and others to intervene in money laundering schemes ; operation of the legal system to prosecute violators ; and both police protection and personal security provision to deal with cocaine-related robberies . <p> Estimates of many of the costs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the problem in 1984 . They can be ascribed proportionally to Florida based on the size of the state 's economy , to provide an initial crude estimate of the size of the problem . The estimates are as follows ( Harwood et . al , 1984 : 4 ) : See Table I below . <p> Without attempting to evaluate the accuracy of these data , it may simply be noted that the approximate crime protection cost related to cocaine trafficking in Florida was over $300 million in 1988 . From the perspective of the state of Florida , the Federal portion of enforcement expenditures is " subsidized by taxpayers in other states of the union since the Federal funds to pay for the programs are raised nationally . However , the Federal law enforcement expenditures related to cocaine interdiction actually are higher in Florida than in other states , so the estimate of these expenditures in the table is biased downward . More careful disaggregation of this information clearly is needed . <p> These numbers can be corroborated with direct measures of crime protection costs as compiled by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Enforcement has estimated a variety of costs incurred by state agency activities related to narcotics . The estimates cover a range of state and local government expenditures on crime protection programs , but not the Federal programs or private-sector expenses . These costs are listed in Table 2 for 1988 ( FDLE , 1989 ) . <p> An unavoidable problem with these estimates is that they cover costs of protection against crimes due to all forms of drug abuse , not just cocaine abuse . In fact , if we keep to the task of evaluating the costs and benefits of the cocaine traffic , these estimates will have to be lowered to exclude problems related to other drugs . The Florida Department of Law Enforcement specifically estimates that cocaine and marijuana account for about 45% of total crime cases investigated in the state . Of that 45% ( which is the basis of the estimates in the table above ) , the vast majority of cases ( about 80% ) relate to cocaine . This would give a final crime protection cost of $428 million x .80 -- $342 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the State of Florida costs of crime protection , we need to include the costs incurred by Federal agencies operating to control cocaine-related crime in Florida . The agencies involved include : Justice Department Drug Enforcement Agency ( DEA ) and US Attorney 's Office ; Treasury Department Internal Revenue Service money-laundering unit ; US Customs Service ; US Coast Guard , and other agencies to a lesser degree . Estimates of the costs of operating these agencies in Florida and on Florida-related activities are shown in Table 3 . <p> An additional area of crime protection expense created by cocaine trafficking and consumption is personal protection obtained by households in the form of fences , burglar alarms , watchdogs , guards , etc . These costs have not been estimated in Florida , as far as we have been able to discover . Therefore , the national estimates that were interpolated for Florida are used again here : $91 million for 1988 . <p> The estimates are : $342 million for state and local law enforcement ; $87 million for Federal enforcement efforts ; and $91 million for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about $520 million in 1988 appears to be a reasonable estimate of the total crime protection cost in Florida associated with cocaine-related crime protection . MEDICAL EXPENSES <p> Medical expenses related to the cocaine traffic are estimated mainly as the costs of rehabilitation programs provided by Federal and state authorities , as well as by private sources . Additionally , we would like to include the medical costs of those people injured in drug-related crimes , but measures of these costs were not available . <p> In the State of Florida , the Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services ( HRS ) is responsible for managing and licensing all drug abuse services . HRS contracts with 86 community-based drug abuse programs throughout the state to provide comprehensive education , prevention , treatment and rehabilitation services . Additional educational efforts to reduce drug abuse are carried out by the Florida Department of Education in a variety of programs . <p> The medical expenses that were measured include : See Table 4 below . <p> As before , these are annual costs for programs and services in the State of Florida in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only , the total annual cost for 1988 is $138 million . LOST PRODUCTION <p> This final issue on the cost side is the most difficult to measure . Obviously , an employee who is unable to work due to cocaine addiction or because the person participates in the illegal drug trade causes a loss of measured output for the economy . This simply assumes that that person would have been gainfully employed in the absence of the cocaine addition or business . However , the amount of work time lost to cocaine addiction is not possible to measure as accurately as the direct costs discussed above , since the level of addiction is not known , nor is the time lost from work readily attributable to cocaine abuse or other causes . Similarly , the narcotraffic participant may have otherwise worked in a productive job , or that person might have sought some other illegal employment or been unemployed . In all , the measures of lost work time must be fairly crude estimates of orders of magnitude . <p> After placing the above warnings about reliability of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to the national survey used in the previous estimates which , in turn , are restated as the Florida portion of the totals , lost production is by far the largest cost category of the drug trade . The 1988 estimates for Florida are as follows : See Table 5 below . <p> State estimates by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement are very similar , showing about $5 billion of lost production in 1987 due to substance abuse in the state ( FDLE , 1988 : 2 ) . Finally , recent ( 1989 ) statements by the Federal drug policy coordinator , William Bennett , assert that in 1988 approximately $100 billion of productive output was lost due to narcotics consumption in the United States . This figure would impute to Florida , on the basis of population , about $4.7 billion of lost production in 1988 . Once again , adjusting the data to account for cocaine-related costs alone , the annual value of lost production for 1988 is $3.8 billion . <p> These numbers dwarf those for the other cost categories , so that even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magnitude is truly astounding. 13 The negative economic impact of cocaine traffic is clearly very significant in the three categories examined here . FUNDS INFLOW AND CONSEQUENT INVESTMENT AND CONSUMPTION <p> This final category of factors contributing to the total economic impact of cocaine traffic on the State of Florida is undoubtedly the most widely-discussed . It necessarily is also the least measurable since the money flows are often illegal and just as often disguised through various schemes to hide the ownership and source of the funds ( Walter , 1989 ) . <p> The transfer of funds is itself of relatively little interest when our concern is with economic impact . The direct result of even billions of dollars of new deposits in the banking system is minimal in terms of employment , spending , and other economic aggregates . ( For example , it has been estimated that at least $10 billion have moved from Panama to Miami banks since the indictment of General Noriega in 1988 . The net number of new jobs in the Miami banking sector appears to be on the order of 10 to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offshore in the Euromarkets , little spending impact occurs in Florida. ) 14 As a result , our interest needs to focus on the uses of these funds , in investments and consumption of goods and services . <p> Before moving on to measure the uses of funds , it is necessary to establish some indication of the size of the flow of funds . These financial transfers may take a myriad of forms . Initial payments from US wholesalers of cocaine to Colombian exporters may be made completely within the United States , into accounts owned directly or indirectly by the exporters but , nonetheless , not crossing national borders and possibly not triggering government investigation into the source of the funds . Also , payments may be made in Colombia to the exporters and other participants in the early stages of drug production ; these people are likely to try to transfer the funds to a US location . This is the kind of situation in which " money laundering " is carried out , and which the US Treasury is combating specifically through operations of its money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cocaine shipments , there are many downstream flows of money that result from the exporters ' use of their income to purchase US assets , products , and services . Purchase o luxury condominiums on Brickell Avenue in Miami or on Key Biscayne offer only the most visible use of these funds . Other uses range from the purchase of expensive cars , elaborate electronic security systems , and fast boats to the more mundane buying of household goods and airplane tickets . Figure 1 ( below ) sketches the kinds of money flows that arise from the narcotraffic between Colombia and Florida . <p> Note that extensive financial transactions are generated in both directions between the two countries . The resulting net balance of payments is highly likely to be positive for Colombia and negative for the United States . This is because the initial export of cocaine leads to income for Colombians , who subsequently spend only a portion of that on purchases from the United States , leaving some of the funds in Colombia . Since most of the funds will eventually be placed in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect on the overall balance of payments is probably minor . However , most of the merchandise exports are from Colombia to the United States , and most of the investments in dollar-denominated financial assets are owned by Colombians ( i.e. , capital exports by the United States ) . <p> In addition to the international flows involved , the total payments in Florida include sales by wholesalers to retail cocaine dealers in Florida and sales to final customers . While this part of the total income generated by cocaine traffic is not international , it unquestionably constitutes part of the income generated in Florida . Thus , after calculating the impact of income earned by Colombian cartels from their export sales , we will examine the income produced within the State of Florida by the downstream trafficking . Measuring Initial Funds Flows <p> The problem of measuring the initial funds flow to cocaine exporters is the critical difficulty in making some meaningful statement about the net benefit to Florida of the financial part of the narcotraffic . At this point in the study , our only reasonable statement about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been working on the problem for several years . The Drug Enforcement Administration estimates that in 1987 , in Florida , about $6 billion of illegal drug-related funds were paid to exporters and intermediaries ( El Nuevo Herald , 1988 ) . This estimate may or may not be accurate , but it must overstate part of the initial cocaine-export income since it includes marijuana as well as cocaine . If our intent is to measure first the initial income in the industry , then to see how the income is used , we must look for a better indicator of that initial flow . <p> One method for accomplishing this task would be to estimate foreign-owned deposits in Florida banks that come from Colombian depositors and then to estimate some percentage that could be judged to be cocaine-related . Although there are many difficulties with such a measure , it would offer one indirect indicator of the order of magnitude of the initial funds flow from Colombia . The greatest practical problem in creating the estimate is that Florida banks are not required to make available to the public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by any other classification that would be useful here . It is possible to obtain for the foreign bank agencies in Florida , and for the Edge Act corporations in Florida , a direct measure of their non-resident deposits , subdivided into interbank deposits and deposits held by commercial and individual clients , but not by country of origin . For domestic , full-service banks in Florida , this disaggregation of accounts is not available . Based on the value of foreign-owned commercial and individual deposits , one could attribute a portion of the total as being from Colombia , and a portion of that as being cocaine-related . Each of these steps would obviously require crucial assumptions and some idea of the degree of approximation being used . <p> Since much of the drug-related funds are laundered before entering the Florida economy , even estimates of Colombian bank deposits in the state would greatly underestimate the actual inflows . As discovered by the Treasury Department 's money laundering unit , a wide variety of schemes are used to circumvent US law and avoid disclosure of the ownership and source @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depositing funds in an offshore account before redepositing them in a Florida account can effectively hide the original source country and depositor . Thus it does not appear fruitful to try to estimate the economic impact on Florida via calculations of Colombian bank deposits there or via efforts to estimate the amount of money laundered before arriving in Florida . <p> Another effort to measure the initial funds flow can be made using data compiled by the Drug Enforcement Agency concerning the profits generated by stages in cocaine production and distribution . Figure 2 , from the Wall Street Journal ( 30 June 1986 ) , uses these data to present estimates of the profits per 300-kilogram shipment of cocaine that go to each participant in the " industry . " <p> These data indicate that about $15,000-per-kilo of cocaine go to the refiner -- but that $5,000-per-kilo go also to each pilot and wholesaler , and even more to distributors and dealers . These prices from 1986 must be reduced to reflect current ( 1988 ) market conditions , in which the value per kilo is about $12,000. 16 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that approximately 400 metric tons of cocaine were produced in South America in 1988 ( NNICC , 1989 : 39 ) . Subtracting from that an estimated 90 metric tons of cocaine interdicted by law enforcement efforts , we are left with 310 metric tons of cocaine that could have entered the US market in 1988 . Following this line of reasoning , income to the Colombian refiners can be approximated as 310 tons x $12,000 per kilo -- $3,720 million in 1988 . <p> The additional income earned by pilots and wholesalers ( who may be Colombian , US , or of some other nationality ) can be calculated as approximately 1/3 of that earned by the refiners , or $1.240 billion in 1988 . This calculation uses the Wall Street Journal estimate of distribution of profits in the narcotrade and the 1988 estimate of the price of one kilo of cocaine in Miami . Since approximately 70% of the cocaine imported into the United States is estimated to enter through Florida ( and the rest through California , Texas , and other states ) , we estimate that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be used in Florida . This leaves a Florida income of $868 million . <p> Finally , there is income generated at the level of drug dealers in Florida . Again working with the profit distribution as calculated in the Wall Street Journal study , and updating the price of cocaine to 1988 , we can arrive at an estimate of income earned by these participants in the drug trade . One additional piece of information needed at this stage is the amount of consumption of cocaine in Florida . Since we do not have such an estimate , some approximation is required . We can take total available production ( 310 metric tons ) and divide it into the proportion of the US population who reside in Florida to derive potential consumption within the state . In 1985 , Florida 's population was 4.7% of the US total ( University of Florida , 1987 : 4 ) . This leads to an estimate of possible consumption of 14.6 metric tons . At a 1988 street price of $30 per gram ( or $30,000 per kilo ) , the total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $438 million . <p> In summary , the 1988 incomes obtained by each participant in the cocaine trade are estimated as shown in Table 6 . See below . <p> It is necessary to attribute some portion of this income to possible investment/depositing in Florida , such that we could begin to estimate the consequent economic impact . While no direct estimates are possible , it is possible to use an alternative sample of Colombian businesspeople to infer behavior of the cocaine refiners . In an annual survey of businesspeople in Call and Bogota in May of 1988 , the University of Miami found that the respondents would invest 73% of their available funds in Colombia and only 27% overseas ( IBBI , 1988 : 7 ) . This would mean a maximum of $1,004 million that would have been invested by the Colombian refiners in US deposits or investments . <p> Presumably the pilots , wholesalers , distributors , and dealers in Florida would initially put virtually all of their incomes into Florida deposits , or other holdings , and then spend ( or invest ) portions on local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the full $1,678 million into available funds for investing and spending by these traffickers . Assessing the Full Investment/Spending Impact <p> Assuming that the initial level of income generated by the cocaine traffic between Colombia and Florida to the refiners is on the order of $3.7 billion per year during 1988 , probably 95% of it will enter the US financial system as dollar deposits at some time . As already estimated above , about $1 billion will be invested outside of Colombia , some of it in Florida . Spending by the recipients of this income will typically be some large fraction of the total income , on the order of 95% , with the rest saved in financial instruments and other investments. 17 This would produce $3,534 million of spending by the refiners , some of which would go to buy Florida products and services . If even one-fourth of the spending takes place in Florida , or on products and services produced in Florida , the largest direct impact of the refiners ' income will be about $884 million . <p> The pilots , wholesalers , distributors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incomes similarly to others in this country , with about 95% going into consumption and the rest into savings . The $1,678 million of incomes would result in $1,594 million of initial spending , most of which would probably take place in Florida ( though not necessarily on products produced in Florida ) . <p> Thus total first-round spending in Florida , by all of the participants in the cocaine traffic , is estimated at about $2,478 million in 1988. 18 This value must be increased by the amount of capital investment created by the Colombian refiners ' use of their funds . We estimated that they probably invested about $1,004 million outside of Colombia in 1988 . Most of these funds would have been placed into financial investments , though some portion was surely invested in real estate , ongoing businesses , and other capital projects . Assuming that at most 25% of these funds were invested in capital investments , we add $251 million to the total economic impact on Florida of narcotraffickers spending and investment . The grand total is then estimated at approximately $2,729 million . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , at about $2.7 billion , is far less than the costs incurred in Florida for law enforcement , medical expenses , drug rehabilitation programs , and lost employee production , estimated at about $4.5 billion for the year . Figure 3 presents summary data on the full economic impact . ALTERNATIVE SCENARIOS <p> To draw useful conclusions from the above measures of economic costs and benefits of the cocaine trade in Florida , one needs relevant comparisons with alternative conditions that might exist . First , it is useful to explore the possibility that cocaine interdiction could be totally successful in eliminating the supply of the drug in Florida ( and presumably the United States ) . Second , it would be helpful also to explore the implications of legalizing the traffic in , and consumption of , cocaine , which is an occasionally-recommended alternative to the present strategy of partial interdiction . <p> The possibility of total interdiction of cocaine from the US market implies a successful law enforcement effort to stop the boats , airplanes , land vehicles ( through Mexico ) , and other means of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Given that the existing law enforcement efforts have been successful in interdicting , at most , 90tons/400tons ( about 25% of total estimated production ) , the cost of total interdiction could not be less than about four times the current level . Of course , this estimate is wildly optimistic since cocaine traffickers could be expected to alter their strategies in response to greater law enforcement efforts -- to protect their billions of dollars of annual revenues . Given that , in previous instances , there has not been a single case of totally successful interdiction of other narcotics , it could even be argued that the cost of such a policy would be infinitely high . <p> Under a scenario of total interdiction , the costs of work lost due to cocaine consumption would be eliminated . This would result in huge savings if it occurred in isolation . If , however , cocaine consumption were replaced by consumption of other narcotics , such as heroin or the synthetic drugs that have been appearing in the 1970s and 1980s , the net benefit would be much less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which other drugs were substituted for cocaine . The unhappy fact is that many cocaine users have also been identified as users of other drugs as well so that , in many cases , substitution is a strong possibility . <p> In the state of Florida , the net result from these conditions would be a large increase in expenditures on law enforcement , some of which would be subsidized by taxpayers in other states who pay part of the costs of the Federal agencies . Costs due to production lost and to rehabilitation would decline , perhaps significantly , depending on the degree to which other drugs were substituted for the interdicted cocaine . On the benefit side , if the Colombian cocaine cartels lost their ability to enter the US market , Florida would receive less spending and investment ( i.e. , fewer benefits ) than before , unless the substituted drugs led also to large revenues for traffickers in Florida . <p> The second alternative scenario that should be compared to the current situation is the possibility of legalizing cocaine traffic and consumption , possibly with restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large consumption tax , as in the case of alcoholic beverages . This policy would clearly eliminate most of the law enforcement problem ( except for crimes committed while under the influence of cocaine and , possibly , consumption by those underage ) . On the other hand , legalization would unquestionably increase the level of consumption due to the elimination of sanctions and , most likely , a decline in the price of cocaine . Although taxes could be used to keep the price high , those very taxes would encourage contraband sales of cocaine by people seeking to avoid paying them . <p> Any increase in consumption would increase the problem of lost production , presumably in proportion to the increase . This would be a major cost to the Florida economy , given the current annual cost of almost $4 billion in lost production when the drug is illegal . Savings of less than $1 billion in law enforcement costs ( even assuming that another illegal drug(s) does not substitute for cocaine and require continued law enforcement efforts ) would be overwhelmed by the work lost by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> In summary , there is no doubt that the net economic impact on the Florida economy of the cocaine traffic is quite negative . Even though the benefits of investments and consumption by cocaine traffickers in the state of Florida may be as much as $3 billion per year in the late 1980s , the costs of law enforcement , health services , and lost productivity are significantly greater . In 1988 , the costs in the state of Florida have been estimated here to be on the order of $4.5 billion . <p> Obviously , much more detailed analysis is needed to measure the full costs of lost work and productivity by cocaine consumers and traffickers . Equally obviously , the estimates of drug money flows are very crude . On both of these subjects , more study is needed . If the crude measures are at all in the range of actual costs and benefits , then our conclusions will hold even with the further details . <p> Another consideration to keep in mind when interpreting this analysis is the size of the activity relative to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income of the state of Florida was approximately $170 billion . This places the cocaine traffic at about 2% of income produced in the state during that year . In this context , the costs and benefits are relatively unimportant . On the other hand , the other problems -- psychological , social , and legal -- created by drug abuse may be far more important to the society than these economic considerations . <p> a " The author would like to express his appreciation to the University of Miami Colombian Studies Project , directed by Bruce Bagley , for its financial support of this study . <p>
@@4004041 Section : The Geographical Review October 1992 <p> ABSTRACT . Columbus is only a small part of the large story that is the quincentenary of 1492 . Since publication of " The Early Spanish Main " ( 1966 ) by Carl O. Sauer , geographers have treated the Columbian voyages as the start of a massive intercultural transformation by stressing processes and their effects . Four courses of Columbian scholarship are identified and traced . <p> IN the square of many a small , rustic town of southern and western Spain stands a statue . Anyone consuming a cup of coffee in the cool mornings of early fall can not escape quiet notice of these larger-than-life monuments bearing witness to an era that began five hundred years ago . Usually , the figure wrought in metal is a favored native son who four or five centuries earlier left to explore , invade , and evangelize in a land far away . Not always , though . In some towns the monument is to Columbus , and , by extension , it silently notes the Spanish , Genoese , Portuguese , French , and English entry into the Americas and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by curiosity about the exotic or , more likely , by the absence of opportunity at home . <p> Along the main shopping street in Merida , the regional capital of Estremadura , a sign identifies the " Consejeria de Emigracion , " the still-extant official council for emigration . The allure of distant lands drew young people from their birthplaces . After five hundred years , the migration continues , giving a distinctly Old World cast to what the Spanish , with some trepidation , describe as the encuentro ( encounter ) . There is no denying that in 1992 the Spanish village statuary seems a bit brazen , emboldened with extra measures of vigor , meaning , and ambiguity . Yet by comparison , nowhere else is the Columbian legacy accepted so blithely as in Iberia . Especially in the Americas , there is more darkness and less silver to the lining . As all those concerned , however peripherally , weigh in with an interpretation of the significance of 1492 , North American geographers too express their opinions . <p> For good and bad , 1992 is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inexorable invasion of a hemisphere began as a formalized process , there is an ongoing and ritual reevaluation of what the encounter has meant to the world . With great talk , and even some documentation , of the nature of the world economy , the influence of the Columbian discovery is perhaps more thoroughly felt now than by any earlier generation . But something else may be true . Discussing the sum total of navigational , economic , historical , genocidal , demographic , and other geographical effects of the invasion of the Americas has tended to be put aside gently in favor of voicing a consensus that acknowledges the political sensitivity of what began in 1492 . This is a pity , because the feat of Columbus , accidental or purposeful , terror or triumph , beginning or end , is the geographical fact of the millennium . What else , after all , can compete ? <p> Nothing is more impressive about Columbus than the range of sentiments that scholars adopt in writing about this somewhat enigmatic figure . He is hero or fool , a genius @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have perished at sea . With the quincentenary , and in marked contrast with at least the published responses in the United States in 1892 , anti-Columbus sentiment is especially rich ; indigenous responses are many , if often somewhat antihistorical , and every interpretation from revisionist to Gaian eco-feminist to fictional and cinematic has its supporters and , generally , gets a receptive if exhausted hearing . For good measure , there is not even a semblance of agreement as to where Columbus actually made his first landfall in the western hemisphere . If diversity is strength , the foundation for Columbian scholarship in the twenty-first century is massive . <p> Geographers have an unusual role in these discussions . Aside from the range of opinions about Columbus and the Columbian legacy that flows from a subject as diverse and fractious as geography , many geographers have paid special attention to the effects of five hundred years of cultural , biogeographical , economic , ethnographical , and political change . It is this changing view , far from subtle and rich for the mining , that deserves attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- all with much to say about both Columbus and the encounter , and each leading to a different headwater . <p> Starting with " The Early Spanish Main , " by Carl O. Sauer ( 1966 ) , geographers have for decades assumed a very different perspective from other writers evaluating Columbus and his work . Instead of hagiography , the geographical view tended toward skepticism about both person and enterprise . First printed in 1966 and reissued with a new foreword in 1992 , " The Early Spanish Main " came almost twenty-five years after historian Samuel Eliot Morison ( 1942a ) published his weighty two-volume biography , " Admiral of the Ocean Sea : A Life of Christopher Columbus . " The viewpoints expressed by Morison and Sauer could hardly have been more different -- surely in part because of the contrasts between a Harvard historian who was an admiral , an Anglophile , and a dedicated sailor , and a Berkeley geographer from the Midwest whose researches were deeply rooted in the rural , native culture of Hispanic America . <p> Morison received a Pulitzer Prize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time that the full Columbus biography appeared , the Atlantic Monthly Press published an abridged version , lacking notes , some navigational data , a section on sailing ships , and a neatly elided chapter on the origin of syphilis ( Morison 1942b ) . Fifty years later the abridged version is still in print . Morison 's work on Columbus is by no means wrong , either in his long biography or in other books that he produced on Columbian topics . He carefully circumscribed his theme so that the depopulation , the land acquisitiveness and gold lust , the bungled administration , all of which contributed , in Sauer 's view , to the tragedy of the Columbian heritage , drift by as asides in " Admiral of the Ocean Sea " or go unmentioned . <p> There are strengths . Among them are Morison 's archival research , field checking , and clean prose , his admiration for Columbus as a nautical kindred spirit more than four centuries earlier , and a biographer 's proprietary sense of pride in the Columbus who undertook a venture in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolve that Morison attributes to Columbus presages the tone of Morison 's later military histories and reflects the completion of the biography during the early years of World War II . Odd , dated touches intrude , such as the note that cruelty to the indigenous residents of Hispaniola " offers a terrible example to Americans who fancy they will be allowed to live in peace by people overseas who covet what they have , " presumably a warning against German aggression ( Morison 1942b , 493 ) . The maps for Morison 's study , drawn by Erwin Raisz , then at the Harvard Institute of Geographical Exploration , add a clarity and credibility that remind us of precisely how valuable and insidious handsome maps can be . There is no inkling of the mendacious character , irresolute and nearly incompetent , that Sauer and other authors were to attribute to Columbus . Morison 's Columbus is an eagle-eyed sailor of redoubtable ability and signal purpose . <p> Where Sauer discerned obsession , tragedy , and greed , Morison observes a steadfastness and stability in the " greatest navigator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a colonist , did so " partly because his conception of a colony transcended the desire of his followers to impart , and the capacity of natives to receive , the institutions and culture of Renaissance Europe " ( Morison 1942b , 670 ) . Indeed , " Admiral of the Ocean Sea " is the sort of solid work to offer anyone who wants more than textbook pablum about Columbus . <p> Morison 's idol as a historian was Francis Parkman , who during the nineteenth century traveled the Plains states by foot , train , and horseback before writing his definitive histories . Morison did the same by sea for his study of Columbus , and in its details of shipboard life , sailing knowledge , and navigation , his work has no equal . Where this monument to the " admiral of the ocean sea " fails is in thought and conception . Morison wanted a visionary hero and found him , skittering over weak moments and unwise decisions , secure in knowing that , long before Morison 's history was completed , Columbus was anointed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no matter how much skeptical caviling might go on . The scheme is simple : rely on details of the voyage , keep the narrative focused , dwell on the navigation , and avoid distraction -- present only the facts . <p> " The Early Spanish Main " by Sauer is another matter . After decades of fieldwork in Latin America , Sauer produced a book that either shocked readers into agreement or drove them to rabid dissent . To write such a book in the early 1960s , relying on a detailed analysis of seemingly endless original sources , was daring but flowed from a lifetime of experience . Morison was fifty-five years old when he published the biography of Columbus ; by contrast , Sauer was seventy-seven when " The Early Spanish Main " appeared , with " Sixteenth Century North America " ( 1971 ) and " Seventeenth Century North America " ( 1980 ) to come . Conceptually Sauer 's seminal book differed considerably from that of Morison . Sauer offers geography , a survey of the lands and peoples of the Caribbean and their fate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the book is also biography , then it chronicles a place , not an individual . <p> " That span of a scant thirty years of discovery and domination gave not only geographical but large economic and political directions to Spanish empire , " wrote Sauer ( 1966 , v ) in the foreword . With the opening sentence of the text proper he trumps the ace of many an earlier Columbus scholar : " The geographical preconceptions of Columbus attached the name Indies to the newly discovered lands . " Preconceptions , so the argument goes , are what Columbus and his actions were all about -- a poorly educated man , a mediocre sailor with a genius for dead-reckoning navigation , and a horrid and undisciplined governor of the colonies he greedily sought . <p> Sauer is relentless : though fair , he is unwilling to grant Columbus anything he did not earn . Columbus is a grasping , fanatical figure , " gold obsessed , " in " high spirits , " a person whose report showed that he had " taken off on the wings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 34 ) . The text moves back and forth , like jump shifts in a suspense novel , between examinations of Caribbean and mainland environments and the machinations of Columbus , infatuated with his contract from the Spanish crown to develop the resources of the " Indies . " Sauer 's historical geography is brilliant and surgical , a dismembering of old truisms long gone gangrenous . He replaces them with a precise view of what , according to contemporary accounts and careful extrapolation from modern knowledge , the land and life of indigenous Americans were like before , during , and after the four voyages of Columbus . <p> Heroism , at least on the part of Columbus , is not in Sauer 's version of the Columbian encounter . " Columbus , " notes Sauer ( 1966,290 ) , " gave to Spain a New World the existence of which he never admitted . " He arrived there by mistake or chance , and if he had not arrived first , someone with a different view of exploration and coexistence would shortly have done so . There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ genius for words , not as to their proper meaning but to cast a spell and persuade " ( Sauer 1966 , 290 ) . But he was a bad governor who learned nothing from experience . When the Spanish government remedied its colonial policy , it did so without his approval and renounced his influence for better-tested schemes . <p> If the judgment rendered by Sauer is harsh , it does not , especially given the ethnographical and ecological information still arriving , overstep its evidence . Although the words are tempered -- Sauer rarely wrote otherwise -- the sting of the prose earned Sauer grudging admiration and some lasting enemies . Reviews of the book were often favorable , including one by J. H. Parry , a colleague of Morison at Harvard University in oceanic history . The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga ( 1966 ) , evaluating " The Early Spanish Main " for The New York Review of Books , expressed great respect for the passion and precision in the book but , in gentle words , accused Sauer of anti-Spanish bias . <p> And so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beings old enough to realize that we all belong to mankind , and that though those of us who once went out and trod upon other peoples shall have to lower our eyes before the Lord , no nation on earth or man thereof is worthy of sitting as judge , nay , as a prosecutor , to condemn any other nation . <p> Long after reviews had been published in other journals , there was none in the Geographical Review . What did appear in 1968 was a stiff critique of the book by historian Thomas McGann of the University of Texas . " Unfortunately , " he wrote , " Sauer was not able to avail himself of the long span of research time needed to study the vast and varied culture of the Spanish Main -- the islands and mainland shores of the Caribbean -- that he brought to his work on other areas . " Sauer took exception to the review and ended a long , cordial relationship with the Geographical Review . <p> With Sauer started a new cycle of scholarship on Columbus . By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exclusively on one person 's character , skills , or foibles , the whole of the encounter was fair game . Kirkpatrick Sale , a scholar and essayist , historian and bioregionalist ( Parsons 1985 ; Sale 1985 ) , produced in 1990 " The Conquest of Paradise : Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy , " an attractive and readable book that traces a third course of writing on Columbus : a savaging of the large effects of Columbus and the encounter . To Sale , the arrival of Columbus meant not only the introduction of diseases , a pattern of habitual cruelty directed toward the native populations , and constant grappling for wealth ; it also heralded the replacement of a beautiful people by an ugly one . The " noble savage " philosophy is reminiscent of Rousseau , but the argument as constructed by Sale is better than it seems in synopsis . <p> Sale believes in the values of voluntary simplicity and argues that in the New World lay the potential salvation of Europeans . Had they learned instead of raided , they might have escaped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and acquisitiveness everywhere they have touched around the world ( Sale 1990 , 368 ) . <p> And there was salvation there , in the New World , though it was not of a kind the Europeans then understood .... The salvation there , had the Europeans known where and how to look for it , was obviously in the integrative tribal ways , the nurturant communitarian values , the rich interplay with nature that made up the Indian cultures -- as it made up , for that matter , the cultures of ancient peoples everywhere , not excluding Europe .... It was there then , when Colon first encountered what he intuited , correctly , to be " in all the world . . . no better people nor better country . " <p> The argument is impassioned , and for anyone raised on a diet of utopian fiction , intentional communities , Aldo Leopold 's land ethic , or Edward Abbey 's sarcastic individuality , there is a resonance to Sale 's vision . No doubt something is corrupt about the European conquest of the Americas and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy of the critique , even if it is not always possible to agree with the conclusions . Sale 's book is about the conquest of a fancied paradise , not about Columbus , who was simply an agent , not a necessary precondition . Too much of the book is digression and a catalog of wrongs for it to be entirely effective as a conventional history . At best , there are echoes of some of Sauer 's prose , especially in the final chapter ( Sale 1990 , 370 ) . <p> But all they ever found was half a world of nature 's treasures and nature 's peoples that could be taken , and they took them , never knowing , never learning the true regenerative power there , and that opportunity was lost . Theirs was indeed a conquest of Paradise , but as is inevitable with any war against the world of nature , those who win will have lost -- once again lost , and this time perhaps forever . <p> There is a scriptural and inspirational reverberation in Sale 's prose , yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken personally to heart . That is the first problem . The second is more elemental and more controversial . For Sale , the western hemisphere was a paradise -- pristine , perfect , nature at its finest with inhabitants who were , virtually by definition , in harmony with their world . <p> Were the Americas a virgin paradise , as Sale suggests ? Compared with what was left behind in Europe , after centuries of resource exploitation , perhaps yes . But any historical geographer with work ongoing in Latin America would counter with more reservations than reassurances . There is an ever-so-fine line of political plausibility that lies between noting that the pre-Columbian cultures of the Americas included many groups of formidable sophistication , able to alter their environs almost at will , and asserting that native Americans abused their land . More and more geographers , however , are crossing this line and asserting both : the cultures were sophisticated and readily able to manipulate and ruin their surroundings , which they sometimes did , at scales comparable to anything their European successors might match ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cultural ecology , historians in environmental history , and scholars in anthropology and other disciplines are familiar with such conclusions and find them less than startling . This , though , is the fourth course of Columbian scholarship -- a revision that follows on Sauer 's premises , accepts some of Sale 's pleas for sensitivity to the capabilities of the human and physical environments , and looks history square in the eye to give power where it is due and to make no heroes of hollow figures . <p> Used to working with land as a basic focus of analysis , geographers regularly plumb the reaches of time to make sense of past uses and abuses of the earth 's surface and its inhabitants . When Sauer wrote about the interactions of land and life , he meant exactly that . No part of the human history of the last one thousand years has so distinct a trigger or so broad a pattern of effect as the arrival of Columbus in the Caribbean . What started with that arrival has not stopped and never will . Geographers have every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year . Many have taken a difficult middle ground , not denouncing or deriding , praising or inflating , one contingent or another of Columbian partisanship . Interaction is the real story . No geographer could ask for anything more . <p> In a remarkable scene near the end of " The Sound and the Fury , " by William Faulkner , the simpleton Benjy , whose vision sets the tone of the book , is driven around the back of a statue that he had seen before only from the front . As he sees the unfamiliar backside of the figure , he screams , forlorn and near hysterics , at the impropriety , the shock , the alienness of the sight , a view gone wrong . The legacy of 1492 , even for geographers , is somewhat like this scene . Statues and monuments are fine , but they are best seen from all sides . The blessing of the quincentenary is the blossoming of ever more perspectives . If only they continue to flower without , like the century plant , having to wait another hundred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research was funded in part by a Quincentenary Postdoctoral Fellowship in Spain for American Researchers 1990-1991 from the Spain/United States Joint Committee for Cultural and Educational Cooperation . <p>
@@4004141 Guest Editors <p> There can only be disaster arising from unawareness of the causalities and effects inherent in our own technologies . -- Marshall McLuhan , The Gutenberg Galaxy , 1962 <p> <p> Any technology sufficiently advanced is indistinguishable from magic . -- Arthur C. Clarke , Ascent to Orbit , 1984 <p> <p> The invention and diffusion of the computer are arguably the defining social , economic , and geographical processes of the late twentieth century . The technical developments are many , but four are crucial : more computers ; more computer power evident in processor speed , graphic capabilities , and memory ; an increasing interconnection of computers into networks that make possible communication , data acquisition , software sharing , information processing , and remote storage ; and an ever more placelike interface that lets users command iconic and graphic representations that feel natural or self-evident ( at least to those who are comfortable with digital technology ) . In the aftermath of the microelectronics revolution , the current trend is toward a society that is dependent on computers across the realms of commerce , cultural production , politics , education , and even friendship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feeling of living in a digital environment , and terms such as cyberspace and electronic cafe imply an environment that may be understood in geographically resonant terms . <p> Although concepts of cyberspace and electronic virtual place have been explored from the perspectives of media theory , architecture , sociology , literary theory , popular culture , and law , geographers have written relatively little on these topics ( Lanham 1993 ; Rheingold 1993 ; Cavazos and Morin 1995 ; Mitchell 1995 ; Rushkoff 1995 ; Turkle 1995 ; Shields 1996 ) . A growing and important literature on geography and mass communication examines film , television , and the news media ( Gould 1984 ; Brooker-Gross 1985 ; Burgess 1985 , 1987 ; Gold 1985 ; Smith 1985 ; Youngs 1985 ; Monmonier 1989 ; Adams 1992 ; Aitken and Zonn 1994 ) . <p> Geographers have studied other kinds of media , including telephone , photography , and geographical information systems ( Abler 1977 ; Martin 1991 ; Cosgrove 1994 ; Pickles 1995 ) . Others delve into commercial connections ( Langdale 1989 ; Hepworth 19go ; Sack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interest in the reconstruction of urban space around communication systems ( Castells 1996-1998 ; Graham and Marvin 1996 ) . Manuel Castells has played a particularly important role in situating communication technologies within contemporary capitalism , which , he argues , has created a dominant " space of flows " ( Castells 1996-1998 ) . David Harvey conjoins capitalism and communication media to the " annihilation of space through time " ( 1989,1990 ) . Although geographers have , for the most part , shied away from the ebullient technological determinism and utopian views of cultural evolution that pervade so much literature on this topic , the discipline has paid insufficient attention to the cultural and political dimensions of computer networking . The collection of articles in this special issue of the Geographical Review begins to fill that void . WEAVING THE NET <p> In 1969 a U.S. Department of Defense project founded under the auspices of the Advanced Research Projects Agency ( ARPA ) created Arpanet , the first computer network ( Hafner and Lyon 1996 ) . Originally the system connected only four computers , situated at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; the University of California , Santa Barbara ; and the University of Utah , in Salt Lake City . Arpanet was supported by an innovative technique of data transmission called Packet switching , which allowed a communications system to operate with no central control : " each packet and the entire network of routers all know how to get information around " ( Rheingold 1993,75 ) . If one route between locations was eliminated by the loss of a computer or telephone line , packet-switched messages were automatically rerouted along another . The system 's components may be fragile wires , but its function is quite resilient . Ironically , whereas packet switching was designed to preserve the continuity of central military command and intelligence in the event of a nuclear attack , the technique has supported anarchical structures in the public domain , still evident in the lack of editorial control of Internet material and the libertarian political bias of cyberspace devotees . <p> During the 1980s Arpanet was tied to many large mainframe computers at universities , research laboratories , and businesses , and its name changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ network sponsored by IBM , gained prominence . In addition , private networks were created to manage internal operations at DEC and IBM computer companies and at AT &T.; The National Science Foundation ( NSF ) , under pressure from scientists who were not yet able to gain access to network facilities , established another network called NSFNET . Further portions of the emerging heterogeneous computer communications " backbone " ( primary transmission infrastructure ) were contributed by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the U.S. Department of Energy under the rubrics Of NSINET and ESNET . <p> This proliferation of networks effectively ended a military dominance in computer networking and broadened the constituency to include scientists and researchers in general . Technical improvement of the Internet backbone continued during the late 1980s with more than a billion dollars ' worth of funding from NSF , DARPA ( ARPA 'S successor ) , and the Department of Commerce 's National Institute of Standards and Technology . In addition , during the 1980s a multitude of local area networks ( LANS ) sprouted . LANs supported internal computer networking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( WANS ) also developed , tying together metropolitan areas , corporations , and certain rural populations . By the late 1980S LANs and WANS were being connected to the Internet in increasing numbers and . provided a major growth spurt for the Internet as a whole . <p> During the 1990s the primary changes have been the rise of computer networking from an obscure technology to an element of popular culture and the growing commercialization of computer networks . So widespread has cyberspace become as a topic for movies , books , and games that William Gibson 's infamous description of it as a " consensual hallucination " seems to have become reality ( 1984,51 ) . Although estimating a total count of Internet users in the world is notoriously difficult , the number is now easily in the tens of millions . Foremost in commercialization has been the growth of consumer-oriented services such as America Online , CompuServe , Microsoft Network , Prodigy , Delphi , and GEnie . Between 21 and 23 percent of U.S. adults now use the Internet , although the social and spatial dimensions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1998 ; Nielsen Media Research 1998 ; Seminerio 1998 ) . Commercialization was accelerated by the readily transmissible and graphic hypertext markup language ( HTML ) , which supports an Internet function called the World Wide Web . The Web is not a network in its own right , but rather a means of transmitting text , images , and even sound and movie files over the Internet . It has facilitated the use of the Internet for many services , including corporate and state public relations , advertising and marketing , education , and the promotion of tourism . VOCABULARY AND TOOLS IN THEORIZING THE NET <p> Assessing the significance of computer networks is difficult . Beyond empirical measures of dollars , machines , and persons involved and structural assessments of corporate dependence on networks , one enters the realms of philosophy and social theory . Questions remain : Is cyberspace a kind of space ? How does the shape of human experience shift when it is mediated digitally ? What happens to people 's construction of identity when their primary social interactions are on-line ? What is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political processes affect , and how are they affected by , the new communication in frastructure ? How can local standards of what is acceptable and " decent " be reconciled with a medium that provides instant global access to uncensored material ? How can individual privacy be protected without providing new opportunities for organized crime ? Do computer networks permit the further colonization of daily life by forces of commodification , surveillance , and abstraction ? <p> The conceptual vocabulary and theoretical tools of social theory help in addressing these questions . Some of the vocabulary and tools may not be familiar , so a brief introduction may assist nonspecialists in understanding both the social theory and its application to computer networking . Central to many of the articles in this issue is an assumption that texts such as computer network communications ( as well as books , films , speeches , maps , advertisements , photographs , and the like ) are not simply passive reiterations of an existing social reality ; they are integral to the constitution of society . Collections of texts that revolve around a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contemporary cultural analysis . <p> Texts and discourses involve dynamic processes by which society constantly constructs and regulates itself . They legitimate structures of authority and power , and they simultaneously question or resist these same structures . In addition , the ongoing discussions serve as mirrors for the perception of self and Others , supporting individualism , community , and various person-group relationships . Some of these social functions involve human territoriality : It is not possible to designate a spatial boundary , control what occurs within it , or designate a group as insiders without somehow communicating the basic distinctions between here and there , we and they , in and out . Other texts take the form of laws governing local standards , challenging the kinds of images and texts considered obscene and asking what rights government has to acquire information about people 's lives . Even texts that convey a cosmology , a sense of place and space , or an image of landscape may simultaneously work to maintain social order . <p> These ideas -- explored more fully by geographers such as Denis Cosgrove , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the attention in this collection to issues of meaning : The point is not naively to suppose that there are single identifiable meanings of social texts or to look through texts at a single , universal Truth but to try to understand the complex involvement between texts and social structures and processes . <p> Another key theme is contestation , the interplay of power among various groups in society . Interplay is more appropriate than struggle in this connection , because struggle implies something grim and survivalist , whereas contestation is not always so deadly serious . It is present , for example , in the gamelike way in which employees appropriate time and resources for their own uses in a work environment and in even the most felicitous relationships between the sexes . Contestation is both inevitable and ambivalent : inevitable because society implies structure , which creates tensions that people and organizations work to overcome ; ambivalent because communication may be perceived either as a win-lose proposition ( as in a political debate ) or as a process of mutual elucidation in which both sides make meaning of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some form of consensus or mutual insight . <p> In this special issue , computer-mediated discourses are the source of contestation that is of interest , and the specific interest lies in how the medium ( computers ) and its arrival in society affect the nature of the contestation , favoring certain tactics over others . Of interest also is how the Internet reflects disparities in development and global power imbalances in the unevenness of access . This would appear to augment existing global power imbalances , but observation of groups that are benefiting politically from the Internet shows a tendency , at least at times , to promote the political aims of geographically peripheral regions and politically peripheral groups : See the articles by Shannon O'Lear , Oliver Froehling , Stanley D. Brunn and Charles D. Cottle , Michele H. Jackson and Darren Purcell , and Barney Warf and John Grimes . <p> Finally , there is the matter of the difference between computer networks and other types of communication . The distinctive character of Internet communications for geographers comes from the Net 's merging of three basic characteristics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a sender or a receiver . Second is instantaneity : Delays relate more to the speed of the processor used by the remote computer than to the distance of any browsed site . Third is transnationalism : Embargoing distant computer links is difficult without severing all outside telephone connections and thereby crippling economic development . Some of these characteristics may be shared with other media , such as the telephone and radio , but computer networks exhibit these characteristics to a unique degree . Furthermore , the World Wide Web provides a basis for multiple languages -- textual , graphic , photographic , and cartographic -- circulating at a transnational scale in a multidirectional and instantaneous manner . THE CONTENT OF THIS ISSUE <p> The articles are arranged in a sequential , conceptual progression . The first two address epistemological questions about the meaning and nature of geographical space and reality when manifested in the form of cyberspace and virtual reality . Paul C. Adams examines how popular descriptions of computer networking relate to traditional concepts of space and place . Jonathan Taylor catalogues the facts and implications of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Completing this section , Paul F. Starrs tracks new and exotic forms of regionalism that arise in a cyberspace which is regarded by some with an escalating skepticism . <p> The next two essays explore representations of specific places . Here the idea of social contestation through electronic texts is implicit , rather than explicit as in the previous studies . Attention is given , instead , to the details of the texts : Web sites devoted to the portrayal of place for distant Web surfers . Michele H. Jackson and Darren Purcell examine the conflicting representations of the Balkan countries by various private and governmental groups . Stanley D. Brunn and Charles D. Cottle consider boosterism by small states such as Singapore , Slovenia , Western Samoa , and Costa Rica . <p> The final articles address matters that are central to political geography , primarily , the idea of the Internet as a terrain of social contestation . Barney Warf and John Grimes present an overview of contestation on the Internet and provide numerous examples of socially marginal movements that have used the Net for their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transborder organization by a grassroots environmental movement working across the Russia-Estonia border . And Oliver Froehling reveals the way in which Internet communications were deployed to assist the Zapatista rebels in Chiapas , Mexico , despite the absence of computers and Internet access in that remote area . CLOSING COMMENTS <p> The rapid growth of the Internet , exceeded only by a hyperbolic rise in its popularity , has left this topic surprisingly uncharted by geographers . Cyberspace in all its guises -- as a topic of discourse , a contested arena of power , a site of advertising , a mode of personal interaction , and a source of professional information-will continue to play an important role in the unfolding of daily life and social relationships in the foreseeable future . just as the impact of the telephone could hardly have been predicted by Alexander Graham Bell 's contemporaries or of the printed Bible by Gutenberg 's , the effects of the Internet and related technologies will reverberate in unexpected ways throughout numerous domains of public and private life over the course of the next century . The digitization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have profound influences culturally , economically , and geographically . It is to mapping this newly emergent terra incognita that this issue of the Geographical Review is devoted . <p>
@@4004241 ABSTRACT . Rapid construction of new spaces like hotels , malls , private clubs , and gated communities in Greater Cairo , Egypt produces structures disconnected spatially and conceptually from most of the existing urban fabric . Their spatial concepts and practices , as well as architectural forms and expertise , are based largely on globally available models . Planning and construction are guided by the search for security in the face of real or imagined fear of the urban masses and political upheaval . Concrete walls , guarded entrances , and high-tech security technology bear witness to these fears . Analysis of the Mena House Hotel , the Grand Egyptian Museum project , and the First Mall in Giza shows how these projects globalize Cairo and localize the global . Often these globalized spaces are remade by creating local and regional ties and design features that were not anticipated by the planners . Such changes shed light on underlying dynamics and contribute to a better understanding of in situ globalization . Whereas their physical features tend to accentuate their globalized nature , these spaces do not exist in isolation from their geographical and cultural contexts . Their everyday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scholarly debates . <p> Keywords : Cairo ; Egypt ; exterritorial spaces ; Giza ; globalization ; reterritorialization <p> The Web site of the Mena House Hotel in Giza , Egypt boasts an impressive list of awards the hotel has received . In 2002 and 2003 the Mena House , located at the foot of the Cheops Pyramid , was listed among " The Most Exclusive Hotels in the World , " " Top Ten Hotels -- World 's Best Service " and " The Best 500 Hotels in the World " ( Oberoi Hotels 2005 ) . Of the twelve awards listed , only two -- " Best Landscaped Garden in Egypt " and " Highest Guest Service Standard Amongst All Hotels in Egypt " -- situate and compare the hotel in its immediate geographical context ; that is , Egypt . The other awards use larger , regional -- Africa , Indian Ocean , and Middle East -- or global references in evaluating standards and achievements of this prestigious hotel . Similarly , announcements and debates of the new Grand Egyptian Museum mention that this megaproject , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pyramids , is " not only the largest museum of Egyptian artifacts in the world , but also one of the largest museums in the world " ( Ionides 2004 ) . Like the Mena House , the museum project uses global comparisons and points of reference to illustrate its grandeur and envisioned role in the world . Reflecting similar quests for global competition and recognition , new shopping malls and other places of leisure and consumption in Cairo compete with their peers regionally and globally for setting new records , not only in terms of size but also with regard to outlandish features , such as ice-skating rinks or even skiing facilities in the midst of desert conditions . The Mena House , the Grand Egyptian Museum , and various malls are located on Egyptian soil , but where are they on the powerful symbolic map of globalization ? Where are their cultural and economic points of reference ? Do they globalize Egypt , or do they localize the global ? How far do local , national , or regional forces interact and possibly contest these icons of globalization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cairo , like many postcolonial metropolises , has witnessed the rapid construction of new spaces that seem to be separate and disconnected , not only spatially but also conceptually , from most of the existing urban fabric . Examples include hotels , shopping malls , private clubs , and upscale , gated communities on the city 's desert outskirts . This highly fragmented new spatiality also includes a small number of older spaces , which have successfully kept pace or smoothly inserted themselves into the race of global competition , profit , and recognition . One such example is the Mena House Hotel . As different as their histories and functional uses are , examples at the forefront of the new spatiality are closely linked in their underlying models , in their firm integration into networks of global capitalism , and , in particular , into the rapidly growing global service industry of leisure , consumption , and tourism . These projects ' spatial concepts , architectural forms and expertise , and definitions of spatial practices are based largely on globally available models . Frequently the planning and construction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instances planning and construction processes are guided by the search for security in the face of real or imagined fears of the urban masses and political upheaval . Concrete walls , guarded entrances , and high-tech security technology bear witness to these fears . A characteristic feature of these new , globalized spaces is that most are physical enclaves , often quasi-fortresses , which are largely inaccessible to most urban residents except as workers . The paramount nature of security concerns and the exclusion of the urban masses hints at the contested nature of these new icons of globalization . <p> This article examines the cases of the Mena House Hotel , the Grand Egyptian Museum project , and the First Mall in Giza as examples of in situ globalization . It addresses the underlying dynamics of the making and remaking of these globalized spaces , particularly those that counter their exterritorial nature and reterritorialize elements of their existence by creating local and regional ties and features that were not anticipated by the planners . <p> Conceived and negotiated in the context of a largely Western-dominated , rapidly globalizing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general by a complex articulation of global fashions , lifestyles , politics of knowledge , and architectural possibilities . They possess distinctly exterritorial characteristics , in that they represent spatialities that differ from their physical environment . In their everyday dynamics , these spaces appear to respond and cater to the needs and demands of a globalized clientele of both local and global origin . Globalized spaces tend to be exterritorial , in that their construction , maintenance , and economies are largely controlled by global forces . Locally , these projects underline the ever-sharper distinction between the haves and the have-nots and occasionally give cause to horrific visions of future cityscapes of " creeping slums and rampant poverty , coexisting cheek by jowl with international hotels and large spaces dedicated to consumption and leisure time for those who can afford it " ( Abaza 2004 ) . <p> The increasing polarization of city dwellers underlies the often-dormant tensions that accompany the recent transformations of many postcolonial cityscapes . The existence of new fortresses of leisure and consumption next door to poverty and in the midst of different cultural and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among local poorer populations . Whether these are expressed out loud or maintained in closed quarters , they exist and need to be taken into account , for they can be translated into action at any given moment , particularly in times of heightened public or political tension . Thus , although globalized urban projects are products and properties of global dynamics and actors , they also harbor and produce distinctly local features in a constant struggle with the global forces . Whereas their physical features tend to accentuate their globalized nature , these spaces do not exist in isolation from their geographical and cultural environments , and their everyday realities tell tales of reterritorialization that are frequently overlooked in scholarly debates . These projects are duplicates of globally available models , but the moment their doors open they set in motion a complicated process of localization or reterritorialization that takes place on two levels . On one hand , this involves users and patrons of the local elite , as well as wealthy expatriate communities and tourists who appropriate and remake planned spatialities for their own purposes . On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in specific manners by those who work there and maintain them and by the few who manage to " sneak in " despite being excluded or unwanted . These processes are far from democratic and do not include large segments of the population . They are significant in a larger context of national , regional , and global transformations . GLOBALIZATION AND URBAN SEGREGATION <p> Recent observers have been alarmed by the dramatically uneven impact of globalization . Zygmunt Bauman voiced concerns about the growing disparity between the world 's rich and poor . He observed that " the so-called ' globalizing ' processes rebound in the redistribution of privileges and deprivations , of wealth and poverty , of resources and impotence , of power and powerlessness , of freedom and constraint " ( 1998,70 ) . This initiates a " world-wide restratification , in the course of which a new socio-cultural hierarchy , a world-wide scale , is put together " ( p. 70 ; italics in the original ) . He underlines that individuals and territories do not enter this process as equals or with equal chances . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the context of these globalizing processes is ironic , even an outright slap in the face of the majority of humanity . Bauman further explained : <p> What is a free choice for some descends as cruel fate upon others . And since those ' others ' tend to grow unstoppably in numbers and sink ever deeper into despair born of a prospectless existence , one will be well advised to speak of ' glocalization ' ( Roland Robertson 's apt term , exposing the unbreakable unity between ' globalizing ' and ' localizing ' pressures -- a phenomenon glossed over in the one-sided concept of globalization ) , and to define it mostly as the process of the concentration of capital , finance and all other resources of choice and effective action , but also -- perhaps above all -- of the concentration of freedom to move and to act ( two freedoms which for all practical purposes have become synonymous ) . ( p. 70 ; italics in the original ; see also Robertson 1992 ) <p> Bauman leaves no doubt that globalization is uneven and produces distinct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ excluded populations who are locked into tightly packed spaces of poverty and hopelessness . " Flexibility , " " mobility , " " freedom of movement , " " choices , ' " global networks and connections , " " free flow of goods , knowledge and information , " " leisure and consumption , " and similar terms frequently used to describe the blessings of globalization are the exact opposite of the poverty and exclusion experienced daily by the disadvantaged . <p> Bauman employs the concept of " exterritoriality " to identify sites that accommodate the global flow of wealth and consumption , which are central to the new regime . He notes that the " centres of meaning-and-value production are today exterritorial and emancipated from local constraints " ( 1998 , 3 ) , which contrasts with much of the local and situated human conditions -- here first and foremost poverty . Globalization implies a segregation of activities and population , but it is misleading to posit the results of globalization in strictly oppositional terms . The processes of globalizing and localizing are part and parcel of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together and against each other in the same setting at different times . Although the sum total of globalizing processes is the production and defense of the wealth , freedom , and mobility of those who already have it , as well as the recruitment of some new members to these privileged circles , in their everyday workings these processes are often less clear and marked by irrationalities , some failures , and local interference and appropriations . <p> In spatial terms , these transformations have fostered the emergence of cityscapes marked by segregation and exclusion . Globalization and its local ( dis ) contents , or spatial violence , have become a pressing concern as segments of urban populations have been locked into specific spaces and barred from others . Living and moving through city spaces turns into a difficult and often painful task for ordinary citizens . Farha Ghannam ( 2002 ) examines the lives of lower-class residents of Cairo who were pushed to the relative margins of the city in an attempt to globalize -- that is make available high value for investment capital -- downtown and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from globalizing spaces , Ghannam notes , they are nonetheless closely tied into the processes of globalization by way of their experiences as migrants and by their sheer presence as workers and consumers in the globalizing metropolis . James Farrer ( 2002 ) observes how globalization in Shanghai has rapidly pulled whole sections of the city , and segments of the younger generation in particular , into its orbit . The physical landscape of Shanghai , probably more than any other city in the world , has changed in an impressive and unparalleled manner since about 1990 , serving as a fast-paced model for the slower changes of other globalizing metropolises . <p> As global cities experience the proliferation of segregated and guarded , privatized public spaces such as malls , clubs , and gated communities , concern about spatial segregation is growing ( Davis 1992 ; Ellin 1997 ) . Teresa Caldeira ( 1996,2001 ) , Setha Low ( 1997,200l , 2003 ) , and other scholars ( Glasze and Alkhayyal 2002 ; Juergens and Gnad 2002 ; Leisch 2002 ; Webster , Glasze , and Frantz 2002 ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urban spaces reflects and reinforces the polarization of urban residents . Caldeira is concerned about whether the loss of public spaces and encounters ultimately foreshadows the end of democratic society and thus poses a serious threat to societies . Many observers would agree with Mike Davis ( 1992 ) that a distinct line exists between the in-crowd and out-crowd , with the in-crowd inhabiting comfortable and luxurious gated communities , spending their leisure time in equally fortified malls and hotels , while the out-crowd is left to populate increasingly underserviced and overpopulated urban quarters . <p> Waleed Hazbun uses the concepts of " deterritorialization " and " reterritorialization " to emphasize the processual nature of changes . Deterritorialization " refers to the condition of economic activity becoming less dependent on resources and markets which are place specific " ( Hazbun 2002 , 54 ) . This process is not limited to the economic sphere but also includes cultural , political , and social aspects . Analytically more significant and intriguing is the concept of reterritorialization , which Hazbun employs for " forms of territorialized production where decreases in some spatially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increased dependence on transaction with spatially dependent transaction costs which allow for the exploitation of locationally defined positive external economies and rents " ( p. 61 ; italics in the original ) . Hazbun 's more economically oriented concept can be expanded to address broader processes and transformations that trigger political , cultural , spatial , and social transformation . In this article I use " reterritorialization " for a larger array of dynamics that situate and localize , negotiate , and even challenge globalized and exterritorial spaces and processes . Moments and spaces of reterritorialization are analytically relevant because they often constitute inroads into the more generic or planned universe of globalization and , as such , exemplify the potential of local actors to challenge and remake globalized and exterritorial spaces . These moments and spaces can illustrate the localization of the global and point to potential entries for critical voices and practices . GLOBALIZATION IN EGYPT <p> The processes of globalization since the late 1970s have had different repercussions in different locations . Aspects of Egypt 's recent globalization are marked by the country 's long history as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's recent economic transformations . Modern mass tourism was launched in Egypt when Thomas Cook organized his first packaged tours in the 1860s to travel up the Nile River and visit pharaonic monuments . Early Egyptian tourism was founded on the uniqueness of Egypt 's pharaonic past , Egypt 's relative geographical proximity to Europe , and its favorable climate . Competition with other tourist destinations was next to irrelevant until well into the twentieth century . Egypt was a constant on the global map of tourism , attracting well-to-do tourists throughout British colonial rule ( 1882-1952 ) . In the 1950s and 1960s the Egyptian state-controlled , but partly privately managed , tourism sector expanded in small increments , as reflected in the construction of the Nile Hilton in 1958 and the launching of the Sound and Light Show at the pyramids in 1961 ( Nelson 1997 ; Gray 1998 ) . By the 1970s the relatively low-key , more exclusive tourist industry began to change dramatically . <p> Hazbun observes that , for the Middle East at large , dropping oil prices and the crisis of early postcolonial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ costly welfare benefits for large segments of society by way of public-sector jobs , public education , and health care -- and also , to a certain extent , through public-sector contracts -- had triggered the necessity for change in the 1970s and 1980s ( 2002 , 19 ) . In Egypt the need for change was pressing , considering its limited oil resources , scarcity of arable land , high level of military expenditure because of the Arab-Israeli conflict , and relatively large and growing population . Promises of high-quality public education and health care became more difficult to deliver . Liberalization of the economy and the concomitant shift of the state 's constituency became paramount tools and agents of change , reflecting models negotiated simultaneously by other postcolonial states . Under the leadership of President Anwar Sadat , the 1970s marked Egypt 's accelerated entry into the global capitalist economy and the fierce global competition for resources , markets , and customers . In the absence of oil or large manufacturing industries , tourism based on the more intense and targeted marketing of the pharaonic heritage was identified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New tourist projects differed from earlier ones in size , aspects of control and ownership , characteristics of investors , and dynamics , and awareness of global competition . <p> Economic decisions and changes in Egypt paralleled or succeeded economic changes in Western or industrialized countries . Post-World War II economic prosperity and the general expansion of airline traffic slowly enabled ever-larger segments of Western populations to travel longer distances and afford more expensive accommodations and forms of leisure ( Hazbun 2002 ) . By the late 1970s the dynamics of the emerging global tourism industry and the characteristics of tourists bound for Egypt were in flux . Whereas earlier travelers to Egypt had been members of the Western European and U.S. elite , Egypt now started to appeal to the European and Japanese -- and , to a lesser extent , the American -- middle class , and , by the 1990s , to the lower-middle class as well . The fast-paced expansion of the clientele for international travel was paramount to underwriting Egypt 's ambitious plans for global integration and prosperity ( Gray 1998 ) . In 1998 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ initiatives : " After having passed through a successful period of economic reform , incentives , guarantees and legal administration , investors from Egypt and abroad have been encouraged to take part in the tourism development process . As a result , lodging capacity was raised from 18,000 in 1982 to 75,000 in 1997 . And we now have 603 projects under construction .. Egypt has invested more than $50 billion . to improve the infrastructure and public utilities " ( al-Ahram Weekly , 21-26 May 1998 ) . <p> From the early 1980s onward , considerable public and private resources were invested in the rapid improvement of the tourist sector under President Hosni Mubarak . Until the mid-1980s , pharaonic Egypt remained the single most important marketing tool for Egypt 's mass-tourism industry . The pyramids were " the " symbol for Egypt that guaranteed instant product recognition ( Beirman 2003 ) . Growing numbers of European and Japanese tourists flocked to Egypt . The arrival of thousands of tour groups necessitated further additions to the local tourist infrastructure . New hotels were constructed , not only along the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the vicinity of Cairo 's airport and in other parts of the city ( Cole and Altorki 1998 ) . <p> The expansion of Egypt 's tourism industry was neither smooth nor consistently profitable . It encountered periods of crisis and setbacks . During the first Gulf War , in 1991 , tourism in the Middle East plunged dramatically . Closer to home , the slowly escalating confrontation between Islamic militants and the Egyptian government became a pressing concern that spilled over into the public sphere beginning in about 1992 . In order to hurt government politics and gain an international platform , militants started to target tourists and tourist sites . Militants and the government began a bloody game of attack and counterattack . During the 1992-1995 period alone Egypt lost an estimated v.s. $1 billion in tourist revenues because of this ongoing conflict ( Gray 1998 ) . In the mid-1990s officials repeatedly claimed that they had successfully eliminated all militants , only to be proven wrong when yet another militant attack took place . In order to remain globally attractive and competitive , Egypt had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The government chose to work on both options . <p> Starting in the 1980s , beach and diving tourism were added to Egypt 's catalog of attractions . Superb beaches and beautiful coral reefs , along with Egyptian efforts to integrate the Sinai Peninsula more closely into the state and economy , facilitated the rapid expansion of sites like Sharm el-Sheikh and Naama Beach -- on the southern tip of the peninsula -- and Nuweiba and Dahab -- on the Gulf of Aqaba . Similar dynamics unfolded around places like Hurghada , on the western coast of the Red Sea , where hotels and numerous holiday villages were soon constructed ( Cole and Altorki 1998 ) . Overspeculation , overconstruction , and low-quality construction around Hurghada pushed some sites into the lower-priced range of European beach-tourism packages . <p> While the tourist industry was being massively upgraded and made attractive for the fiercely competitive global market , similar transformations took shape in other economic sectors , as the Egyptian government started to sell off considerable parts of the state-run industrial sector , was able to attract new companies , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among them Mercedes Benz and Opel , a German subsidiary of General Motors , set up assembly plants in Egypt . Regional considerations played a major role for Mercedes , because automobiles manufactured in Egypt can easily be shipped to the countries on the Arabian Peninsula , where the company has many loyal customers . Along with production of commodities and , increasingly , luxury commodities came construction of the appropriate outlets , particularly malls . Cairo has witnessed a veritable mushrooming of malls since the early 1990s ( Raafat 1998 ; Stryjak 2000 , 2001 ; Abaza 2001 ) . Malls not only are commercial outlets but also fulfill the parallel mission of accommodating leisure and related consumption by including features such as restaurants , movie theaters , video-game arcades , and even ice-skating rinks . In the process , a particular type of consumer culture is introduced and locally negotiated . The emergence of gated communities in Cairo in the mid-1990s has allowed yet another form of retreat from urban and public life ( Kuppinger 2004 ) . <p> Economic policies and changes in Egypt since the 1990s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global race for investment and profit . In this climate of competition Egypt has been trying to attract companies to produce , tourists to come and spend , and nationals to consume . In many aspects its efforts have been successful , for numerous companies have settled in the country and produce many consumer goods for local , regional ( Mercedes Benz , for example ) , and global markets ( for instance , textiles ) . Tourists flock to pharaonic sites and Red Sea beaches , a flow occasionally disrupted by regional political crises . Malls , new hotels , private clubs , and other sites of leisure and consumption have opened their doors to Egyptians and to regional Arab and global tourists , who consume and spend . CAIRO 'S GLOBALIZING CITYSCAPE <p> Since the early nineteenth century , Cairo 's spatiality and infrastructure have undergone dramatic changes ( see , for example , J. L. Abu-Lughod 1971 ; Scharabi 1989 ; Raymond 1993 , Raafat 1995a , 1995b , 1997 , 1998 ) , reflected particularly in its urban quarters and their residents ' everyday lives ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in changes in popular culture and everyday practices ( Armbrust 1996 ; Abaza 200l ; L. Abu-Lughod 2005 ) . <p> All three of my case studies are in Giza , a city that , though independent , forms an integral part of Greater Cairo . The following summary of the urban transformations that shaped Cairo at large and Giza in particular focus on two contexts to illustrate some of the political and cultural circumstances that interacted with the economic processes outlined above . I look at the urbanization and construction of a modern Egyptian cityscape in Giza in the early decades of the twentieth century and provide an overview of the emerging cityscape of leisure and consumption at the beginning of the twenty-first-century in Greater Cairo . <p> By the beginning of the twentieth century Cairo was a dense and diverse cityscape . It included the Fatimid city , Old ( Coptic ) Cairo , old neighborhoods such as Ezbekiya or Husainiyah , the port town of Bulaq ( now absorbed by the city ) , emerging European developments such as Maadi or Heliopolis , a modern downtown centered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and growing modern Egyptian neighborhoods such as Sakakini and Bab El-Luq . The complexity of the city and its neighborhoods can not be described in simplistic terms of " modern " or " traditional " ; the cityscape was made and remade by its authorities and residents in long and complex processes of expansion and modernization . Nineteenth-century rulers of the Muhammad Ali Dynasty , precolonial local and foreign architects and builders , and late-nineteenth-century British colonial policies , as well as Egyptian , regional , and European capital all worked to build a city that none could claim as their product and none could ever completely control . At the beginning of the twentieth century this multilayered city was home to an equally complex , diverse , and growing -- colonial and colonized -- population guided by radically transformed politics , dreams , and visions . <p> Because the city was limited in the east by the Moqattam Mountains and had already considerably extended northeastward into the surrounding desert ( Heliopolis ) , the look to the west , across the Nile , seemed promising ( Kuppinger 2000 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , agricultural landscape interspersed with villages and the town of Giza extended all the way to the pyramids , which were connected to Cairo by the Pyramid Road . A basic tourist infrastructure was already in place , and more amenities were added in the early years of the twentieth century . A few elite Cairene families owned agricultural land in this area or had recently purchased garden lots for villas or summer residences . In effect , they pioneered the " suburbanization " of Giza . The first two decades of the twentieth century witnessed dramatic transformations as Giza became a central site of urban expansion . By the 1920s it boasted modern institutions such as the new national university , the zoo , the juvenile penitentiary , and emerging modern , middle-class neighborhoods , such as Agouza ( next to the old Agouza villages ) and Doqqi ( surrounding the old village of Doqqi ) . The Ministry of Agriculture and the Museum of Agriculture followed in the 1930s and , eventually , so did the Royal Shooting Club . The Muslim , Christian , and Jewish Egyptian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Giza was " hot " in that it provided ample space for urban expansion -- at the expense of destroying valuable agricultural land -- unhampered by an existing cityscape . Some older Giza villages were destroyed for new developments ; many others were simply engulfed by the modern city and slowly turned into lower-class urban quarters . Although Giza on the whole remained an independent city and the capital of the Giza Governorate , its spatial transformations were directed by larger processes in Cairo , for most of its new residents were " migrants " from across the Nile . <p> The pyramid tourist infrastructure accommodated residential growth , and soon the Pyramid Road became an exclusive stretch of villas and mansions . British and other European nationals joined in the Giza mania , but Giza , more than any other elite neighborhood , remained an urban extension dominated by the modern Egyptian elite . Egyptian professionals , businessmen , politicians , and rural notables moved to central Giza ( between the town of Giza in the south and the village of Agouza in the north , extending westward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aspects Giza was the first modern Egyptian city , for it was home to many nationalist intellectuals and professionals and reflected their visions of and plans for a modern and independent Egypt more than did any other residential area . <p> Guided by neoliberal economic policies , Giza , along with Greater Cairo , had entered another period of rapid transformation by the end of the twentieth century . Absorbed into the machinery of globalization , the city underwent visible changes of different kinds . Starting in the late 1980s , and soon gaining tremendous momentum , international food and fashion franchises -- Benetton , Pizza Hut , McDonald 's , Mexx , Baskin-Robbins , and others -- ever-fancier and larger malls , and new five-star hotels started to dot Cairo 's cityscape . Cairo 's notoriously jammed streets became even more crowded with new imports and ever-larger numbers of locally assembled foreign automobiles . By the mid-1990s Greater Cairo 's urban fringes became the object of dramatic speculation and construction activities . Gated communities and sports and other clubs mushroomed at unprecedented rates . This proliferation of new places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one such establishment to another , where those with enough financial resources could engage in a growing variety of ( globalized/exterritorial ) leisure activities without interacting much with the rest of the city . Not only the physical cityscape but also the cultural and social landscapes changed . Whether it was the new Mercedes for the elite , the Opel for the middle classes , the washing machine for the lower-middle classes , or the use of Ariel laundry detergent instead of the local Rabso brand for the lower classes , almost all urban residents have been drawn into the ever-faster circuits of globalized consumption . Lower-class youths can be spotted in their finest , four teenagers over two Cokes at McDonald 's . Growing numbers of young people across classes carry cell phones . <p> At the beginning of the twenty-first century , it is possible in Cairo , as in any other global city , to watch MTV in one 's air-conditioned apartment , eat out at MacDonald 's , watch a Hollywood film , shop for Western designer clothes , drive a European automobile , send e-mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawn on the urban outskirts , and engage in many other such icons of consumerist globalization . Whether this translates into a generic globalized lifestyle is highly questionable , however , because Cairo residents -- and others across the globe -- are more than globalization 's cultural and social clones . Individuals and groups enthusiastically frequent new places and splurge on leisurely activities and other consumption , true , but they do so using their own cultural and social rationales and habits . In the process , they claim ownership of these places and remake them in unpredictable ways . Similarly , the tensions of exclusion remain , because many Cairenes are denied access to the new spaces . It is within this context of rapid transformation , seemingly limitless opportunities , and harsh exclusion that I situate my analysis of the three exemplary cases to illustrate how globalized spaces work and are reterritorialized in their everyday contexts and uses . THE MENA HOUSE HOTEL <p> The Mena House Hotel is one of the older examples among contemporary exterritorial spaces in Cairo/Giza ( Kuppinger 2000 , forthcoming a , forthcoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a hunting lodge , the original building , which still forms the core of the hotel -- rebuilt and renovated numerous times -- was later enlarged to accommodate visitors for the festivities surrounding the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 . In the 1870s the lodge became a private mansion before being turned into a hotel ( Nelson 1997 ) . At the beginning of the twentieth century the Mena House ( named after a pharaoh of the early dynasties ) was bought by the Egyptian Hotels Company , run by George Nungovich , the self-made magnate of the Egyptian hotel industry ( Nelson 1997 ; Kuppinger 2000 ) . As owner of the Savoy , the Continental , and the Helwan Hotels , he added the Mena House to a group of Cairo 's best hotels . In the early twentieth century the Mena House was frequently described as an elegant hotel with exclusive entertainment and superior amenities . Its events and patrons were subjects of debate on the social pages of the colonial Egyptian Gazette . Members of the local colonial elite and wealthy tourists mingled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chronicled . Quickly , the Mena House became a bastion for foreigners , foreign entertainment , and foreign profits -- and its reputation started to transcend Egypt 's boundaries . Despite the foreign or culturally detached nature of most of its clientele , entertainment , and economy , the hotel had one feature that was place bound : its location close to the Cheops Pyramid . Activities , entertainments , and , ultimately , part of its exclusive nature -- rooted partially in the possibility of charging for the fantastic view -- were tied to this unique location . As one early observer noted : " It would be difficult to find a more delightful place to be idle in than the Mena . Those majestic masses that tower like mountains nearby seem to induce disinclination to movement . Then , too , sitting down on the desert , with the pyramids for companions , it were impossible that any creature of average sensitiveness should not be conscious of the atmosphere of bygone ages which perennially abides about them " ( Egyptian Gazette , 15 January 1902 ) . This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court its customers , in order to assure that they came back and never tired of the magnificent place . Modern amenities such as a swimming pool and a golf course were added around the beginning of the twentieth century ( Egyptian Gazette , 18 April 1904 ; Nelson 1997 ) . By 1900 a pyramid tramline connected the pyramids to Cairo by way of the Kasr El-Nil Bridge ( Egyptian Gazette , 2 August 1900 ) . This allowed for easier travel to the pyramids and made the Mena House a feasible destination for afternoon visitors . The hotel 's location also made it a perfect stage for various spectacles , such as the two daredevil " airmen " who circled the pyramids in airplanes in January 1914 ( Egyptian Gazette , 13 January 1914 ) . <p> During World War II the Mena House accommodated another important global spectacle : diplomacy . In November 1943 Winston Churchill , Franklin Delano Roosevelt , and Chiang Kai-Shek met " under the shadow of the Pyramids " ( New York Times , 1 December 1943 , 29 ) to discuss Allied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notice , the hotel had been cleared of its guests so it could serve as the headquarters of the British and American staff ( Nelson 1997 ) . " The three great present enemies of Japan " convened at the Mena House for a debate on " the strategy of war and peace in the Pacific " ( Nelson 1997 , 66 ) and to " settle the German fate " ( New York Times , 6 December 1943 , 7 ) . The three leaders stayed in private villas in the vicinity of the pyramids ; the meetings were held in the hotel . The Mena House had turned into a first-rate global location that provided all the necessary features of transportation , communication , and -- increasingly important -- security to accommodate world leaders in most difficult times . <p> In the early 1970s the Mena House was taken over by the emerging India hotel giant Oberoi , which runs luxury hotels , largely in countries bordering the Indian Ocean ( Clark 1997 ) . The Oberoi company was founded and run by Mohan Singh Oberoi , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ started his career " as a penniless hotel clerk in Simla , India , who had mortgaged his wife 's jewelry to buy the first hotel " ( Hotelier 2002b ) . One of Oberoi 's specialties was " spotting and refurbishing run-down and undervalued properties , " which he would then renovate with painstaking attention to details , even " to the amount of down in every pillow and the exact length of the stem of every restaurant flower " ( Hotelier 2002b ) . In the early 1970s the Mena House -- located in a country in relative crisis and economic stagnation after the 1967 war and the death of Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970 -- in retrospect was a profitable deal with regard to the political and economic changes initiated in the 1970s . Under Oberoi management the Mena House received a thorough make over ( Clark 1997 ) and was added to this growing chain of luxury hotels which was set on catapulting their establishments to the top of the hotel world . By 2002 the chain owned a total of thirty-seven " luxury and first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . The change in ownership placed the Mena House on a new map of regionalist globalization in the Indian Ocean . A practical result of the Indian takeover is the fine Indian restaurant now featured at the Mena House . <p> Remodeled and also reconfirmed in its earlier role as a high-class cosmopolitan or globalized establishment , the trajectory of the Mena House continued . In December 1977 the hotel accommodated meetings at which the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel was drafted ( New York Times , 15 December 1977 ) . It is not surprising that the Mena House -- " a carefully groomed historic hotel " ( New York Times , 15 December 1977 , 1 ) -- was chosen once more for high-strung and potentially difficult international meetings , for it had long since proved its capabilities to provide amenities , technology , and security for such occasions . Although the view of the pyramids was a nice perquisite , the hotel 's location -- then still somewhat distant and apart from the city -- was an additional advantage for a politically sensitive conference . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desert , security is less of a challenge at the Mena House than in downtown locations . Symbolically and geographically the hotel is as much in Cairo as it is outside and beyond it . Thus it was a perfect choice for a dramatically controversial event . Years later , in 1990 , a full-fledged business and conference center was added to the hotel to underline its claim as a location for political and other conventions ( Clark 1997 ) . <p> In its contemporary everyday existence the Mena House is a hub for people and activities . German , Japanese , a few American , and other tourist groups rub shoulders in the winter season . Upper-class Egyptian families celebrate their children 's weddings or spend leisurely weekends at the hotel 's superb facilities . Families and individuals from the Persian Gulf come for their summer vacation . Expatriate workers and foreign-exchange students crowd the Indian restaurant year-round . The hotel 's lobby provides air conditioning and a space to sit for thrifty backpackers who stay in much less expensive downtown hotels . For waiters and other workers the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who pass through its spaces for very different purposes . No one group can claim symbolic ownership of the place , yet all somehow contribute to it . The hotel remains an exclusive space , in that its guards and doormen will politely refuse access to those whom they deem inappropriate ; that is , the mass of lower-class Cairenes . <p> It is insightful to probe further into the Mena House 's curiously exterritorial , yet deeply local , characteristics . One of the more striking globalized spectacles in recent years that bespeak such seeming contradictions in the hotel 's vicinity was the millennium celebration , in which cutting-edge technologies and ancient glory were combined for utmost effect and profit : " Lasers , floodlight and fireworks lit up the ancient pyramids at Giza at midnight as Egypt greeted the new millennium with a lavish electronic concert that officials said drew more than 120,000 people . French composer Jean-Michel Jarre laid on an extravaganza of song , dance and music featuring 1,000 performers , entitled ' The Twelve Dreams of the Sun ' " ( Reuters 2000 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show was part of his government 's attempts to reestablish Egypt 's image as a safe tourist destination even as the country was still recovering from the 1997 Luxor massacre , when fifty-eight tourists were killed . As huge crowds stood at the foot of the pyramids , " some 8,500 wealthier people were wined and dined in luxury tents at $400 a head " ( Reuters 2000 ) . Rajiv Kaul , vice president of the Oberoi Hotels of Egypt and general manager of the Mena House , proudly noted that " Egypt has become one of the top three destinations for the millennium " ( Reuters 1999 ) . Kaul also predicted that Egypt was once more on its way to becoming an upscale tourist destination . For the millennium extravaganza the Mena House hosted the upscale clientele , for it raised its prices to between U.S$350 and U.S.$3,000 per night ( from the regular U.S.$150-U.S. $1,450 ) for the glitzy spectacle ( Famous Hotels 2002 ) . <p> The Mena House Hotel contributes two features to the globalized landscape of Egypt . As a branch of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operates luxury hotels in India , Indonesia , Australia , Mauritius , and Egypt ( Oberoi Hotels 2005 ) , it represents the exceptional case in the global scenery of luxury hotels , which is dominated by American ( Hilton , Marriott , Sheraton , Hyatt ) and European ( Intercontinental , Mvenpick , Meridien ) companies . This circumstance situates the hotel in an Indian Ocean economy that is frequently overlooked . The hotel also represents Egypt 's presence in the competition for the finest and most luxurious establishments on the globe . THE GRAND EGYPTIAN MUSEUM <p> By the beginning of the twentieth century , under British colonial rule , the Egyptian Museum had been constructed in a central Cairo location on Ismailiya Square ( today 's Midan Tahrir ) . Taking almost five years to build , the museum , whose main aesthetic idea had been " to maintain classic proportions , but in no way to make the building a copy of any ancient monument , " cost E 189,220 ( Egyptian Gazette , 15 January 1902 ) . The museum was formally opened on 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guests of Egyptian and colonial dignitaries ( Egyptian Gazette , 17 December 1902 ) . Providing a home for thousands of pharaonic artifacts , it soon became a must-see for foreign tourists and , later , for Egyptian schoolchildren . <p> For almost a century the museum was the destination of thousands of eager visitors of various origins . In the last decades of the twentieth century , however , a number of problems arose . First , complaints were voiced that the museum is totally overloaded with antiquities , many of which are stored in basement spaces which are not conducive to the preservation of age-old treasures . Second , the museum is located on the busy Midan Tahrir , the " hub of Cairo " ( Farag 1999 ) , where traffic jams are frequent . Uninitiated tourists have difficulty crossing streets in the vicinity of the museum : Fatemah Farag quoted a desperate foreigner who describes this undertaking as a " real nightmare " ( 1999 ) . Despite the fact that the square has continually been the object of development plans for " putting up footbridges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- a labyrinth of underground garages in the first years of the new millennium , " it remains a serious logistical challenge ( 1999 ) . <p> Existing logistical challenges were soon augmented by new ones , as Egyptian militant Islamic activists started to engage the state in a political battle in the 1990s and quickly learned that targeting tourist sites guaranteed instant international attention and coverage . Such attacks severely hurt the economy and the vast investments that had been made in the tourist industry . By illustrating the government 's dependence on Western economies , the militants hoped that their fellow citizens would understand how much their government had become a pawn in the hands of the West . In this context of political controversy , the parking lot outside the Egyptian Museum twice became the target of attacks , once in March 1993 and again in September 1997 . In the first attack only vehicles were damaged when a bomb exploded among parked buses . In 1997 gunmen killed eleven German tourists in the parking lot ( Moussa 2001 ) . <p> Lack of space , substandard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political conflict triggered debates and considerations for the museum 's future . The museum was in need of a larger , technologically superior ( in terms of the preservation of artifacts ) , more accessible , safer , and more easily controllable location . These necessities combined with other ideas -- such as that the museum should be not just a warehouse of treasures but a center for knowledge and scholarly exchange -- to form the background of the Grand Egyptian Museum project that germinated in the 1990s . <p> The ideal geographical , symbolic , and economic site for this gigantic project was soon found at the pyramid plateau in Giza . Planned to cover approximately 117 acres ( al-Ahram Weekly , 7-13 February 2002 ) and to cost U.S.$350 million , this megaproject " will not only be the largest museum of Egyptian artifacts in the world , but also one of the largest museums in the world " ( Ionides 2004 ) . Minister of Culture Farouq Hosni even claimed that the museum will be " the biggest museum in the world " ( ESIS 2003 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2002 ( Arabic News 2002 ) . The international contest for the museum design yielded 1,557 entries from 83 countries . A jury consisting of Italian , French , British , Korean , Romanian , and three Egyptian experts presented the first prize to the Irish firm of Heneghan Peng Architects ( IUA 2003 ) . Despite their 126 entries , Egyptian participants did not even receive an honorary mention ( Asfour 2003 ) . <p> From its inception the Grand Egyptian Museum project has vied for global reach and connections . Physical features , scholarly facilities , and general services reflect the search for global recognition and integration : " With extensive conference , library and multimedia provisions , the building is intended to be more than a mere container of artifacts devoted to Egyptology , becoming instead an international centre of culture , and a spectacular landscape feature " ( Gregory 2003 ) . The museum will " serve as a fully computerized information centre for Egyptologists " and , for the convenience of tourists and scholars , the structure will house " extensive restaurant and shopping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a " publication centre for books , CDs , videotapes , . etc . " ( El Zahlawi 2000 ) . Exclusively for scholars , it will provide " proper laboratories for scientific research , conservation , restoration and photography according to the latest technology " ( El-Aref 2002 ) . Hoping to attract thousands of visitors a day , the project reaches out globally and will hopefully " contribute to the development of tourism in Egypt and meet the varied tastes and needs of visitors from around the world to promote learning about Ancient Egypt " ( El-Aref 2003 ) . <p> The frequently voiced claim that the Grand Egyptian Museum will be among of the world 's largest museums moves its point of reference beyond Egypt 's boundaries . The new museum aims to compete with its counterparts across the globe and not with local museums . A project of these dimensions can not be realized by one nation . In 2003 Hosni " announced the establishment of a coordinating committee made up of Egyptian and international figures , " including World Bank President James Wolfensohn ( al-Ahram @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and authority at least partly to the global sphere . Similarly , the financing of the project is shared by local and global sources , including the Egyptian government , investment companies , and " donations and grants from within Egypt and abroad " ( Arabic News 1997 ; see also Ryan and Elbendary 2002 ) . <p> Some local observers were critical of the competition , its results , and the winning design . One critical voice suggested that it was " unjustified to have a concrete building that is almost fully air conditioned " in a city " where power cuts are common place " ( ArchNet.org 2003 ) . Another critic added that the museum should really be located in downtown Cairo , so that it would " bring new life to deteriorated areas " ( ArchNet.org 2003 ) . The latter comment is interesting because it more closely localizes the project in an Egyptian cultural and social context , where the museum not only houses antiquities but also assumes the additional task of urban renewal . This charge is not envisioned by the planners , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ devoid of direct spatial and social links to its environment , although it is dependent on its geographical environment because its plans play on the idea of proximity to the pyramids . Despite this important localizing factor , the project is largely inwardly focused and aims for an international horizon . THE FIRST MALL <p> Monday , 21 July 2003 . It is 1:00 p.m. on a hot Cairo summer day . I am walking south on Sharia Giza on the east side of the street . Few people are walking at this hour of the day . I am on my way to the First Mall , an upscale mall that , even in its brief existence , has become a symbol of Cairo 's new elite consumer culture . Taking up the entire block between Sharia Ibn Nuf , Sharia Ibn Abraha , the Corniche , and Sharia Giza , this vast complex that houses the First Mall , the First Residences -- an upscale residential tower overlooking the Nile River -- and the Four Seasons Hotel impresses with its elegant architecture of large arched , seemingly gold-framed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not overwhelming or bulky , despite its size . Neither tacky nor plain functional , the complex reflects lessons and debates of recent global design and contrasts favorably with the surrounding uninspiring concrete facades . The structure is a novelty in its neighborhood of 1970s and 1980s high-rise buildings and a few older villas . Looking for the entrance , I am struck by the incongruity between the building 's inviting large windowpanes and its not immediately apparent entrance . I had first turned on Ibn Nuf , only to realize that this was an entrance to a parking garage . Back on Sharia Giza , down the block I finally find , among the large windows ( not shop windows -- nothing outside indicates that this is a mall ) , a small set of steps that lead up to a few small , black , glass doors . Above one of the doors a very inconspicuous sign with letters only about five inches high announces in English that this is the entrance . No similar sign is posted in Arabic . <p> On entering the door , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a security desk , staffed by four or five people . Entering from the hot street , I am immediately struck by the change of physical environment . Gone are the heat , dust , and traffic noise from the street ; I am now surrounded by cool , clean air . After I pass the security check , I notice a Versace store on the left before entering the vast food court . Central to the food court is a fountain that feeds into a system of small waterways that form the shape of an oud or other stringed instrument . The body of the oud forms a stage for a grand piano . This stage extends into a second stage beyond the oud-body , The water from the fountain , combined with low-volume Arabic music , establishes an appropriate background for the tranquil and serene atmosphere of this eatery . A young waiter shows me to a table . As I take in the scenery and people around me I notice that almost two-thirds of the patrons are women of all ages , mostly in small groups of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I am the only person who did not immediately on arrival , as I am quickly to find out , place a cell phone on the table . The food court is beautifully lit by a mixture of artificial and sunlight that comes in by way of glass skylights that surround two large domes , each about 25 feet in diameter . The curving side panels of the ceiling are painted to resemble blue skies with little white clouds . Suspended from the domes are two giant stars . Between the tables are small , potted palm trees and wrought-iron lamps that create the illusion of an outdoor space . The menu promises international taste and expertise . The place leaves nothing to be desired . <p> I sit quietly for an hour , write notes , and observe fellow consumers . A few tables down , two young boys no older than thirteen are all by themselves . Some younger women are pushing baby strollers of the latest European or U.S. models , something one never sees on Cairo 's high and badly maintained sidewalks . A few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sip coffee . The dominance of women in the food court is immediately obvious . At this late lunch hour , it seems that a number of women have chosen this space to meet up with other women for food or coffee . With its relative silence , cool and clean air , uncrowded and smooth passages , the place invites those with the appropriate financial resources to enact a spectacle of public life very different from that on Cairo 's streets . The absence of lingering groups of young men makes this an attractive place for women , both individually and in groups . By its exclusive access , superior amenities and services , and prices , the mall produces a social stage defined by its distinct opposition to that outside its doors . <p> On this early afternoon only a few , mostly female shoppers are frequenting the shops where high-priced local and international brands have outlets , or sections within larger stores . Consumers can buy Boss suits , Rolex watches , combine them with locally designed Concrete shirts , and indulge in jewelry and perfumes . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ atmosphere -- all blend this mall into a coherent entity . The contrast between the mall 's interior and the outside street and larger urban context is striking . <p> The spatial context and history of the First Mall are worth examining . The eastern front of the block , where the First Residences are , is on the Nile front , which has been prime real estate since the late nineteenth century . Raafat called this historical strip " Giza 's Riverside Drive " ( 1995a ) , where the rich and famous built their mansions in the early twentieth century . Senators , bankers , pashas , and royals all called this beautiful stretch of land home . Cairo 's cosmopolitan elite competed in the size and luxuriance of their villas . The site of the First Mall , Raafat recounted , once was the home of Wafdist Foreign Minister Wassef Boutrous Ghali ( uncle of the former United Nations secretary-general ) and his French wife , Louise . They had bought the property in 1919 , the year of national upheaval that landed Wassef Ghali and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a local Italian architect , witnessed important political moments , such as the endorsement of Mustafa al-Nahas as the leader of the Wafd party after Saad Zaghlul 's death in 1928 . After Egyptian independence the property was sold to the U.S. Department of State , which left it unused for years . In the 1970s Ghali 's villa was replaced by " a colonial-type villa " designated as the residence of the U.S. ambassador to Egypt . Never used as such , the property was auctioned off in the 1980s and " was picked up by eager Gulf-moneyed developers " ( Raafat 1995a , part 6 ) . The ill-fated ambassadorial residence was torn down for a speculative project that remained mysterious for some years . Raafat noted that " the new luxury twin tower is and undoubtedly will remain for years to come the subject of animated conversation : ' Who , from among Egypt 's rich-raft sic , new pashas and megabuck bellydancers will live there ? ' What we do know for the time being is that one of the towers is earmarked to become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The tower did indeed become a hotel , the Four Seasons Hotel Cairo at The First Residences , which advertises itself as a " gracious sanctuary on the west bank of the Nile , with impressive views of the Great Pyramids over the old-growth canopy of Cairo 's ancient Zoological and Botanical Gardens " ( see **38;1947;TOOLONG ) . The hotel attempts to localize itself in a unique local position , although only the top floors provide a view of the pyramids and the zoo , far from being ancient , dates from the colonial era . Thus the Four Seasons Hotel is another globalized space . Like the mall , its entrance is difficult to find . The hotel does not have a grand lobby ; rather , it is a somewhat maze-like , totally introverted structure that prevents outsiders from entering . <p> Clearly , the site and the neighborhood have a history of cosmopolitan and regional involvement , so it is not surprising that the mall entered the globalizing circuit at an early moment of contemporary globalization in the late 1980s . Through the years the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power , to nationalist politics , and , more recently , to the newly emerging regional Gulf oil and investment economy . MENA , MUSEUM , AND MALL : EXTERRITORIALITY AND RETERRITORIALIZATION <p> When one examines globalization on the ground , it becomes apparent that the phenomenon is much less straightforward , universally standardized , and even unidirectional than one had expected . Under close scrutiny in small places , globalizing processes disclose the multiple ways in which they unfold in different and unpredictable directions . Sometimes they even fail to realize their goals . In situ , globalized projects become dependent on local conditions and dynamics , become firmly localized , and may subsequently escape aspects of their global rationales . This is not to say that the local takes over the global , but that the global becomes tied to localities or that it benefits from localities in ways that make the global more responsive to local political , economic , cultural , and social processes . It becomes clear that the global relies heavily on local or national infrastructures for its existence and survival . In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important , for these are the sites where the local defines , uses , or even dominates globalized projects or exterritorial spaces for local or regional gains that may ultimately counter global rationales . <p> Because it brings together an unparalleled scope of historical , cultural , spatial , and economic dynamics , the Mena House Hotels presents one of the most complex examples of globalization . Drawing on the majestic beauty of the almost 5,000-year-old Cheops Pyramid , the hotel represents a local ruler 's attempt to impress Europeans . This attempt was turned into an immensely profitable colonial financial venture , which gained a splendid reputation in European and U.S. elite circles . Trying to understand the Mena House Hotel in the context of recent rapid globalization , one is immediately struck by its long history as an exterritorial space . Khedive Ismail 's old hunting lodge was the product of Ottoman and old-time royal practices of building numerous domiciles for all sorts of practical uses . With the British occupation and the attempts to retrieve Egyptian debts , the lodge was put on the real estate market @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view -- another indicator of its dynastic origin -- was channeled into emerging colonial and global circuits of profiteering by way of tourism . Its interlude as a private mansion was brief , for it could not forgo the immense profits that were about to come from the emerging tourist industry . To have as many people as possible partake in the breathtaking beauty of the hotel 's environment for an appropriate fee seemed to be the only and best destiny for the old lodge in a new world . The hotel entered the trajectory that foreshadowed current globalization processes decades before they were named as such . Unlike its downtown peers , like the famous Shepheard Hotel , the Mena House never participated much in the ups and downs of Egyptian history and economy because of its dramatic spatial edge . Throughout the twentieth century it remained an outpost of exclusive consumption and social life , frequented by both local and global patrons . <p> Despite its exterritoriality , throughout its history the hotel remained very local because of its unique site . It is not one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manner . The Mena House can not exist without the pyramids and has always been a playground for local ( and later regional ) elites who spend weekends or vacations , dine , or celebrate the weddings of their children . With the takeover by the Oberoi Company , the Mena House entered a new regionality of the Indian Ocean . This is reminiscent of Amitav Ghosh 's In an Antique Land ( 1992 ) , in which he illustrated a medieval Indian Ocean regionality . On the other hand , the hotel 's history is tied to Egyptian history , to khedivial lifestyles and splendor . <p> The Mena House is situated in a liminal location . Geographically and symbolically , the hotel occupies multiple locations . The hotel has been and is simultaneously located in Egypt and outside Egypt . It is in Cairo and outside Cairo . This liminal location was best illustrated by the choice of the hotel as the site of the 1977 Israeli-Egyptian peace talks . The choice was perfect , for the Mena House is simultaneously in Egypt and Cairo yet at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urban institutions . Its location on the urban margins situates the place out of the urban masses ' view and also makes it easier to police . <p> Contextualizing and analyzing the Grand Egyptian Museum are more difficult , because its physical structure has not yet been completed . Debates about its planning and construction and some of its physical features , however , point to similar characteristics . Like the Mena House , the museum is localized because of the choice of site . Envisioned next to the pyramids , one aspect of the architectural competition was to integrate the new museum into the existing natural and built environment-the desert plateau and the pyramids . The museum also reflects ideas rooted in recent experiences of globalization . It is removed from a busy urban center , thus avoiding the dust , noise , crowding , and dangers of the urban masses . Instead of fences , geographical distance is planned to keep the masses -- and , more specifically , Islamic activists -- under control . The more isolated location , as in the case of the hotel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different level , the museum is an attempt to reterritorialize science and knowledge , especially Egyptology . Providing cutting-edge facilities and technologies , the museum is an attempt by the Egyptian government to reterritorialize the study of Ancient Egypt , which has long been dominated by Western scholars and universities . By creating a state-of-the-art hub , Egypt hopes to reinsert itself on the scholarly map not just as a site of study or a source of data but as a serious or even central participant in this scholarly field . The museum will not only display artifacts but also , ideally , convert Egypt into a research center and disseminator of scientific knowledge . <p> One danger looms on the horizon of the current project : the division of the pharaonic artifacts into two circuits : one local and one global . With the new museum 's cutting-edge and expensive facilities , it is difficult to imagine that busloads of Egyptian schoolchildren will be brought here . One solution might be that the downtown museum maintains the " lesser " artifacts for local educational purposes while the new facility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , tourists , and scholars . Time will tell how these details will be organized . <p> From an analytical perspective , the First Mall may be the most intriguing of the three spaces . What at a first glance looks like just another sterile , glitzy mall for the privileged few harbors some noteworthy dynamics of reterritorialization . It is important to identify moments and spaces where the global is locally remade or inserted into emerging regionalities and the contexts in which the global is used to the benefit or advantage of various local , national , or regional interests . <p> One of the side effects of the First Mall is that it offers local designers and companies prime retail spaces in the same venue as global designers . The Concrete Company , for example , exhibits its shirts in the neighborhood of Versace and Boss , with their classy and expensive products . This provides Concrete and other local companies with the unique opportunity to boost their image in ways they otherwise could not . Local manufacturers thus stand to gain tremendously from this new location , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ larger political and economic context of the mall , the emergence of an Egyptian commercial culture of leisure and consumption since the late 1980s needs to be understood in the larger context of the remaking of the Egyptian state and its constituency . With the switch from state functionaries and bureaucrats to private entrepreneurs as the spine of the state in the context of neoliberal policies , Egypt 's economic and social landscape has changed dramatically ( Gray 1998 ; Abaza 200l ) . The increasing production of consumer and luxury goods needed outlets to satisfy the growing demand . This in part accounts for the proliferation of malls in Egypt since the early 1990s . The new business elite demanded appropriate services and sites for leisure and consumption ; malls , hotels , clubs , and movie theaters were the answer . The First Mall forms part of a larger project of remaking the Egyptian state , the elite , and elite culture . As such , it is highly localized . The mall contributes to the increased circulation of capital inside Egypt . Why go to Europe or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? The First Mall and its local counterparts constitute a successful attempt to reterritorialize wayward elites and their purses . <p> The First Mall is also a site in the oil-based regionality centered around the countries of the Persian Gulf . This regionality is not only based on financial capital but also has its cultural dimensions , in that new places of leisure and consumption in the region are frequently inspired by the dramatic opulence of such spaces in Dubai ( malls , hotels , the skiing project , and others ; Abaza 200l ) , for example . This regionality is marked by its Islamic nature and constitutes a specific articulation of a Muslim modernity and Muslim consumerism . Mona Abaza ( 200l ) refers to the larger regionality of the Indian Ocean when she traces links all the way to the malls in Southeast Asia ( Kuala Lumpur and Singapore ) . Her research describes the same spatial framework as the one in which the Oberoi chain and the Mena House operate . <p> To a much more limited extent , the First Mall and other malls are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not insignificant , number of younger women who are employed in the stores . Where some of these negotiations will lead is unclear , but lower-middle-class women who work in these luxurious environments will be influenced by their presence there . Whether they will submit to various forms of consumerism or come to detest it , because its products are largely beyond their reach , is a question for further research . Despite their fortress-like nature , the new malls form windows onto the new consumer culture , through which many more than just the targeted customers peek . Simultaneously , the saleswomen insert a local element , in particular the Islamic head scarf , to this globalized scene . Elite customers also wear the head scarf , but in smaller numbers than the employees . <p> Abaza notes that less classy downtown malls in Cairo , among them in particular the Bustan Mall , opened in the mid-1990s , have become preferred meeting grounds for lower-middle-class youths . She observes that , in the mall , " cheap , popular coffee shops , Internet coffee shops , and large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ class youth , who wander about in the afternoons and evenings " ( 2001 , l08 ) . The Bustan Mall -- part of a larger structure , the main feature of which is a parking garage -- is located close to the elite American University , whose students have also frequented the mall since the mid-1990s . This accounts for an interesting cross-section of youths of different class backgrounds . Over its short history the mall , which also offers a place to smoke the traditional water pipe , has developed into a place where young Egyptians , especially , renegotiate and localize cultural forms and patterns of consumerism . " With loud Egyptian music and with dark corners for secret lovers ' encounters , " local youth have helped to create a space that fits their local tastes and preferences ( Abaza 2001 , 108 ) . TOWARD A REGIONALIZED GLOBALIZATION ? <p> The exclusive nature of globalized/exterritorial spaces remains a pressing concern in Greater Cairo , for the urban masses are barred from entering most of these fortresses of leisure and conspicuous consumption . Repercussions from these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or larger contexts . Given how centrally important these concerns and glaring injustices are , a first step is to understand how globalized spaces are created and maintained . As my three case studies illustrate , globalized exterritorial spaces are not lone seeds thrown into barren landscapes . Instead , these seeds germinate best in contexts where they find a fertile soil with previous ties or exposure to globalizing , cosmopolitan , and regional engagements . In order to blossom , these seeds -- that is , planned projects -- also need to perform local functions and be integrated into existing local , national , and regional networks . In this process of local uses , practices , and negotiations new spatial patterns and practices , users and patrons , alliances , and claims to physical and symbolic ownership emerge that are difficult to predict and frequently impossible to prevent . These developments are somewhat random and unpredictable , and their results can neither be totally guided nor controlled . The developments pull individuals into their orbit ; for example , female sales personnel in Cairo 's malls , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as customers to the very malls they help to run . Similarly , the onslaught of lower-middle-class youths was certainly not part of the original scripts of some of the less exclusive downtown malls . <p> Most important , however , the new projects are a terrain where local elites actively negotiate their standing , in the context of the nation-state , emerging regionalities , and a globalizing world and economy . Today 's Cairene elite consumer market and shopping practices constitute a departure from the practices of the 1970s and 1980s , when the city had only very few outlets for high-priced local and global goods . A look at the wares tastefully arranged at the First Mall 's bath-and-bedding stores reveals that many of these high-quality products are locally manufactured . Equally important is the opportunity for Egyptian designers and brand names to exhibit their products in close proximity to such global icons as Chanel , Boss , Dior , Yves Saint Laurent ( all of which are sold at the Felopateer Palace " Luxury and Style Forever " store , www.felopateerpalace.com ) . Concrete 's clothes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ books published by Dar El Shourouk , local arts and knickknacks on display at Genny 's , and Mohamed It 's hairstyle establishment are all door-to-door with their global peers . In exclusive malls , the Egyptian upscale market situates itself not with reference to local competitors but in line with or on display next to global peers . If the new Grand Egyptian Museum lives up to its plans and promises , it would create a similar scenery for the scientific community , in that it would allow Egyptian scholars to work next to foreign scholars . Thus the local scholarly community would situate itself next to its global peers , yet at a symbolic distance from those excluded from the state-of-the-art facilities . <p> A close look at various globalized and exterritorial spaces reveals important processes with regard to the making and remaking of old and new regionalities centered on the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean . In an age of increasing isolationism of the United States , such regionalities may emerge with unpredictable strength and power , so they deserve further study and analysis . <p>
@@4004341 Anthropologists inspired by the works of Michel Foucault have described development as a discourse imposed on the Third World by powerful western institutions . In defining the power of such agencies ( especially the World Bank ) these authors focus not on the practices of actors or sets of actors , but rather on the ability of such institutions to shape perceptions of Third World peoples and to limit ways of thinking about the world and imagining change . While the focus on language is helpful to understanding how development agendas are " deployed " throughout the world , many critics overlook the important role of local elite groups as well as the agency of development 's " target populations . " The uses of , and popular responses to , " sustainable development " and other development strategies in Bogot , Colombia , show that the development discourse is neither so monolithic nor so hegemonic as some critics suggest . Because of sustainable development 's vague mandate and imprecise terminology , it has been easily manipulated and rewritten at the local level . <p> Keywords : development ; environment ; agency ; poststructuralism ; Latin America <p> Recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important task of unraveling development practice and malpractice from Bretton Woods to present-day interventions including " Women In Development , " " Sustainable Development , " and " Participatory Planning . " ( n1 ) These critics describe development as a powerful discourse , or as a " regime of representation , " which imposes itself on Third World peoples . This discourse facilitates not only the governance and control of the " Third World " by " the West , " but also imposes a hegemonic view of reality which defines non-western peoples as underdeveloped . The consequence of this discourse for those who are its target , critics say , is the perpetuation and expansion of global inequalities , and the " disqualification of non-Western knowledge systems " ( Escobar 1995a : 13 ) . In other words , development , as both an idea and a set of practices , has become so pervasive and so powerful , that it is increasingly difficult to imagine alternatives that are outside of the development framework . <p> Such critiques have shown the ways in which the development community shapes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most of its own stated objectives . Yet these critiques lack , to varying degrees , a meaningful sense of agency or process . We still know very little about who the practitioners of development are , and how policies are shaped by struggles and conflicts within and between institutions . For some , resistance on the part of development 's subjects is a way out of the development " nightmare . " Yet , in-depth discussions of how target groups have resisted and reshaped development programs to date are lacking in such critiques . In fact , arguments of poststructural or postmodern critics of development , share many of the weaknesses of those of their Marxist predecessors , in that they tend to portray " subject peoples " as incapable ( or nearly so ) of autonomous intellectual thought ( reminiscent of the " false consciousness " concerns of some Marxists ) , and especially in that they tend to ignore the important role of local and national elite groups in importing and redefining " western " development strategies. ( n2 ) <p> A look at the uses of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actors ( planners , environmentalists , politicians , neighborhood residents , activists ) are conscious participants in the development encounter . While the poststructuralist critique of the teleological Marxist analyses of development in the 1970s is a useful step in recognizing the unintended consequences of development , I do not agree with the view of development as a " subject-less " process . This decentered approach to development ( most notable in the works of Ferguson 1990 and Escobar 1995a , discussed below ) is based on the assertion that events unfold not by the will of knowing subjects , but rather " behind the backs of or against the wills of even the most powerful actors " ( Ferguson 1990 : 18 ) . Though many of development 's effects may indeed be unintended by the actors involved , I do not see this as a justification for leaving agency out of accounts of development. ( n3 ) <p> In the eastern hills overlooking Bogots downtown and posh residential areas , " informal " or " marginalized " settlements face a series of development projects , couched in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elite groups hope will result in the eradication of slums or " sub-normal barrios " in their backyards. ( n4 ) While elites import and adapt the sustainable development discourse in an effort to win foreign funding and disguise political and economic interests , the resistance of residents of the eastern barrios to these and other projects has limited the ability of elites , both inside and outside of government , to implement their projects . Moreover , residents rarely buy into the vision of reality presented by developers , planners , and politicians . <p> Deconstructing Development <p> In 1969 Dell Hymes challenged anthropologists to take a stand against post-World War II development schemes and the evolutionary models on which they were based . According to Hymes , anthropology had not been critical of the way Third World societies were described in public policy and social science debates . Hymes argued : <p> The common coin has been " developed " vs. " underdeveloped , " or " modern " vs. " traditional . " I submit that these are equivalents to the " civilized " and " primitive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ model , combined often enough with the notion of a center of diffusion to less fortunate peoples .. Why is it that anthropologists , so well equipped to expose the error of such thinking in Englishmen and Marxists , have been so little heard from as such thinking proliferated all about them ? ( 1969 : 28-29 ) . <p> In the 1970s and 1980s many did challenge development practices . A number of anthropologists criticized economic models which presumed the goal of capitalist development for failing to take into account local social , cultural , and ecological factors ( Little and Painter 1995 : 602 ; for example , see Polly Hill 's ( 1986 ) Development anthropology on trial ) . With the influence of dependency theory ( Frank 1972 ) and world systems theory ( Wallerstein 1974 ) , scholars were encouraged to view development in the context of center-periphery relations and the expansion of world capitalism . Marxist critiques , such as Cheryl Payer 's indictment of the World Bank ( 1982 ) and Rosemary Galli 's work on rural development ( 1981 ) , viewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ronald Chilcote and Joel Edelstein 's ( 1974 ) work , Latin America : The struggle with dependency , argued that " dependent capitalism " was responsible for the region 's state of underdevelopment . Similarly , Lappe and Collins ' widely read Food first ( 1977 ) and ( with Kinley , 1980 ) Aid as obstacle argued that development projects could do nothing to eradicate poverty when they reinforced the structures of inequality that were responsible for such poverty . Hunger was not a product of global scarcity , overpopulation , and diminishing resources , but rather a product of the capitalist system and unequal distribution . These critiques inspired many anthropologists to broaden the challenge to developmentalist thinking. ( n5 ) <p> A new generation of development critics , inspired by the works of Michel Foucault and post-structuralist analysis , has emerged in the past decade , whose critiques focus on development institutions and their discourses . These works reflect a clear influence of the Marxist critiques of development , but poststructuralists choose to evaluate development in discursive , rather than materialist , terms . Geoff Wood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and argues that the target-group terminology of multi-national institutions helps to legitimate development interventions . According to Wood , such interventions do not so much improve the conditions of the poor as create a kind of underdevelopment which is both politically and technically manageable . Similarly , Escobar argues that development derives its power in part by creating " visibilities , " that is , by making " target groups " visible as problems to be solved and acted on ( 1995a , chapter 5 ) . ( n6 ) In Dahl and Rabo 's edited volume Kam-ap or take-off ( 1992 ) , the contributors explore how the targets of development respond to the kind of labeling described by Wood , and how local visions of development intersect with or diverge from the premises of western development . Stacy Leigh Pigg ( 1992 ) explores the social construction of the Nepalese village through development schemes and discourses . Similar to Dahl and Rabo , she asks " how , precisely , an ideology of modernization becomes assimilated into local culture " ( 1992 : 492 ) . In an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as a rhetorical tool , and they recognize a variety of " positional perspectives on development " ( 1984 : 176-177 ) . However , none of these authors , with the exception of Pigg , looks at how perspectives on development , especially at the local level , are shaped by class interests , nor do they focus on national elite groups and their interests in importing development schemes. ( n7 ) <p> In The development dictionary ( 1992 ) , a polemical volume edited by Wolfgang Sachs , the contributors try to construct an " archaeology " of central development concepts. ( n8 ) Sachs sets the tone for an all-out rebuttal of the notion of " development " : <p> Though doubts are mounting and uneasiness is widely felt , development talk still pervades not only official declarations but even the language of grassroots movements . It is time to dismantle this mental structure . The authors of this book consciously bid farewell to the defunct idea in order to clear our minds for fresh discoveries ( 1992a : 1 ) . <p> Two recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development apparatus . " James Ferguson ( 19941990 ) and Arturo Escobar ( 1995a ) expose how the World Bank constructs knowledge about the Third World by examining World Bank projects in Lesotho and Colombia , respectively. ( n9 ) While the two studies differ significantly , they both share a view of development as a powerful discourse . <p> According to Escobar , by the 1970s the development apparatus had become hegemonic as an ideal as well as a set of practices . He argues , <p> This apparatus came into existence roughly in the period 1945 to 1955 and has not since ceased to produce new arrangements of knowledge and power , new practices , theories , strategies , and so on . In sum , it has successfully deployed a regime of government over the Third World , a space for " subject peoples " that ensures certain control over it ( 1995a : 9 , emphasis added ) . <p> Escobar 's goal is to show how the " hegemonic worldview of development " operates to exclude alternatives while making it difficult , if not impossible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to imagine the world in other terms . <p> Escobar is careful to say that his critique of development does not imply a conspiracy on the part of planners and policy-makers , yet many of his statements suggest otherwise . For example , he says of failed food and nutrition programs that , <p> One begins to suspect that what is at stake is not really the eradication of hunger ( even if the planners wholeheartedly desired so ) but its multiplication and dispersion into an even finer web , a play of mobile visibilities which is hard to hold in one 's sight ( 1995a : 117 ) . <p> Sachs makes an even more emphatic declaration of the development agenda : " From the start development 's hidden agenda was nothing else than the Westernization of the world " ( 1992a : 3-4 ) . After decades of muddled attempts at development , these critics suggest that while the development establishment most often failed in its stated objectives , it has accomplished a progressive standardization , and management , of the world . <p> Escobar does not view @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pin the development discourse on any particular set or sets of actors , either in the World Bank , the planning offices in Bogot , or the field stations of rural Colombia . Apparently the agent of this homogenization is the discourse itself , and its uniformity stretches across both time ( from World War II to the present ) and space ( throughout the Third World ) . ( n10 ) While related to the poststructural notion of a subject-less history , it is also reminiscent of structural Marxist critiques of the 1970s , in which the agent of change and domination was " capital " rather than " discourse . " ( n11 ) We are left wondering where this discourse comes from and how it might be shaped by the struggles of real people . Moreover , by reducing development to discourses rather than historical processes animated by conscious actors we may miss many of the causes and consequences of poverty , violence , and inequality ( Little and Painter 1995 : 605 ) . <p> Escobar 's focus is institutions , not people , in what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is little in the way of a " thick description " of how agencies like the World Bank really work , how policies are shaped and reshaped by internal struggles and conflicts . Similarly , the Colombian planners are portrayed in two dimensions as well-intentioned but misguided , the hapless pawns of the Bank : <p> One would hate to think that the hard and competent work of the Colombian planners served as ( one more ) subsidy for the World Bank , an additional mechanism through which this institution dispersed its blueprint and accumulated symbolic capital , but some of this clearly happened ( 1995a : 147 ) . <p> To the extent that local and national actors are visible in Escobar 's account , they are depicted as totally constrained by the World Bank , unable to maneuver within the " development regime . " One of the most notable oversights of Escobar 's analysis , as well as the Sachs edited volume , is that he completely ignores the role of local and national elite groups , as well as the state , in importing and implementing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international development strategies not ( only ) because they have internalized a foreign model of development , but because it serves their own interests . This contention will be amplified in the discussion of sustainable development below . <p> For both Escobar and Ferguson , resistance is both a means for achieving alternatives to development , as well as a way in which anthropologists can play a positive role in the development encounter . For Escobar , resistance , and the failure of development efforts , will lead to the " unmaking " of the Third World and the opening of spaces for " alternative production strategies . " ( n12 ) In this view , resistance is primarily a way to construct new identities necessary for finding alternatives to the hegemonic worldview presented by the development discourse . Yet resistance is also , and more importantly for local peoples , about protecting land and houses from expropriation , and about demanding a fair share of development benefits in the form of education and services . Neither author discusses resistance in depth , nor do he explain how resistance can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is difficult to imagine resistance in light of the ideological strangle-hold that the development discourse appears to have in poststructural accounts . Yet I agree with Scott that , " Although the ideological position of the wealthy is rarely challenged in public , we know from unguarded derisive commentary by the poor that they hardly find it convincing -- let alone hegemonic " ( 1985 : 310 ) . In poststructural accounts of development , resistance therefore comes across as a utopian afterthought , rather than a real opportunity to shape social processes . <p> Ferguson does show the real effects of rural development initiatives in Lesotho . He also provides an insightful discussion of how the Thaba-Tseka Development Project was altered and manipulated by local actors , especially provincial bureaucrats . Yet like other development critics , his focus remains the World Bank as an institution and on the development discourse . Ferguson shows how Lesotho is constructed by the development agency as an underdeveloped nation : <p> Lesotho can be represented in " development " discourse as a nation of farmers , not wage laborers ; a country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but no classes ; values , but no structures ; administrators , but no ruler ; bureaucracy , but no politics ( 1994 : 66 ) . <p> Ferguson argues that " developers " seek to depoliticize the nature and consequences of their projects . As a result , development projects facilitate the extension of state power into previously autonomous regions of Lesotho . Without discussing resistance , however , Ferguson leaves the impression that this attempt to conceal the political realities of development goes unchallenged by local populations . I argue that it is not through mystifying development as a science that power is achieved , but rather through the implementation of projects that suit the interests of state or local actors , and through the resistance to such projects on the part of the target groups . In other words , those who push for development programs and strategies ( especially national elites ) may seek to present them as neutral , scientific , and outside of political conflicts , but few people will actually perceive them as such . <p> Crush 's edited volume Power of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development and , similar to Escobar ( who contributes to the volume ) , Sachs et al. , and Ferguson , it focuses on language and discourse . However , the volume is also a valuable contribution to the growing body of Foucault-inspired analyses because it shows the considerable variation and disagreements within post-structuralist perspectives . The contributions of Cowen and Shenton , and Watts , are particularly significant because they historicize development , tracing the concept back at least to nineteenth-century positivists and eighteenth-century colonialists . They offer an appropriate corrective to Escobar ( 1995a ) and Sachs ( 1992a ) , who imply that President Truman invented the idea in the Post-WWII years ( Watts 1995 : 51 ) . Many of the contributors also go further than other poststructuralists in bridging local and international contexts . On the whole , however , there is still too little sense of what development targets have to say . <p> Neither the activists nor the residents of eastern Bogot were fooled by the obvious attempts to deny the political and economic interests behind a series of development initiatives from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a worldview that presumed the standards set by the World Bank . It is hard to believe that people in Lesotho were any more disposed to view themselves as the Bank did . Elites in Bogot work as hard as they do to deny the politics behind their versions of sustainable development , for example , precisely because past experience has taught them how quickly political conflicts and social movements can entangle their programs and derail the entire process . In an effort to show how development works as a discourse that shapes limited alternatives , critics have presented a one-sided view of power and hegemony , while understating and/or romanticizing the role of local and national actors . In such a view , the local is overwhelmed by distant institutions and their discourses and any sense of the dialectical relationship between local and extra-local forces is lost . In the case of sustainable development , however , we can see that the language of environmental sustainability is no longer controlled merely by the World Commission on Development and Environment , but rather is being continually appropriated and transformed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Development " <p> Since the World Commission on Environment and Development issued the Bruntland Report in 1987 , sustainable development has been on the lips of policy makers and planners throughout the developed and developing worlds . According to the commission , this new strategy , " seeks to meet the needs and aspirations of the present without compromising the ability to meet those of the future " ( World Commission on Development and Environment 1987 : 40 ) . Sustainable development , then , promises to manage the environment and sustain growth , as the two goals must now be reconciled : " Development can not subsist upon a deteriorating environmental resource base ; the environment can not be protected when growth leaves out of account the costs of environmental destruction " ( 1987 : 37 ) . ( n14 ) <p> Economic growth and ecology must be linked in development thinking , not only because resources must be maintained for future generations , but also because policy makers blame poverty for much environmental degradation . By eliminating poverty through economic growth , then , environmental destruction will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion of Third World cities : <p> Few city governments in the developing world have the power , resources , and trained staff to provide their rapidly growing populations with the land , services , and facilities needed for an adequate human life : clean water , sanitation , schools , and transport . The result is mushrooming illegal settlements with primitive facilities , increasing overcrowding , and rampant disease linked to an unhealthy environment ( 1987 : 238 ) . ( n15 ) <p> While suggesting that sustainable development will promote social equity , there is also a subtle message in the sustainable development discourse that poverty , and the poor , are to blame for much environmental degradation . This is especially true , and not particularly subtle , in the case of the urban poor , and seems to have gone remarkably unchallenged by advocates of sustainable development ( see , for example , Haughton and Hunter 1994 : 17 , 26 ) . This assessment of blame would be amplified by urban elites in Colombia who charge the poor with the loss of the city 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argue that the tom to environment is simply the latest attempt to sustain growth and manage the Third World . Wolfgang Sachs asserts that , <p> While environment was originally advanced to put development polities under indictment , it is now raised like a banner to announce a new era of development . Indeed , after " ignorance " and " poverty " in previous decades , " survival of the planet " is likely to become that well publicized emergency of the 1990s , in whose name a new frenzy of development will be unleashed ( 1992a : 26 ; see also Sachs 1993 ) . <p> Similarly , Escobar perceptively points out that , " It is growth ( read : capitalist market expansion ) , and not the environment , that has to be sustained " ( 1995a : 196 ) . For Escobar , little has changed at the level of discourse , and sustainable development is just a new way of maintaining the development regime : <p> It is still assumed that the benevolent ( white ) hand of the West will save the Earth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bank , mediated by Gro Harlem Bruntland , the matriarch scientist , and a few cosmopolitan Third Worlders who made it to the World Commission , to reconcile " humankind " with " nature . " The Western scientist continues to speak for the Earth . God forbid that a Peruvian peasant , an African nomad , or a rubber tapper of the Amazons should have something to say in this regard ( 1995a : 193-194 ) . <p> For Escobar , sustainable development is simply the continuation of the West 's efforts to rationalize , control , and manage the Third World . In this argument , women , peasants , and non-whites are excluded as agents of change , and the West is a monolith of white men , along with a few marginalized tokens of diversity . This is a compelling argument , but it obscures the complexity of the development encounter and portrays " subject peoples " as powerless and voiceless . This will be explored through a brief discussion of the use of sustainable development in Bogot . <p> Sustainable Development in Bogot <p> The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has long been a symbol of the city and its standard postcard image . As the city spread north and west in this century , the large estates of the sabana ( high plain ) were sold to developers . The workers on those estates were left to live in the eastern hills , which were considered worthless to developers because of their inaccessibility and the difficulty of bringing services to the higher elevations . Others arrived in the eastern barrios over the years , mostly coming from the Boyaca region . <p> Though there are many differences between neighborhoods , principally in terms of their history and legal status , the barrios share the characteristics of do-it-yourself housing , inadequate services , and gradual improvement of both through the formation of neighborhood committees. ( n16 ) Since the 1970s and 1980s when a major road was constructed through the area , the cerros orientales ( eastern hills ) have been the focus of intense competition on the part of land speculators , urban planners , politicians , and the workers who had made the hills their home . Just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ informal settlements " of the eastern hills , lie some of the city 's wealthiest residential neighborhoods , home to influential business leaders , senators , and ex-presidents . These wealthy residents fear their neighbors and view the neighborhoods in the hills as chaotic , an embarrassing sign of the country 's underdevelopment . <p> Residents living in these neighborhoods , which appear to cling to the hillsides of eastern Bogot , view the area quite differently . They see their neighborhoods as the product of long years of struggle , community effort , organized resistance , and sacrifice . Residents of El Paraso , a legally settled neighborhood of do-it-yourself housing which has struggled for years to get basic services such as electricity , water , and paved roads from the government , are fond of saying that their barrio should be called El Infierno ( " hell , " rather than " paradise " ) because of the sacrifices they have made to settle the area . When the city government has failed to provide services , residents have taken the initiative themselves , installing an aqueduct in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or tapping into nearby power lines . Young men have been electrocuted in the process of tapping these lines , and to the barrios they are martyrs , not thieves . <p> The pride that residents take in their neighborhoods is bittersweet , because they are pressured to move out of the area , especially those without legal rifle , and because they are constantly being told by the government and media that they are temporary , worthless , and even invisible . In the technical , and apparently neutral , language of government planning , the eastern barrios are variously described as " clandestine , " " sub-normal , " or " spontaneous . " Nothing of the long years of tenure and work improving the settlements is acknowledged in such accounts and residents resent such portrayals . As a result of such denials of the legitimacy of the eastern barrios , residents live in a state of perpetual limbo and uncertainty . In such situations it becomes difficult for residents to move forward , plan for the future , and build more permanent ( brick ) housing . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and contradictory concept , its manifestations in Bogot are even less precise. ( n17 ) Terms such as " sustainable development , " " biodiversity , " and " participatory planning " are thrown about in discussions with planners and civic leaders as if their meaning were clear and uncontested . In such conversations proponents of projects that are labeled " sustainable " gloss over the contradictions of urban inequalities and conflicting interests ( see Redclift and Goodman 1991 : 4-6 ; see also Redclift 1987 ) . Sustainable development has allowed private interest groups and policy makers alike the opportunity to imagine a way to preserve the beauty of the eastern hills , while allowing for " selective development " ( apartments for the wealthy surrounded by urban parks ) and eliminating the settlements which are viewed as the refuge of the dangerous classes. ( n18 ) Urban elites have imported and rewritten the language of sustainable development and participatory planning for their own purposes , while local residents in the hills have blocked attempts to exclude them from the planning process or expropriate their homes. ( n19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have begun to draw up sustainable development plans for the eastern hills . The Corporacin de los Cerros , or the Corporation for the Hills , is one such initiative . The Corporation is a private interest group , made up of prominent residents of the posh northeast , which hopes to limit urbanization in the hills by purchasing land in the area and creating an " ecological park . " Since 1993 the Corporation has sought foreign funding from European organizations including the Metropolis Foundation , a French organization interested in urban environmental management . The organizers ' ability to attract funding rests on their assertion that the mountains are an ecologically unique area and important to the physical well-being of the city . In a 1993 interview Corporation Director Patricia Tones told me , " The only reason that we are not going to become a Mexico City so quickly is that we have this lung , the hills . We have that gold mine there beside such a monster of a city . " <p> The most ambitious project to date to limit growth in the hills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newly created local planning board for the district of Chapinero , or the JAL ( Junta Administradora Local ) . The Plan for the Physical Regulation of the Eastern Zone ( Plan de Ordenamiento Fisico Para la Zona Oriental ) is an attempt to reduce the size of low-income or " subnormal " settlements in the hills and regulate future development through zoning , favoring low-density housing ( inevitably , for the wealthy ) and protected forest reserves in areas of " unstable terrain . " ( n20 ) The JAL was created as a result of the 1991 Colombian Constitution , which mandated decentralization and local participation in planning decisions . <p> Most voters in the Chapinero district of Bogot are upper-middle class and wealthy residents , and the representatives they elected to the local planning board reflect that fact. ( n21 ) While the board members come from the wealthiest sections of Chapinero , their fast project targeted what they considered to be Chapinero 's urban blight , the eastern hills . The plan , and its advocates , evoke images of the mountains as the " lungs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mantra that the Amazon is the " lungs of the world , " in order to support their claims on the future development of the area. ( n22 ) Such language allows urban environmental problems to be conceptually tied to global sustainability. ( n23 ) I agree with postructuralists that this rhetoric allows for interventions and denies political interests ( see Sachs 1992b ) . I disagree , however , with the assumption that this intervention is generated primarily at the international level . Poststructuralists tend to ignore the fact that the discourse gets coopted and reworked by local actors with their own interests . As even the proponents of sustainable development admit , the term is vague and easily manipulated as a " political mantra " ( Haughton and Hunter 1994 : 21 ; see also Bartelmus 1994 : 69 ) . <p> Despite the mandate of broad participation , the JAL board has made little effort to include the concerns of residents who would be most affected by the initiative . This has not stopped the JAL from making claims of inclusion in their planning reports in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support of the city administration . <p> Tree Saplings Wrapped in Dollar Bills : The JAL Plan <p> The cover of the Phase Two report of the JAL Plan is astonishing in its blatant recognition of the symbolic capital of appeals to environmental sustainability . The cover includes a picture of tree saplings wrapped in US dollar bills . This recognition of the power of environmental claims on the part of planners is matched by their appreciation for the value of the eastern hills as real estate . Throughout the JAL project documents , there is the sense that the potential of the land in the hills over Chapinero is not being fully realized . The planners suggest that with the " consolidation " of the existing poor barrios , new lands can be opened to development. ( n24 ) According to the Phase One study , over half of the land ( 55 percent ) is heavily forested and too steep for development , making it a kind of de facto forest reserve . Over half of the land suitable for construction is still open to future development , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " the area and defining its future growth . As one of the JAL board members ( ediles ) , Jaime Concha , told me in a 1993 interview , <p> I think it is an extremely valuable area . Only 30 percent of it is invasion , let 's say , or low-income barrios . So therefore , the remaining 70 percent can be organized , and you can do something logical with it . <p> In a letter from Jaime Concha and another board member , Jose Felix Estrada , to the Director of Planning for the city of Bogot , the assertion that zoning in the hills will benefit the health of the entire city is reiterated : " We believe that the area can still be saved for the future of the city . " <p> The goal of the JAL plan , stated in the Phase I report , is " the incorporation of an area of excellent location and enormous potential into the development of the district of Chapinero " ( JAL 1993a : no page numbers ) . The report goes on to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the area to the preservation of natural resources in the area , especially the preservation of important water sources and forested areas . The contradiction between these two goals , as well as the contradicting class interests in the area , are not addressed . The project report recommends a mixture of conservation of some areas with a " selective development " of other lands . The Phase II report calls this option " sustained development . " While it is politically impossible to remove squatters or low-income settlements from the area by force , the report reasons , market forces themselves will lead to a " consolidation " ( that is , reduction ) of poor neighborhoods in the area . The low population density that proponents say wealthy housing and careful zoning will achieve is the key to their claims of the project 's environmental sustainability . <p> The need for logical , rational planning , and a sense of order , are themes that run through both the JAL documents , as well as interviews I conducted in 1993 with those involved in the plan . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be " recovered " or integrated into the development of the city and of the district of Chapinero . Why is the idea of recovering the hills so important ? Precisely because the local elite feels that it has lost control of the area , which it now recognizes to be of great value . Luis Fernando Castro , district president ( Alcalde Menor ) of Chapinero , clearly states that the goal of the plan was " the recovery recuperacin of the area . " ( n25 ) When I asked what he meant by " recuperacin , " he said , <p> When you go by there you can visually see the chaos . So , " recuperar " means to organize , to take away the chaos , so that it functions as it should socially , and that it has at least the minimum conditions . <p> Castro and others view the neighborhoods seen from the highway as chaotic and out of place in the posh northeast . <p> Elvira Cuervo de Jaramillo , the director of the private organization that was hired to draft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recuperar in the development report in terms of ecological preservation : " To replant , to clean . that is what ' recuperar ' means , in environmental terms . When you see that an area has been pillaged , you have to return it to the service of the community . " Despite the neutral language of improved living conditions and environmental preservation , the use of the term " recuperar " ( to recover ) also suggests the desire to take control of an area that has fallen into disarray and chaos by the spread of unchecked " slums . " Moreover , no plans for regeneration of native species or reforestation is included in the report ( see below ) . As the use of the term " recuperar " suggests , the report reflects the assumption that poor barrios are bad for the environment , and that the mountains are too valuable to allow them to be taken over by slums . For example , the Phase Two report states : <p> The areas of clandestine settlements are highly consolidated , have the necessary legal and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an urban and socio-economic phenomenon that causes similar settlements to develop on surrounding lands , with the obvious risks of environmental deterioration and degradation for the area emphasis added. ( n26 ) <p> The assumption that " clandestine " settlements are inherently bad for the environment masks a more complex set of factors . The settlement of the hills has caused a great deal of soil erosion and contamination of streams . However , what the plan fails to point out is that paved roads , proper drainage systems , and regular garbage service in the barrios could go a long way toward solving these problems . Moreover , the massive construction projects for luxury housing , and the highways and pollution brought by that development , have a far greater environmental impact. ( n27 ) Nonetheless , the reports reflect an underlying assumption that wealthy settlements despite their greater per capita consumption of resources , are more " eco-friendly . " Ecology , presumed geological risks , and market forces offer three possibilities for the " consolidation " of the existing settlements in the hills , and three potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> District and city government efforts to control the growth of the eastern hills seems to rest largely on their assertion that the mountains are an ecologically unique area and important to the physical well-being of the city . For example , Elizabeth Rodado , the director of the city government environmental office refers to the hills as the " lungs of Bogot . " Why are the mountains the lungs of Bogot ? According to Rodado , <p> The fast thing is that the quality of life will deteriorate if we do n't have the eastern hills . The second reason is that there is definitely an important wealth of bio-diversity , in pramo , in flora , in fauna. ( n28 ) <p> Like the description of the mountains as the lungs of the city , the emphasis on the area 's biodiversity is both strategic and misleading . In fact , the eastern hills were completely deforested by the late nineteenth century ( Carrizosa Umaa 1989 ) . The forests in the hills today are second growth , and primarily non-native species , such as pine and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ topography of the area . <p> Like Rodriguez Azuero , who admits that the effects of the JAL plan on the residents of the hills is likely to be unfortunate , Rodado argues that the prevention of future poor settlements in the hills is crucial to preserving the ecology of the area for the benefit of all Bogotanos . Rodado describes the settlements in the eastern hills , echoing the stereotypes that middle-class and wealthy Bogotanos hold about the eastern barrios : <p> What we see in the hills are quarries , areas of deforestation , areas where people are robbed , where you ca n't go for a walk because they will attack you , where who knows how many people have been killed , on the highway alone . But this is all because there is not management and control , and because people do n't realize the importance of the hills. ( n29 ) <p> Interspersed with her commentary on the ecological aspects of the area , Rodado 's comments reveal the fear of many elites living in the north -- that " dangerous " neighborhoods are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the refuge of thieves and outlaws : <p> If we let the squatter settlements advance and continue as they are , we are obviously going to have a terrible problem for the city , because we are going to have a Ciudad Bolvar on the eastern side of Bogot , completely eroded , where the topsoil is very fragile , as fragile as an eggshell. ( n30 ) <p> Such statements reflect the fear of massive slums in the backyard of the city 's rich and powerful which underlies apparently neutral discussions of soil erosion and environmental degradation . <p> ' A No Dejarnos Fregar ' : Popular Responses to Development , 1972-1994 <p> The JAL plan appropriates the language of popular development trends -- sustainable development , community participation -- to drum up support and funding for their project . However , organizers are vague about what they understand these concepts to mean , especially in reference to the eastern hills and what they want to do there . Behind the references to such trends are more deep-rooted assumptions about the nature of development , the place of poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . While projects promising eco-parks and sustainable development may play well to international and national agencies and lend legitimacy to the efforts of elites to force the poor from the eastern hills , local residents find such language a thin mask which disguises little . Because the plan is still in the early stages , the full response on the part of the eastern barrios is not yet known . However , the response thus far and the response to other development initiatives in the area in past years suggests that the barrios will organize to force the organizations involved to recognize their interests . <p> The residents of the eastern hills have engaged in a long history of resisting and redirecting development efforts in the area . In the early 1970s a highway project through the eastern hills , the grand Avenida de los Cerros , funded in part by the Inter-American Development Bank , threatened to force low-income residents out of the area through proposed expropriations and a flurry of land speculation ( see Gilbert 1978 ; Everett 1995 ) . The plan was touted by the mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the east of the highway from future development . It was clear to the residents of the eastern barrios that the road would provide a link between the burgeoning wealthy suburbs to the north of the city and the downtown government and business districts . It was also clear to residents that the road implied the expropriation and eviction of hundreds of families , many of whom had no legal title to their land . <p> The plan was not only rejected by local residents , with the assistance of priests and student activists , but it touched off a massive social movement that focused a city-wide debate on urban development . While politicians promised that the highway would " integrate " poor areas into the city and denied any political or economic motivations behind the project , residents resisted the proposal as a road for the wealthy and as a threat to their homes . <p> Residents of the eastern barrios responded by forming Comits Prodefensa , or local defense committees . Neighborhood committees eventually joined together to form a network of well-informed , well-organized opposition to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement from the San Martin barrio , explained the purpose of the committees in a 1993 interview : " That was so that we would unite all the barrios , because we were resolved not to let ourselves be mistreated a no dejarnos fregar . And it was very useful . " Women were especially active in the movement . This was particularly true in the Mariscal Sucre neighborhood , where a group of women became known as " the three Maras . " The women were regarded for their tenacity and obstinacy . Perhaps because of their role as protectors of family and home , their public roles and aggressive tactics were encouraged and admired rather than discouraged by the men . One of the most poignant events of the movement was a mock burial of the highway , held at a community center in 1973 , in which the development project was represented as a coffin into which dozens of activists placed letters of protest . <p> For priests involved in the movement , it was a chance to apply the admonitions of liberation theology , emerging at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their daily struggles . For student activists and Marxists , it was a chance to decry the neocolonialism of foreign-supported development and to situate the conflicts of rapid urbanization within the context of class struggle . The residents of the neighborhoods saw through the government 's rhetoric of development as integration ( President Misael Pastrana 1970-1974 often touted the development program as a way to do away with " the two cities , " that is , the division between the modern metropolis and the impoverished periphery ) and allied with priests , students , and Marxist opposition leaders in an effort to save their homes and neighborhoods from bulldozers and land-speculators . <p> Whatever the true demise of the highway , the residents continue to believe that they buried the project through their collective opposition . The importance of this history for understanding present responses to sustainable development in the area is that the movement against the Avenida de los Cerros created a group of leaders and organizers in the area as well as organizational networks that can be quickly mobilized to confront new development initiatives that may threaten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the movement have sustained a suspicion of development and clientalist rhetoric from politicians . While residents of the eastern barrios share many of the development aspirations of the wealthy and middle classes , they are quick to examine how government projects and policies will effect them and to reject the simple rhetoric of integration . Their own notions of development are commonly expressed as a desire to move forward , salir adelante , a term they frequently use when discussing goals for the family , including education , better housing , and services . Many people I spoke with while living and interviewing in the hills used the expression " sacar pa ' adelante a los nios , " by which they meant both the task of raising their children as well as providing them with new and better opportunities than they had . Such statements obviously share much with government rhetoric of progress and middle-class values , but they are also often accompanied by skepticism about government programs that claim to help them . As Pigg argues in her study of Nepalese villagers , people may resist specific @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> As a result of mismanagement , political entanglements with opposition parties , and the social movement against the highway , the road was never built as planned . In the 1980s a scaled-down version of the road was built , the Avenida Circunvalar , and again residents organized to assure that any expropriated land would be fully compensated . As a result of pressure and collective action from the barrios , all displaced families received compensation , even those who had no legal title to the land . As with the first effort to construct a highway , residents of the hills did not accept the government 's justification for the road as a symbol of progress and development . Rather , they view it as a symbol of wealthy excess and the costly intrusion of the government , one that they were forced to support with their property taxes . Teresa Daz , whose house stands just above the highway in the barrio of El Paraiso , commented to me in 1993 , " They had the Avenida for the rich , who pass by with their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay the taxes for the road almost never use that road . " Luis Montaa , a young leader in San Martn , believes that the city government was determined to build a road for wealthy commuters : <p> After the Avenida de los Cerros failed was when they invented the Avenida Circunvalar . They -- the state -- just could n't accept the fact that they could n't carry out a huge project like that , where the poor would pay the price for easing the traffic for the fat eats in the north los mantecos del norte , right ? They invented the Avenida de los Cerros , which for them was like the ultimate . And they could sleep a little more.but everything fell through . Then they invented the Avenida Circunvalar . <p> The response thus far to attempts at sustainable development in the eastern hills has been similar . Residents bemoan the growth of wealthy housing in the area , which not only threatens their tenure , but has altered the landscape that they love . Rosa Rincn Tangua , of the barrio Bosque Caldern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the incursions of apartment buildings for the wealthy as " Just like the countryside , and nobody gave us any trouble " ( Todo un campo , y naiden nos amargaba la vida ) . <p> When leaders from several eastern barrios met with Jaime Rodriguez Azuero , the director of the Taller Local , about the JAL plan in July 1993 , local residents confronted Rodriguez and challenged his claim of " participatory planning . " In a meeting arranged by a lawyer who helps represent the barrios in land disputes , residents berated Rodriguez for failing to include them in the planning process . Rodriguez spoke nervously about the need to include the community in the development study . He explained , however , that including the participation of the community too soon could affect the methodology of the study , and might bring undo political pressures to bear on the technical phases of the study . Nonetheless , in the Phase II report that he drafted for the JAL , he claims that " community representatives " were involved in the planning process from the beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , encouraged from the beginning , allowed the study to go beyond the theoretical context " ( JAL 1993b : unpaginated ) . It becomes clear reading the report that participation includes only government agencies , planners , and experts , and not those likely to be affected by the plan . This effort to depoliticize the issue of participation did not succeed in winning over the residents of the eastern hills . One leader from Los Olives said during the meeting , <p> I feel that once again they have pulled a fast one on us nos volvieron a hacer un golazo , and that we did n't have anything to say about it . It is not clear what you all were going to do to the barrios .. I think that this plan was very secretive . <p> Permanent neighborhood committees , or Juntas de Accin Comunal , throughout the eastern hills , continue to monitor the efforts of government and private groups to " develop " the hills . The residents ' vision of " integration " into the city is the extension of services such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently cable and satellite TV ) , not the incursion of government management and control , which they continue to resist . <p> Conclusions <p> Recent critical works in anthropology about development have provided new insights into the way in which development works as a powerful discourse to shape how we perceive social change . If they have shown development to be a regime of representation , however , they have largely failed to reveal the agents of this repressive system . By leaving out or simplifying agency , they portray development as both more unified and more powerful than it is . In their vision of development without subjects , poststructuralist critics also portray agents as largely unaware of the social processes in which they are caught . Yet , while the consequences of development may often be unintended and misunderstood by those involved , this fact does not mean that conscious actions and motivations have no role in shaping development interventions . <p> By imagining resistance to be the answer to the " development nightmare " without defining resistance or looking at in-depth examples , they provide a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , without ever defining what those alternatives might be . In Bogot , development , and its current manifestation , sustainable development , is not only a discourse imposed by the World Bank , but a powerful tool imported and rewritten by local and national elites . While development projects may afford local governments and national elites great powers to pursue their interests , the extension of state management and control does not go unchallenged by development 's targets who play a vital role in shaping the development encounter . <p> Local governmental and non-governmental agencies have taken advantage of the vague nature of the sustainable development concept and applied the term to projects that have no clear environmental agenda . Rather , ecological claims as well as those of broad participation in planning seem to be an attempt to disguise political and economic interests , to win government approval and in some cases foreign funding . In the eastern hills of Bogot the motivation seems to be the " consolidation " of marginal settlements made visible by a 1980s highway project . The highway is a symbol of progress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in northeastern Bogot , while the barrios are seen as a threat and an unpleasant sign of underdevelopment . The residents of the barrios in the hills , the " marginalized urban poor , " have long challenged elite visions of development as highways and eco-parks and continue to pursue their own visions of development . <p>
@@4004441 The study of gender and culture change in an Israeli village of Moroccan Jewish immigrants reveals a paradox : although women accept men 's definition of the honorable female , one which limits women 's activities to the private sphere , women challenge this definition at least on the issue of employment outside the home . In other words , women accept the ideal image of Women conveyed by their culture , but they do not accept the behavior this ideal demands . Examination of what it means to be a man or a woman in the village and how the notion of limit manifests itself in these meanings can shed light on this paradox . <p> During one year ( 1983 ) of participant observation and extensive interviewing , I gathered data on all the married couples ( 46 ) of a small community in a co-operative village ( moshav ) in Israel . The first moshavim ( agricultural co-operatives ) were founded by settlers who emigrated from Eastern Europe ( Ashkenazim ) in the 1920s. 2 As kibbutzim , they were based on a zionist-socialist ideology but each family lived in its own house and worked its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this organization . Even today the means of production are collectively bought and each member-unit sells its product through the collective . The moshav as a legal entity organizes loans to its members , which are repaid to the community . The moshav is governed democratically through general meetings , where each family ( as a unit ) has one vote . Decisions are taken by a majority vote . An elected committee of five members deals with daily problems . <p> The moshav I studied was categorized as economically unviable and lost its political independence . The leadership is now appointed by outside agencies and consists of five persons , only one of whom is a member of the moshav . More than half of the men earn their living outside while the women and the teenagers are in charge of the main economic feature , the chicken coops . <p> Of its 50 families , 46 are " old timers " who settled here during the 1 950s and four are " new comers . " The old timers are composed of 20 older families and 26 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The newcomers settled in the late 1970s and early 1980s . Most ( 80 per cent ) of the old timer families are from Morocco , the other 20 per cent derive from Tunis , Iraq , and Yemen . The newcomers , Ashkenazim , were settled to economically redeem the collectivity by adding wealthier families . They hold different values regarding honor and identity , which incites conflicts among the villagers . <p> In this article , I focus on male and female identity as defined by separate but complementary gender-based concepts of honor , the behaviors that stem from these concepts , and the bargaining that men and women do to resolve emergent discrepancies between their concepts . As the modern world increasingly infringes on moshav life , women do not agree to accept men 's definition of women 's identity and attempt negotiation , frequently directed at redefining the concept of female honor -- and thus male honor -- in order to improve their economic situations and to gain independence from men . This effort is resisted by most men , mainly younger men , who argue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community . <p> Marriage is exogamous in this community . The first sons inherit their parents ' house and rights and stay in the villages . In general , they find their wives in nearby towns . Marriage is ethnically ( Sepharadic ) endogamous . <p> Only six women worked outside the moshav in nearby towns ; two older women as cooks and four younger women , two secretaries , one technician and one attendant . One of these is an American married into the only Yemenite family , the three others were Moroccan in origin . The majority ( 32 out of 46 ) of the women do not work outside their home , except to daily collect eggs from the chicken coops . Eight women work in the moshav ; five as cleaning women in the Youth Hostel , the other three women , much younger , are the kindergarten teacher , the secretary , and the educator of the moshav . RELATION BETWEEN IDENTITY , HONOR , AND LIMIT <p> This section describes the interdependence of men and women concerning their construction of self-identification . It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identity ( see Ortner and Whitehead 1981 ; Robbins 1973 ; Ortner 1984 ; Friedrich 1977 ; Geertz 1977 ; Rosaldo 1984 ; Herzfeld 1985 ; Dominguez 1986 ; Marcus and Fisher 1986 ) through the issue of honor , and is followed by the specific meanings of gender identity in this culture . Gender identity in the moshav is realized through the publicly acknowledged actions of women and men when limits ( constraints and boundaries ) are put on their behaviors by fellow members , both men and women . <p> One 's gender identity in the moshav is formed through the needs of the other gender ( by opposition and reinforcement of certain attributes ) . A man needs a woman to be recognized but also to feel fully a man in this culture . The woman must serve his needs and accept his domination . But as men need women to actualize their gender identity , women also need men to become women . For example , to become a mother in this culture defines the core identity of womanhood . While the process is one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ones that are seen by the community in the actions of both men and women . Interdependence gives women some control over the codes of masculine honor and an ability to negotiate honor vis-a-vis their own needs . The ability of women to bargain men 's honor helps redefine what stands for masculinity but also indirectly is aimed at changing the women 's own self-identification . <p> The construction of identity is a dialectical pendulum swinging between personal action and public recognition ( Berger and Luckman 1970 ) . It is a dialectic of limit and continuity , the two having a reciprocal relationship . Limit and continuity are the two elements through which identity is shaped . Limit is the constraints and boundaries within which certain cultural choices are possible ( Wasserfall 1987 ) , whereas continuity transcends limits between social categories and generations ( i.e. , being Jewish , Israeli ) . However , the imposition of limits breaks continuity between insiders and outsiders and one acquires a sense of self by understanding what one is not ( i.e. , one is limited by not being an Ashkenazi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ etc . ) . Identification occurs through the Other ( Benoist 1977 ) . <p> A culture can focus on differences ( the Other ) or on continuities between individuals in the process of identity formation . When a culture focuses on the Other , limits appear as a fundamental notion of cultural identity . In reference to the Other , people in that culture extract and impose limits on their own behavior and on the behavior of others . My informants placed great importance on boundaries not only between the different ethnic groups but also between men and women . Limit is both the margin beyond which behavior can not venture , and a way to confirm and/or grasp one 's own sense of identity . Where limit transcends the continuity , the other ( i.e. , a woman , an Arab ) may become an essential part of what defines selfhood ( i.e. , a Jewish man ) . Individuals try to manipulate the criteria by which they are classified as men and women in order to change their individual identities but , given the socio-historical environments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 8 , 9 ) . Hence , in order for gender identities to change , the pendulum must swing towards limits . In the moshav community the manipulation of honor through the imposition of limits was the means by which men and women negotiated new gender identities. 3 <p> Limit , as an aspect of identity , has both a cognitive and a behavioral as well as on the symbolic level , is a way to manipulate and bargain for one 's own identity as well as for the Other 's . Bourdieu ( 1966 ) describes honor as a cultural component that becomes a part of the self . Manipulation of one 's identity through honor has a great impact on power relations in the moshav , as it does in various Maghrebi societies . For women and men , limits are placed on acceptable behavior in order to keep both parties honorable . Honor is publicly distributed when one behaves according to certain limits of his/her definition of being . <p> According to Friedrich ( 1977 ) , self-integrity or honor is gained through actions that sustain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the sense of being either a man or a woman , is realized for my informants through public acknowledged actions ( Wasserfall 1987 ) . Women answered the question " What is a woman ? " by listing the actions that women do . For example , pregnancy , the action that defines womanhood . must be seen and accepted by the community in order for a woman to feel she is fully a woman . Men also emphasized the need for public acknowledgment of their male identity . When asked what it means for them to be men . they described their dominance in the public domain ; for example , the importance of having the last word ( hamila haarahona ) in discussions with other men , and in particular , in discussions with women . A man says , " The woman who is nothing . . . will try to have the last word . It is not possible ; my ego will not allow that " ( aego sheli lo iafsher zoth ) . Domination is also the focus of men 's claims to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the men desire ( Herzfeld 1985 ) . " In this country you do not succeed if you are not forceful ( bli coair ein cloum bamedina azoth ) . If I had not done what I did to those bureaucrats ( shouting and ripping apart the phone line because the bureaucrats wanted to call the police ) we would not be sitting in this nice house , " a professional soldier in his early thirties boasted to the admiring young men surrounding him . <p> Describing gender identity in this way is usual in Middle Eastern communities , where identity is often conceived as something one has to show ( Geertz 1977:48 ) . One is a woman ( or a man , or an anthropologist , for that matter ) if one performs the actions that are thought by community standards to define that identity ( Rosen 1984:19 ; Abu-Lughod 1986:166 ) . <p> All seven women who married during the year of my fieldwork became pregnant four to five months after their wedding nights . When I inquired as to this unusual timing , I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the night of your wedding , people will gossip and say that you got because you were pregnant , and that 's a shame but if you do pregnant after a few months , people will gossip and say that you had an abortion and can no longer get pregnant , then you are not worth anything ( loshava cloum ) , so you better watch it . People are nasty " ( rah ) . By manipulating the timing of the woman 's first pregnancy , a young couple shows the community that they are honorable and that each of them makes a point about his or her identity . He is a forceful man who can make his wife pregnant and she is an honorable woman who knows how to handle her husband 's courtship advances without becoming pregnant . The young man who was a professional soldier stated clearly that he chose to marry a particular girl because she did not surrender when he pressed her , so he knew that she would be reliable in their marital life . <p> Besides men 's and women 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the actions of the other gender . In the above example , the wife gained honor because her husband got her pregnant , and the husband gained honor because his wife was able to become pregnant . <p> Children provide another example of the interdependence of men 's and women 's identities . women as the core married not Bet had an another example of the interdependence of men 's and Although motherhood is understood by both men and of female identity , men present themselves as the ones who enable women 's pregnancy . For them , children are not only the proof of womanhood but especially the proof of manhood . Moreover , children are considered proof both that men are functional biologically and also that women enjoy sex . A woman can not get pregnant , my informants believed , if she does not enjoy sex . One old man explained that he could not even imagine that his wife did not enjoy sex throughout their life together because they had eleven children . " If she does not enjoy , " he added , " she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some women agree that to get pregnant a woman has to enjoy sex and that men must also " give them the seed " ( ejaculate ) . The more children the woman has , the more she is supposed to have enjoyed sex , and the more honorable both she and her husband are . <p> The belief until recent times that only women could be guilty of barrenness supports men 's view of themselves as the ones who create the children and that the women are only passive containers . Men call their children " my honor , " " my pride " ( hacavod sheli ) and describe themselves as the creators of women 's pregnancy . Thus men provide what women understand as the epitome of the female identity . " Without it she is without function , " as one man in his late thirties put it , meaning that women 's identity depends on the will and function of men . However , women disagree with men 's presentation of themselves as in control of the timing of the pregnancy , though they will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wife mocked her husband 's claim that he is in charge . She said she has her own ways to make him " give her the seed . " <p> Men 's and women 's perceptions of one another help each to negotiate their own identities , doing so by putting limits on another 's behaviors . Women are important in men 's identity formation through their passive acting in who has the last word ( hamila harahona ) . The last word is one of the actions that make a man honorable and is fully dependent on women 's compliance . Men 's life stories are full of continuous battles ( ma-avakim ) to be recognized as " real " men , as men of honor , men who have the last word with men . To be a candidate for the conquest of having the last word with other men , one must first dominate ( shlita ) one 's wife . This is not always feasible , however , for women may show their disagreement by publicly refusing to serve , by not socializing with their husbands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of work . Men are well aware of the meanings of these protestations and answer that an honorable woman is a woman that honors her husband 's family . <p> The relationship between men 's dominance over women and their public status as honorable men was demonstrated by a dispute between two political factions in the community ; a group of old timers and the new Ashkenazi settlers who had been joined by some sons of the older settlers . In the struggle for power , the old timers spread rumors about the wife of one of their opponents , a Moroccan , in order to undermine his authority . They emphasized that the man who wanted to rule the moshav was not even able to rule his own wife , as she was seen with another man , perhaps even having an affair with him . So , they argued , how could he dare ask for leadership ? <p> Men 's need for women 's compliance gives women some power , and is in fact manipulated very cautiously by women . For example , one husband , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about another man . The friend continuously emphasized his sexual potency . The man asked the braggart 's wife what she thought about it and she answered with one word " palabra " ( idle talk ) . In this case the woman voiced an opinion that might jeopardize the man 's reputation and thus his honor , as well as reminding my male informant of his own dependency on the favorable opinion of his own wife . HONOR AS A BARGAINING TOOL <p> In this context of interdependency and a generally accepted subordinate position , women want to change their roles , and expand the definition of femininity to include the ability to earn money . Residents of the moshav , aware of women 's increasing strength in the work place and of a new definition of women 's role outside the moshav , are comparing themselves with their female relatives who live in towns ( Nundi-Izraeli 1983 ) . Because men understand their masculinity in terms of being able to provide fully for the needs of the family , they believe women 's desire to work undermines their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a will to violate the code of honor that regulates male dominance . They assume that women will be tempted to have relations with other men in the work situation . Women who want to expand their roles and redefine honorable womanhood to include earning money must redefine the honorable man as someone who does not fear his wife 's public behavior as potentially sexual , immodest , or improper . <p> Since Mediterranean societies accord honor when the community agrees that the actor does the right thing in the appropriate context to sustain his or her identity , women have developed a variety of strategies that enable them to mitigate the effects of male control ( Beck and Keddie 1978:18 ) . One of women 's responses to male domination is their subtle manipulation of male honor . Because wives can be disruptive if they do not corroborate men 's way is the guiding principle of presenting themselves , the ideology of honor through which individuals state their identities . <p> Identity changes may occur when individuals sense discrepancies between what they feel about themselves and what the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are an outcome of historical situations in which actors may try to change the status quo of honorable behavior to match what seems to be the best way of conveying one 's feelings . Moshav women feel that having money will not automatically lead them to misbehave as the men claim . Because they live in a context of dependency on men , however , they can only change the concept of female honor by manipulating their husband 's authority based on his honor . Acceptance of the culturally valued feminine ideals of the submissive woman may be , ironically , one aspect of women 's efforts to achieve a new identity ( Dubish 1986 ) . Women want to work because of having compared themselves with female relatives in town who improved their independence via the ability to purchase their own goods . Women who worked outside the moshav and earned money generally spent it on household goods and their children 's needs . As one man explained , spending money on goods for the house is a source of power in marital disputes and should be a man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ husband 's authority . <p> Women are in a position to bargain men 's identity because of the significance placed on public reputation . Residents are very sensitive to how they are perceived by others and to what others say about them . Considerable energy is invested by moshav members in presenting or changing the presentation of a friend or a member of the family to fit their own personal interests . In the dispute between established and newly arrived settlers , the honor of the different parties was discussed at length . Some thought that M. , a man in his middle forties who was well known as the source of the gossip , " should have been silent as a tomb , " while others emphasized the wife 's misbehavior and , since the community has a right to know , that M. acted properly in making it public . Moreover , a good husband and a man of honor does not make a scene with his wife in public . To do so jeopardizes his wife 's honor , since women are not supposed to publicly disagree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view , publicly insulting his wife is an indication of his dishonorable status as he does not dominate his wife . Such a man is not deemed honorable . Thus , women are led to accept the limits imposed on them by men because they preserve both parties ' honor . Women and men are markedly uncomfortable when boundaries are crossed . Women feel awkward toward men who serve their wives and show consideration to them in public . They say " it is not nice " ( lo yafe ) . An old woman who disliked her Ashkenazi daughter-in-law , because she was pampered by her husband , whispered loud enough for me to hear , " she will step on him " ( he tahaleh alav ) . The clear allusion was to a sexual position in which the woman is on top , which for this woman was a sign of the man 's submission . TERMS OF THE BARGAIN <p> Men and women impose limits on each other 's behavior in order to reach a mutually agreeable distribution of power and resources . These imposed limits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense of identity . Men in the moshav often say , " I am not a woman , " meaning that they can not perform actions like household chores that define women 's identity . Women manipulate men 's identity in their power struggle on the community level . They often discussed with one another what is to be expected from an honorable man and how women should cope with their husbands . As I sat with two married women and an engaged girl , a young man stepped in and said to the girl , " your fiance calls you . " The two women advised the girl not to move . But she went to him and they said , " tipsha ! " ( stupid ) . The fiance , by having a friend call the girl , expressed his domination and the women , aware of this , tried to prevent the girl from publicly accepting his domination . Women also discussed men 's identity in formal interviews with me and in informal situations with close friends or female relatives . This discourse was suspended when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the presence of male adolescents . <p> M. was about to travel to buy tiles for his new house and asked his neighbor to go along . The two men were about to leave when his wife told him that she wanted to go along . She argued that since she is the one who will wash the floor , he should not choose the tiles without her . He ignored her request and sent her to the chicken coop . After going there , the resentful wife came to where I was sitting and chatted with a neighbor 's wife about husbands ' behavior . When my host 's son wanted to participate in the discussion , both women angrily told him to shut up , adding , " you will be listened to when you will be a man . " <p> Interviews with moshav women revealed that they are uncertain that they agree with the men 's definition of their identity . In particular , women express ambivalence toward their identity as mothers and as wives . Their ambivalence shows particularly in their interactions with their children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cajoling . " I will kill you , " was a common statement of women trying to stop their children from misbehaving ( Saunders 1981 ) . <p> Motherhood and marriage no longer satisfy women as defining their being . As one woman in her late forties put it , " I regret three things in my life : that I married so young at sixteen , had so many children eight , and that I lived in the moshav . " Moreover , women argue that in the modern world , men do not have any basis for their need to dominate women . A woman in her early forties said , " they do not have a basis on which to rule , since a woman can now also go out and earn money . " Nonetheless , men legitimize their rule over the family by their economic support , and women , understanding that the ability to earn money and be independent are masculine qualities , feel conflict , as do men , about the blurring of limits that working outside the home entails . <p> One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beat you , does not play cards , does not drink , does not commit adultery , but works and brings money home . In all these actions , a good husband must know his limits . He is capable of being dominant , yet self-disciplined . As one young woman put it , " My two-year-old son acts like his father ; all day long giving orders . This is proper behavior . " Physical assault on women by their husbands is an ever-present possibility in this context , but a good husband knows how to dominate his wife without beating her. 4 He may , however , use other forceful behavior such as shouting , screaming , or forbidding free travel , as long as he is not violent . Wives also admire men who can bring force to bear against other men . <p> Women respect men 's verbal dominance and accept a man 's decision . What women receive in return is protection . They say , " my husband is tough " ( kashuah ) with pride and admiration . They admire men they can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toughness in a good husband , women describe the softness of Ashkenazi men , who participate in feminine household chores . Washing dishes and sweeping floors , they say , are women 's and not Moroccan men 's actions , and symbols of women 's identity . Women are particularly disturbed by Ashkenazi men who participate in such household chores publicly . One woman was shocked by her sister 's Ashkenazi husband , who washed the dishes with the women of the family while her father and all the other men of the family were sitting and drinking coffee . She especially was shocked by her sister 's willingness to let her husband behave in such a " dishonorable " way when her sister herself was also dishonored by her husband 's behavior . Ashkenazi wives , she explained do not feel protected because of their husband 's softness. 5 In private , Moroccan Jewish men may help their wives fold laundry and clear dishes , but only when they feel like doing so . The women emphasized it as a favor ( tova ) toward the wife . One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become a routine . " <p> Gambling is perceived as an especially dangerous activity for men because it tempts them to break limits ; to lose money needed by the family or become violent with their wives after gambling parties . But it is women 's responsibility as well as men 's to control men 's gambling . A few informants told me the story of a couple who gambled together and lost their chicken coop . The woman was presented as the one who destroyed her husband because she let her own passion for card-playing overcome her and did not stop her husband . As a result both husband and wife were dishonored . Drinking alcohol is also a behavior that requires an imposition of limits . An assli man , a real Moroccan , is one who can drink without getting drunk . Again , the responsibility for restraining men 's drinking falls mostly on women , who will likely be the victims of the husbands ' drunken abuse . If the man crosses these limits , he loses his honor and is seen as a bad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not handsome because they believe that handsome men can be charmed by other women and will be adulterous. 6 Since a good husband is faithful to his wife , choosing unattractiveness may be seen as an action which forces men to remain faithful . For the women , then , an honorable man acts neither too harshly nor too softly . Neither the Moroccan who is too harsh or the Ashkenazi who is too soft is considered honorable . The harsh man who beats his wife is feared but not honored , and the soft man , who people suspect has had to forgive his adulterous wife , is pitied but not honored . The honorable man lives somewhere between these extremes , in equilibrium and in harmony with the limits imposed by the code of honor . <p> But what are the implications and meanings of these limits in bargains regarding income and sex , the issues at the center of couples ' disagreement about women 's desire to earn money ? Women do not limit men 's earning power . A good husband is expected to support his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most men in this community , who are unskilled laborers and change jobs frequently . Men perceive women 's desire to earn money as a blurring of identity roles , challenging their dominance over women . One informant expressed his strong dissatisfaction with his wife 's wishes to earn money , telling me angrily that if his wife earns money , she will use it against him in their next quarrel . " She will say , ' I bought this or that . ' I would not be able to tolerate it and would divorce her on the spot . " To this man , authority as a husband meant the right to have the last word in marital disputes , based on his economic superiority . His authority was challenged by his wife 's attempts to enter his domain of power . His strong reaction to the possibility of his wife working for wages shows the importance of earning money as a means not only to increase power for both men and women , but also as a way to materialize what stands , in each party 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> The significance of money for both sexes lies in its symbolic value as the currency of social exchange ; having money is symbolic of widening one 's social horizons and opening one 's self to the temptation of the outside world . Money knows no limits except its absence . Because , through his wealth , a man is believed to be self-disciplined and not in need of limitation , he can display his manliness to the wider society . A woman with money , however , is threatening to men because she is supposed to be limited , and money is a symbol of limitlessness . Her wealth is transformed in the men 's minds into the possibility of knowing no sexual limits . Hence , a woman with money challenges men 's domination of women both socially and sexually . In order to understand the relationship between sex and money and its relation to limits , it will be useful to more fully explore prohibitions on adultery . <p> In the women 's discourse , men are often portrayed as more adulterous than women because men @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man can afford to be adulterous , they say , because he does not " lose anything . " Women can see sex as love through the act of giving sex to the man . Men , though they may love their wives , do not necessarily make that link . For men , indulgence in extramarital sex is not an expression of love and consequently poses no disruptive social threat . When men behave as if loving , women seek an explanation akin to witchcraft ; namely , the other woman cast a spell . " A man loves his family ; he will always come back , " said a woman in her forties . According to women , an adulterous woman will not return to the family because , for a woman having intercourse means she loves . Both men and women believe that " only sex links men and women " ( raq min cosher teen bne zoug ) . An adulterous woman sees love as the main motive for women 's adultery , while , for the men , sex is the only motive . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their honor . As one man in his thirties said , " An unfaithful man is a manly man " ( hahla " ever , " ever alkefek ) . Men have affairs to express their dominance and virility . Since men do not associate sex with love , just as they are self-disciplined with money , they know how to manage sex without being excessive . A few younger women want to limit men 's sexual freedom . As one woman in her late twenties said , " If my man is unfaithful to me in sex today , tomorrow he will betray me . " However most women hold the attitude that only men should experience sexual encounters outside marriage . <p> Women must be limited sexually , claimed my informants , because they cognitively link sex and love . They supported this assertion with anatomical evidence . A man makes a woman love him , they said , by penetrating her . He pushes her " limit " and , from now on , can limit her behavior . Because women are unable to discipline their love @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on them , so that they will not abandon their families , thus breaking the normal social structure . " The woman is weak " ( halasha ) , said one woman in her forties , " not like the man . If he commits adultery he will come back , she will not . " <p> Men see in an adulterous woman the sign that her husband does not dominate her sexually . " A woman who has what she needs will not be adulterous , " said a man in his late forties . " If she is adulterous , it means that she needs affection ; if she had affection and still has an affair , it means that she is sick " ( hola ) . According to the men , unfaithful women destroy their husband 's honor . Working situations in particular are seen as opportunities to have sex . Men continually asked my male research assistant " if we were going to marry . " Once , when he answered that I was already married , a man teased him , saying , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together and do not have sex together ? " Men fear that women 's efforts to earn money is a sign of their desire to meet other men and to have sexual affairs . This fear is validated by their feeling that perhaps older women , who are no longer sexually attractive , should be allowed to work . An elderly father , after hearing his son say that he never would agree to his wife going out to work , exclaimed , " What ! You are crazy . When she will be old she can go out to work . Who will want her ? " The son . however , more acutely aware of the threat of modern ways and the blurring of categories , disagreed with the father , saying , " In those things wives working I am a primitive . " <p> Men often tell their wives stories of affairs going on in their work situations and women have mixed feelings about this boasting . One woman complained , but was also proud of her husband 's jealousy . She told me that her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at work because his boss asked him to let her work as a secretary in the office . He suspected his boss of being romantically interested in her , she said . <p> From the women 's point of view , an adulterous woman is pushed by her misbehaving husband into the arms of another man who will be able to understand her needs and behave toward her in such a way that she will feel like a real woman who is protected by a man . At the same time , other women sympathize with adulterous women because they are not dominated by their husbands , calling them " poor ones " ( miskenot ) . When the husband is too harsh and does not give enough warmth to his wife or when he is too soft and does not control her behavior , women will say he deserves his wife 's disloyalty ( magia lo ) . <p> Women 's ambivalence about the meaning of female adultery -- that women should be protected by men and deserve affection -- parallels their views regarding their own earning activities . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to break limits , to challenge men 's economic domination , but they agree that limits have to be imposed on them by men so that they will feel secure . As one woman in her late twenties said , " My man looks after me " ( Hagever sheli shomer ali ) . Still , women want to earn their own money as a means of gaining independence from their husbands . <p> In an effort to resolve their ambivalence about working outside the home , women have constructed a discourse about Ashkenazi male softness in their attempts to bargain over their husbands ' identities . According to women , the Ashkenazi male image is negative in the sense that he is not tough enough , and therefore his wife does not feel protected . However , it is also positive because the Ashkenazi man does not suspect his wife of being adulterous when she works outside the home . Women complaining about husbands ask why Ashkenazi men do not fear their wives having affairs . <p> Men portray the Ashkenazi man as naive , not suspicious like the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , that makes him fear betrayal and cheating in all spheres of social life . One man described , in French , the difference between Moroccan and Ashkenazi : <p> The problem of the Moroccan is suspicion , if someone from the Haeda ( ethnic group ) wants to help , everyone suspects that he wants to help for 0a own interests . If an Ashkenazi man comes and says exactly the same as the Moroccan , he is a good man . The Moroccan man does not believe the other Moroccan . For example if 1 , a Moroccan , come and say to someone " Listen , I think your son has fleas , . the Moroccan will answer , " What , my son , fleas ? It is not possible , go away , you are against me ! " If an Ashkenazi will come and say exactly the same thing , the Moroccan will say , " Thanks . Maybe you know how to cure this .. The Moroccan is cunning ( Armoumi ) , the Ashkenazi is straightforward , so the Moroccan believes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not afraid of the Ashkenazi . <p> Because Ashkenazim are thought to be sincere and straightforward , Moroccans fear other Moroccans who are suspicious and deceitful more than they do Ashkenazim . Men exploit this image to explain hashd anout ( suspicion ) between men , while women use it to explain their husbands ' suspicion of themselves . <p> In so doing , women hope to soften the harshness of the Moroccan man by applauding the Ashkenazi man who is not afraid his wife will have affairs when she goes out to work . By introducing this aspect , however , women must confront the discomfort they feel with the Ashkenazi model . They , too , are somewhat persuaded by Moroccan men 's claims that Ashkenazim are naive and will be outsmarted by the more clever and cunning Moroccan , and even that the Ashkenazi women do not feel protected by the Ashkenazi men . Moroccans claim they are suspicious because they understand the real dangers embedded in situations . The difficulty for women , then , is that in their attempts to gain access to money , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Ashkenazi man , which they find uncomfortable . A CULTURAL GENDER IDENTITY CRISIS <p> Although women continue to believe that they are defined by their behavior in the private sphere and men by their actions in the public sphere , the opportunity to improve their economic situation has prompted them to challenge this ideal in practice . Women attempted to justify a change by redefining male honor so that the honorable man need no longer express total economic dominance in the family and , by redefining female honor , rejected the notion that work relationships with men other than their husbands would lead to adultery . In order to redefine their situation , women use some attributes borrowed from their conceptualization of the relationships between genders among the Ashkenazim , with whom they have daily interactions in the moshav and in the broader society . The notion of Ashkenazi softness is the operative principle by which women try to manipulate their husband 's honor and identity in regard to earning money . However , because women themselves are uneasy about the blurred male/female gender role and identity that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in changing their husbands ' point of view at the time of the research . The metonymy relations between love , sex , and money , as all of these terms entail the notion of limit , leave the women feeling ambivalent about change . By manipulating their husbands ' self-definition while accepting a cultural conception that for women links money and sex , and sex to love , women find themselves in a dilemma . They need to change cultural understanding of what sustains their femininity but , in so doing , they risk losing the power invested in that femininity . <p> In this analysis , the social maneuvering for power by women is interdependent with the symbolic manipulation of what it is to be an honorable man . Almost every woman said she would like to work for money in the moshav itself since this would give her a way to earn money while remaining under the vigilance of men and thus avoiding any possible suspicion of sexual misconduct . Although men accept this arrangement , they view women 's work as a luxury and say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , women who are employed continue to perform all the housework , just as they did before they began to work for money . One young woman quit her job in the childrens ' house after a few days because she was exhausted . Her husband , she noted , was very happy that she did not succeed . <p> Women 's ambivalence concerning the issue of money and women 's limits helps explain why women in fact do not succeed in negotiating male identity in order to allow the female identity to include economic self-sufficiency . In fact , earning power becomes a threat to their identity because it jeopardizes their sexual morality in the eyes of men . <p> The potential for change is mitigated by the fact that the youngest men are the most intransigent about their wives going out to earn money . Thus , although there are now work opportunities for women outside the moshav , conceptions of femininity and masculinity have not yet changed . Paradoxically , without a change in these conceptions of identity , the work roles of men and women are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paradox in which moshav women agree with one set of meanings conveyed by a culturally constructed gender identity , but do not accept the behavior this identity demands . The notion of limit is part of a broader conceptual framework which includes bargaining for identity and continuity . <p> The discourse on women 's identity presents women as boundless , limitless in their love . Consequently , they are unable to discipline themselves regarding sex and , by extension , money . The discourse on men 's identity describes men as knowing their limit where love is concerned , so they are also able to discipline themselves regarding sex and money . Because of these different conceptions of how limits shape gender identity and thus determine what are honorable behaviors on issues of money , love , and sex , women have been unable to change men 's identity to make it socially acceptable for them to earn money . <p>
@@4004541 The rescue of the Danish Jews from the Nazi roundups of 1943 has become the defining image of Judaism in Denmark , both within the country and to the world outside . This article examines the way in which this story about the past has been constructed , focusing particularly on its portrayals of the types of groups involved and on the motivations of the rescuers . It argues that the dominance and durability of this story in defining Jewish identity in Denmark stems from the type of relationships it posits between Danish Christians , Danish Jews , and worldwide Jewry . Anthropological studies of tradition could be enriched by a greater focus on such collaborative constructions of the past . ( Denmark , Jews , history , identity , invention of tradition ) <p> The past as a cultural construct has come under anthropological scrutiny over the past fifteen years as part of a general rethinking of the notion of tradition ( Ardener 1989 ; Badone 1991 , 1992 ; Bauer 1992 ; Buckser 1995 ; Errington and Gewertz 1994 , 1996 ; Friedman 1992 ; Guss 1993 ; Herzfeld 1982 ; Handler and Linnekin 1984 ; Hanson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lowenthal 1985 ; Scott 1985 ; Thomas 1992 ; Tonkin et al . 1989 ; Ulin 1995 ; Wilson 1976 ; Woost 1993 ) . Before that time , anthropologists and historians tended to think of tradition as something tangible , as a body of shared customs and beliefs passed on relatively unaltered through time . In the style of nineteenth-century romanticism , they regarded tradition as a sort of patrimony , passed from generation to generation , that contained the core of a culture 's identity and which shaped its understanding of the present . They even classified cultures according to their relationships with tradition . " Traditional , " " cold " cultures were ruled by tradition , whereas " modern , " " hot " cultures rejected and moved beyond it . In the past two decades , however , a radically different picture of tradition began to emerge . Anthropologists , folklorists , and historians began looking at changes in conceptions of tradition , and found that even supposedly cold societies frequently revised or reinvented their understandings of the past ( Hobsbawm and Ranger 1984 ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ invention of tradition " revealed the past as a surprisingly malleable symbolic resource , one which could be and was continually reinterpreted . Rather than the present being shaped by the past , it turned out that the past was largely shaped by the present ( Friedman 1992 ) . The focus of study in tradition therefore moved to the mechanisms by which the past was created . What made people invent the traditions that they did ? How did particular visions of the past relate to the worlds of those who created them ? <p> Most of the literature on this question has focused on issues of power . Scholars have looked at tradition primarily as a means of aggrandizement in asymmetrical political relationships ; in situations of dominance and resistance , groups construct images of the past which support their own political interests . Colonial powers may picture traditional native societies as childlike and archaic , justifying their own appropriation of political authority ( Hobsbawm and Ranger 1984 ; Errington and Gewertz 1994 ) . Colonized peoples , by contrast , may imagine the past as a golden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overthrow of the invaders and their culture ( Scott 1985 ; Friedman 1992 ) . Competing factions in a society may present competing conceptions of tradition , each of which favors the faction which invents it , and each of which may be expressed through public ritual ( e.g. , Errington and Gewertz 1994 ; Kertzer 1980 ; Dirks 1994 ) . Some scholars have also examined the relationship between tradition and group identity ; they have seen different versions of the past as methods by which different groups express and come to terms with the dilemmas of their own ( Friedman 1992 ; Badone 1991 ; Buckser 1995 ; Luhrmann 1989 ; Errington and Gewertz 1996 ) . Taken together , this scholarship has produced a new understanding of the past as a subtle and fluid medium for expressing ideas about the present and plans for the future . <p> In almost all of this work , the past appears as something essentially internal to a group , something produced by a set of people to support its own needs and advance its own interests . When traditions interact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which each group promotes its own image of the past and seeks to discredit alternatives . This focus on competition , while very valuable , has tended to obscure the extent to which the construction of the past may be a collaborative endeavor , one that involves connections between groups as well as divisions . As a symbolic expression of a community , a tradition is analogous in some ways to a presentation of self , a face that a group presents to other groups around it . And as with individual presentations of self , a tradition may be formulated in part to evoke or complement a response from the outside . A shared view of the past may give groups a basis on which to understand and interact with each other ; by establishing a mutually acceptable set of group identities , it may enable them to coexist and co-operate . In this sense , we may be able to see tradition as a subject of negotiation , a symbolic construction which helps to establish relationships between groups . We may be able to get a more comprehensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its role-collaborative as well as oppositional , constructive as well as combative-in shaping those relationships ( Badone 1991 ) . <p> This article takes that approach to studying the Danish rescue of the Jews in 1943 , an element of the past of great importance to Danish Christians , to Danish Jews , and to the Jewish community outside Denmark . These three groups largely agree on the way the rescue took place , and they tell a fairly standard story about it.1 The article looks at the shape of that story to see what elements it stresses and minimizes , what images of the groups emerge from it , and suggests that this image of the past has become so prominent and durable not only because it portrayed each of these groups in a positive light , but because it provided a framework in which each could understand and interact with the others . THE STANDARD CONSTRUCTION <p> The story of the Danish rescue figures prominently in literature about Denmark and the Holocaust . Much has been written on the rescue itself , including several children 's books ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1987 ; Rittner and Goldberger 1993 ; Friediger 1946 ; Lowry 1989 ; Matas 1987 ; Levin 1966 ) ; it is also mentioned briefly in many larger works on the Second World War ( e.g. , Dawidowicz 1975:484-85 ; Tec 1986:7-8 ; Rubenstein and Roth 1987:218 ) . Its events are featured prominently in museums like the Danish Resistance Museum and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum , in Washington , D.C. Some of this scholarship has been critical , particularly in studies by Danish scholars , who have pointed out the complexities of the rescue and the often mixed motives of the people involved ( Bludnikow 1991 ; Kirchhoff 1995 ; Lund 1975 ; see also Paulsson 1995 ; Yahil 1969 ) . For the general public , however , both in Denmark and abroad , the story is much simpler , providing a stirring counterpoint to the grim history of the Holocaust . We begin , therefore , by recounting the story of the rescue as it is commonly told both in and outside Denmark.2 <p> In April of 1940 , the German ground , air , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ army was quickly swept aside and the government capitulated almost immediately . The Germans did not , however , treat Denmark as a conquered country . Hitler regarded the Danes as fellow Aryans and he wanted to make Denmark a showpiece for the new Nazi world order . Accordingly , he established Denmark as a " model protectorate , " a state with its own internal government , but under the protection of German military forces and foreign policy . To a large extent , this status was a charade ; Germany routinely infringed on the terms of the protectorate agreement , coercing the government into concessions and looting the Danish treasury . Even so , for the first three years of the occupation , Denmark maintained its own government , police force , and political institutions . <p> This policy received broad support from Danish political leaders , who formed a government of national unity for the duration of the occupation . Most Danes acknowledged the necessity of this policy , and they supported the government steadily until 1943 . Even so , the occupation aroused widespread anger , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A few did so through resistance activity , operating underground presses and forming secret military units . More often , however , the resistance was symbolic . Danes ignored the Germans in social interactions , used British colors in their clothing and house decoration , and subjected the Germans to a peculiarly Danish form of subtle ridicule . This resistance found its most tangible symbol in the person of King Christian X , whose daily horseback rides through the streets of Copenhagen came to symbolize defiance of German authority . Surrounded by throngs on foot and bicycle , oblivious to the presence of German soldiers , the king presented an image of a nation conquered territorially , but spiritually unbowed . <p> Christian also embodied Danish views of the 7,000 Jews who lived in the capital . Stories circulated that Christian had prevented the Germans from introducing the yellow star in Denmark ; when told that Jews might be required to wear the star , he proclaimed that he and his family would wear it as well ( e.g. , Bertelsen 1954:14 ) . Other stories reported Christian wearing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are now aware that these stories are apocryphal , but they remain widely believed outside Denmark.3 Moreover , they mesh with the actual treatment of Jews by the king and the government during the occupation . The government steadfastly refused to take any measures that might have singled Jews out for discriminatory treatment , resisting repeated German insistence that something must be done about the " Jewish problem . " The Jewish school and synagogue remained open , and Nazi efforts to incite anti-Jewish hooliganism were stymied by the Danish courts . Christian himself used the protocol of his office to express his solidarity with the Jewish community . While the Nazi presence aroused concern among the Jews , therefore , the community remained essentially unmolested for the first three years of the occupation . <p> In August of 1943 , however , the situation changed dramatically . The increasing level of sabotage by the Danish resistance , as well as escalating German violations of the Danish constitution , led to the resignation of the government and the collapse of the protectorate agreement . Germany placed Denmark under martial law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforce it . Best quickly began rounding up " suspicious " members of the Danish intelligentsia , including leaders of the Jewish community . He also began laying plans for the capture and deportation of Danish Jewry as a whole . He obtained membership lists for the synagogue , brought in special Gestapo troops for the roundup , and arranged for ship and rail transport from Copenhagen to the Theresienstadt concentration camp . He planned the roundups for October 1 , the first night of the Jewish New Year celebration , when Jewish families would be gathered in their homes for holiday dinners . Best knew that the roundup would produce outrage , and possibly inspire some violence , but the nighttime roundups were expected to minimize the reaction ; by the time the Danes were aware of it , the operation would be a fait accompli . <p> In actuality , of course , it failed spectacularly , due in large part to two unexpected developments . One was the loss of surprise . A German shipping attache named Georg Duckwitz leaked word of the plan to Danish political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jewish community . After initial disbelief , community leaders spread the word to their members and urged them to go into hiding . The other element was the non-Jewish community of Copenhagen . As word of the roundup spread , an enormous and largely spontaneous effort sprang up to help the Jews escape . Private citizens from all walks of life offered shelter and financial assistance to Jews , in many cases to total strangers . A suddenly energized resistance organized safe houses and courier routes to bring Jews to the northern coast , where fishing boats were covertly chartered to provide passage to Sweden . Over the next two weeks , an elaborate collaboration of resistance workers , hospitals , schools , churches , and thousands of concerned non-Jews ferried all but about 400 of the fugitives to safety.4 The effort extended to Jewish property and sacred spaces as well . When the Jews returned from Sweden in 1945 , they found their homes , their businesses , and their places of worship largely intact . In all , less than 200 of the 7,000 Jews in Denmark perished @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and dramatic defeat for the Final Solution ; one that produced rage in Berlin and galvanized the resistance in Denmark . <p> The rescue had little organization in its first days , and its success depended on the spontaneous action of large numbers of non-Jews . Descriptions of the rescue tend to dwell heavily on these actions , using anecdotes to convey the individual level at which the rescue operated . The anecdotes make stirring reading . Some depict Jews being approached in the street or on trains by benevolent strangers , who provide shelter or money without hope of repayment . Others relate the machinations at the Royal Hospital , where doctors and nurses hid Jews in rooms under Christian names . One of the most moving accounts concerns the rescue of the Torah scrolls at the synagogue in central Copenhagen . The priests of a nearby church became concerned that the Nazis would burn the scrolls , which they knew were highly sacred to Jews . On one of the first nights of the roundup , therefore , several of them broke into the synagogue , stole the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ church for the duration of the war ( cf. Pundik 1993 ) . Again and again , such anecdotes emphasize the spontaneity of the rescue , the widespread support for it , and the resourcefulness with which the rescuers outwitted the Gestapo.5 <p> This narrative carries in it a host of potent symbols from the Holocaust : images of good and evil , of intolerance and acceptance , weakness versus strength . The notion of a nation of Christians , as Aryan as the Germans claimed to be , fighting successfully against overwhelming forces to protect their Jewish countrymen makes a powerful allegory for the moral imperatives of wartime Europe . The power of this story has enshrined Denmark in Jewish memory as a paragon of virtue , and generated such monuments as Denmark Square in Jerusalem and the Thanks to Scandinavia Foundation in New York . It has also served as a model for Danish international and human-rights policies in the postwar era ; as an outspoken advocate of democracy and minority rights , Denmark has sought to live up to the image of what many consider its finest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story of the Danish rescue is , of course , an oversimplification . The motives of the actors , the nature of the communities , and the unfolding of events were far more complex than this narrative suggests . Like any construction of the past , the established version of the Danish rescue chooses selectively from a body of data , producing an image that reflects the interests of its creators as much as the actual events of the time . This is not to say that the story of the rescue is somehow untrue or fraudulent , but merely that it is a story written by human beings , and as such is only a partial version . For our purposes here , it raises three questions . First , how was this popular version constructed ? What elements of the data were stressed and which minimized to produce the narrative that emerged ? Second , what forces shaped this selection ? How did this selection relate to the interests of the groups that were involved in this construction of the past ? Third , why did this image @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Denmark itself ? To get a sense of these questions , let us focus on two features of this story and ask how each relates to the interests and interactions of the groups involved . The Uniformity of the Groups <p> One striking feature of the rescue narrative is the uniformity it attributes to the different groups of actors . The Danes , the Jews , and the Germans each act as units ; for each group , a single set of motives and interests can be used to describe its actions . The Danes , for example , are tolerant , humane , and patriotic , defiant of the German occupation and united in support of the Jews . When their actions are described , a stress is laid on uniform and anonymous behavior.6 We see them thronging around the symbolic personage of Christian X , or shunning the Nazi Party , or interceding spontaneously on behalf of stranded Jews . The Jews , for their part , are relatively passive human cargo , and little mention is made of any distinctions among them . Literature often refers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ integrated into Danish society ; beyond this , their social structure is generally unmentioned ( e.g. , Bertelsen 1954:7-8 ; Rubenstein and Roth 1987:218 ; Tec 1986:7-8 ; Tunley 1963:74 ) . The Germans , in turn , are Nazis , devoted to the German cause and eager to ferret out the Jews . The machinery that attempted the roundups in October was essentially the same as that which captured the Jews of France , Poland , and the other occupied countries . For all of the actors , the standard construction of the rescue minimizes internal distinctions and stresses common values and interests . <p> This construction , like any construction of the past , does some violence to the truth . None of these three groups was by any means uniform ; the divisions within them ran deep , and in some cases had powerful effects on the course of the rescue . While the great majority of the Danes opposed the German occupation , for example , they were far from uniform in their view of how best to handle it . In the early years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , regarded active resistance with ambivalence or outright hostility ( Kieler 1987:142-43 ; Yahil 1969:251 ; Pundik 1987:79 ) . Many assumed that the Germans would win , and they had no desire to provoke German anger . Indeed , the German demands for food and war materials provided a valued financial boon to many farmers and manufacturers . Attitudes toward the Jews , likewise , ranged from sympathetic to hostile , as they did in some other parts of Western Europe . And while the Danish Nazis never achieved a large following , they played a disproportionately large role in the events of the rescue ( cf. Yahil 1969:84-109 ; Bertelsen 1954:15 ; Rohde 1982:80 ) .7 Similar divisions characterized the Jewish and German communities as well . To describe these groups as monolithic blocs of actors ignores some deep and important differences within their ranks . <p> To a certain extent , this simplification reflects the requirements of storytelling ; a story works more easily and effectively with simplified caricatures than with the complex identities of actual life . Yet it also makes statements about the actors involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jews . Issues of unity and division were highly contested within each of these communities , and their presentation as unified blocs implied a particular resolution of those contests . For the Danes , for example , the image of uniformity emerged in the context of an intense national debate on the role of Denmark during the occupation . As the war neared its end , it was not self-evident how Denmark would be treated by the victors ; its resistance had offered significant opposition to the Germans , but its farmers had supplied them with important provisions ( Yahil 1969:117-18 ) . Denmark had agreed to protectorate status for the first three years of the war , and had signed the anti-Comintern pact . And while the resistance movement had finally emerged as the nation 's effective government in 1944 , the public had strongly supported the co-operative coalition government until it resigned in 1943 . Was the nation that Churchill had once derided as " Hitler 's canary " ( Flender 1963:20 ) to be treated as a victim of Hitler or as his ally ? Danish concern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of self-examination after the liberation . On the street and in the press , Danes agonized over the nature and the extent of Danish collaboration with the Germans . Over 15,000 suspected collaborators were arrested and jailed , and the long-extinct death penalty was revived to deal with them . A flurry of articles , memoirs , and books on the occupation flooded the country , producing a documentary record of the war unmatched elsewhere in Europe ( Yahil 1969:370-72 ) . The divisions and inconsistencies of the Danish response to Nazism became wrenching problems for both national identity and international status . <p> In this context , this construction of the rescue provides a reassuring image . It portrays the resistance as the expression of a unified Danish national will . In its defiance of the Germans and its commitment to human rights , the resistance acts out what other Danes feel internally . The events of the rescue show this relationship concretely ; while the resistance workers take the most active role in the rescue , all Danes lend a hand where they can . The myriad individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , attest to the overwhelming unity of Danish views of Nazism . Danish collaborators with the Nazis appear as rare exceptions who merit the scorn and punishment of the larger society . The rescue story thus glosses over the ambiguities of the Danish relationship with Germany , placing Denmark among the steadfast opponents of fascism and minimizing the divisions within its ranks . <p> Group uniformity also made a statement for the Danish Jews , one related not so much to relations with the outside as to their own internal structure . For the Jews , uniformity existed even less than for the larger Danish population . The Jewish community before 1935 had been divided into two very distinct groups : the " Viking Jews , " descendants of Sephardic and German immigrations in the eighteenth century , and the " Russians , " members of a wave of Jewish immigration between 1905 and 1917 ( Bludnikow 1986 ; Welner 1965 ; Bamberger 1983 ; Melchior 1987 ; Melchior 1965 ; Yahil 1969:10-26 ; Blum 1972:37-39 ) . Differences and animosities between the two factions ran deep , and relations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jews were Danish speakers , heavily assimilated , politically conservative , and relatively wealthy . The Russians spoke Yiddish or heavily accented Danish , wore East European clothing , supported Bundist or Zionist causes , and earned meager livings as petty tradesmen ( Bamberger 1983:123 ) . The Russians had larger families and greater religious participation than the Vikings , and by 1940 they constituted a clear majority of the community . The Vikings , however , maintained control of community institutions ; they dominated the powerful community council , they held all of its major positions , and they largely excluded Russians from the B'nai B'rith.8 The situation became further complicated in the years before the occupation , when Denmark became a haven for about 1,500 Jewish refugees ( Blum 1972:41 ; Yahil 1969:18-21 ) . These Jews spanned a variety of languages , cultures , and national backgrounds . What united them were their common poverty , their common experience of flight , and the fact that the Danish government regarded almost all of them as illegal aliens.9 <p> In this context , the issue of group unity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Vikings in numbers and political power . The Vikings ' position was maintained primarily by the divided authority structure manifest in the communal board and the B'nai B'rith-in effect , by the system of ethnic and factional divisions in the Jewish community . Moreover , these divisions supported the Vikings ' own views of themselves , as Danes first of all and Jews second . Keeping a distance from the Russians and the refugees allowed them to maintain their accustomed , heavily assimilated identity . For the Russians , on the other hand , the equality of all Jews was a key goal . The divisions in the community obstructed their efforts to exercise influence proportional to their numbers . They also kept the Russians out of favored social and economic circles . In addition , obliterating distinctions among Jews accorded with their understandings of Jewishness . The Russians had relatively weak national and linguistic ties to Denmark ; their primary identity lay with the Jews of Yiddish-speaking Eastern Europe , where many of them still had extensive family ties . Their political affiliations ran to Zionism and Bundism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de-emphasized ties to particular nationalities . Conceiving Danish Jewry as a unit , rather than as a graded hierarchy , suited both the political interests and the self-perceptions of the Yiddish-speaking immigrants . <p> The events of 1943 resolved this conflict in favor of the Russians . The rescue ended the dominance of the Viking Jews in Denmark . Their policies of co-operation and keeping a low profile had not succeeded in preventing the Nazi roundups , and the passage to Sweden had put all Jews quite literally in the same boat . After the war , the Russians assumed full equality in the community , and the Viking Jews receded from prominence . Many of the Vikings converted to Christianity , and others assimilated in other ways ( Yahil 1969:378 ) . Within a few years , the Russians dominated all areas of congregation life , as they continue to do today . This reality is conveyed in the image of the rescue that the community promotes . It portrays the Jews as an undifferentiated mass of humanity , whose differences had no effect either on their treatment by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Swedes . It shows them in the way that the Russians thought they ought to be , and in the way that the Russians made them after the war . The emphasis on uniformity thus expresses ideas not only about the position of Denmark in the war , but about the nature of the Jewish community as well . <p> It also suits the needs of a third group with an abiding interest in the Danish Jews : the Jewish community beyond Denmark . Much of the scholarly work on the Danish rescue has been carried out by Jews in Israel or North America , and the Jewish literature on the Holocaust refers frequently to the situation in Denmark . A key question in this literature concerns the inaction of bystanders in the face of Nazi persecutions . How was it that so many Germans , French , Poles , and others stood by while their neighbors were systematically disenfranchised and murdered ? What does it say about human morality when inhumanity on such a scale can meet with such indifference ? In this context , the standard construction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a nation united in support of the Jews and opposed to Nazi inhumanity . It shows a people among whom not only a few resistance fighters , but also the mass of private citizens saw direct action against persecution as a moral necessity.10 And it shows these in a nation which might arguably have been expected to follow the German model-a nation of Lutheran Aryans under the military control of the Gestapo . For those trying to fit the Holocaust into an explanatory paradigm , whether historical or religious , the Danish rescue provides evidence that choice was possible , that non-Jews did not have to behave in the way that they too often did.11 <p> As part of such an allegory , the story of the rescue works best if the characters are uniform . By reducing the Danes , the Jews , and the Germans to uniform blocs , the story makes it possible to characterize their behavior in clear moral terms . The relations between them are those of individual actors , with consciences and moral imperatives ; the Germans are evil , the Jews helpless , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are national sentiments , moreover , they provide a unique allegorical resource . Examples of heroic individuals can be culled from rescue stories all over Europe ; the heroic behavior of a nation , however , is restricted to Denmark ( e.g. , Asch 1954:vii ) . In this sense , the uniformity implicit in the standard story of the Danish rescue turns the event into a symbolic resource of great value for Jews trying to make moral and historical sense of their people 's greatest catastrophe . Attribution of Motives <p> A second notable feature of the rescue story is its portrayal of the motives of the rescuers . Why did so many Danes risk so much to aid the Jews , when many others in Europe turned a blind eye to Nazi persecutions ? What made them willing to treat the Jews with the humanity so often absent elsewhere ? The standard story of the rescue offers a simple and appealing answer : the Danes were motivated by an ethical system , one which could not tolerate anti-Semitism ( e.g. , Goldberger 1987:206-07 ; Asch 1954:vii ; Yahil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ culture was imbued with a sense of tolerance and equality , which treated religious affiliation as a matter of personal choice . Denmark had given Jews religious freedom early in the nineteenth century , and the country had seen almost none of the anti-Jewish violence that was widespread in nineteenth-century Germany . The Danes therefore regarded the Jews first of all as Danish citizens , equal in all respects to Christians . To round them up was as great an outrage as to round up any other Dane , and the popular reaction was inevitable . Persecutions of the Jews could never have been successful in Denmark , because the type of prejudice it required was incompatible with Danish notions of human rights . <p> This portrayal has a good deal of truth in it . Denmark did treat its Jews far better than most European countries , and many of those who took part in the rescue acted primarily out of ethical concerns . At the same time , however , this picture of Danish motivation overlooks important aspects of the Jews ' situation there . Anti-Semitism was not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ widespread prejudices and stereotypes leveled at Jews ( Welner 1965 ; Rohde 1982 ) . Some Danes sympathized with Nazi anti-Jewish propaganda , and Jewish leaders thought it important to maintain as low a profile as possible ( Melchior 1965:149 ; Haestrup 1987:23-24 ) . The Jews were not , moreover , all highly assimilated . Many of the Russians were easily identifiable by their black clothing and Yiddish accents ; the refugees , poor and foreign , were even more so . They were not , in fact , Danes like any other Danes , and many were not Danes at all.12 Nor were the rescuers all equally ethical . While most ran great risks with no benefit to themselves , others , notably some of the fishermen who provided the passage , profited handsomely from the enterprise ( Yahil 1969:251 ) . And while the vast majority of the nation opposed the persecution of the Jews , the persecution of the Communists a year earlier had met with little opposition . The actual motivation for the rescue remains an intriguing puzzle , whose ultimate solution will inevitably be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purity propagated in the rescue story . <p> The story as it is told , however , offers important benefits for the parties concerned . For the Danes , it proposes a clearly flattering self-image ; it makes them paragons of ethical responsibility , leaders in an international struggle against racism and intolerance . Denmark has become an archetype of liberal values since the war , based in no small part on its actions during the rescue . Beyond this image , the rescue 's construction of motivation offers a resolution to a long-standing problem in Danish society . Danish culture lays a heavy emphasis on homogeneity ; for a long time , the Danes have seen and governed themselves as a small country with an ethnically uniform population . The granting of equality to Jews in 1814 stemmed in large part from the government 's interest in having a uniform law to apply to all subjects ( Gold 1975:192-217 ) . In the nineteenth century , this conception was expressed in a cultural and religious movement called Grundtvigianism , which argued that a unique Danish spirit was at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lausten 1987:216-44 ) . Grundtvigianism experienced a powerful revival during the occupation , and was a motivating force for many leaders of the Danish resistance ( Pelican 1987 ; Kieler 1987:142 ; Yahil 1991 ) . Under such circumstances , religious and ethnic minorities posed a conceptual problem . How did one account for the flourishing of nonconformist groups in a culture centered around a common tradition and spirit ? The very existence of groups like the Jews challenged the notion of a distinctive Danish identity , and was the subject of debate among theologians and politicians ( Manniche 1984:219-50 ) . The rescue story provides a way out of this conceptual dilemma . It portrays tolerance as one of the core values of Danish society ; what makes the Danes special is above all their respect for human rights without regard to race or creed . They are distinguished from all other nations in Europe by their sense of tolerance and by their willingness to act on ethical principles . In such a scenario , the presence of the Jews is not a challenge to Danish identity , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the fact that they are included in the very heart of Danish society , attests to the tolerance that defines Danish culture . By attributing the rescue to Danish ethics , the rescue story resolves a nagging conflict between majority and minority culture in Denmark . <p> Such a resolution had important benefits for the Jews as well . Judaism had long been a covert matter in Denmark ; while Jews were not actively persecuted , they were the subject of significant suspicion and prejudice , and accordingly they kept a low profile . Community leaders worked hard to establish themselves as " Danes of Jewish faith , " rather than as Jews ( Blum 1972:38 ) . The Viking Jews had assimilated so completely in part because of the powerful pressures toward conformity exerted by Danish society.13 The Russian Jews had neither the means nor the desire to assimilate so totally , and they suffered from some discrimination as a result . After the rescue , however , attitudes toward Jews changed . As emblems of Danish tolerance , the Jews became valued in a way they had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was possible for Jews to openly embrace Jewish faith and cultural traditions ( Goldstein 1993:43-44 ) . Jewish holidays were celebrated publicly , Jewish literature blossomed , outspoken Jews became prominent in politics and the media . Denmark became a steadfast supporter of Israel , and many Danish Christian youths spent time working on kibbutzim . One Jew growing up after the war described the rescue as a sort of sunshine , which made it possible to be publicly happy about being Jewish ( Goldstein 1993 ) . The image of the Danes conveyed by the rescue allowed Jews for the first time to become fully a part of Denmark . <p> This image of Danish motivation also had significance for the larger Jewish community . Human rights became an important concern for many Jews after the Second World War . The events of the Holocaust had dramatically underscored the dangers of prejudice and discrimination , both against Jews and against others . The best guarantor of Jewish survival , many felt , was the elimination of all racial , ethnic , and religious intolerance . The Danes became an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a triumph over racism and prejudice was possible ( e.g. , Asch 1954 ) . The events of the rescue symbolized the dramatic effects that such a triumph could have ; the difference between tolerance and intolerance was quite literally a difference between life and death . By portraying the Danes as motivated by tolerance and ethics , the story of the rescue made them a powerful and useful symbol for Jews around the world . THE PAST AS COLLABORATION <p> Fifty-four years have now passed since the rescue ; years that have seen important changes for both Denmark and for its Jewish minority . Denmark has become more urban , more internationally oriented , and slightly more diverse in its population . Its cultural and political life are bound more tightly with the Europe to its south , and Germany has become one of its most important allies . The Danish Jews have experienced a complex combination of assimilation , immigration , and religious renewal ( Blum 1972 ; Elazar et al . 1984 ) . They have also experienced occasional friction with the larger society , particularly on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might expect that the events of 1943 would be fading into history , just as importance of the occupation has gradually faded from Danish-German relations . Yet they have not . The memory of the rescue is invoked regularly with anniversary celebrations and commemorative volumes , and it figures strongly in Danish history books and museums . A growing body of scholarship has dissected the history of the rescue , and a rising mountain of memoirs keeps adding to the data on it . In America and Israel , groups like Thanks to Scandinavia work hard to keep the memory of 1943 alive.14 Their efforts have largely succeeded , to the point of exclusion of more recent history . Books about the history of the Danish Jews , even those published since 1980 , tend to all but end with the rescue , mentioning the period after 1945 briefly if at all ( e.g. , Bamberger 1983 ; Melchior 1987 ) . When I have mentioned Jews to non-Jewish Danes , whether in Copenhagen or in Western Jutland , the subject of the rescue is usually the first issue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community . Outside of Denmark , the rescue constitutes the only thing that many Jews know about either Christian or Jewish Danes . The dominance and staying power of this particular image of the past has been remarkable . Where does it come from ? <p> In part , the answer lies in the identities which this story implies for its participants . For Danes , it offers a self-image that verges on sainthood . It shows them fighting for human rights , risking their lives for their countrymen , acting in unity and common purpose . It places them on the victorious side of the Second World War , and gives them a moral victory over the German army that crushed them so easily . For the Jews , this story implies a valued unity and security . It highlights their identity as Jews , and their links with the rest of European Jewry ; at the same time , it makes them valued members of Danish society , people for whom total strangers would risk their lives . The story of the rescue paints both Danes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they would want to remember it . <p> But Denmark and the Jews have experienced a lot since then , much of which would also make flattering narrative . The Jews can and do take pride in their political activity , both in Denmark and abroad , as well as their leadership in some areas of Danish intellectual and cultural life . Denmark has become an international leader in many areas of design , engineering , and progressive social policy . Why have these activities not joined the rescue as an emblems of the Jewish community in Denmark ? What makes those few weeks in October such a potent and enduring symbol of the place of Jews in Denmark ? <p> I would argue that their endurance stems from their ability to structure relationships between the different groups involved . For non-Jewish Danes , the rescue story made the Jews thinkable ; it resolved the contradiction between homogeneity and ethnic diversity in Denmark , by making the Jews an emblem of Danish tolerance . For Jews , it made possible a rapprochement with Danish society , one which enabled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visibly in the larger culture . This construction of the past contained not only a message about the nature of the two groups , but a template for their interaction in the postwar world . It also gave them a place in the discourse of Jews elsewhere in the world . It turned the Christians and the Jews in Denmark into evocative symbolic figures in discussions about good , evil , intolerance , and compassion during the Holocaust . <p> This may be why the image has proved so enduring . The identities and relationships implicit in the rescue story continue to be an appealing way for Danes and Jews to understand one another , particularly in light of recent complications in their relationship . In recent years , both parties have had their reputations sullied somewhat . The invasion of Lebanon and the intifadeh dimmed the enthusiasm of many Danes for Israel , particularly on the political left , and the Jewish community 's strong stand on Israel 's behalf drew considerable criticism . Denmark 's image of tolerance , meanwhile , has come under attack in the wake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Turkish immigrants ( Enoch 1994 ) . The Danes who discriminate against Muslims and protest the Copenhagen mosque make less comfortable neighbors for the Jews than the ones who risked all to fight intolerance ; the Jews who participate vigorously in controversies about Israel and the refugee crisis disquiet the Danes more than the inoffensive assimilated ones whom the Nazis sought to destroy . And neither contemporary group fits as well into Jewish ethical and philosophical discourse as the static images of 1943 . Accordingly , none of the parties has a particular interest in revising the rescue story , or in replacing it with some other model for relations between the groups . For all its inaccuracies , the rescue story still works , and this may be the root of its staying power . <p> All of this carries a lesson for anthropological approaches to the past . As noted earlier , most anthropological studies of tradition have looked at it in terms of individual groups ; the past is a means for establishing a group identity and promoting group interests . Where intergroup relations have been considered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where each party tries to advance its version of the past and discredit others . This approach understates the extent to which the connections and interdependencies between groups affect their constructions of the past . Social entities , even when in competition , generally rely on one another for exchange , for alliances , and for self-definition . Their interaction requires some common understanding of their respective natures . Where groups are in a great deal of contact , such as in pluralistic societies , a common framework for understanding group identities becomes vitally important . The past offers a powerful medium for the establishment of such a framework . The past roots identities , and hence relationships , in an apparently objective set of facts , one seemingly immune to the uncertainty and unpredictability of contemporary alliances . By agreeing upon a shared history , groups can agree on the identities implicit in that history , and hence set the terms for their ongoing interaction . The lavish rituals that so often commemorate historical events , be they celebrations of the Danish rescue , of the October Revolution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only to assert group self-perceptions , but also to reaffirm and consecrate intergroup connections . <p> This role suggests some limits to the flexibility of the past as an instrument of group expression . Much of the literature on the invention of tradition portrays the past as an almost infinitely malleable resource , one whose form is constrained only by the personal memories and imaginations of the members of a culture . If the past is simply a means for expressing group interests and identities , then it can take almost any form . No view of history has any necessary connection with an objective understanding of " what actually happened . " The collaborative dimensions of the past , however , imply that it may be more grounded than that . Although groups construct the past in ways that reflect their self-conceptions , they are not free to construct it in any way they wish ; unless they are completely isolated , they must construe their past in a way that can articulate to some degree with the conceptions of their neighbors . The more they interact with those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the less responsive history can be to the expressive needs of one group . Not that this process will somehow produce a truly objective history ; history inevitably involves editing and distortion of the events it describes ( Ardener 1989 ) . But narratives negotiated between groups are subject to requirements and pressures different from those created separately . They may be more resistant to change , for example , and they may have more difficulty ignoring anomalous actors and events . To the extent that anthropologists explore this collaborative dimension of the past , we enrich our understanding of the way histories are created and of the reasons why they endure . <p>
@@4004641 While research in physical education has been conducted for over fifty years within the United States , it is only during the 1980s that teacher education researchers have started to focus on the influence of the teaching practice experience on physical education student teachers . These efforts may in part have been encouraged by the call from one of the leading figures in physical education teacher preparation , Larry Locke , who in 1979 stated : <p> <p> . . . if we are to improve student teaching , we must understand it . . . The appropriate question at this stage is not Are we right ? ' but What is out there ? ' ( p. 68 ) . <p> <p> Further impetus for research in this area has also been generated by the realization that the student teaching practice is the most influential of all the experiences included in the teacher preparation process . This is true for both classroom ( Book , Byers &; Freeman , 1983 ) , and physical education student teachers ( Locke , 1979 ) . <p> One researcher in physical education who has taken a particular interest in the student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and concerns of physical education student teachers is Schempp ( 1988 ; 1986 ; 1985 &; 1983 ) . He has stated ( 1985 ) that : <p> <p> If the teaching act is to be improved through the student teaching experience , it appears imperative to understand the conceptions and perceptions of those who perform in that role ( p. 159 ) <p> <p> This view expressed by Schempp ( 1985 ) also gains support from the work of Placek and Dodds ( 1988 ) . They suggest that historically teacher educators have paid minimal attention to the views and beliefs that their students already hold concerning the teaching process . However , this acknowledgment of prior student predispositions would seem important because there is evidence that suggests such personally held perceptions influence prospective teachers in their own teaching and learning behaviors ( Clark &; Yinger , 1979 ) . <p> Much of the research into the student teaching experience in physical education has data limitations in terms of generalization . This is due to the use of small study samples that have often been derived from an individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do provide some interesting and useful considerations for those teacher educators involved in both college and field-based experiences . <p> The research suggests that physical education student teachers are mainly concerned with their ability to control and manage the children in their classes ( Boggess , McBride &; Griffey , 1985 ; Schempp , 1988 ) . This concern appears to remain quite consistent throughout the teaching practice ( Boggess et al. , 1985 ) . In fact , Schempp ( 1985 ) found that the managerial function appeared to be a major criterion in student teacher perception of the " better teacher . " Further , both Placek ( 1983 ) and Schempp ( 1985 ) indicated that physical education student teachers highlighted ineffective managerial performance as the leading indicator of non-successful teaching . <p> Arrighi and Young ( 1987 ) in their research found that physical education student teachers were more concerned with self rather than children . This represented a shift in student teacher perceptions as initial data indicated they entered teaching practice with greater emphasis on pupil learning orientations . Schempp ( 1986 ) also indicated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and failing decreased over the duration of the teaching practice . In fact , the concept of children learning motor skills in physical education did not appear to have a significant relationship to physical education student teacher role satisfaction ( Schempp , 1983 ) . <p> As Locke ( 1984 ) has suggested , student teaching offers the prospective teacher the opportunity to test and confirm commitment to career choice , learn their role in the gym , and develop the skills and attitudes required to function in the school system . However , as Boggess et al. , ( 1985 ) indicate , by the end of the teaching practice the student teachers in their study may have been " . . . questioning the worth of teaching as a career choice " ( p. 211 ) . This is a disconcerting finding considering that one purpose of the teaching practice should be to send prospective physical education teachers out into the teaching profession , with a positive sense of career purpose . <p> Consequently , the purpose of the present study was to identify and describe incidents that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which led them to confirm or question their career choice . Again , as Boggess et al. , ( 1985 ) suggest , being able to help student teachers focus on events that have been indicated as confirming career choice , and to understand those events that have led to career questioning , may help more physical education student teachers answer " . . . yes to the question , ' Is teaching really worth it ? ' " ( p. 211 ) . Therefore the data produced by the present research might prove useful to teacher educators responsible for working with preservice physical educators on teaching practice . Methods and Procedures Subjects <p> Respondents for this study were 8 female and 18 male ( N = 26 ) , Slippery Rock University health and physical education student teachers . These student teachers were all seniors graduating with state K-12 health and physical education teacher certification and baccalaureate degree after the completion of their student teaching practice . All these student teachers completed their 16 week teaching practice in rural , suburban or urban school settings situated in southwest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of two teaching practice settings . The majority experienced the traditional teaching practice situation with half the semester spent observing/teaching at the elementary level , and half at the middle and/or high school level . The other student teachers spent their 16 week experience observing/teaching at a Teaching Center , which enabled them to work at the elementary and secondary levels continuously throughout the semester . Each student teacher was supervised by one university supervisor , and worked with between two and five cooperating teachers over the duration of the teaching practice . Research Instrument <p> The researcher wanted the data for this study to be derived directly from both the context and the perceptions of the respondents , without any a priori limitations being imposed . Consequently , the instrument used to collect data for this study was the critical incident report form ( Flanagan , 1954 ) . Respondents were asked to provide specific , concrete details regarding persons , words , conditions and activities that were involved in incidents during teaching practice they identified as being examples of career confirmation or question . Data Collection <p> Data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ successive semesters . Each respondent provided on two occasions a critical incident report focusing on first , incidents that confirmed the student teacher in their career choice , and then-incidents that led the respondent to question their career choice . The respondents provided from one to four incidents in their confirmation and question reports . These reports were written during approximately the eighth and sixteenth week of the teaching practice . The data were collected on both occasions during the semester at a campus based seminar . A total of 121 critical incidents were reported ( 67 confirming , 54 questioning ) and analyzed . Data Analyses <p> The critical incident reports of confirmation and questioning were analyzed together . This allowed the researcher to group reported incidents and develop a classification system that involved the construction of major categories and subcategories . By combining the incidents of confirmation and question to help produce standardized major categories , it was felt that more meaningful comparisons could be made between these two data forms . <p> The development of the major categories involved the researcher in reading and rereading the critical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of incidents . This inductive form of analysis saw the emergence of three major categories . Certain incidents referred specifically to comments and actions made by other people about the development , influence and effect of the respondents during the teaching practice . This was categorized as Positive or Negative Feedback from Others . <p> Further incidents referred to specific student teacher actions or pupil actions/attitudes that directly effected the outcome of respondents ' lessons . These were categorized as Effective or Ineffective Lesson Characteristics . The third classification involved incidents categorized as Positive or Negative Factors External to the Lesson . This category included incidents that occurred outside of the respondent 's lesson and did not involve the student teacher in receiving specific feedback from others on their teaching . <p> Subcategories were then developed from the data to allow a more detailed description of the emergent meanings that had formed the basis for the major categories . A more detailed description of the subcategories is provided in the discussion section of the study . Seventy confirmation and 55 questioning determinants were identified from the data to form the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not match the number of critical incident reports provided ( ie. confirming = 67 , questioning = 54 ) is that on a few occasions more than one determinant was evident in a single critical incident . The data were analyzed and presented ( ie. Table 1-5 ) utilizing descriptive statistics . Results are reported by rank , frequency and percentage . Data Classification Reliability <p> To help assess researcher category reliability both inter-rater and intra-rater exact agreement calculations were used . Two persons not involved with the study acted as judges for inter-rater purposes . Having had the three major categories and the specific subcategories carefully defined for them , the two judges were asked to place an identical sample of 20 randomly selected data determinants into what they perceived to be the relevant categories . Comparison of the two judges and researcher inter-rater classifications indicated exact agreement results of 85% and above . <p> An intra-rater reliability check was carried out by the researcher one week after the inter-rater process . This involved the re-categorization of the 20 previously used data determinants . This analysis produced an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inter and intra-rater procedures suggested the study data categorization was reliable . Results <p> The results of this study are presented in terms of the intent of the research . The purpose was to identify and describe incidents that student teachers ' actually focused on during the teaching practice , which led them to confirm or question their career choice . <p> In terms of the classification of determinants of career confirmation by major category , positive feedback from others was the most frequently reported ( 54.3% ) . This was followed by incidents categorized under effective lesson characteristics ( 38.6% ) . The third category related to positive factors external to the lesson ( 7.1% ) . Results for determinants of career confirmation by major category are presented in Table 1 . <p> Determinants of career questioning by major category indicate ineffective lesson characteristics as the most frequently reported classification ( 58.2 ) . Negative factors external to the lesson ranked second ( 40.0% ) , with negative feedback from others in a distant third position with only one report ( 1.8% ) . Results for the determinants of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> Results by subcategory for career confirmation indicate that five different groups had a positive influence on these student teachers . In terms of positive feedback from others ( ie. 1st major category ) that encouraged the respondents to feel they had made the correct career choice , student on-going ( 36.8% ) and summative ( 21.1% ) reaction ranked one and two . This is followed by the cooperating teacher ( 18.4% ) , other teachers ( 10.5% ) , parents ( 7.9% ) and in sixth position , the university supervisor ( 5.3% ) . <p> Student learning ( 44.4% ) , motivated students ( 33.3% ) and successful activities ( 22.2% ) are the three subcategories that define the second ranked major category for career confirmation , effective lesson characteristics . Helping individual students ( 100.0% ) was the only subcategory defining the third ranked major category , positive factors external to the lesson . Results for determinants of career confirmation by subcategory are presented in Table 3 . <p> Analysis by subcategory of career questioning indicate that off-task class behavior was the most frequently reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ineffective lesson characteristics . off-task individual behavior ( 24.2% ) and unmotivated students ( 24.2% ) shared the second rank subcategory position . <p> Lack of employment opportunities ( 28.5% ) and unprofessional staffroom talk ( 28.5% ) were the joint leading subcategories in the second major category of negative factors external to the lesson . Legal liability concern ( 23.8% ) was the third rank subcategory in this area . only one report was provided in the subcategory student teacher-decisions questioned ( 100.0% ) which defined the third ranked major category , negative feedback from others . Complete results for determinants of career questioning by subcategory are provided in Table 4 . <p> In terms of comparative analysis by subcategory the top three determinants for career confirmation were , on-going student reaction ( 20.0% ) , student learning ( 17.1% ) and motivated students ( 12.9% ) . For career questioning the leading three subcategories were off-task class behavior ( 21.8% ) , off-task individual behavior ( 14.6% ) and unmotivated students ( 14.6% ) . Comparison of the top six determinants by subcategory for both career confirmation and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purpose of this study was to identify and describe the incidents that student teachers actually focused on during the teaching practice , which lead them to confirm or question their career choice . The results were derived from the critical incident responses of 26 health and physical education student teachers from Slippery Rock University . While generalization can not be claimed for these results due to the small sample , and nonrandom procedures used , some interesting insights and further research questions do emerge from the data . <p> The results indicate that these student teachers without specific researcher direction provided more confirmation determinants ( ie. 70 ) , than questioning ( ie. 55 ) in their critical incident reports . Although the data does not provide a reason for this fact , it is reassuring to think that there appear to have been more confirming than questioning experiences occurring for these respondents during their teaching practice . <p> The majority of the confirming determinants ( 54.3% ) centered around positive feedback statements and actions from others . This feedback focused on informing student teachers ' about their development , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is interesting to note that the feedback major category received minimal response ( ranked 3rd , 1.8% ) when it came to identifying determinants that led to career questioning . The leading major category for student teacher career questioning centered on ineffective lesson characteristics ( 58.2% ) , which conversely placed second in rank for career confirmation ( 38.6 ) . <p> Some interesting findings emerge from the above results . It seems that these student teachers predominantly identified career confirmation through knowledge of performance directly supplied by external sources ( ie. others ) . In particular the majority of this feedback was provided by their own students . <p> Subcategory analysis indicates the respondents focused on two forms of student feedback . First , there was clear reference to on-going student reaction . Here children indicated verbally and nonverbally ( e.g. hugging ) that they enjoyed the student teacher 's lesson , or had experienced learning , or simply liked having the student teacher as their teacher . Second , there was very specific reference to summative student reaction . A number of respondents were clearly effected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cards , parties ) toward them . In fact three respondents commented that they did not realize the children had such positive perceptions of them until this final day reaction . <p> Further , the subcategories defining positive feedback from others also indicate that after their students , it is the cooperating teacher who is the next most frequently identified source for student teacher career confirmation . This finding supports the research ( Bunting , 1988 ) that suggests the critical role of the cooperating teacher in relation to the student teacher . However , the least frequently mentioned provider of confirming feedback for these student teachers is the university supervisor . <p> This finding concerning the influence of the university supervisor raises an interesting question . Why does the one figure who most closely represents the connection between the collegebased teacher preparation program , and the major in-field experience , have so little influence on student teacher career confirmation ? Would the supervisors ' influence in this area have been more frequently identified by the student teachers , if more than 6-7 site visits during the 16 week teaching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the student teacher be more closely related to the type of supervisor feedback provided ( e.g. systematic or subjective ) ? Again these represent further research questions , the answers to which could lead to the positive development of the university supervisors role . <p> Clearly , for these student teachers what has been categorized as ineffective lesson characteristics are the determinants most frequently identified as leading them to question their career choice . This finding seems to relate to earlier critical incident research ( Placek &; Dodds , 1988 ; Schempp , 1985 ) , which indicated physical education student teachers focused on lesson events and conditions when defining teaching nonsuccess and ineffectiveness . <p> In the present study , subcategory analysis indicates that it is childrens ' off-task class and individual behavior , along with lack of pupil motivation that dominates student teachers ' perceptions of ineffective lesson characteristics . Again , this finding confirms past research ( Arrighi &; Young , 1987 ; Placek , 1983 ) that physical education student teachers perceive inappropriate childrens ' response as the prime example of non-successful teaching . <p> Student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Schempp ( 1985 ) and Placek and Dodds ( 1988 ) , did not place major emphasis on the identification of student learning as a confirming determinant . only approximately one in six ( 17.1% ) determinants of career confirmation indicated the student teachers specifically focusing on children learning . <p> However , in this study , comparative analysis by subcategory did indicate that student learning was the second most frequently reported determinant of career conformation . This , at least , is a positive finding considering the growing emphasis today on teacher accountability in terms of children learning . Yet we still need to know why this instructional objective is not perceived as being particularly important in career confirmation by more student teachers . <p> A further interesting finding is that these respondents also identified career questioning experiences occurring for them , outside of the lesson environment . Lack of employment opportunities , unprofessional staffroom talk and legal liability concerns dominate the second ranked major category , negative factors external to the lesson . The critical incident reports suggest that a number of these student teachers were now acknowledging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situations . Before teaching practice such determinants of career questioning had only been theory in teacher preparation courses . Conclusions <p> In conclusion it appears that the following suggestions might be made based on the study results . First , it is clear how important receiving positive feedback from others is to student teachers , particularly from their own students . Further , the influence of the cooperating teacher and the minimal influence of the university supervisor in the area of student teacher career confirmation is indicated . <p> This emphasis on positive feedback suggests the need for careful selection of student teaching practice sites . Such sites should , in part , be determined in relation to the ability of cooperating teachers to provide sustained , positively phrased feedback to student teachers . If such cooperating teacher abilities are not particularly evident in selected sites , then the opportunity to develop these skills should at least be offered to teachers by the university teacher preparation department . <p> The results of this study suggest that some assessment of childrens ' response toward health ( if a dual certification ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ site selection . Children in this study were clearly the major contributors toward student teacher career confirmation and question . <p> University teacher preparation programs may also want to take a role in assessing those factors that are highlighted by student teacher evaluations , with regard to the university supervisory process . Such departmental self analysis may help in the development of a supervisory structure that allows the university supervisor to play a more influential , positive role during teaching practice . <p> Finally , student-teachers may also need some help in giving meaning to the many situations they meet in the reality of the teaching practice , and placing the appropriate amount of emphasis on these events . Consequently , it is only through the study of this vital teacher preparation experience that those school-based and university personnel involved with the student teacher , can hope to become more influential . This influence should be directed toward helping the student teachers in their development of a positive , yet realistic picture of the schoolteacher 's life . A picture that hopefully confirms our future generations of health and physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Percentage based on total number of confirmation determinants ( N = 70 ) and total number of questioning determinants ( N = 55 ) . <p>
@@4004741 As a physical educator , it is somewhat interesting to ask students , as well as adults from the general population , a simple question . " If you took a true high school physical education class , what was it like ? " Many respondents indicate that their remembrances are similar to what Dougherty and Bonanno ( 1987 ) refer to as the traditional , or activity-based , curriculum . This curricular pattern is based almost entirely on the activity , or sport , that is currently in season . This type of program is advantageous for the students in the class who are interested in the sport in season . In many instances , there is very little instruction involved in this curricular form . The emphasis is on allowing the students to play the activity , and little else . The emphasis of this program is primarily on team sports , with very little time being given to activities that would be considered lifetime sports . Unfortunately , this curricular pattern remains very popular in many high schools today ( Dougherty &; Bonanno , 1987 ) . When this curricular pattern is used in a manner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is then difficult to justify to administrators the value of physical education . This type of physical education curriculum does not appear to meet the challenges that school physical education currently faces ( Dougherty &; Bonanno , 1987 ) . <p> A current topic of interest is how well current secondary physical education is achieving such objectives as the development of appropriate levels of health-related physical fitness ( HRPF ) . There appears to be an assumption that in general , youth in America are not as physically fit as they were 20 to 30 years ago , although certain researchers ( Corbin &; Pangrazi , 1992 ) question the validity of this statement . Another question that perhaps is just as important concerns the development of positive attitudes toward physical activity by high school students . There is little or no empirical evidence which suggests that current students ' attitudes toward physical activity are less positive than the attitudes of past students . However , the development of positive attitudes toward physical activity in today 's physical education students remains an important objective of the physical educator . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) found that physically inactive adults were not likely to have engaged in physical activity during adolescence , suggesting that the subjects lacked favorable physical activity in their adolescent years . Ferguson , Yesalis , Pomrehn , and Kirk-patrick ( 1989 ) concluded that early development of positive attitudes toward exercise may play an important role in an individual 's inclination to maintain an active lifestyle . A goal of all physical educators should be for their students to become active , physically fit adults . The research appears to suggest that if physical educators hope to achieve this goal , they should provide their students with favorable experiences in physical activity . Teachers should also strive to help their students develop positive attitudes toward physical activity . In other words , it is important for teachers to teach the " process " of how to develop and maintain personal physical fitness . Teaching the " product " of personal physical fitness is important , but not to the exclusion of the process . Development of HRPF and of positive attitudes toward physical activity in students should continue to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curricular pattern is thus needed that is designed both to develop elevated levels of HRPF , and to instill positive attitudes toward physical activity in students . While traditional curricular patterns can achieve these objectives , it is the purpose of this paper to present an alternative curricular form . <p> The suggested alternative is a Foundations of Personal Fitness ( FPF ) course for high school students . It has been demonstrated that through participation in a course of this type , students do attain improved levels of HRPF ( Murray et al. , 1995 ) . Students enrolled in a high school FPF class were able to make significant improvements in selected aspects of HRPF ( strength and cardiovascular endurance ) . Cuddihy , Corbin , and Abbadessa ( 1995 ) discovered that students who participated in an FPF course , when compared to students who were enrolled in a traditional physical education class , had built higher levels of intrinsic motivation and competence , which are deemed to be likely determinants of physical activity . Cuddihy et al . ( 1995 ) also found that students developed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ physical activity , and that sedentary students became more active . Concerning Florida high school seniors who had taken the Florida-form of the FPF course in the ninth grade , Bie et al . ( 1994 ) found that almost 80 percent of those surveyed thought all high school students should be exposed to the information contained in the FPF course . The results of these studies suggest that students are learning both the product and process of personal physical fitness . Also , three years after completing the FPF course , students continue to perceive the course to be an important part of their high school experience . The primary objectives of the FPF course would therefore be achieved . <p> While Florida led the way in the 1980 's in implementing a course of this nature , the state of Texas has been developing this course since the early 1990 's . Beginning in 1996 , an ( FPF ) course has been mandated for Texas high school students . The FPF course was developed from the Florida model ( Florida Department of Education , 1984 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Corbin and Lindsey ( 1990 ) . A set of Essential Elements for the course has been developed and adopted ( for summary of Essential Elements , see Appendix A. For a complete copy of the Essential Elements for the course , contact the author at the University of Texas-San Antonio ) which outlines the Essential Knowledge and Skills which should be discussed and developed in the course ( Texas Education Agency , 1992 ) . <p> An interesting aspect of the course is that students are placed in situations where they are allowed to participate in a variety of physical activities related to developing components of personal fitness . They are taught a variety of means to assess their own personal levels of these components of physical fitness , and are encouraged to choose the activity they will use for assessment , based on individual preference . For example , Essential Element 1 ( see Appendix 1 ) deals with analysis of components of physical fitness . Students participate in activities designed to improve one 's level of physical fitness , and are taught how to assess their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an example , students could be involved in such activities as jogging , walking , aerobic dance , jumping rope , or a myriad of other activities . Then , students could participate in various assessments of cardiovascular endurance : the 1.5-mile run test , the one-mile walk test , the step test , the Astrand-Ryhming test , or the 12-minute swim test ( Hoeger &; Hoeger , 1994 ) . In each student 's individual exercise plan ( see Essential Element 13 , Appendix 1 ) , they will note which activity , or activities , and assessment tool they have chosen . Thus , students are placed in situations where they have the responsibility for making individual decisions which affect them ; they make choices based on individual preference . This provides an excellent opportunity for the teacher to integrate critical thinking skills and responsible decision-making into the physical education curriculum . <p> Evaluation of student level of performance in this class may take place in several forms , with performance in the psychomotor domain not being the exclusive factor for grade determination . For example , Essential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the components of physical fitness . Not only might students be expected to be able to list and define these on a written examination , they might also be expected to participate in self-assessments to determine their personal levels of each one of the components of physical fitness . They might also be expected to be able to identify activities which would develop certain fitness components of fitness . The self-assessments might be used as a group activity , utilizing a cooperative learning style , where one group of students might be charged with identifying levels of a particular fitness component possessed by class members . They might then identify for the class a certain program of exercise or activities which would lead to improved levels of the particular fitness component . Thus , cooperation and teamwork become an emphasis . Cooperative-type activities also provide the opportunity to teach group dynamics , another desirable life skill . Other forms of written examinations and demonstration tests may also be used , as well as individual notebooks . One is limited only by imagination . <p> In conclusion , this course is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the primary benefits derived from participation in physical education and activity : developing improved levels of HRPF , learning the values of cooperation and teamwork , while allowing for individual choices and responses . The FPF course has the goal that every student will leave the course with a positive attitude toward participating in physical activity , which sounds much preferable to the perception many adults now retain of their experiences in high school physical education . While this goal may be achieved through other more traditional curricular forms , the essential elements that have been set forth for the FPF class can provide a vehicle which may be used to achieve this goal . Also , this course is presented in a way that makes it more palatable and defensible to parents , administrators , and school board members . Without the support of the above-named group , no physical education program is likely to be as successful as is desired . The FPF course can be an integral component of the total high school curriculum , and can make a major contribution to the total educational development of @ @ @ @ @
@@4004941 Abstract <p> The general purpose of this study was to determine if marching band members , while carrying instruments , obtained 30 minutes of moderate intensity physical activity on a daily basis . Heart rates were collected on 16 members of a university marching band . Results indicate a significant difference in highest heart rate means for those carrying light and heavy instruments . Subjects carrying heavy instruments obtained moderate intensity physical activity for 9.5 minutes daily while subjects carrying light instruments obtained moderate intensity physical activity for 8.3 minutes daily . Subjects did not meet the Surgeon General 's recommendation of 30 minutes daily of moderate activity from participation in marching band . Introduction <p> Historically , individuals striving to develop fitness were encouraged to follow the exercise prescription guidelines set forth by the American College of Sports Medicine ( ACSM ) which recommended that individuals train 3-5 days per week for at least 20-60 continuous minutes , performing activities that require large muscle groups at 60-90 percent of maximum heart rate intensity ( American College of Sports Medicine , 1995 ) . More recently , we know that health/fitness benefits can be obtained with much lower heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> The Centers for Disease Prevention and the ACSM now suggest that every adult obtain about 30 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity on most , if not all , days of the week ( Pate et al. , 1995 ; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services , 1996 ) . Moderate activity has been defined as activity in which the heart rate is greater than 40 percent of maximum but less than 60 percent maximum ( Strand , Scantling &; Johnson , 1997 ) . Activities within this level of intensity may include badminton , golf , walking , softball , weight training , gardening , biking and recreational tennis . <p> In an attempt to catagorize the various intensities of physical activity , Terbizan and Strand ( 1998 ) described the Adult Activity Pyramid . The pyramid is divided into five zones as shown below and each zone is based on percentages related to a persons maximum heart rate ( MHR ) . <p> -- Weight Management Zone . Physical activity with a heart rate range of 40%-50% of ( MHR ) . <p> -- Heart Healthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 50%-70% of MHR . <p> -- Aerobic Zone . Physical activity with a heart rate range of 70%-85% of MHR . <p> -- Intense Conditioning Zone . Physical activity with a heart rate range of 80%-95% of MHR . <p> -- Red Zone . Physical activity with a heart rate range of 90%- 100% of MHR . <p> The purposes of this study were ( 1 ) to determine the difference in heart rates among marching band members who play instruments of different weights , ( 2 ) to determine the amount of time band members spent in each zone of the Adult Activity Pyramid , and ( 3 ) to determine if marching band members , during practice , obtained 30 minutes of moderate intensity physical activity on a daily basis . Methodology <p> Subjects <p> Sixteen members , 14 male and 2 female , ranging in age from 18 to 23 years , of a university marching band , participated on a volunteer basis . All subjects signed an informed consent and were able to withdraw from the study at any time . The University Institutional Review Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marching took place in the late afternoon , outdoors on an asphalt parking lot . <p> Instrumentation <p> Marching Cadence . The marching band utilized a Corps style of march , which is an eight-to-five step with eight steps to cover five yards ( covering 22.5 inches in each step ) . <p> Heart Rate Monitor . Polar Vantage XL heart rate monitors ( HRM ) were used to collect heart rate data . Data were collected in five second intervals and downloaded into a computer to be analyzed . <p> Adult Activity Pyramid . The target zones were calculated for all subjects based on their resting heart rates and ages . The Karvonen formula was used to determine individual heart rate target zones . The target zones were derived by taking a percentage of the difference between an individual 's maximum heart and resting heart rate and adding this to his or her resting heart rate . This calculation was done for each of the five Activity Pyramid zones . The target zones were set on the Polar analysis software , and the amount of time was calculated for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 16 subjects were divided into two groups . The heavy group , with seven subjects , consisted of individuals carrying instruments of five pounds and greater while the light group , with nine subjects , was made up of individuals carrying instruments weighing less than five pounds . Instruments ranged in weight from 3 to 25 lbs . Each of the subjects was given a numbered HRM that was used throughout the study . Prior to data collection , the researcher met with all subjects collectively to explain the operation of the heart rate monitors . At this meeting the researcher collected personal information , including the age and resting heart rate of each subject . These data were used to determine the target zones of each individual . <p> Data were collected throughout an entire week , with groups of four to five people at a time . Seventeen heart rate recordings were collected from subjects . One recording was discarded because of a malfunction in the equipment . On the days when heart rate data were collected , the researcher assisted the subjects in putting on the heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the limits were set for the heart rates . Heart rates were recorded at five-second intervals . Once subjects were ready to begin , they all started recording data by pressing the ' start " button . A check was taken of all watches and monitors to make sure all were working and recording data . When practice began , the researcher announced to the subjects to press the " store " button . This announcement marked the time that practice started . The wrist receiver was covered with a wristband , and auditory beeping was turned off . Rather than have the subjects note all actions , the researcher took notes on what they were doing throughout the session . When practice was over , the subjects pressed the " stop " button and monitors and watches were collected and downloaded . If there were any problems related to data collection , the same procedure took place two days later , and new data were collected . <p> All of the practices were generally the same in routine , with slight differences in break times . The practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a group warm-up ( five minutes ) where subjects stood and played their instruments with the rest of their section . The remainder of the practice time was spent marching and playing their instruments , with an occasional break ( 30 seconds to 1 minute ) to fix formations and alignment . During the marching drill for the week of this study , the band performed a swing theme . For a brief time ( 30 seconds to 1 minute ) , the entire band danced in a swing-like manner . One other unique aspect to the drill of the week was that they had a scatter drill . This drill consisted of the band members " scattering " or running to another spot on the field . This happened one time per practice sessions and marchers had 16 counts to get to their new spot . <p> Statistical analyses were performed using GB-Stat and Polar analysis software ( Polar Electro , 1993 ) . Mean heart rates for subjects carrying heavy and light instruments were calculated and compared in an analysis of variance to determine if there was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level of .05 was used to determine if the difference in heart rates was significant between the heavy and light groups . The resting heart rates of each subject were used to determine the target zone on the Activity Pyramid . Results <p> Research question 1 sought to determine the difference in heart rates among marching band members who play instruments of different weights . Means and standard deviations of highest and average heart rates for the group carrying heavy instruments and the group carrying light instruments are reported in Table 1 . As noted , the mean highest heart rate and mean average heart rate were higher for subjects with heavy instruments . <p> The Analysis of Variance by groups ( heavy and light instruments ) was conducted using mean highest heart rate and mean average heart rate as dependant variables . The p value when comparing the mean highest heart rates for each group was 0.0404 . This indicates a statistically significant difference in the mean highest heart rate of the two groups . When comparing the mean average heart rates of the two groups , the p-value @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question 2 sought to determine the amount of time band members spent in each zone of the Adult Activity Pyramid . The mean time that the activity level of subjects of both the heavy and light instrument groups fit into the different zones of the Activity Pyramid is shown in Table 2 . <p> Subjects carrying heavy instruments had a daily mean of 7.7 minutes in the Weight Management Zone , 1.8 minutes in the Heart Healthy Zone and 0.1 minute in the Aerobic Zone . Subjects carrying light instruments had a daily mean of 4.4 minutes in the Weight Management Zone , 3.9 minutes in the Heart Healthy Zone , and 0.2 minutes in the Aerobic Zone . <p> Research question 3 sought to determine if band members , during marching band practice , obtained 30 minutes of moderate intensity physical activity on a daily basis . Subjects carrying heavy instruments obtained moderate intensity physical activity for 9.5 minutes daily while subjects carrying light instruments obtained moderate intensity physical activity for 8.3 minutes daily . Discussion <p> In some school districts , administrators allow marching band , among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Association for Sport and Physical Education , 2002 ) . Although marching band members often spend several hours a week practicing and practices normally consist of marching and carrying an instrument for over an hour at one time , the health benefits of marching band have not been explored . <p> In this study , subjects did not reach the recommendation of 30 minutes of moderate intensity physical activity daily as suggested by the U.S. Surgeon General ( U.S. Department of Health and Human Services , 1996 ) . On average , the subjects spent 6.0 minutes in the Weight Management Zone , 2.85 minutes in the Heart Healthy Zone and 0.15 minutes in the Aerobic Zone , for a total of approximately 8.85 minutes of at least moderate intensity physical activity . In essence , subjects spent approximately 66 minutes in a 75 minute practice session with heart rates below a moderate intensity level of 40% of maximum heart rate . <p> It is well accepted that physical education addresses three domains , affective , cognitive and psychomotor , and some would list a fourth , fitness . When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and interscholastic sports are used to replace physical education credits , the true value of physical education can not be realized . Although some of the mentioned activities may provide learning experiences in one or more of the domains , those experiences may not be germane to physical education . For example , in marching band students certainly develop psychomotor skills such as being able to march and play an instrument at the same time but that is not remotely related to the types of psychomotor skills developed in physical education . <p> We would also argue that marching band does not and can not impact the affective and cognitive domains similar to that which is happening in physical education . This is not to say that marching band does not impact those two domains , it does . It simply does not affect those two domains like physical education does . In essence , each activity provides unique benefits and one can not be used to replace the other . <p> And finally , fitness benefits . Since marching band does involve movement it can be classified as physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obtained through physical education activities with those obtained through marching band , that could also be questioned . Strand and Reeder ( 1993a ) found that middle school students were above their 60% MHR for approximately 13 minutes in 35 minute class periods . In a second study the same researchers found that students were above their 60% MHR for 17.6 minutes ( Strand &; Reeder , 1993b ) . This compares to less than one-half of a minute for band members in this study . Similarly , Hannon and Pellett ( 1998 ) found that high school students were above their 40% MHR for approximately 21 minutes in 30 minute class periods . This compares to about nine minutes for band members who were engaged in 45 more minutes of activity . <p> In summary , marching band practice , during a slightly longer than a one hour long session , does not appear to provide a person enough physical activity to be in compliance with the Surgeon General 's suggestion . In light of these findings , one can truly question the value of replacing physical education credits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heart rate in beats per minute by group PREFORMATTED TABLE Table 2 . Mean time in minutes by groups in zones of the Activity Pyramid PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4005041 The purpose of this study was to assess the control and administration of athletic programs as viewed by the faculty . Satisfaction regarding perceived knowledge , academic environment , and locus of control were investigated by both division affiliation ( i.e. , Division I , II , III ) and current faculty athletic board service . The sample consisted of full-time faculty members ' responses from 48 institutions equally representing the three divisions as established by the NCAA . Forty faculty members and all current faculty athletic board members were selected at each institution to receive the study questionnaire . Results indicated that the faculty of Division I institutions were significantly less satisfied with their respective athletic departments than the faculty of Division II institutions . Division Ill faculty were significantly more satisfied than Division I and Division II . Current faculty athletic board members from Division I and Division II were more satisfied with athletic programming at their institutions than the general faculty . Division III comparisons illustrated a lack of significant difference . No significant differences were found in satisfaction levels of current faculty athletic board members according to Division affiliation . Future research into faculty participation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the overall institution environment . <p> There is an abundance of literature on the condition of intercollegiate athletics . Research conducted on academic achievement in student athletes has examined grade point averages , hours of credit in major , graduating times , and elective courses ( Adler &; Adler , 1985 ; Eitzen , Purdy , &; Houfnagel , 1982 ; Kiger &; Lorenzen , 1986 ; Marcotte , 1986 ; Messer &; Grossier , 1982 ; Stuart , 1983 ) . Additionally , research has explored the pressures and exploitations experienced by the athlete ( Armenta , 1986 ; Miller , 1980 , Sack , 1988 ; Zingg , 1982 ) . However , research pertaining to faculty perceptions about their own institutions is scant ( Shea &; Weiman , 1987 ) . <p> The issue of faculty involvement and/or control over intercollegiate athletics has been debated throughout the historical breadth of sport in higher education . The faculty perception of the relationship , function , and responsibilities of the athletic department in regard to their institution 's educational mission is crucial . The faculty are in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instrumental in the success and development of the student athlete . <p> The purpose of this study was to assess the control and administration of athletic programs as viewed by the faculty . Satisfaction regarding perceived knowledge , academic environment , and locus of control were investigated by both division affiliation ( i.e. , Division I , II , III ) and current faculty athletic board service , A study that researches faculty perceived knowledge compared to their desired status of athletic practices in order to generate a measurement of satisfaction is certainly overdue . Methods Subjects . <p> The sample consisted of full-time faculty members ' responses from 48 institutions equally representing the three divisions as established by the NCAA . Sixteen institutions from each NCAA division were randomly selected . All institutions selected had a co-educational intercollegiate athletic program . Forty faculty members were selected to receive questionnaires by the selection of assigned random numbers applied to an alphabetical list of faculty from each of the previously selected institutions . Faculty found to have served on the athletic board in the past or have job responsibilities in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members at each of the institutions were also included in the sample . In order to determine the appropriate sample size needed for data analysis alpha level , power , effect size , and an acceptable return rate were set a priori . Instrumentation <p> The survey instrument consisted of 21 paired questions identifying agreement and level of perceived knowledge regarding athletic program policies and procedures at the faculty member 's institution ( see Table 1 ) . The available responses for each statement were yes , no , I do n't know , or no response . If a response of I do n't know or no response occurred with either of the paired statements then the pair of statements was removed from consideration . A measurement of satisfaction for each subject was obtained by dividing the number of paired agreements by the number of paired disagreements . <p> The first of the paired statements asked the subject to determine if a particular policy or procedure existed at their institution . The measurement of perceived knowledge , therefore , was found by dividing the number of responses marked either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remaining paired statements . Questionnaires were sent to 2121 randomly selected faculty . A second mailing occurred 14 days after the initial mailing . Analysis <p> Comparisons by division affiliation for both faculty and current board members were analyzed through the application of the KruskaI-Wallis One-Way Analysis of Variance by Ranks test . Comparisons by faculty of one division to current faculty athletic board members of the same division were analyzed by the Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney Results and Discussion <p> The return rate for questionnaires was 38.2% of the 2121 surveys sent to 48 institutions . The return rates by division were 32% for Division I , 37.3% for Division II and 45.3% for Division III . The 38.2% overall return rate surpassed the minimum set a priori of 25% . This overall rate of return was considered largely a result of the topic , given the current intercollegiate climate on athletics . The apparent difference in return rates between faculty ( 34.8% ) and current facuty athletic board members ( 70.7% ) was expected , due to the current boards ' obviously high interest level with the topic . However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ readily lend itself to explanation . This may have been due to differences in faculty perceptions . Faculty from large institutions may be more self-contained and have less involvement with athletic department policies . These faculty may perceive themselves with limited input and hence little desire to participate in a study examining athletic policies and procedures . <p> Post hoc power was computed for the comparisons of division by faculty and by current faculty athletic board members . Since these comparisons utilized the Kruskal-Wallis test as a statistical procedure , an F test ( one-way ANOVA ) was used to approximate sample size and power approximations ( Division 1=.85 , Division 11=.62 , Division III=.74 ; alpha at .01 ) . <p> The study examined differences in satisfaction levels ( a ) between the faculty according to division affiliation , ( b ) between current faculty athletic board ' members according to division affiliation , and ( c ) between faculty and current board members of the same division affiliation . General faculty by division data , as well as current faculty athletic board members by division data , were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ test . For general faculty , this procedure yielded significance at the .01 alpha level . Multiple comparisons between pairs resulted in a significant difference in mean ranks between all pairs . Division III faculty were most satisfied , followed by Division II , and then Division I. Procedures for current board members resulted in no significance at the .01 alpha level ( see Table 2 ) . <p> Results of the Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney test indicated that current faculty athletic board members were more satisfied than faculty in the same division affiliation except the Division III comparison , which yielded no significant difference in policies and procedures ( see Table 3 ) . <p> Faculty satisfaction level as a function of divisional affiliation was anticipated to discriminate athletic programing of different sizes and intensities . Armenta ( 1986 ) also found that faculty from smaller colleges felt more positive about their athletic program 's policies and procedures than did faculty from larger institutions . McLaughlin ( 1986 ) also suggested that institutions of different sizes are operating under dissimilar philosophies . <p> Faculty athletic board member satisfaction level , as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in any significant differences . Karner ( 1984 ) investigated board members from all three divisions and found that the functions of board members were similar and therefore did not correlate to division affiliation . Considering the existing studies on board members and the vast amount of negatively ekewed perceptions of faculty found by Armenta ( 1986 ) , the significant differences between faculty of Division I and Division II and their current faculty athletic board counterparts was anticipated . Additionally , the differences between faculty and the faculty athletic board members was in congruence with Shea and Wetman ( 1987 ) who reported that faculty athletic board members did not represent the views of the general faculty . <p> The satisfaction level of Division I faculty was found to be the lowest of all groups ( indicating a higher level of dissatisfaction ) . Also , this group was the only group to have items with 50% or greater dissatisfaction . Faculty reported dissatisfaction with item 3 , academic eligibility requirements for all students to participate in student organizations , reflecting concern with appropriate courses , papers and tests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to maintain a specific grade point average was not indicated as an area of dissatisfaction among groups . <p> Item 9 , faculty opportunity for policy making , indicated a desire for greater opportunity for faculty input into the decision-making process . Item 14 , sport related absences : a factor in class achievement , Item 15 , athletes : conscientious students , and Item 21 , athletic programming : providing a positive educational experience , focused on the faculty perceived academic conscience of the athlete and to some degree the athletic department . This finding of dissatisfaction coincided with Armenta 's ( 1986 ) conclusion that faculty felt that student-athletes aligned priorities in favor of academics in direct relationship to the size , intensity , and visibility of the athletic program in which they participate . <p> The study also examined differences in perceived knowledge of policies and procedures ( a ) between general faculty according to division affiliation , ( b ) between current athletic faculty board members according to division affiliation , and ( c ) between general faculty and current athletic faculty board members of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as current faculty athletic board members by division data , were analyzed using the KruskaI-Wallis One-Way Analysis of Variance by Ranks test . For general faculty , this procedure yielded significance at the .01 Alpha level . Multiple comparisons between pairs resulted in a significant difference in mean ranks between all pairs . Division III faculty had a higher level of perceived knowledge than Division II faculty , and Division II faculty ranked higher than Division I faculty . Procedures for current faculty athletic board members resulted in no significance at the .01 alpha level ( see Table 2 ) . <p> The Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney test was used to determine if differences existed between faculty and current faculty athletic board members of the same division affiliation . The Division I pair was found to be significantly different at Alpha .01 with current faculty athletic board members having the higher perceived knowledge level . In the Division I and Division II comparisons no significant differences were found at Alpha .01 ( see Table 4 ) . <p> The data indicated that Division III faculty were more satisfied than Division I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I faculty with athletic department policies and procedures . Faculty of smaller institutions would appear to have an advantage due to the likely greater awareness of campus activities in general . Whereas in larger institutions perceived knowledge levels are seemingly lower because of such factors as interest in athletics , professional responsibility that would cause disassociation , and role-distancing or self-containment associated with large organizations . Often a subject tended to either mark a lot of I do n't know or very few I do n't know responses . <p> Four items ( item 8 , item 9 , item 10 , and item 11 ) appeared to be most responsible for the current faculty athletic board 's comparably high perceived knowledge level . Item 8 and Item 9 dealt with advisory and policy making input by faculty and were expected to produce a different level of perceived knowledge from faculty serving on boards than general faculty . Faculty , when serving on boards , not only are privy to the amount of faculty input , but also , to information specifically associated with the athletic program . Item I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sort to which board members have access and should therefore have a higher awareness level , <p> The results from the comparison of faculty and current faculty athletic board members suggest that given that Division Ill faculty were the most satisfied of the faculty groups and the current faculty athletic board members were equally satisfied , it follows that Division III faculty 's satisfaction level would likely be in the same range as their faculty athletic board members . Summary <p> The results of this study indicate a difference in satisfaction and perceived knowledge between faculty at Division I and Division II institutions and faculty at Division III institutions . This difference may be explained by the essential difference in athletic programs at those institutions ; Division I and Division II institutions offer scholarship athletics ; Division III offers nonscholarship athletic programs . It appeared that Division I and Division II faculty felt that athletic programs are largely influenced by external forces ( primarily funding ) , and expectations of success by groups both internal and external to the institution . These forces appear to have caused faculty to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall institutional mission . On the other hand , Division III faculty appear to have greater satisfaction with the role of athletics in their respective institutions . These faculty perceive that they have more input into the decision-making process regarding athletics . Possible influential variables may include greater personal contact with student-athletes , less external and greater internal control of athletics , and greater academic expectations for the student athlete . <p> Future research into faculty participation in athletics may suggest appropriate roles for greater faculty involvement in the overall institution environment . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> b Significance found between Division III and both Division I and II at ALPHA .01 . No significance found between Division I and II at ALPHA .01 . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4005241 Controversy exists concerning the efficacy and safety of creatine supplementation . The present study used a cross-sectional design to examine social cognitive predictors of creatine use versus non-use among 148 male , undergraduate , recreational resistance trainers . Seventy participants ( 47.3% ) reported creatine use . Creatine users had higher self-efficacy for resistance-training with creatine , t ( 146 ) = 4.98 , p < .001 , higher positive outcome expectancies for improved workout performance , t ( 146 ) = 2.3 7 , p = .019 , and lower negative outcome expectancies for creatine use , t ( 146 ) = 4.90 , p < .001 . No significant differences were found for self-efficacy for resistance training without creatine or negative outcome expectancies for improved workout performance . Logistic regression analysis revealed that social cognitive variables accounted for 25 % of the variance in creatine use . The results lay the groundwork for the understanding of performance enhancing dietary supplement use from a theoretical , social cognitive perspective . <p> Creatine is one of the most popular performance enhancing supplements among college students ( Williams &; Anderson , 2000 ) , and has received recent attention from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1998 ; Shaifali , 1998 ; Smith , 2000 ) . Despite this popularity , controversy exists concerning the efficacy and safety of creatine supplementation ; roughly equal evidence exists supporting positive effects and supporting null effects of supplementation on performance ( Demant &; Rhodes , 1999 ; Graham &; Hatton , 1999 ; Juhn &; Tarnopolsky , 1998a ; Williams &; Branch , 1998 ) . Numerous anecdotal accounts illustrate adverse side effects , such as kidney dysfunction , effects on the body 's creatine and insulin production , diarrhea , gastrointestinal pain , muscle cramping , and dehydration ( Benzi , 2000 ; Graham &; Hatton , 1999 ; Juhn &; Tarnopolsky , 1998b ; Poortmans &; Francaux , 2000 ) . In addition , Metzl et al . ( 2001 ) hypothesize that creatine may be a gateway drug to other more harmful performance enhancing substances such as dehydroepiandrosterone ( i.e. , DHEA ) and androstenedione ( i.e. , andro ; King et al. , 1999 ) . <p> Although laboratory studies of creatine 's efficacy are numerous , field studies of creatine supplementation patterns have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , resistance trainers , who are the target of marketing strategies that emphasize creatine 's ability to increase body mass ( Benzi , 2000 ; Juhn &; Tarnopolsky , 1998b ; Poortmans &; Francaux , 2000 ; Williams &; Branch , 1998 ) and appear to be a major consumer group in the creatine market ( Demant &; Rhodes , 1999 ) . Moreover , the present authors found no studies that examine relationships between psychological variables and performance enhancing supplement use in this population . Previous creatine studies have examined expectations ( Labotz &; Smith , 1999 ) and perceptions ( Greenwood et al. , 2000 ; Juhn , O'Kane , &; Vinci , 1999 ; LaBotz &; Smith , 1999 ; Ray et al. , 2001 ; Sheppard et al. , 2000 ; Schilling et al. , 2001 ) of the positive and negative effects of creatine supplementation among users , but have not looked at differences between creatine users and non-users with respect to these psychological variables . Research on steroid use suggests that psychological variables may be important . Lovstakken , Peterson and Homer ( 1999 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ associated with higher risk of steroid use , and negative social expectations associated with lower risk of steroid use among college students . Goldberg et al . ( 1996 ) used a psycho-educational intervention to decrease intentions to use steroids and increase resistance-training self-efficacy in male high school athletes . In working to understand creatine use among recreational weight trainers , the present study examines differences between creatine users and non-users with respect to psychological variables that are theorized to precede behavior . <p> Social cognitive theory ( SCT ; Bandura , 1986 ) provides a useful theoretical framework for understanding creatine use by addressing its specific behavioral , personal , and environmental influences . That is , self-efficacy and outcome expectancies specifically related to the use of creatine can help us understand why some resistance trainers use creatine while others do not . <p> Self-efficacy is defined as belief in one 's ability to take certain actions to produce desired attainments ( Bandura , 1997 ) . In the present study , improvement of resistance-training performance is the attainment , while creatine use is one course of action that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Resistance-training self-efficacy is broken down into two components : self-efficacy with creatine , and self-efficacy without creatine . Creatine users are expected to have higher self-efficacy with creatine than non-users . However , according to SCT , use of medications can undermine self-efficacy if successes are ascribed to medication rather than to personal capabilities ( Bandura , 1997 , see p. 274 ) . Therefore , creatine users are expected to have lower self-efficacy without creatine than non-users . <p> Outcome Expectancies -- the positive and negative outcomes expected as a result of producing desired attainments depend on efficacy beliefs and serve as incentives and disincentives for behavior ( Bandura , 1997 ) . In this study , outcome expectancies reflect the interactive relationship between perceived likelihood of outcomes and the subjective values placed on those outcomes ( Bandura , 1997 ; Rodgers &; Brawley , 1991 ) . Specifically , positive and negative outcomes of improved workout performance , as well as negative outcomes directly tied to creatine use are considered . <p> In summary , it is expected that creatine users will have higher self-efficacy with creatine and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negative outcome expectancies than non-users . In addition , it is expected that social cognitive variables will predict current status as creatine user or non-user . Finally , although no formal hypotheses were tested , descriptive data concerning creatine use patterns , source of information , and use of other performance enhancing dietary supplements was collected in an attempt to further understand creatine use . Method <p> Participants <p> Participants were a convenience sample of 148 male undergraduate students enrolled in psychology courses at a large mid-Atlantic university , recruited via a research recruitment folder containing a brief description of the study and a sign up sheet . Only students who resistance-trained at least twice a week to improve muscle development , gain strength , or increase muscle mass for non-professional purposes were recruited . Creatine was not mentioned in the recruitment folder . Participants earned extra credit in the psychology classes for participating in the study . Participants were excluded from the study if they did not report any resistance training ( n = 2 ) , did not provide complete data ( n = 6 ) , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; i.e. , non-recreational goal of resistance training ) . Participants had a mean age of 19.37 ( SD = 1.52 ) and a mean BMI of 24.29 ( SD = 3.42 ) . Participants were 75% Caucasian . <p> Procedures <p> Participants met for one hour in a classroom to complete an anonymous questionnaire packet . Instructions were read aloud for each of the individual scales within the packet . In addition , the first item of each scale was read aloud , and further clarification was provided if requested . <p> Measures <p> Background information and supplement use . This questionnaire assessed participant age , height , weight , ethnicity , and intercollegiate sports participation . With respect to creatine use , participants were first asked whether or not they had ever heard of creatine . Next , participants were asked to indicate whether or not they had ever used creatine . Those who had used creatine were asked to indicate the duration of use and the number of cycles of use with at least two weeks between periods of use . Participants were then asked to identify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creatine ) . To encourage truthfulness , participants were asked not to report illegal drug-use . Finally , two items assessing source of information asked participants to identify initial source of information about creatine and source of most information about creatine . <p> Self-efficacy . Items assessing SCT variables were preceded by a single item asking participants to indicate how they determine that their workout performance has improved by completing the sentence : " My workout performance would be improved if ... " Participants were told to refer to this definition of improved workout performance to aid them in responding to the SCT items . <p> Next , participants were asked to respond to one self-efficacy without creatine item : " How confident am I that I can improve my workout performance without using creatine ... " and two self-efficacy with creatine items : " How confident am I that I can improve my workout performance faster by using creatine ... " and " How confident am I that I can improve my workout performance even more by using creatine ... " ( italics in original ) . Participants responded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at all confident ) to 100 ( extremely confident ) . Because participants were allowed to personally define improved workout performance , multiple item self-efficacy scales were not necessary . Previous studies have shown that single item self-efficacy scales are effective for measuring exercise self-efficacy when the attainment is clearly defined ( Carboni , Burke , Joyner , Hardy , &; Blom , 2002 ; Clark &; Dodge , 1999 ; Clark &; Nothwehr , 1999 ; Desharnais , Bouillon , &; Godin , 1986 ; Sharpe &; Connell , 1992 ) . <p> Outcome expectancies . Participants responded to three types of outcome expectancy items developed with the aid of qualitative data obtained in a pilot study ( Williams &; Anderson , 2000 ) . Positive improved workout expectancies included 17 items reflecting the positive physical , social , and self-evaluative outcomes expected to flow from attaining improved workout performance . Examples of positive improved workout expectancy items include : " I will increase my muscle strength ... " " I will be admired for my physical appearance ... " and " I will improve how I feel about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflecting the negative physical , social , and self-evaluative outcomes expected to flow from attaining improved workout performance . Examples of negative improved workout expectancy items include : " I will experience unwanted muscle soreness ... " " My friends will think I am overly obsessed with weight-lifting ... " and " I will discover my performance limitations .... " Finally , Negative creatine use expectancies included 10 items reflecting the negative physical , social and self-evaluative outcomes expected to flow from the use of creatine . Examples of negative creatine use expectancy items include : " I will experience muscle cramps ... " " My friends will criticize me ... " and " I will feel that I am doing something unnatural to my body ... " <p> Participants were asked to rate the " Likelihood " of each outcome on a scale from 0 ( not at all likely ) to 100 ( extremely likely ) . Before proceeding to the next item , participants were also asked to rate the " Importance " of each outcome on a scale from 0 ( not at all important ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , responses to " Likelihood " and " Importance " questions were multiplied , and the resulting products were divided by 100 to yield an item score ranging from 0 to 100 . All of the outcome expectancy item scores were subjected to principle axis factoring with oblique rotation to investigate the factor structure of the items . Results yielded three factor-based scales that were consistent with the original grouping of the items . Item scores were then averaged for each scale to yield positive improved workout expectancy ( = .91 ) , negative improved workout expectancy ( = .86 ) , and negative creatine use expectancy ( = .82 ) scale scores . Data Analyses and Results <p> Descriptive Statistics and Preliminary Analyses <p> Creatine use . Of 148 participants , 5 ( 3.4 % ) had not heard of creatine , 70 ( 47.3 % ) reported having used creatine at some time , and 78 ( 52.7 % ) reported never having used creatine . Among creatine users 9 ( 12.9 % ) were of minority status , while 28 non-users ( 35.9 % ) were of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 ( 28.6 % ) had used it for more than 2 months , 30 ( 42.9 % ) for 1 to 2 months , 11 ( 15.7 % ) for 2 to 4 weeks , 7 ( 10.0 % ) for 1 to 2 weeks , and 2 ( 2.9 % ) for less than I week . With respect to cycles of use , 22 ( 31.4 % ) reported 1 cycle , 19 ( 27.1% ) reported 2 cycles , 14 ( 20.0 % ) reported 3 cycles , 3 ( 4.3 % ) reported 4 cycles , and 10 ( 14.3 % ) reported more than 4 cycles . <p> Source of Information . Sources of first knowledge of creatine and most information about creatine across creatine use are shown in Table 1 . A majority of both creatine users ( n = 48 , 70.6 % ) and non-users ( n = 40 , 60.6 % ) indicated that friends and family was the first source of knowledge about creatine . The highest number of creatine users ( n = 20 , 29.4 % ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creatine , while the majority of nonusers ( n = 37 , 55.2 % ) said friends and family was the source of most information about creatine . <p> Use of other performance enhancing supplements . Creatine users used more performance enhancing dietary supplements , other than creatine , than non-users , t ( 146 ) = 5.00 , p < .001 ( Table 2 ) . In addition , a larger proportion of creatine users ( n = 47 , 67.1 % ) than non-users ( n = 21 , 26.9 % ) reported previous use of at least one other performance enhancing dietary supplement , / ( 1 , N = 148 ) = 22.52 , p < .001 . Table 3 displays the types of performance enhancing dietary supplements used by creatine users and non-users . Protein/amino acids were the most often used supplements by both creatine users and non-users . Of 11 participants reporting use of DHEA/andro , 10 ( 90.9 % ) were creatine users . <p> Self-efficacy and outcome expectancies . Mean ratings for self-efficacy and outcome expectancy variables across creatine use are presented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which variables should be included in the logistic regression analysis . Creatine users were significantly higher on self-efficacy with creatine than non-users , t ( 146 ) = 4.98 , p < .001 . No significant differences were found between creatine users and non-users for self-efficacy without creatine , t ( 146 ) = .45 , p = .657 . Creatine users had significantly higher positive improved workout expectancies , t ( 146 ) = 2.37 , p = .019 , and lower negative creatine use expectancies , t ( 146 ) = 4.90 , p <.001 , than non-users . No significant differences were found between creatine users and non-users for negative improved workout expectancies , t ( 146 ) = .15 , p=.882 . <p> Sequential Logistic Regression Analysis <p> Based on the preliminary analyses , self-efficacy with creatine , positive improved workout expectancies , and negative creatine use expectancies were included in a sequential logistic regression analysis to predict status as either creatine user or non-user ( Table 4 ) . In accordance with social cognitive theory , self-efficacy with creatine was entered on the first step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ step ( Bandura , 1997 ) . Goodness-of-fit indices indicated that the model including the social cognitive variables was a better predictor of creatine use status than the constant-only model both on the first step , / ( 1 , N = 148 ) = 22.34 , p < .001 ; and the second step , / ( 3 , N = 148 ) = 39.24 , p < .001 , of the analysis . Strength of association for the model is indicated by correlations between predicted group membership based on the model and actual group membership ( Tabachnick &; Fidell , 2001 , see page 545 ) . The model accounted for 11.6 % of the variance in creatine use status on step one ( r = .34 ) , and 25.0 % of the variance in creatine use status on step two ( r = .50 ) . <p> The Wald statistic tests each logistic regression coefficient ( ) to determine whether or not each variable contributes uniquely to the model ( Table 4 ) . Results indicate that self-efficacy with creatine contributed uniquely to the model on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expectancies also contributed uniquely to the model on step two ; however , positive improved workout expectancies did not . For those variables that contribute uniquely to the model , odds ratios provide a more easily interpretable index of the magnitude of each variable 's unique contribution . Prior to calculating odds ratios , the predictor variables were converted to standard scores . Thus , odds ratios reflect the increase/decrease in the odds of creatine use status given a change in one standard deviation in the predictor variable , controlling for all other variables in the model ( Table 4 ) . On step one the odds ratio indicated that participants were 2.36 times as likely ( 136 % more likely ) to be a creatine user for each standard deviation increase in self-efficacy with creatine . On the second step , the odds ratio for self-efficacy with creatine decreased to 1.91 , indicating that some of the shared variance between self-efficacy with creatine and creatine use status was also accounted for by the outcome expectancy variables . The odds ratio for negative creatine use expectancies indicated that participants were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be a creatine user for each standard deviation increase in negative creatine use expectancies . Discussion <p> Consistent with SCT , creatine users had stronger beliefs in personal ability to enhance performance through creatine use . In addition , participants were 2.36 times as likely to be a creatine user for each standard deviation increase in self-efficacy with creatine . Self-efficacy with creatine continued to be a significant predictor of creatine use status after the outcome expectancy variables were added to the model , thus supporting the notion that self-efficacy continues to be a strong predictor even after outcome expectancies are controlled ( Bandura , 1997 ) . Creatine non-users did not have higher self-efficacy without creatine than creatine users . Instead , mean values for self-efficacy without creatine were high for both groups , suggesting that participants were all fairly confident that they could improve personal workout performance without creatine . <p> Negative creatine use expectancies had the strongest relationship with creatine use status among the outcome expectancy variables . Creatine users expected fewer negative outcomes from using creatine and deemed those outcomes less important than non-creatine users @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outcome expectancies , participants were less than half as likely ( Odds Ratio = .45 ) to be a creatine user for each standard deviation increase in negative creatine use expectancies . Moreover , the increase in explained variance from step 1 to step 2 indicates that outcome expectancies explained unique variance in creatine use that was not accounted for by self-efficacy . Creatine users expected more positive outcomes as a result of improved workout performance and valued those outcomes more than non-creatine users . However , positive improved workout expectancies were not a significant predictor of creatine use status when self-efficacy and negative outcome expectancies were controlled . Finally , negative improved workout expectancies were not related to creatine use status . Instead , the mean for this variable was relatively low across all participants indicating that resistance trainers do not expect many negative outcomes of improved workout performance . <p> Descriptive results indicate pervasive exposure to creatine in this population as evidenced by the percentage of those who had heard of creatine ( 96.6 % ) and the rate of use ( 47.3 % ) . In addition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ male , undergraduate , recreational resistance-trainers participated in varsity high school sports and obtained information about creatine from athletic trainers ( Williams &; Anderson , 2000 ) , the present data suggest that information about creatine is more often obtained through friends and family or through magazines than through professionals such as athletic trainers . Information gleaned from these sources may become distorted or exaggerated leading consumers to make decisions about creatine use that are not based in fact . Exaggerated claims of the effectiveness of creatine may indirectly affect creatine use by influencing self-efficacy and outcome expectancies . Finally , creatine users had used more performance enhancing supplements than non-creatine users , and more creatine users than non-users reported previous use of more harmful supplements , namely DHEA and andro ( King et al. , 1999 ) . <p> The present study lays the groundwork for the understanding of performance enhancing dietary supplement use from a theoretical , social cognitive perspective . Results suggest that SCT variables are useful in differentiating between creatine users and non-users . However , interpretations based on the sequential logistic regression analysis must be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Although social cognitive variables are theorized to determine future behavior , current self-efficacy judgments and outcome expectancies are based in part on past behavior ( Bandura , 1997 ) ; therefore , to more clearly understand how self-efficacy , outcome expectancies , and information sources influence behavior ( i.e. , creatine use ) , longitudinal designs are preferred . Moreover , the use of a convenience sample in the present study limits the generalizability of the findings . Research employing random and broader sampling ( e.g. , high school students , college graduates , and female resistance trainers ) is needed to understand how SCT operates to influence creatine use in these populations . Finally , as the market for dietary supplements continues to grow , more research is needed that examines theoretical determinants of a wide range of supplement use , including more harmful performance enhancing drugs . Table 1 Source of First Knowledge and Most Information About Creatine Reported by Creatine Users and Non-Users PREFORMATTED TABLE Table 2 Means and Standard Deviations for Self-efficacy , Outcome Expectancies , and Number of Performance Enhancing Dietary Supplements Used Across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Other Than Creatine , Used by Creatine Users ( n = 70 ) and Non-Users ( n = 78 ) PREFORMATTED TABLE Table 4 Sequential Logistic Regression Analysis ( N = 148 ) PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4005641 IT IS certainly a memorable image : New York City mayor Abe Beame standing before the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem and leaving a plaintive , one-word note -- " HELP . " At that time , 30 years ago , the Big Apple needed all the help it could get . It was in the midst of a financial crisis the likes of which had rarely been seen in any American metropolis before . At that point , not even a spectacularly effective mayor could have pulled the city back from the brink , so all the spectacularly ineffective Beame could hope for was an answer to his prayer . He did n't get it . <p> Thirty years later , much has changed for the better in New York . But since the April 1975 fiscal crisis the world 's financial capital has continued to lurch from one fiscal crunch to another , up to the present day . Sometimes the symptoms have been more obvious , but even when it has appeared healthy the city 's disease has always been lurking there , just under the skin , waiting to flare up at any moment . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the situation than " disease . " New York 's affliction has consisted of a complex web of different , but closely related , ailments . Dissecting Gotham 's budget , it is hard to know where the malign influence of the city 's over-powerful civil service unions leaves off and the crushing burden of its overgenerous social welfare spending takes up . The malevolent effects of City Hall 's growth-stifling taxes and its cringe-inducing bonding practices are practically inseparable . <p> All of which might lull other civic leaders into a delightful bout of Schadenfreude . The only problem is that New York 's syndrome is spreading , and not just to other cities " and towns but to state capitals , as well . The news out of Albany and Sacramento these days sounds eerily similar to New York City 's turbulent fiscal history . Therefore , with three decades of history under the Brooklyn Bridge it is now possible to put the Big Apple under the microscope . And with other cities and states starting down the same path to financial ruin , it is doubly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a compelling cautionary tale for local leaders who care to listen . A bad case of the " British disease " <p> New York City can be seen as the first large-scale American outbreak of what used to be called the " British disease " ( France and Germany are also afflicted at the moment ) -- the economic sclerosis suffered by liberal democracies held hostage to the demands of politically powerful labor unions and social service providers . A more technical term for this is " distributional politics , " and Mancur Olson has provided a particularly useful framework for understanding the nature of the problem . Relative prosperity and the illusion that a local economy can sustain the higher taxes that go with bigger government encourages weak government leaders to offer small concessions to special interests , such as municipal unions or vocal advocates for the poor . These concessions snowball over time , creating an ever-larger constituency for government spending and making it increasingly difficult to turn back the clock . New York is a classic example . <p> Gotham certainly has an overinflated social service network @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two elements of the " British disease , " labor is the older and bigger problem . It results from a mix of ideology and a politics organized around the systematic purchase of votes . A string of New York mayors either found it convenient to expand the unionized municipal work force or wilted in the face of union strong-arm tactics . <p> The 1975 disaster did not materialize over night . The seeds were sown by Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia , who took the reins of a bankrupt city in 1933 and left behind a vastly increased city work force and budget when he ended his tenure in 1945 . LaGuardia forged a partnership with President Franklin D. Roosevelt to create a local version of the New Deal in order to lift the city out of the Great Depression . Over the short term , it was a success : The city would emerge from World War II into an economic boom . But its long-term legacy was a municipal government incapable of supporting its oversized programs and , especially , its gargantuan city work force . This problem only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bargaining rights to city employees in 1958 . <p> On its face , Wagner 's move does not strike a modern audience as particularly odd -- it should not be surprising that a Democratic politician would favor union interests . But Wagner 's move broke for good the power of the Tammany Hall machine that had long run the city 's politics , and had been a bulwark of the Democratic party . Once they were able to use collective bargaining to harness the enormous size of the city payroll , the unions quickly supplanted Tammany as the dominant political force in the city . Wagner was reelected to a third term in 1961 by exploiting this unprecedented base of support . <p> As problematic as the Tammany machine had been , New Yorkers might be forgiven if they soon started to miss it . For all its serious failings , at least Tammany had always tried to balance its labor support with the concerns of outer-borough homeowners sensitive to taxes . This balancing act had served as a de facto check on the unbridled expansion of city spending . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Wagner threw caution to the wind . Spending grew twice as rapidly in his last four years as it had in his first eight , and much of that spending flowed to an ever-increasing municipal work force . That growing work force in turn created an even greater labor constituency than the one that had already propelled Wagner into office . Wagner 's embrace of public-sector unionism , combined with existing civil service rules , provided tens of thousands of city residents with relatively well-paid jobs with virtual lifetime tenure , topped off with generous pensions . <p> The seeds Wagner had sown during his third term started to sprout almost immediately after his successor , John V. Lindsay , took office . Lindsay 's first term began with a labor-relations debacle -- a , 10-day transit strike in January 1966 . Lindsay 's Protestant rectitude and denunciation of the Transit Workers ' Union and its Irish-American leader Mike Quill butted up against Quill 's outright contempt for the mayor . The result : The mayor ultimately threw in the towel , and transit workers enjoyed average annual raises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Perhaps inspired by the success of their brethren in the transit union , sanitation workers and teachers soon went on strike , marking a pattern of labor unrest that would dog Lindsay throughout his first term . The mayor 's almost gallic propensity for surrendering when the going got tough only fanned the flames of union activism . By the time his first reelection campaign rolled around in 1969 , Lindsay was a different man . As election day neared , he dropped his adversarial stance against union " power brokers , " ultimately winning their political support ( if not their personal affection ) , albeit at the price of even more generous contracts . <p> Which is why Abraham Beame , Lindsay 's colorless , diminutive successor , inherited a massive and growing budget deficit . Beame , however , was not entirely blameless . The Brooklyn clubhouse pol had been the elected city comptroller under Wagner , and again during Lindsay 's second term . His mayoral campaign slogan was " Abe Beame knows the buck , " so he should have known precisely how precarious the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Yet he seemed as surprised as anyone when the house of cards began collapsing . A bloated army of city workers would be on hand to march all over the city 's balance sheet as the national economy worsened and Gotham lurched towards insolvency during Beame 's first term . <p> By the end of 1975 the city directly employed an astonishing 340,000 workers , an increase of 100,000 since 1959 alone . And that did n't include the 80,000 people who worked for the state Metropolitan Transportation Authority ( which had absorbed the city-run transit system in 1969 ) or the bi-state Port Authority of New York and New Jersey , or the bevy of private firms supporting themselves , almost solely on government contracts . <p> Thus , on the brink of ruin , city politics ( and politicians ) were dominated by extraordinarily large municipal unions . This had come about for several reasons , ranging from LaGuardia 's expansive view of city government 's responsibilities and the expansive work force that went with it , to Wagner 's ploy to break Tammany by granting greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weak temperaments in the face of aggressive unions . These mayors had let the union bull into the china shop , and in 1975 it would start thrashing around . The welfare city <p> The enormous work force was symptomatic of another perilous condition -- the city 's utterly unsustainable rate of social service spending . As Wagner expressed it so elegantly when asking Albany , to let him borrow more to finance city expenditures , " I do not propose to permit our fiscal problems to set the limits of our commitments to meet the essential needs of the people of the city . " He said this with a straight face , and with a very generous notion of what the word " essential " meant . <p> LaGuardia had started the ball rolling during the New Deal by introducing a raft of programs to serve the city 's poor residents . Wagner would take these programs to a whole new level , fully incorporating middle-class residents into the welfare state . Some of these programs took the form of indirect taxes and subsidies , such as rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rent control as an emergency measure during World War II . Unlike most others , the rent ceilings stayed after the war was over . But other programs required ongoing costs . The proliferation of low-cost housing ( actually targeted at the lower middle class ) under the 1955 Mitchell-Lama program , was just one example . Even municipal jobs became a form of welfare support for the middle classes . <p> After Wagner 's tenure , however , New Yorkers were not quite , ready for what awaited them on Lindsay 's watch . The tall , telegenic Lindsay was viewed as the " great white hope " of American urban liberalism . He rode into office trumpeting a compassionate concern for blacks that led to comparisons with Robert Kennedy . The mayor 's efforts at racial reform made him a favorite of the New York Times and landed him on the covers of Time and Newsweek . His name appeared on vague lists of potential presidential contenders . <p> As primary author of the Kerner Commission report on the Watts Riots that had riled Los Angeles in 1965 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American racism blocked the conventional paths of upward mobility for African Americans , never mind compelling evidence of black economic progress in the 1960s . In Lindsay 's view , it was up to the government to create state-sponsored paths of social mobility for racial minorities . Thus , even at a time when the black male unemployment rate in New York was 4 percent and there were long columns of help-wanted ads for unskilled laborers in the Big Apple , Lindsay managed to double the welfare rolls to over one million . In doing so , he killed two birds with one stone , creating jobs for thousands of middle-class social workers . This would not have been so bad except that , in a condition unique to New York City , the state requires Gotham to foot one quarter of the bill for public income assistance and Medicaid . <p> Lindsay would dig the hole even deeper after the Detroit and Newark race riots of 1967 and 1968 . He became convinced that further social spending was the only sure way to avoid racial violence in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't -- at least New York was spared large-scale problems , although there were numerous small riots and a massive increase in violent crime that amounted to an ongoing rolling riot . But this relative stability had come at a steep price : Although its population was shrinking , and although spending on core services like police , fire , and sanitation declined as a percentage of overall expenditures . New York City 's budget grew by 125 percent during Lindsay 's tenure . Footing the bill <p> The only thing more destructive than such a wholesale expansion in city spending was the way in which Lindsay and his successors set about funding it . To pay for both the union contracts and the vastly augmented welfare population . New York City raised taxes with reckless abandon , while also mortgaging itself far into the future by issuing one wave of municipal bonds after another . <p> The sharp up-tick in taxation started soon after Lindsay took office , when the mayor persuaded Albany to levy the city 's first personal income tax and a commuter tax ( a levy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the city ) . He also revamped the business income tax . The immediate effects of these tax hikes on individuals and businesses were masked by an economic boom , but as soon as the national economy soured in 1969 major cracks began to appear . In response to mounting job losses , Lindsay increased the city 's personal income tax 75 percent , hiked the sales tax by one penny on every dollar , and expanded the reach of the business tax to include the partnership profits of physicians , lawyers , and other professionals . To make matters worse . Governor Nelson Rockefeller was increasing these same taxes at the state level . By 1975 the marginal state and local income tax rate in New York City was more then 18 percent , while neighboring New Jersey and Connecticut still imposed no taxes on wage income . To a certain extent the tax increases did work -- net city tax receipts rose by 53 percent ( 12 percent in real terms ) between fiscal 1970 and 1975 . But the city was hemorrhaging private-sector jobs , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the growth in the budget , which expanded by an incredible 80 percent ( 28 percent in real terms ) in the same period . <p> Not to be outdone by Wagner 's iron-willed determination to spend without a thought for revenue constraints , Lindsay turned to the bond markets . To make ends meet , he vastly expanded the city 's reliance on short-term debt , which rose from $1.3 billion in 1970 to over $3.4 billion in 1974 in nominal terms . To an increasing degree , however , the city was borrowing just to keep its head above water -- using the proceeds of short-term notes to meet current operating expenses and to pay off other notes issued to cover prior expenses . This marked a significant difference from how municipalities are supposed to use borrowing -- issuing bonds to cover capital expenses such as infrastructure investment or individual construction projects . In such cases , the worst that can happen if the bond market heads downhill is that a school project does n't get started , or a road repaving project is delayed for another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shell game . If the bond markets moved in an unfavorable direction , the ability of city government to carry out its normal day-to-day functions would be in jeopardy . Collapse <p> It was only a matter of time before this house of cards collapsed , and although Lindsay managed to avoid getting hit by the falling sword , his successor , Beame , was n't so lucky . <p> By 1973 , all of the ingredients for disaster were in place . Ornery unions were hovering over the mayor 's shoulder , confident in their own ability to strong-arm City Hall in any contract negotiation . The city was overextended when it came to providing social services , and its welfare liabilities only expanded as misguided tax policies scared off businesses and a recession generated longer unemployment lines . And despite those higher taxes , the city had been resorting to increasingly risky methods for financing its obligations . The Arab oil embargo of 1973 was enough to push Gotham over the edge . <p> That embargo and the recession it sparked caused an overall worsening of the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same time , it led to a general tightening in the broader market for municipal bonds . The bean-counters did the best they could to keep the situation under control , but by the spring of 1975 the game was up . The city could not find any takers for yet another seasonal offering of tax anticipation notes ( a type of short-term bond designed to tide the city over until its next round of tax revenues starts pouring in ) . Beame was forced to plead publicly for investors to buy the notes . When that did n't work , Gotham was officially flat broke , and there was a danger that the city would simply default on its debts . Something had to be done . <p> But what ? The city had no hope of growing its way out of the hole . Burdened with backbreaking taxes , the city 's economy had been in free-fall since 1969 . Between that year and 1977 , an astounding 570,000 private-sector jobs disappeared . The only real growth industry was government -- even as its balance sheet was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100,000 . Meanwhile , getting labor concessions proved nearly impossible . The unions would eventually make limited concessions , but for a time it looked like they would sink the city with a general strike and mob violence . When Beame called for city workers to forgo a 6 percent pay increase scheduled for July 1 , 1975 , the city 's Municipal Labor Coalition responded by bringing tens of thousands of protestors into the narrow canyons of lower Manhattan in a raucous protest against the First National Bank ( later CitiBank ) , which union leaders and liberal politicians had declared " the number one enemy " because , as a major bondholder , it had expressed doubts about the city 's solvency . Beame 's program of limited layoffs sparked a wave of sick-outs , protest strikes , and walkouts by workers performing essential services such as sanitation . City Hall itself came under siege as the pink slips started issuing forth , and laid-off cops blockaded the nearby Brooklyn Bridge , hurling beer cans at their still uniformed brethren and letting the air out of tires to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ labor leaders wanted a general strike , but it quickly became apparent that the federal government was not going to offer a bailout . This forced the unions to confront a frightening possibility : With no federal help forthcoming ( remember Gerald Ford 's famous " Drop Dead " speech in the fall of 1975 ) , the city could go bankrupt . And if that happened . City Hall would be in a position to scratch all the generous labor contracts and start over . This threat ultimately led the union leadership to rethink their position . How not to fix a city budget <p> The city 's fiscal rescue was financed by the Municipal Assistance Corporation ( MAC ) , created by governor Hugh L. Carey . It would prove only a partial cure : Statutory reforms achieved fiscal transparency and improved financial planning , but left the city 's propensity for excessive spending largely unchanged . MAC was a state entity handed a dedicated tax revenue stream to allow it to convert the city 's short-term debt into more secure long-term bonds . Financially , MAC , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ success . But ironically , that very success reduced the pressure to address the city 's underlying problem -- that it was spending beyond its means . It was as if a high-living homebuyer had , among his spending excesses , purchased a house that was too expensive for him given his income . But rather than scaling down his spending , he instead went in search of an accommodating bank that would allow him to stretch out the refinancing of his mortgage on slightly more favorable terms . <p> MAC also had a second , more subtle irony . It ultimately provided a convenient opportunity for the unions to win easy political points without making significant concessions . They could do this by agreeing to let the city pension plans purchase MAC bonds . They had initially resisted the idea when they were first dragged ever-so-reluctantly to the negotiating table . However , they eventually " gave in , " as soon , cynics might argue , as labor leaders realized they had nothing to lose and everything to gain . <p> Then , as now , public pension @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's constitution . City taxpayers were ultimately responsible for making good on earlier poorly considered pension promises to the unions . So despite their high-minded talk of heroic self-sacrifice in taking a risk and purchasing the new MAC bonds , the unions were " gambling " with house money . They would get their pension benefits no matter what . But they did gain something from their so-called concession -- they created the public perception that they were trying to play nice with the city . <p> Such ploys , combined with Beame 's apparent inability to push a hard bargain with labor , paved the way for more aggressive union tactics as the crisis wore on . Barry Feinstein , leader of a Teamsters local involved in the negotiations , knew how to play rough . In 1971 , his union members had released raw sewage into the city 's waterways during a contract negotiation . He later compared the unions ' strategy during the fiscal crisis to " guerilla warfare . " And it worked . Considering what could have happened , the unions fared quite well . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mostly through attrition or transfer to state payrolls rather than through layoffs . A scheduled 1976 pay increase was deferred , and there was no base increase at all in 1977 and 1978 . The city withdrew half its subsidy on employee pension contributions , representing a small cut in take-home pay for many of the remaining workers . But the pensions themselves remained untouched , as were longevity raises and cost-of-living increases . By 1978 , the unions were negotiating for pay increases again , and over the next four years base pay increased by a compounded rate of 26 percent . During the period from 1975 to 1983 , the number of city workers was cut by 20 percent . But total compensation costs per worker for the rest actually increased 4 percent after inflation . <p> What ultimately saved the city was a " happy " coincidence . The misery-inducing inflation of the late 1970s translated into a faster growth in the city 's tax receipts , while effectively reducing the relative size of the city 's overhanging fixed-interest debt and pension obligations . Third-world countries typically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to such tactics -- creating inflation to evade creditors . In New York City 's case , it just happened by accident . <p> Perhaps this is why few outside the circle of professional fiscal monitors cared at the time that the politicians had almost completely dropped the ball when it came to reform . Certainly , they had managed to push through a new Financial Control Board ( FCB ) to oversee every aspect of the city 's budget . And the FCB and MAC between them managed to force austerity measure on Beame and his tougher successor , Edward Koch . But by 1978 , with President Ford 's " Drop Dead " talk in the past , the federal government stepped in first with a raft of emergency loans and then a federal loan guarantee to back up city debt . <p> And , by the early 1980s , even Koch 's fiscal tough talk had largely fallen by the wayside . Buoyed by state cuts in income tax rates between 1978 and 1981 , and Reagan 's tax cuts in 1981 , the stock market started @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largely dependent on this enormous sector of its economy , good times on Wall Street cleared the way for a return to the status quo ante . Between 1980 and 1989 , the city budget nearly doubled in size , growing almost as rapidly in absolute terms , and relative to private value added , as it did in the 1960s . Koch added 57,000 full-time positions to the city payroll , more than offsetting the job cuts instituted during the crisis . By 1990 , when Koch was succeeded by David Dinkins , the size and cost of municipal government was as big as it had ever been . <p> There were occasional stretches of fiscal constraint . On the basis of his campaign rhetoric , Rudy Giuliani , Dinkins 's successor , seemed likely to be another story . He pointedly refused to rule out layoffs in his initial budget message , putting the unions on the defense . He sold off assets like the city 's radio and TV stations , tried to start selling the city hospitals ( until he was blocked by the courts ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of some services . He was particularly successful in contracting out social service programs to nonprofit agencies . Facing , a cash shortfall and desperate to reduce costs lest the city be taken over by the financial control board , Giuliani made welfare reduction a top budgetary priority . Trumpeting the theme of work , he split the labor-liberal coalition by enlisting the public-sector middle class in support of welfare reform . The strategy worked , and in one of his signal achievements Giuliani began to sharply reduce the rolls even before federal welfare reform legislation was enacted . <p> But in doing so , he also perpetuated the unsustainable costs of the city 's public-sector work force . His last financial plan , adopted just two months before September 11 , 2001 , contained what amounted to a $2 billion operating deficit covered with surplus funds from prior years . Giuliani effectively mortgaged a portion of the city 's future economic growth to make good on promises to city workers . <p> Whoever succeeded Giuliani was destined to inherit an unbalanced budget ; the World Trade Center attack simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has relied heavily on tax increases and borrowing to close a budget gap that reached $6 billion early in his tenure . His unwillingness to challenge New York 's distributional politics and entitlement culture virtually ensures a continued long-term decline in New York 's relative economic growth . Giuliani 's achievements notwithstanding , it still seems like city leaders are acting as if they have learned nothing from the experience of 1975 . One-party dangers <p> At a remove of three decades , the fiscal crisis can seem like nothing but a distant tragedy . And yet if one looks at the current trials and tribulations of a certain large . West-coast state , all of a sudden the lessons of the New York debacle take on a new importance . <p> What are those lessons ? First , it 's not the economy , stupid -- it 's politics . Rereading the history of the Big Apple 's fiscal crisis , one of the most striking aspects of the sad story is that the decline into chaos was more or less gradual , starting back in the 1930s and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point : Normal economic cycles were not ultimately to blame for New York 's fiscal crisis , or for its recurring problems since then . A particular economic event -- the oil embargo -- might have been the straw that broke the camel 's back . But the camel was already badly in need of a chiropractor . What made the camel vulnerable was its long history of distributional public-sector politics that took the private sector for granted . The motivation for such policies did not matter -- Wagner 's grant of collective bargaining rights as a calculated ploy to break Tammany was just as destructive as Lindsay 's high-minded , but woefully misguided , effort to solve racism by putting much of the city 's African-American community on to the dole , which in turn was just as damaging as Beame 's lack of leadership in the face of mounting budgetary danger . <p> It is worth considering New York 's particular brand of distributional politics . As Olson 's generalized theory would predict , the city 's death spiral was made possible by the fact that it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a comparative advantage in several highly lucrative sectors , an advantage that would help mask the deleterious effects of redistributionist policies at the start by attracting similar businesses despite the tax rates . All a politician needed was to create a steeply progressive income tax and he would be good to go . <p> A lack of political competition is crucial , too . Despite the election of three at least nominally Republican mayors in the last 40 years , the Republican party has virtually ceased to exist as an organized political force outside the smallest borough , Staten Island . The city 's 1992 term-limit law brought a predictable termination date to the Giuliani era ( a period of relative budgetary restraint ) , but has made no difference in the overwhelmingly Democratic makeup of the city council . This means that even the most irresponsible politicians have a high likelihood of retaining their seats , since as long as they squeak through a party primary they are unlikely to face a serious challenge in the general election . Coming soon to a state near you <p> The most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its incomplete recovery is that the city has proven to be not an outlier but a front-runner . That is , it was not the exception so much as it was the first occurrence of what could become the rule . <p> Consider California . Its comparative advantage in high-tech , industries led computer entrepreneurs and " dot-com " millionaires to flock to Silicon Valley , a region that provided a seemingly limitless supply of new revenue during the expansion of California 's distributionist politics in the 1990s . As a result , wealthy California satisfied its highly organized public-sector interests by spending the state into near bankruptcy . In real terms , the state 's general fund increased 68 percent from 1994 to 2001 , thanks in large measure to skyrocketing personal income tax receipts from stock options and capital gains , which reached a full one-quarter of general fund revenues . This meant that California was exceptionally vulnerable to a stock-market downturn . Innovations in public financing , some of them pioneered during Gotham 's 1970s bailout , helped California dig its way out of its hole for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and soon , the Golden State will merely lurch from one bout of near-insolvency to the next , just as New York City has for most of its post-crisis history . " <p> In short , it can happen again . It could happen in New York state . It is still too soon to say whether it will happen in California , although Californians may now have , in Arnold Schwarzenegger , a governor who might avoid the political timidity that plagued New York . The problem is political , not financial or economic . As the state-and local-government share of an economy continues to expand , such crises will become more common . Carried by irresponsible politicians , the disease of New York City-style public-sector politics can spread elsewhere . <p> By E. J. McMahon and Fred Siegel <p>
@@4007141 SANTAYANA 'S ADAGE <p> In 1896 , Krafft-Ebing published Psychopathia Sexualis . Popularly defined as hereditary weakness or taintedness in the family pedigree , degeneracy was called upon as a causal explanation for perversions of the sexual instinct . Although Krafft-Ebing accepted Karl Ulrichs ' proposal that homosexuality could be innate and probably located in the brain , he paid little attention to neuropathological sexology . Alfred Binet challenged Krafft-Ebing 's orthodoxy by explaining fetishism in terms of associative learning , to which Krafft-Ebing 's response was that only those with a hereditary taint would be vulnerable . Thus did the venerable nature-nurture antithesis maintain its rhetoric , even to the present day . Krafft-Ebing died too soon to meet the Freudian challenge of endopsychic determinism , and too soon also to encounter the idea of a developmental multivariate outcome of what I have termed the lovemap . Like other brain maps , for example the languagemap , the lovemap requires an intact human brain in which to develop . The personalized content of the lovemap has access to the brain by way of the special senses . <p> " Those who can not remember the past are condemned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santayana actually wrote in The Life of Reason ( 1905 ) , though they are often paraphrased as " those who do not study history are condemned to repeat it . " Sexology today is , through inattention to its own historical doctrines , condemned to repeat them , as is evident in the contemporary antithesis between the biomedical versus the social constructionist model of causality in sexology , which is a reincarnation of the outmoded antithesis between nature and nurture . For its very existence , nature needs nurture , and likewise , nurture needs nature ( Ridley , 2003 ; Wallen , 1996 ) . They are not antithetical , but complementary . Otherwise there is a blank . Nothingness . <p> A dozen or more years ago I began a search of the sexological literature for causal postulates of sexuopathology or " sexual perversion " as it was formerly named . Until the end of the 19th century a juridical postulate almost exclusively held sway . Perverts , according to this postulate , committed sexual crimes by choice , voluntarily . It was their preference . Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the criminal justice system . <p> Formerly the criterion standard of perversion was procreation : Any manifestation of the sexual act in humankind except the procreative act of genital copulation was a perversion . Masturbation , known as onanism , was included , and so also were nocturnal pollution , anal or oral sex , pornography , harlotry , homosexuality and more . <p> The first sexological challenge to the postulate of perversion by choice was launched on behalf of homosexuals by a jurist , Karl Ulrichs , in the 1860s ( Kennedy , 1988 ) . Juridically , homosexuality was known as the perversion of sodomy . Based on the self-knowledge of being himself homosexual , Ulrichs postulated an inborn causality which he located in the brain . HEREDITARY DEGENERACY <p> Ulrich 's ideas influenced Richard von Krafft-Ebing : Witness the extended title of his benchmark book , Psychopathia Sexualis with Special Reference to the Antipathic Sexual Instinct : A Medico-Forensic Study , which first appeared in 1886 . Krafft-Ebing followed the medical orthodoxy of the day in attributing psychopathology in general and sexual perversion in particular to degeneracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Swiss physician Simon Andre Tissot ( 1832/1974 ) , he did not attribute degeneracy to the loss of vital fluid by masturbation . The causal explanation of degeneracy that he most favored was hereditary taintedness in the family pedigree . <p> Under the name of atavism , the idea of hereditary taint was blended with Darwinian evolution in reverse by Cesare Lombroso ( 1876/1972 ) . Atavism signified reversion to a more primitive evolutionary stage of development , which was manifested in not only criminal pathology but also in anomalies and deformities of body morphology ( the so-called stigmata of degeneracy ) . Atavism has reached a dead end in today 's theoretical sexology . <p> The concept of hereditary taintedness antedated the rediscovery of Mendelian genetics and was compatible with Lamarckian theory of the inheritance of acquired traits . Lamarckianism was widely popular in Krafft-Ebing 's day . Hereditary taintedness became the basis of the theory of social eugenics and racial purity , which reached its apogee in Hitler 's holocaust . The concept of heredity itself , however , took a new lease on life in sexology after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sex chromosomal syndromes of 47 , XXY ( Klinefelter syndrome ) , 47 , XYY ( supernumerary Y syndrome ) , and 45 , X ( Turner syndrome ) . Mapping and sequencing of the genome is applicable to sexuopathological behavior ( violent and hypersexual ) in genetic " knockout " mice , but has yet to become applicable to the etiology and treatment of human sexuopathology ( summarized in Money , 1997 ; Nelson et al. , 1995 ) . NEUROPATHOLOGY <p> Krafft-Ebing mentioned only 22 cases of brain disorder in Psychopathia Sexualis : 3 cases of idiocy were attributed to innate mental weakness , whereas 2 cases of brain injury , 5 of late-stage syphilis , and 12 of epilepsy were attributed to mental weakness . In the meantime , the functional and structural neuropathological determinants of sexuopathology have become a rapidly developing field of human clinical and animal experimental research , as in the new technology of brain scanning . The neurohormonal chemistries of sexuopathology were unknown and unknowable to Krafft-Ebing or anyone else in the 19th century , as the sex hormones were not isolated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1961 ) . ASSOCIATIVE LEARNING <p> Krafft-Ebing 's use of the principle of tainted heredity and degeneracy was challenged by Alfred Binet ( of intelligence test fame ) , who propounded a theory of associative learning to explain fetishism ( Hoenig , 1977 ; Pinkava , 1989 ) . Krafft-Ebing accepted the challenge by adding the proviso that degeneracy predisposed one to the learning of fetishism . Binet 's associationism , stripped of the proviso of hereditary degeneracy , eventually became incorporated into the theory of operant conditioning and behavior modification . Somewhat later , associative learning became epistemologically allied in some quarters with social constructionism and subject to being misconstrued as the antithesis of biological determinism ( essentialism ) . Associationism has not been able to explain individual differences in susceptibility to sexuopathology . Sexual addiction , a newly invented diagnosis , has the same shortcoming . <p> My own contribution to associative learning in sexology is based on imprinting theory ( Eibl-Eibesfeldt , 1971 ; Lorenz , 1952 ) . It replaces the diffuse concept of instinct with the concept of phylism ( Money , 1983 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behavior that belongs to an individual by reason of that individual 's phylogenic heritage as a member of its species . It is activated when three innate mechanisms -- namely , the mechanisms of recognizing , releasing , and responding -- are concordantly matched at a specified time or stage of development to produce a fixed action pattern that may be very long-lasting . Like associative learning overall , phylismic theory does not explain individual susceptibility to sexuopathology . ENDOPSYCHIC DYNAMICS <p> Although Freud did not follow Krafft-Ebing 's example and postulate hereditary weakness or taintedness as a predisposition toward sexual perversion ( a term Freud consistently used ) , logistically he could have done so . His self-appointed task was to formulate an exclusively endopsychic explanation of perversion and sexuality in general , not in terms of sexual practices only but also in imagery and ideation , conscious and unconscious . When he resorted to extrapsychic sources , it was to use them as metaphors for his own theory . Thus , the evolutionary stages of Ernst Haeckel 's gastrea theory became metaphors for Freud 's developmental stages of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phallic , and genital ( Sulloway , 1979 ) . The outcome of either arrest of development or regression to an earlier stage without repression was said to be perversion , and with repression , neurosis . Freud did not find a satisfactory answer to the question of who would be predisposed to develop either a perversion , a neurosis , or neither . There probably is no answer within the dynamics of an exclusively endopsychic theory . In other words , endopsychic theory is a universe of discourse unto itself . MULTIVARIATE DEVELOPMENTAL LOVEMAPS <p> Today 's term paraphilia has largely though not completely replaced perversion in the literature on sexuopathology . Since Krafft-Ebing 's day until nearly the present , what has been missing from a causal explanation of paraphilia or perversion is a developmental theory based on longitudinal , not cross-sectional , studies . Such a theory will , of necessity , be not univariate but multivariate . The variables will be genomic status ; hormonal history ( prenatal and postnatal ) ; sexual brain cell functioning ; history of toxic , infectious , or traumatic exposure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ play ; sex education ; adolescent sexual history ; amative history in imagery , ideation , and practice ; and so on . <p> Funding for a long-term follow-up study is a serious obstacle , and all the more so when the subject matter is as sensitive as sex has been in the moral philosophy and theology of our society for longer than two millennia . Although informed consent and the right to privacy are important in any type of investigation that pertains to human subjects , both are subject to special scrutiny by institutional review boards when the investigation pertains to sex . The right to refuse or withdraw from participating in any investigation effectively prohibits random sampling in favor of availability sampling in sexology . In my own longitudinal research , I have not undertaken contrived experiments , but have taken advantage of so-called " experiments of nature " and real-life clinical situations to build up an outcome database . To deal with the issue of multivariate developmental determinism , I have formulated and named the concept of the lovemap ( Money , 1986 , 1999 ; Money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the development of lovemaps in two volumes , one entitled Principles of Developmental Sexology ( Money , 1997 ) and the other Biographies of Gender and Hermaphroditism in Paired Comparisons ( Money , 1991 ) . To develop , a lovemap requires , like other brain maps ( e.g. , the speechmap ) , an intact human brain into which the layout of the map has access by way of the special senses . <p> For the future development of sexology , I think it is important that our theories of causation not be pitted against one another , but rather reconciled as components of a larger whole . To quote from physics , our ultimate search should be for " a theory of everything . " Sexological specialization notwithstanding , we all should subscribe to the same periodically updated encyclopedia of sexological knowledge and the same dictionary for the definition of terms . For example , is gender a synonym for sex , or does it have its own specific meaning ? We should study our own history so as not to repeat it . CONCLUSION <p> It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do , then my prophetic utterance is that increase in sexological knowledge will occur not at a fixed rate but in unforeseen saltational leaps ; witness the unforeseen Internet leap . The cutting edge of research will be in the animal lab rather than in human investigation . Thus it will be more about sexual practices than about erotic imagery and ideation . Social constructionism will be sidelined in social science and the humanities , where it will be used to explain shifts in sexological ideology rather than the development of individual sexuality . Freudian sexual doctrine will become the secular counterpart of ecclesiastical sexual doctrine . <p> We live in an era when science is on the gallop . We do not know what to expect . So I now discard my hat of prophesy and admit my ignorance . Thanks again to the Eastern Region of the Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality for the honor you bestow on me annually in naming The John Money Award for Significant Contributions to Sexology . <p> Manuscript accepted June 16 , 2003 <p> This paper was written in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality of The John Money Award for Significant Contributions to Sexology . The author was supported in research by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development , Department of Health and Human Services , Grant #R25-HD00325-46 . <p> Address correspondence to John Money , Ph.D. , Professor Emeritus of Medical Psychology and of Pediatrics , Psychohormonal Research Unit , The Johns Hopkins Hospital , 1235 E. Monument St. , Suite LL20 , Baltimore , MD 21202-5300 ; e-mail : jmoney@mail.jhmi.edu . <p>
@@4007741 In the long history of the university , back to medieval Europe , and the longer history of its precursors , back to the schools of antiquity , tack to Aristotle 's Lyceum and to Plato 's Academy , if the phrase " student evaluations " had been heard , it would have meant the evaluation , more exactly the judgment , teachers give of their students . Suddenly , as the university was about to begin its second millennium , ' evaluations ' by students of their teachers were instituted in the United States . <p> Although they arrived in a stormy time , the late 1960s , these ' evaluations ' did not take American Academe by storm . Indeed , although campuses are always filled with discussions , although modern colleges are proud of their freedom of speech , and although professors praise the examined life , these ' evaluations ' were not much discussed . They seem to have been an innovation that needed only to be proposed to be recognized as reasonable . <p> What made ' evaluations ' seem reasonable are three opinions : that teachers can learn from them , that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help administrators judge all faculty . These seemed nearly self-evident . Perhaps they are . <p> Certainly , what was left out were the students . II <p> Of teachers , Nietzsche says , " Whoever is a teacher through and through takes all things seriously only in relation to his students . " 1 <p> If so , then the first thing a teacher would ask about any innovation is : " What will this teach my students ? " Thinking of the long view , such a teacher will also ask : " What will this have taught my students when they have reached my age ? " and " What will the students of my students learn from them ? " Should such a teacher also teach politics , he will ask : " If such students become the rulers , what will they do ? " <p> Let us glance at a typical student evaluation . It consists of a series of questions that the student is to answer by checking boxes , circling numbers on a scale , or marking phrases on a continuum , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scanned and tabulated by a machine . Clearly , very little , in effort or time , is required to fill out such a form . It does not ask the students for examples , questions , thoughts , or a story . Little even in penmanship is required . Little is also insisted upon . If a student wrote a letter instead , it would not be welcome . <p> These forms also belittle students . Taken en masse , tabulated en masse , evaluations melt whatever individuality a student manages to express into an invisible , impersonal mass . " You count only as you add to a sum into which you disappear without a trace , " they say to each student . That many such things exist in our era does not make these forms diminish any less the dignity of each student responding to them . Kafka would understand . <p> There is something missing from these forms , like a face without features . Unlike even the most impersonal teaching , such as lecturing to large numbers or writing a book , in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name of the author or authors appears nowhere , and the student is not addressed by name , or even as a class . Without introduction or greeting , these forms come at the student , and they depart without a farewell . The very casualness of their disregard demeans . These questionnaires do not ask the student to respond in a way that would require , or invite , another human being to respond in kind . <p> They are also shifty . Like a man who wo n't look you in the eye while he questions you , evaluations ask the student for something personal , a judgment of another human being , but they give nothing personal themselves and promise nothing personal in return . Like a one-way mirror , the author of an evaluation hides and yet wants the student to expose himself or herself . Good manners are not something these forms teach students . <p> Of course , much in daily life is impolite , demeaning , and devious . Good students learn to evade or endure such things , and even forgive them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something important . Do student evaluations teach something important ? III <p> The most obvious thing evaluations teach is that writing is not very important . Sometimes the student is allowed a space for writing , but seldom more than a few sentences , and this is not the important part , just a concession to humanity or a cynical stroking . Writing would be a hindrance to the devisers of these forms ; written responses could not be tabulated , and only tabulations can be facilely compared . " I do not want to read something from you . I am not interested in your writing , " whisper evaluations to the student . Not surprisingly , these forms are not well written . Nothing subtle , sharp , or distinguished appears . Nothing pungent , colorful , or savory is permitted . " I myself am not interested in writing well , " these forms confess to students but without shame : " I got here without writing well . What 's the fuss ? " Such forms do not teach students to write well . They teach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ writing who hand them out . <p> My objection is not trivial . Thinking and writing are connected . Although Homer , the skalds , and the Beowulf poet may have been thoughtful without being able to write , few graduates of colleges today will be so without writing . The habits of deliberation , self-knowledge , and scrutiny required of a people in a representative democracy are not to be cultivated without writing . Today , those who can not read will be captivated by images ; those who can read but not write will be swayed by rhetorical snares , drums , and trumpets ; even those who do write and read will have a hard time . Only those who can describe , in a letter for example , an important experience in their lives are likely to think for themselves , enjoy liberty , and pass on its blessings to our posterity . <p> Written in prose , evaluations are not . Their syntax is often broken , their rhythm jerky , and their grammar mistaken . Most include incomplete sentences . Their diction is littered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adult trying to be " with it , " they often adopt the slang that they suppose students use . Do they condescend or are they just low ? Are the authors dumbing down or dumb ? It is not worth knowing . No one reading one of these forms ever wanted to meet its author . Few reading one would suppose it had an author . Behind them there seems to be no human being , no teacher , no mind . The writer of them does not care for such things ; it-no other pronoun than " it " will do-never asked a question it did not think it had the answer to . This self-satisfaction puts it in that rare minority , the unteachable , whom it really would be in vain to approach with help . <p> Bacon tells us : " Reading maketh a full mind , conversation maketh a ready mind , and writing maketh an exact mind . " Student evaluations maketh the opposite . No student ever finished a student-evaluation form and said , " Boy , that was worth reading ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No student ever finished an evaluation , sought a friend to converse with , and exulted : " Wow , did you notice how interesting the second question was . How did you answer it ? " And no one ever finished a student evaluation so filled with thoughts that he spent the rest of the day writing because he had been provoked to ask : " What do I think ? " <p> Evaluations are not designed to elevate the understanding of the student . On the contrary , at work in these forms is a hostility to intellect more malevolent because it 's stealthy . Choice there is , but not if you think better than the boxes , numbers , and phrases . Clarifications , queries , and questions are not permitted . Qualifications , additions , and substitutions are not invited . " Please do not be troublesome , " the form intones : " Do not try to be more intelligent than us . Just mark the box , like the other students . You understand . There are so many of you , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to choose from . Elsewhere we have provided a place for some of you to write something . You understand , I 'm sure . " Evaluations remind one of teachers who , upon hearing a comment more intelligent than they are capable of , turn to the class and say , " Well , class , what do you think of Johnny 's comment ? " 2 IV <p> Of course , elsewhere in college , there may be experiences in writing , in thinking , in learning , just the kind of things it is worth telling a friend about . Yet , it is just such experiences that student evaluations teach the wrong things about . <p> Consider the questions asked in a typical form . They range from : Did your teacher come to class ? proceed through : How well was your teacher prepared ? and go all the way to : Is your teacher knowledgeable ? I believe the first question is within the capacity of almost all students except for those who have not come to class , and the questionnaires have no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ student : How often did you come to class ? there is no way that evaluations , being anonymous , could confirm the veracity of the student 's answer . <p> The second-level question , about the teacher 's preparation , is ambiguous . Yes , a complete absence of preparation ought to be visible to the meanest intellect ( supposing the intellect has come to class ) . If the teacher has assigned the Declaration of Independence and during class can not remember any of the twenty-seven charges against George 111 , it is fair to say that the teacher did not prepare . And if the teacher regularly comes to class late , reads her mail , and leaves early " to get a call from Washington , " it is fair to say that the person is not teaching . But beyond the grossly obvious , what student could know about a teacher 's preparation ? <p> How long does it take to prepare : a day , a week , a lifetime ? Undoubtedly , it is good to prepare , yet every experienced teacher knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ five different plans for , and it flopped . Free will exists , and students can exercise it . Most such teachers also know of discussions that went so well you start fancying comparisons to the Lincoln-Douglas debates , the Constitutional Convention , and Plato and Aristotle in Raphael 's School of Athens-but , truth to tell , the teacher did not feel well prepared , for there were wars in the world , crises in the college , emergencies at home , and insomnia all night . Free will exists ; students can exercise it and teachers can , too . Some preparation is done the day before , some the months before , some your whole life . <p> ( Evaluations also do not ask students about their own preparations : " How many hours a week did you spend on this course ? Did you do all the reading ? Attend all the classes ? How many drafts did you do of your paper ? " There is no encouragement to self-examination in evaluations . Even if the forms asked , there would be no way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of course the old way , through examinations , which do encourage self-examination . ) <p> At the same level are questions such as : " Could you follow her lectures easily ? " " Did he follow his syllabus closely ? " " Did her tests reflect the material covered in class ? " " Were his reading assignments realistic ? " 3 I suppose some students are capable of answering these questions , provided they have been to class and provided they answer honestly . However , it is not good for a student to do so . Taken together , these questions suggest that the student 's feelings about the class are more important than what he or she learned . Furthermore , each question , by assuming something about teaching , teaches it to students , not directly as a teacher does , but by insinuation ; for example , they teach that tests should concern only material covered in class , that a syllabus should be followed closely , that lectures should not be hard or readings long . AU share one premise : that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> On the contrary , " good students like hard tests . " 4 They like the challenges a good teacher will put to them . Such teachers will certainly ask questions on material not covered in class . At my college , there was a reading period at the end of each semester and the final always had a question about a book read outside and not covered in class . The best question I ever met on an exam was a complete surprise ; it asked me to tell how three of the Victorian novelists we read " would put you into a novel of theirs . " 5 The best lectures I ever heard , Paul Tillich 's , had little relation to the reading list . Nor do good teachers aim to make their lectures " easy-listening . " Good students prefer Mozart to Muzak or , equally important , come to do so through good classes . They do not object when the teacher uses a word they did n't know before or mentions in passing a good book they had not already heard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and read that book later . And the best will seek out such things on their own . If dolphins are judged good students when they introduce new twists and turns , why should n't humans be ? <p> Likewise , good teachers deviate from the syllabus . In pursuit of the truth and hoping for a transformation in the soul of his students , Socrates often failed " to follow the syllabus closely . " When old Cephalus sensed such a failure , he left class , but the others that night in Piraeus were student enough to stay . Was Socrates " realistic " in what he required of Adeimantus and Glaukon ? Hardly . He led them on a merry intellectual chase , visited the fabled cave , saw the fabulous sun itself , and finally bedded their sleepy souls down on the " idea " of a bed in Book X. All this was good for them ; they would never forget that night of talk , even when they forgot the details of it ( which Socrates , let us note , recalls word for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multitudes of strong souls , reading the Republic , in classes and out , have agreed . <p> The questions typical of student evaluations teach the student to value mediocrity in teaching and even perhaps to resent good teachers who , to keep to high purposes , will use unusual words , give difficult questions , and digress from the syllabus , or seem to . Above all , such questions also conceive the relation of student and teacher as a contract between equals instead of a covenant between unequals . Thus , they incline the student , when he kerns little , to blame the teacher rather than himself . No one can learn for another person ; all learning is one 's own , even when it is somehow the result of one 's teacher to whom one is grateful . <p> The third-level question , about the teacher 's knowledge , must be assumed to be entirely beyond any student in a class . If the student is good enough to judge the knowledge of the teacher , the student should be teaching instead . There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are no longer students . When Isaac Barrow recognized Isaac Newton was that good , he got Newton appointed to his chair . The assumption that each and every student of today is that good , hence a fit judge of any and every teacher 's knowledge , is unwarranted . With shoes , the wearer is always right about whether the shoes fit . Learning , however , is not like slipping on a pair of sandals , and teaching is not like shoe making . It is , as Pascal says : while a lame man knows he limps , a lame mind does not know it limps , indeed says that it is we who limp. 6 Yet these forms invite the limpers to judge the runners ; non-readers , the readers ; the inarticulate , the articulate ; and non-writers , writers . Naturally , this does not encourage the former to become more like the latter . <p> In truth , the very asking of such questions teaches students things that do not make them better students . It suggests that these mediocre questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what teaching and learning are , and that any student is qualified to judge them . This is flattery . Sincere or insincere , it is not true , and it will not improve the student , who needs to know exactly where he or she stands in order to take a single step forward . <p> How far evaluations misunderstand teaching and learning can be appreciated by reading one on Socrates . Under the heading PERSONAL QUALIFICATIONS , we read : " Ugly . Not a good dresser . Not sure of himself , always asking questions . " Under the heading ORGANIZATION , we read : " No seating chart , no regular times , no schedule of topics or readings . In class , he starts on one topic , leaves it for another , just follows students ' whims . Classes run on beyond meal times . Takes unannounced field trips . He does n't tell us what will be on the exams . " Under TEACHER-STUDENT RELATIONS , we read : " Hard to get a hold of . No regular office hours . Places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know what he wants . He criticized our music . He likes some students better than others . He would n't let us eat in class . He promised us a feed , but instead just kept us up late . He promised us a spectacular field trip , but it was just the same old yacking . " Under PREPARATION , we find : " Obviously does not prepare , will start anywhere , even asks some student to start things . When a student asks a question , he just finds some way to ask it back . " HOW MIGHT THE COURSE BE IMPROVED : " Give lectures . Get rid of Socrates . Find someone who knows something and knows how to teach . " Under KNOWLEDGE OF SUBJECT MATTER , we read : " Actually admits he knows nothing . Sometimes he seems to , maybe he 's published a lot ; one thing for sure , he ca n't teach . I do n't know why the philosophy department hired him . " And finally , the summary question HOW EFFECTIVE WAS YOUR TEACHER @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more before I started . Most students fell asleep or left . Some who stayed , he played favorites with . Socrates is arrogant . If it were a vote , I think he would lose . " 7 Of course , there were a majority of such students in Athens the day Socrates was condemned , and also at least one great student to write about it . Because student evaluations make no distinctions between students-between Plato and the many-they would have voted with the majority in Athens that day and do so every day in American academe . V <p> At the heart of evaluations is a confusion of opinion and knowledge that teaches students to be indifferent to knowledge . The " **25;257;TOOLONG " prose in which these forms are written , their preformed answers , the inarticulate responses that they are satisfied with , all abstract from the differences of intellect , soul , and heart among the students . When the difference in quality among students makes no difference , every student is being taught that quality makes no difference . Moreover , with no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no encouragement for students to be scrupulous . Before the jury in the American court files out to judge the accused , the judge instructs them in the law and in their duty . Before students judge their teachers , they receive no such instructions ; the forms themselves teach that none are needed . Their easy-smudge , easy-scan mode signals " opinions wanted here . " What they teach is : " Opinion is knowledge . " <p> Fortunately , the student may be taught elsewhere in college that opinion is not knowledge . The student of chemistry will be taught that the periodic table is a simple , intelligible account of largely invisible elements that wonderfully explains an enormous variety of visible but heterogeneous features of nature . The student of history may learn that a great past event is even harder to say the exact , satisfying truth about than a theft with living witnesses in a court . In the course of writing a thesis , the student of literature may proceed to conclusions that differ very much from her first explanation of the mystery of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experiences of knowledge and the opinionated indifference to knowledge inculcated by evaluations ? It is safe to say that no teacher who trained reason upon the forms , so as to bring out that contrast , would have much of a chance of succeeding . Merely by allowing the forms , the teacher loses half or more of the authority to teach . Suggestions about the intellectual nullity of the forms might be resented by some students , reported to the administration , and placed in the teacher 's file . Thus is the worldly interest , or the academic ambition , of the teacher set against both his intellectual integrity and his teacherly care . <p> By teaching students things that make them less studious , student evaluations in turn " teach " the teachers to be less teacherly. 8 They teach teachers to satisfy , to entertain , to flatter , even to stroke students as much as teach them . Knowledge may count for something somewhere , but in the evaluations it counts for nothing . There , only the composite opinion of the majority of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to court their favor , and sometimes to cajole them into a little learning -- that is teaching . <p> All that Tocqueville feared in democratic despotism , that the Federalist warns against as majority tyranny , that teachers as opposed as Machiavelli and Thomas agree to call calumny , that the ancient poets called Rumor , and that mobs of all ages have acted upon violently , teachers in American academe are quietly subjected to through evaluations . <p> The ugliest scene I have ever witnessed on a campus was an orientation for new faculty . ( As a visiting professor , I was invited along with the probationers . ) Outside , it was early fall . Inside , in the front of the room were three probationers ; seated around a large table facing them were the new probationers ; and in the corners , watching everyone , were the deans , who had chosen the speakers , the topics , and the theme . The first young teacher spoke about how available you must be to students , how often students stop by for extra help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how you must not expect to think about your research during the year . ( During her talk , it came out that she was still trying to finish her thesis . ) The second probationer spoke about how important student evaluations are , how you can learn from them , and how good they really are . ( I can not remember whether he gave any examples or whether they were so rudimentary that I was ashamed for him . ) The third young teacher spoke about how important fourth-year reviews are . ( It came out that he was approaching his . ) The message of this triptych was clear : throughout the course , students test the attentiveness , the appreciativeness , the obligingness , the acquiescence of the teacher ; at the end of the course , students evaluate the teachers on these ' virtues , ' and later the watchful deans decide who stays . Little brother is watching you . Little sister will whisper about you . And big brother is all ears . <p> All morning nothing was said about education , about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an account of how she teaches . No veteran told stories about his three most unforgettable students or his three most forgettable ones . No one painted a portrait of a great teacher . <p> That it was probationers themselves who had been asked to deliver these dispiriting messages on topics they might have the most anxiety about was both sad and alarming . Maximum hoc regni bonum est , / Quod facta domini cogitur populus sui / Quam ferre tam laudare . Gary Larson would show it as three veteran Herefords explaining to a herd of newcomers just in from South Texas how happy they were to be in Chicago , and over the gate of the corral would read " Stockyards . " <p> At lunch , after this orientation , a veteran teacher gave a frank history of the college , how he had seen a growth in money , a growth in prestige , and a decline in conversation . Was this a protest or a confession ? It was hard to tell . It certainly fit with the morning and with the history of many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? They asked no questions , at least not then . They were too young to know anything different from the morning 's lessons . <p> To discover that you have a mind changes your life . To watch that happening is wonderful . To encourage it gives a satisfaction unlike any other . Few teachers discover the peculiar happiness of teaching late in life . Time is fate . What you do not discover in your first years of teaching , you are very unlikely to discover later . And what you do not know , you can not hold to in adversity . <p> Good teachers think about the long view . They think about truth , about their lifetime pursuit of it , and about what the student will be later after college . Hence , they are willing to disappoint a student today , this term , this year , for the sake of later , and they are duty bound to displease whenever it would be dishonest to do otherwise , which seldom benefits the student , even in the short run , as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who told his students that there were five concentration camps in Texas . An older teacher undertook to teach him not to tell falsehoods . In public he challenged him to name the five camps . It is safe to say the younger man was not pleased , not then , and not when he lost his position . Years later , however , the young teacher wrote the older teacher to thank him . It had changed his life. 9 That 's the long view , the teacher 's view , and one of the long rewards . A teacher is deeply pleased by such thanks , does what would deserve it , and does not wait for it . VI <p> Might a better evaluation form be devised ? I can easily believe that some forms are worse than others . And I do believe a better one than any I have seen could be written , but not that it would be good for students , teachers , or universities. 10 Even an evaluation written in prose , with ample space for prose in return and intelligent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learning and striving to lift students to that level by challenging them and encouraging them to examine themselves-would still teach students that they are fit to judge teachers , suggest that teachers should satisfy students , and tempt students to calumny ( about which more later ) . <p> What kind of disposition does any student evaluation inculcate in the soul of the student ? <p> I can not think that the habit of evaluating one 's teacher can encourage a young person to long for truth , to aspire to achievement , to emulate heroes , to become just , or to do good . To have one 's opinions trusted utterly , to deliver them anonymously , to have no check on their truth , and no responsibility for their effect on the lives of others are not good for a young person 's moral character . To have one 's opinions taken for knowledge , accepted without question , inquiry , or conversation is not an experience that encourages self-knowledge . To be treated as superior to one 's teacher will encourage a student to expect the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teacher . Such a student will be likely to regard truth in the same way : to resent its constancy , to resist its judgment , sometimes to envy its superiority , sometimes to assert his superiority , and yet withal to claim truth as an easy inheritance he need not acquire to spend . <p> Such a student will tend to think education is something that can be delivered like a purchase at a shop . She or he may go on to deem it something owed , like a present on a birthday-something one says " thank you " for but really thinks people would be stinkers not to provide . She or he may even go on to think of it as merchandise to shoplift in town , knowing the college will always intervene before anything becomes public . Such human beings do not make good learners . They do not have the necessary concentration , resolution , diligence , or persistence . Their desires are pale , their wills weak , and their breaths short . To suffer for learning will be impossible for them . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or to learn it well . Nevertheless , the human condition being what it is , they will not be able to escape from the consequences of their poor learning ; life will make it evident . <p> It is easy to pass from this stage to the next : to thinking that one 's failures are due not primarily to one 's own lack of virtue but to one 's teachers . " If I do n't learn , it must be the teacher , the course , the major , the department , or the college , that is at fault . " Such students will become experts at judging teaching . They will always know why they did n't learn . They will go from knowing why this teacher failed them , to why the next one did , and so on . It has been well predicted , of such students , that " later in life they will know just what the failings are in their employers that caused their work to be undervalued , or the failing in their spouse that caused the marriage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is always good to have a good teacher , but little learning would take place in life if it depended on good teachers . Good teachers are not abundant . <p> And great teachers are rare . They are not as easygoing as others . They teach not only subjects-especially hard subjects , ones they know are important-but they teach people how to learn , which in the end means how to learn without them when they are not there . Their assignments are surprising , difficult , and noble , for only such assignments encourage students to discover new things . Such teachers know that the great discoveries , the ones humanity resists at the time and sometimes can not thank the discoverers enough for later , were hard not only for the many to accept , but hard for those discoverers to make in the first place . Semmelweis was vilified , persecuted , and hounded down after his discovery of antiseptics ; that was hard to take , but , before that , just for him to think his way through to the discovery was hard . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had first to overcome in himself . Such men as Semmelweis do not spend their time in school being sore at their teachers . Of the nature they later try to fathom , they do not complain : " Nature is not a good teacher . She does n't tell us what is going to be on the exam . She does not hold preparation sessions , wo n't look over my paper before I turn it in , and wo n't let us bring the texts to the exam . I do n't think she 's knowledgeable anyway . " " Nature loves to hide , " said Heracleitus , and so does a great teacher . <p> The right disposition for the great student is right for us all , because it is more important for us to learn anything worth learning than that we be taught well . If we insist on the latter , we will not learn . While we are : complaining , faultfinding , cavilling , carping , censuring , or denouncing , and all the while being peevish , petulant , testy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn anything . " Quickly though we note faults in others , it is seldom with a view to correcting our own . " 12 <p> I understand there was civil suit against a college a few years back . A student claimed fraud and damages because by the time of graduation he had obtained none of the lux or veritas or virtue that the shield of the college promised . Thankfully , while dismissing the suit , the judge pointed out that getting those things depends on effort , that the college could only help , and that the student was free to leave at anytime . That learning is a commodity that can be bought for cash is the kind of misunderstanding that student evaluations encourage . No genuine student has such expectations . A student is someone who likes to learn , who appreciates most the teachers from whom he has learned something , and even more those who have helped him learn so that he can learn on his own . Finally , a student is someone who may even enjoy to learn on his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so because he has come to realize , whether there is teaching or not , whether it is good or bad , the only learning there really is is on one 's own . VII <p> While student evaluations cloud the intellect of the student , they also corrupt the character . ( And while they corrupt , they also cloud . ) <p> All such evaluations are anonymous . Either students need not sign their names , or , if they do , they are assured of confidentiality . There is then no personal responsibility for errors . More important , there are not personal consequences for a negligent , false , or even malicious misrepresentation . There is then no " student responsibility " in student evaluations . It is as if the student were being assured : " We trust you . We do not ask for evidence , or reasons , or authority . We do not ask about your experience or your character . We do not ask your name . We just trust you . Your opinions are your opinions . You are who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human beings trust very few other human beings that much . The wise do not trust themselves that much . Probably God only is worthy of it . Yet colleges in America have decided that students -each student , any student , all students-are worthy of such trust . The intellectual ignorance in that " trust " is as colossal as the moral irresponsibility . It fits with the current attitude toward plagiarism. 13 <p> The line between negligence and subornation is very thin here . Even when they do not fear being found out , most human beings , even ones who do not conduct themselves very well , feel a little uneasy talking about other persons behind their backs . It feels sneaky at the time ; it gives only a temporary relief ; and you may feel guilty later . They themselves may have been abused this way once and recall the shame or indignation it caused them . They may be restrained by such memories to not do unto others what they did not like being done to them . Also , whatever their illusions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teachers . They must feel then , however dimly , that there is something unnatural about badmouthing them . <p> To have student evaluations of teachers , all these inhibitions must be overcome . The mere fact of these forms , the fact that the college has instituted them , that they are uniform , that they are printed , that they look official , that they are guarded , that they take class time , and above all that the faculty acquiesce to them , all this does much to overcome such inhibitions . " Legitimacy " is a potent thing , for evil as for good . <p> At many colleges , the support given evaluations goes beyond mere approval . It is not merely okay to evaluate your teachers , but good citizenship , public spirited , responsible . At least one college goes further by making it the student 's duty to fill out such evaluations , a duty whose failure to perform is punishable , for no student may register for the next term without turning in the evaluations . This shows how great are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleges are willing to go . <p> A lot of innocent evil results . That is , otherwise morally ordinary students are led by the legitimization of such evaluation to think that it 's okay to offer anonymous criticism of persons behind their backs to third parties with adverse consequences . Many students will feel : " Well , I 'm just giving my opinions . It 's really what I think . What can be wrong with that ? " What is wrong would become apparent very quickly if students were asked whether their grades should be the average grade that other students , judging anonymously , gave them . Such a question is so elementary that it makes one wonder how innocent human nature in students is . If you would not , upon reflection , want to be treated as you are about to treat others , is it innocent to go ahead ? " Innocence " here hangs upon " reflection , " and reflection is not what evaluations teach students . In any case , it is not good for persons mistaking opinion for knowledge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to think what they are doing is innocent . That is exactly what legitimizing calumny by instituting student evaluations teaches students to think . Of course , persons who think they are innocent are less likely to be so . <p> It is easy to see what motives may sometimes work their pleasure through such evaluations . Under cover of anonymity , all sorts of complaints can be vented , grudges satisfied , envies expressed , scores settled , and fears indulged . I look younger than I am , so I have sometimes been present at conversations where students discuss their teachers , not knowing I 'm one , too . Standing at a copy machine in a college library , I once heard one student say to another , " You know that guy , Roth . Boy , am I going to get him on the evaluations . While he was out of the room , I checked his grade book . Do you know what he had down for me ? " True , in this case , the student must have known what he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get him " implies that . Or does it ? Perhaps if I had intervened , he would have given some general justification : " All grades are unjust . This is a required course , " and so forth . Or perhaps a specific justification : " Roth graded me unjustly . So I 'll grade him justly for that . Vengeance may be wild , but it 's just . " The student was certainly indignant , and if he dismissed my objections with , " Well , I 'm just giving my opinions . It 's really what I think . What can be wrong with that ? " he would have had the innovation of evaluations on his side as well as the college that instituted them . <p> One would like to think such bad motives are the exception and that most students are just " saying what they think " however erroneous it be . However , the only correlation that has ever been established between student responses and their evaluation of teachers is that between expected grade and present evaluation ; the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rated the teacher. 14 Should this surprise us ? If defendants in court were asked their opinion of the judge and jury before they heard the verdict , they would give similar results ; the more the guilty thought their guilt evident to others , the less highly they would rate judge and jury . Judged lacking and suspecting it might be true , human nature tends , at least at first , to deny it , and if given the shield of anonymity will also criticize the judge . Preemptive vengeance exists and student evaluations give it a free shot . <p> Thus , it must occasionally happen that an individual teacher suffers from the evil so easily practiced through evaluations . Given an atmosphere where students are more stroked than taught ; where a host of advisors , counselors , resource-persons , and mini-deans coach students ; where , for example , the college pays upperclassmen to " brainstorm , order , revise and polish your writing assignment with you " ; 15 where more steps are required of a teacher to charge a student with plagiarism than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where professors do n't take attendance , require little writing , and give the same exams every year ; where new teachers are pressured to change grades by chairpersons ; and so forth , there must sometimes appear a teacher concerned for the good of the student . Should such a teacher express this concern in teaching , it is easy to predict what guardians of the college 's ' honor ' would do : their compassion for surprised students , their credulity to all complaints , their encouragement of discontent , their solicitation of protest , their countenance of disrespect . Then would follow whispers amplified with each re-whisper , the lynching of the teacher 's reputation in the evaluations , and then the aftermath : the acquiescence of the better professors , lest they jeopardize their reputation or their raise , for a cause already lost ; the removal of the teacher ; the ousting of any independent student reporter ; the ensuing campaign of disinformation , harassment , and threat ; the impotence of the better students ; the passitivity of the faculty ; the changing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after graduation . <p> The point is not so much how unjust these things would be to the teacher , or how bad they might be : to endure humiliation , ridicule , slander ; to be tried by rumor ; to find unsigned notes on your door , your car messed up ; to enter a room where everyone is glaring hatred ; or to see people cross the street as you approach , scowl as if you had just been caught poisoning the water supply , or smile knowingly at you , as if your fly were permanently unbuttoned ( as a friend described it ) . 16 These can be very beneficial experiences ; every thinker will anticipate them , every patriot of academic integrity can expect them , and perhaps every human might ultimately benefit from them . The persons for whom such experiences are unquestionably bad are students . To badmouth a teacher and be encouraged by others to continue , and to do it , and to ridicule , revile , and enjoy a sense of comradeship in doing so , does not promote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must happen , and one would like to believe there are many such genuine teachers , 17 but the greatest harm this opportunity for evil has visited upon American academe is general , frequent , and pervasive . To avoid a poor composite score , many a teacher , especially many a probationer , will be tempted to lower standards . Fearing preemptive vengeance , many will consider beating students to the punch , with preemptive surrender . Most who do will do so gradually , so as not to stick out among others , some so as not to stick out to their own consciences . What will a teacher who has surrendered feel afterwards ? The best will feel pangs of self-accusation and look for situations in which not to surrender again . Others , with layers of excuses never quite covering their guilt , will live on , no more than half good to any student . Those insensitive of surrender , who never surrendered anything in the first place , will feel nothing , see nothing , and teach nothing , as before . Have any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Few confess it , I acknowledge . Still , one of the things academics often say about the last twenty-five years and other academics never contradict is that there has been enormous grade inflation . I rest my case . Students have suffered enormously from that inflation -- the majority by being deceived and the best by studying in an atmosphere where their best was not asked for . <p> Of course , there are good students . They will be reluctant to participate in student evaluations . The very best will simply not want to subtract time from their studies . The better they are , the more they will not regard themselves as qualified to judge their teachers and the more they will feel bound to their teachers by emulation , affection , and gratitude . In addition , the spirited and honorable among the students will disdain such evaluations as sneaky . If they had an objection , complaint , or suggestion , they would express it immediately , in class or right after . The conscientious among the better sort would also not want to participate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Their principle would not allow them to write anything about another person anonymously . If they had a complaint or suggestion , they would make it to their teacher , in person , at some time when it might do the most good . They will refrain from calumny because , were they the teacher , they would not want to be so calumniated . <p> However , all these good students -- the contemplative uninterested , the spirited disdainer , and the conscientious objector to calumny -- may be checked by a consideration of the good , which it is also a duty to support . Good students can easily see , as easily as poor ones , that where such evaluations are instituted , they have some effect . Consequently , if they think their teacher is good , they are faced with a dilemma . To refuse to participate in calumny is right , yet not to will subtract the support their approval will contribute to the tabulations that decide or affect the fate of their teacher . Reputation is rumor , opinion is a nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person will seek them -- yet perhaps no good person should ignore them . There 's the rub ; here doing right may add to evil and doing wrong may do good . We can not lament the fact that young people meet with such moral choices ; they exist in life , yet it can not be a matter of pride that colleges deliberately put students in such situations , especially the best ones . It is the kind of thing a certain kind of tyrant enjoys doing . It is meant to break not the body but the soul . VIII <p> Like most people , students talk a lot about others . It is very important that they learn to talk not only responsibly , so that they would not mind others doing to them as they do to others , but also critically with intelligence , and even benevolently , seeking the good for all , especially the good of learning . <p> " Speak with your teacher first " used to be the rule on campus . With this maxim ruling , most complaints evaporate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all human beings have a hard time complaining as fully , heatedly , and unjustly to the person they are complaining about as they do to another . Perhaps more important , whatever might be rational in a complaint will , thus stripped of static , be more likely to gain rational attention , and thus more likely lead to improvement . The old procedure was for the student to speak first to the teacher and if not satisfied , to speak again to him and if still not satisfied , to speak to another teacher or to a dean , gradually increasing the circle conversing . Instead evaluations teach students to " speak to your teacher last . " " Evade your teacher ; do n't speak to him ; speak to others about him ; and save up your complaints for evaluations " is their enticement . This does not secure improvements , is not designed to , and it does not encourage learning . <p> Nevertheless , the existence of such forms does teach students something . The anonymity with which the student is allowed to answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be unjust to students . It assumes that all teachers are guilty before any one of them has been proven to be . This is prejudice in action . By being a class vilification of all teachers , it is also a backbiting of each . And , in a way , a " front-biting , " because the student knows the teacher will probably be shown the results . This is slander in action , just as much as scrawls on bathroom walls . <p> The conditions under which students are asked to fill out evaluations make all this very plain . Commonly , the teacher is required to pass the forms out and to leave the room , for his presence might have " a chilling effect " upon students . Commonly , after the forms are done , not the teacher but a designated student is asked to bring the forms to an administration building , lest the teacher cheat . Commonly , the teacher only receives a copy of the results after he or she has turned in grades , lest the teacher grade unjustly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After all , the teacher might commit forgery or destroy evidence . All parts of this common practice are known to all parties . The suspicion of teachers is spread wide . <p> What all this teaches students is that teachers are untrustworthy . The college does not trust them ; the administration does not trust them ; and even their fellow teachers do not trust them . Indeed , teachers as a group do not trust themselves , for it is not a fellow teacher who administers the evaluations , gathers them , and carries them to administrators ; students do . Moreover , the teacher himself , by acquiescing to evaluations , showing up to distribute them , leaving , letting students gather them , and so forth , shows he affirms these suspicions -- both the general suspicion of all teachers and , thus , the particular suspicion of himself or herself as well . <p> Yet on most campuses , there is one group that is highly trusted as individuals and as a group in situations where there is temptation and much to be gained , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , I am speaking of students at an institution where an honor code entrusts them with judging such things as cheating , plagiarism , and so forth . Such codes trust students far more than student evaluations trust teachers . What the innovation of student evaluations meant was that American academe decided to trust not only the intellectual judgment of students more than that of faculty but their moral character as well . In the sixties , it was said : " Trust no one over thirty . " The innovation of student evaluations says : " Trust no teacher at all . " Every time an evaluation is given to a student , it teaches : " Do not trust your own college 's teachers , especially your own teachers , the ones whose classes you are taking . " Of course , students do trust their teachers . They come to know them by studying under them . And in an elective system , students express their trust every time they elect a second course with them . Nevertheless , the evaluations and the acquiescence of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and however grateful that " there 's them and there 's us . " This works against the common good of all students and teachers . <p> What is astonishing is who teaches students to mistrust their teachers -- the colleges and universities of the United States of America . However , they could not have done so , they could not have instituted evaluations , without something more astonishing -- the faculty itself first agreeing : " There is us , there is them , and they are better . " To the degree that anonymous student evaluations are substituted for faculty judgments of fellow faculty , the faculty is confessing its incompetence in matters of teaching and learning . The rapidity with which faculties adopted evaluations in the late 1960s was a remarkable self-judgment . It is the kind of judgment about which one can really say , " If you say so , it must be true . " <p> The old ways through which senior faculty judged the teaching of probationers -- reading their writings for class and publication , sometimes visiting their classes , keeping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above all getting to know the probationers , even indicating a willingness to serve as mentors to them -- were superior to evaluations. 18 Like all arrangements that depend on human beings , the old ways were fallible , but they did not corrupt students , and , in recognizing the superiority of teacher to student , they supported the corporate authority of the faculty . These ways had been handed down from the times with more teachers of reputation -- when teaching was more honored by colleges , and when , judged by the achievements of their graduates , colleges were far more successful in teaching . <p> The faculties that voted in evaluations without much discussion had lost touch with the experiences of their worthy forebearers , in many cases , their own teachers . None of the three opinions that made evaluations seem self-evident amount to much . Three feelings were far more important . Some feared that criticizing evaluations would suggest one was n't liked by students , some looked forward to praise , and others feared the judgments of fellow faculty more than their students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lesser degree of it . The third , a " lesser evil " calculation , was , if true , a devastating judgment on the state of academe . All three ignored the good of the students. 19 IX <p> It is time to reflect on the political meaning of evaluations . They are at once the consequence of a long philosophic revolution , the instrument within academe that revolutionized it , and what may well revolutionize America . <p> Clearly , it is impossible to separate the moral and the intellectual effects of the innovation of student evaluations . In their conception , in their administration , in what they teach students , and how they affect teachers , knavery and folly make a pair . <p> Typically , such evaluations culminate in a comprehensive question , the composite score of which does the most to determine the teacher 's fate . At many a college , the question reads : " How effective was your teacher ? " Yet " effective " is not a synonym for good . Iago was certainly an " effective " teacher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the most effective man in Europe " would have been to elicit the answer " Heil Hitler . " The identification of effectiveness with goodness is the tyrant 's apology , the Quisling 's excuse , and the weakling 's plea . <p> It is also the principle of the social sciences , whose ambition is to construct a " value-free " science of valuable things . It is no accident that evaluations have the same form as the multiple-choice tests favored by the social sciences and the polls that they employ in so much of their research . The world view of these promising or pretended sciences is based on the alleged distinction between objective facts , easy-to-know , and subjective values that are impossible to know but easy to ascertain when regarded as expressions of opinion , satisfaction , or will . This distinction is a soft , academic formulation of the more fundamental and revolutionary distinction in Machiavelli between truth and effectual truth , more truly between , , truth and power . <p> In the fifteenth chapter of The Prince , Machiavelli passes off a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to write a useful thing for him who understands , it seemed to me more profitable to go behind to the effectual truth of the thing , than to the imagination thereof. 20 <p> This substitution of " effectual " for " true " loosed upon the world many " Princes , " greased the skids that degraded first philosophy into mathematical physics ( a science absorbed with efficient , at the expense of final and formal causality ) , and by cutting the philosophy out of political philosophy , engendered social science , ape of science and tool of princes . Yet Machiavelli was still a philosopher ; he wrote " for him who understands . " Effectual truth is still a part of truth , and virtu still a cousin of virtue . In order to found social science , what was needed was Nietzsche 's experimental substitution of " values " for truth . Nietzsche , too , was a philosopher , so he had to be gotten around . <p> By seizing upon values , but setting aside Nietzsche 's great longing and suffering , Max @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have a science of valuable things without asking , " What is valuable ? " was not an advance in human knowledge . It can not promote self-knowledge . " What 's ought but ' t is as valued ? " is the question asked by those who do not care for knowledge . They are proud not to inquire . Such humans can not know themselves . Nietzsche knew what moral fission he set off with the word value . The word evaluation , whose center is " value , " is but one of the chain reactions . <p> Daily , in American academe the conviction gains ground that all academe 's once valuable parts are best ordered by the fundamental denial that there is a standard of truth by which they can be reasonably judged . On the wings of this light conviction , administrators rise , teachers sink , and students drift . No longing of the soul can be stirred by it. 21 Day by day , complacency replaces desire ; flattery , truth ; " evaluation , " judgment . The difference between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who deny that judgment is possible . Unlike genuine judgments , they can not be questioned . When the administrators become the rulers of all or all the rulers become administrators , the new academe will be perfect . <p> The intellectual abdication implicit in this creed is colossal . It is not , I think , excused by the abdicator 's indifference to intellect . Nor are its effects invisible . In American academe , more and more students , studying with more and more teachers , learn less and less . The cause is intellectual and moral ; it was a choice . In American academe , the happy Positivist played whiffler for the puzzled Relativist , who in turn gave way to the grim and resolute Nihilist . Now , the insipid Last Teacher is ruled by the Brave New Administrator . This teacher does not like his master ; he is not happy , but he does not protest . He can not ; he has no intellectual ground to stand on from which he might counterattack , no intellectual Alamo to make a noble resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in . <p> The innovation of student evaluations of teachers has had a political-academic consequence . While degrading the class of teachers , threatening all the probationers , and sometimes punishing the aspiring teacher , student evaluations do not bring power to students . The great political beneficiaries of these forms are the administrators . When the administrators at Queens College started to institute student evaluations , the faculty resisted with arguments , evidence , and reasons , all to no avail . As the innovation was about to begin , one prudent teacher spoke for the faculty , much as follows : " You are right . How could we have not seen what a good idea evaluations are ? Yes , let us have them , in every course , every term , of every teacher . What a good idea ! Indeed , it is such a good idea , what reason have we to limit its scope ? It should be university wide . Just as there are to be anonymous evaluations of teachers by students , so there should be anonymous evaluations of the administrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as the continuance , the promotion , and the salary of the teachers will depend on the composite student evaluations , so the continuance , promotion , and salary of the administrators will depend upon the faculty evaluations . Surely no one can object to this . What a good idea . " The result of this speech was that not another word was heard from the administrators about student evaluations . <p> The political truth in this exchange is so evident that is it incredible , with the number of political scientists in American academe , that no one noticed the revolution that evaluations constituted. 22 Academe is filled with professors who wonder how cultivated Germans could have acquiesced to Hitler and his final solution for their fellow Germans who were Jewish . Admitting a difference between threats to life and threats to liberty , one might ask how the American professoriate could surrender its corporate liberty so easily . Did the old acquiescers not care about the young teachers ? One may hope that when in some future time children ask their parents , " In those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " that there will have been many rescuers and few squealers -- and , of course , plenty of teachers , ones worthy of persecution. 23 <p> In modern institutions , totalitarian or liberal , whoever has files on others without being " filed " by them rules . Thus , today in American academe , the non-teachers rule the teachers . It used to be that college presidents and deans could give a good speech on education , that they often taught courses or if they did not , they were missed in the classroom . Not any more . The typical administrator of today is not missed in the classroom , and does not miss it . It should not surprise us then that these nonteachers rule through subornation of calumny in those who most naturally might feel respect , or admiration , or gratitude toward their teachers . What is astonishing is that the teachers permit this interference with learning and acquiesce to this degrading despotism . On most campuses , a single vote of the faculty could sweep it away . <p> That seems easy . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not existed in academe for more than a generation ; salary and fringe desires , the foundation of a labor union , are not enough ; only a shared experience of teaching and learning will do , and that disappeared with the fragmentation of the curriculum through unlimited specialization and diversity before the 1960s . Faculty conversations governed by the seeming deference " that 's your field " and the real claim " This is my field " profit no one . The number of reading groups on a campus is the best sign of the state of the faculty 's esprit de corps . <p> If that spirit does not return , if that vote does not occur , the American academe that has been revolutionized by anonymous student evaluations of teachers may in turn revolutionize the United States . <p> When anonymous student evaluations of teachers are made the model of justice at large , all our old protections , built up over a thousand years , will be swept away . Our Sixth Amendment , which allows no witness to testify against us without confronting us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " away . No American court now allows a witness against the defendant to escape cross-examination by the defendant or his representative , but since this certainly might have what academe now calls " a chilling effect , " it will be righteously denounced and swiftly eliminated . Our courts require witnesses to swear , or affirm , the truth of their statements and suffer penalties for perjury . " But that puts witnesses at risk , " it will be observed , and we will lose this ancient guard of our liberty . Our courts restrict opinions from witnesses , are chary of inferences , and prefer firsthand testimony about facts . " Free speech " will be the cry against these restrictions . No American court admits hearsay evidence , except under special , unusual , and limited circumstances. 24 " What about free speech ? " will be the cunning plea and " Is n't it a free country ? " the cunning complaint against these standards . Standards for expert witnesses exist such that no student , only a fellow teacher , would be deemed an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrogant , " it will be exclaimed , " for anyone to claim to be better than another , " and all the standards on expert testimony will vanish . Again , our courts insist on good manners , cooperation , and respect , and they cite offenders for " contempt of court . " " Out of date , fussy , uptight " will be the cry disparaging this practice . Judges now become judges through long training and experience , and they serve " on good behavior " and can , in most states and the whole federal system , only be removed by impeachment and trial . But why should that be ? If they are to be so " tenured , " why not let defendants have a say in the matter . Let us have anonymous " evaluations " of judges . Indeed , why not have all judges evaluated by a cross-section of the citizenry that appears in the docket and removable by majorities after each trial ? <p> In our time , the most notable other institutions to pass laws encouraging and coercing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Soviet and the Chinese Communist regimes . That these tyrannies are abhorrent , that all tyrannies from the Caesars of old to the latest Idi Amins and Pol Pots have employed secret informers , and that precisely the most earnest , benevolent , and gentle teachers of humanity , Socrates and Christ , were destroyed by calumny -- these are among the considerations that ought to persuade teachers in American academe to abolish anonymous evaluations and convince free citizens in American to beware if they do not . <p> The current practices of academe pose a question to the American people : Will academe teach its new principles to America , or will America once again assert the rule of its principles everywhere in the Union ? Either academe will spread the rule of calumny everywhere in America , or America will restore the rule of reason to academe . <p>
@@4007841 The relationship between the Supreme Court and the press has been but a footnote in scholarly analysis of political institutions and the press . Some explanations for that neglect are obvious . Press coverage of the Court is meager , particularly compared to that of Congress or the president. ( n1 ) Moreover , the limited coverage that the Court receives is often criticized as inadequate and superficial. ( n2 ) News coverage tends to be driven by journalistic values rather than legal salience. ( n3 ) Given the scant and often superficial coverage , the lack of scholarly interest is understandable . <p> Yet such elementary explanations fail to address the important question of whether the Court seeks a relationship with the press . The obvious answer would be negative . But is that the correct answer ? <p> It is widely assumed that the Court has little interest in the press and public opinion because its only constituency is the legal profession . Such a view implies that the Court has no need or desire to communicate with the press . But Larry Berkson has identified two separate constituencies of the Supreme Court : the legal profession @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but more important portion of the general public. ( n4 ) This second , more subtle constituency is the base of power for the Court . <p> In Federalist 78 , Alexander Hamilton argued that because the Court lacks the power of either sword or purse , it is the branch of government least likely to injure : " It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL , but merely judgment . " ( n5 ) Without formal constitutional powers , the Court is potentially weak . It should rightly fear that the president , Congress , and the states will not comply with its decisions unless it can assert some authority that they will respect . " The only power that the Court can assert is the power of public opinion. ( n6 ) To succeed , the Court must have the support of the general public . The Court has even acknowledged that need . In carefully formulating its decision in the controversial abortion case Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey , Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote that the Court 's legitimacy is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n7 ) <p> To promote public respect for itself and its decisions , the Supreme Court attempts to project images of expertise , unanimity , and independence . <p> The image of expertise appears in the mystical trappings of the Court , with its robes and rituals , and in the backgrounds of its justices , which suggest the distance of an intellectual , if not social , aristocracy . Unlike other politicians , justices are expected to occupy a social and educational level above that of most citizens. ( n8 ) <p> The image of unanimity is cultivated particularly when the Court 's power is under attack from other institutions . Examples of the Court 's tendency to close ranks when its power is threatened can be seen in the unanimous decisions in the civil rights cases Brown v. Board of Education and Cooper v. Aaron , wherein state governments challenged the authority of the Court , and in U.S. v. Nixon , wherein the president threatened to ignore the Court 's ruling . The intent of the Court to encourage public compliance through its united opinion is hinted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the other justices , urging that the Brown opinion be " short , readable by the lay public , nonrhetorical , unemotional , and , above all , not accusatory. " ( n9 ) <p> The image of the Court 's independence is acquired by creating the perception of distance from , and immunity to , the political process . The Court 's apparent detachment from politics is made possible by its nonelective status . However , the image requires cultivation . As the Court itself admitted in a well-known opinion , its " authority -- possessed of neither the purse nor sword -- ultimately rests on sustained public confidence in its moral sanction . Such feeling must be nourished by the Court 's complete detachment , in fact and in appearance , from political entanglements. " ( n10 ) <p> Thus the Court must interact with the public to sense what it must do to maintain public confidence and transmit appropriate messages to its most important constituency . But it lacks the mechanisms that enable other political actors to hear from and speak to their publics , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town meetings . The Court needs an information conduit , and that conduit is the press . In this model , the role of the press -- based on the Court 's need to maintain its power by maintaining public deference to its decisions -- is to cultivate a positive image of the Court . <p> The potential effect of the press in promoting the needs of the Court is enormous because the public generally knows little about the Court or its actions . Though a few major decisions may penetrate mass awareness through saturation media coverage , most do not . Sometimes even the groups most affected by decisions of the Court are unaware of them . For example , a mid-1970s survey of Florida high school teachers showed that only 17 percent were aware of the Engel v. Vitale decision , which disallowed school prayer. ( n11 ) One prominent political researcher concluded : " Citizens , as individuals , evince little or no knowledge of or concern for the Court ; to the extent that they express sensible opinions , they base judgments on the vaguest and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The justices recognize the importance of the press in disseminating the views of the Court to the public . Earl Warren acknowledged the relationship when he wrote that the issues handled by the Court should be " well understood and intelligently appraised by the public . Since the public can not be expected to read the opinions themselves , it must depend on newspapers , periodicals , radio , and television for its information . " ( n13 ) In 1956 , referring to a news clipping , Justice Harold H. Burton wrote to Warren , " This shows that the opinion is being understood and taken as it was intended to be taken -- at least by the writer of this editorial . " ( n14 ) And in 1966 Earl Warren wrote to a reporter that he was " pleased beyond words " with the reporter 's coverage of the Miranda decision. ( n15 ) <p> There is ample evidence that the justices pay close attention to the press not just when important decisions are at stake but on a regular basis -- with particular concern for how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ABC News , related a conversation with Justice Scalia in which Scalia made specific comments about his stories . Stuart Taylor , of American Lawyer magazine , received congratulatory personal notes from Justices Brennan , Powell , and O'Connor after writing profiles of them. ( n16 ) <p> The justices also take an interest in negative stories . Chief Justice Burger once called news correspondent Fred Graham to his chambers to complain about a story Graham had done for the CBS Evening News. ( n17 ) And Justice William O. Douglas wrote a scathing letter in response to a Washington Post story about the Court ; though he decided not to send it , it can be found in his papers . It reads in part : " It is amazing how little the press knows about Supreme Court procedures . A country paper that we read at Goose Prairie can be excused , but not the Washington Post , whose editors could find someone to give them a seminar on judicial procedure any time they choose . " ( n18 ) Later , in his autobiography , Douglas called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their editorial pages as " a club by the publisher against the Court . " ( n19 ) Douglas and Burger were not alone in their anger . A biographer of Justice Abe Fortas wrote that Fortas held a " hatred of the press , " and that he called reporters " dirty " and " crooked . " ( n20 ) The attitudes of Burger , Fortas , and Douglas show that justices are quite concerned about how their efforts are covered . <p> Despite recognizing the press as a conveyer of their views and images to the public , the justices rarely acknowledge that the influence flows both ways . When asked in an interview what influence public opinion has on justices ' opinions , Justice William Brennan replied emphatically , " None . " ( n21 ) Yet the justices at least notice the political world around them . Justice Scalia wrote in his concurring opinion in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services : <p> We can now look forward to at least another Term with carts full of mail from the public , and streets full of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have been awarded those extraordinary , undemocratic characteristics precisely in order that we might follow the law despite the popular will -- to follow the popular will. ( n22 ) <p> Whereas Scalia admitted to noticing expressions of public opinion , Chief Justice William Rehnquist more explicitly acknowledged its possible effect in a 1986 speech , before his elevation to chief justice : <p> Judges , so long as they are relatively normal human beings can no more escape being influenced by public opinion in the long run than can people working at other jobs . And if a judge on coming to the bench were to decide to hermetically seal himself off from all manifestations of public opinion , he would accomplish very little ; he would not be influenced by current public opinion , but instead by the state of public opinion at the time that he came onto the bench. ( n23 ) <p> And one justice admitted in a background interview that public opinion may at least influence the Court 's agenda : " People just demand that the Supreme Court resolve an issue whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us sometimes . " ( n24 ) <p> Though justices may deny acting with the press or the public in mind , their conduct suggests otherwise . The Court released its initial decision on the constitutional protection of flag burning during the week of Flag Day . Conveniently , the Court scheduled the oral arguments for , and delivered its decisions on , both the Webster and Casey abortion cases on the last days of their respective terms , thus minimizing the impact on the Court of public demonstrations and press reactions while it was still in session . <p> These anecdotal observations are bolstered by a systematic study by David G. Barnum , who concluded that the major Court actions of the 1960s on minority rights were prompted by public opinion and that the Court was unwilling to act in areas such as busing and legalization of homosexuality where their decisions would be antimajoritarian. ( n25 ) <p> Though the Court must be responsive to public will to achieve deference to its decisions and maintain its power , it must not appear to be responsive to public opinion , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and weaken its power . Thus a paradox exists for the justices ' conduct -- they must engage in image making while denying that they do so . They resolve the paradox by actively cultivating an image of aloofness . <p> An example of that self-conscious aloofness was related by Tony Mauro , a reporter for USA Today : <p> We had a reception at the press room for Justice Souter .... When a justice comes onto the court ... we invite all the justices down for wine and cheese .... At the very end of it , Souter turned to us and said , " Well , thank you for this . I enjoyed it . Let 's do it again when I retire . " We realized as he walked away that you just do n't see them much . Once they get life tenure , they tend to get inaccessible -- until they 're old and they want to adjust their obituaries. ( n26 ) <p> Other justices may not find such brush-offs so easy , but they too work on the image . Stuart Taylor made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the most interesting of the justices because he is a ball of energy . He writes very forceful opinions . He does the same in oral argument . On the other hand , he does n't want to be a public figure , he 's very conscious of that . When he 's giving a speech , he does n't want to be televised . He does n't want anyone from the press to cover it . When he 's making a speech somewhere if he sees a television camera , he 'll go off stage and say " I 'm not going back on until that camera is gone . " The explanation he gives is that he does n't think Supreme Court justices should be public figures , out on the hustings making arguments . He ca n't resist doing it ; he just does n't want the image of what he 's doing widely disseminated . I think there was an element that some of the other justices felt he was getting a lot of attention , he was hotdogging too much and so I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is a certain tension between his urge to assert himself and his desire not to be perceived as asserting himself in certain ways . ( 111 ) <p> In addition to cultivating respect through an image of aloofness , justices sometimes actively engage the press to accomplish other ends , such as protecting their personal images . Justices Harry Blackmun and William Rehnquist have granted interviews specifically to correct what they considered mistaken views of their personalities ( 106 ) . Other justices , for example William Brennan and Byron White , have punished the press by cutting off reporters when they felt they were treated unfairly ; however , after years of silence Brennan embraced the press near the end of his tenure , when his power on the Court was waning ( 106-7 ) . <p> A second reason that justices engage the press is to acquire external assistance in internal disputes . Justices sometimes use press interactions and public speeches to express their views to sympathetic audiences and criticize colleagues or other officials ( 106-9 ) . But the more common avenue for such expressions is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which serve no authoritative function within the legal system , are designed to gain attention for a particular justice 's view outside the Court . Dissents are much more likely to be reported than concurrences , probably because of the inherent drama of conflict. ( n27 ) The number of such individual expressions by justices has increased over time . The Burger Court produced four times as many dissents and ten times as many concurrences as did the Hughes Court in the same amount of time . The extreme number of individual opinions in recent years caused David O'Brien to conclude that " individual opinions are more highly prized than the opinions of the Court . " ( n28 ) <p> A third motive of the justices in press interactions is to affect the larger political environment as it touches the Court . They sometimes even participate in the public debate on nominees . Justice Stevens publicly endorsed the nomination of Robert Bork to the Court , and Justice Thurgood Marshall publicly questioned the nomination of David Souter because he had never heard of him. ( n29 ) In 1986 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the press concerning original intent and judicial activism. ( n30 ) <p> Thus the Court has an active but often subtle or hidden relationship with the press . That relationship is essential for individual justices in reaching personal objectives and for the Court as a whole in maintaining its power . To more fully understand the relationship it is helpful to examine the mechanics of reporting on the Supreme Court beat . COVERING THE COURT <p> Approximately fifty reporters are assigned to the Supreme Court . Twelve to fifteen work full time on the Court ; the rest cover other subjects as well . The Court beat is high in prestige because of its proximity to power but low in satisfaction because of the need to rely on documents and the paucity of interviews with sources. ( n31 ) <p> Many journalists are general assignment reporters and move from beat to beat ; Supreme Court reporters are unique in their stability . In a survey of Court reporters half said they had been on the beat for more than six years. ( n32 ) Longevity is an advantage at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to accumulate expertise . <p> Another distinguishing characteristic of the Court beat is the legal background of many reporters . Some legal training is the norm among Court regulars , several of whom have law degrees . Legal training helps reporters to understand Court processes and communicate with legal experts as sources . <p> The sporadic nature of press coverage of the Court often relegates its reporters to the fringes of the journalistic community . " Face time " -- time on the air -- tends to be lower for broadcast reporters covering the Court than for other broadcast reporters . However , a few Court regulars , such as Nina Totenberg of National Public Radio , Tony Mauro of USA Today , Lyle Denniston of the Baltimore Sun , and Tim O'Brien of ABC News , have become media personalities , who deliver speeches about the Court and are even interviewed as experts on the Court . <p> At the beginning of each term reporters select from the Court 's " Order List " ( cases accepted for oral argument in that term ) a small number of newsworthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporters also read through the many requests for hearing , called certiorari petitions , to target key cases as early as possible . One reporter commented that " an increasing portion of my effort went into sifting through the Supreme Court docket in search of whiz-bang fact situations that might make it on the Court 's agenda . " ( n33 ) <p> Television imposes additional limits on story choice and coverage . Tim O'Brien explained : " One of my stories , if it runs a minute-forty ... that might be one column in a newspaper . Barely a column .... We ca n't be as comprehensive as you can in a newspaper simply because we do not have the time . " ( n34 ) <p> Broadcast journalists present Court stories as human dramas . In covering a case about victim impact statements , Tim O'Brien traveled to Memphis to interview the family of a woman and her daughter who were stabbed to death . The late Toni House , public information officer for the Court , observed that " what television is able to do is put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to . They go out and put the people who were involved on camera . " ( n35 ) <p> Wire service reporters work under even greater constraints because in most cases they file their stories first . One estimated that he spent three minutes reviewing a decision before filing the lead and thirty minutes before filing the whole story. ( n36 ) Early wire stories shape the framing of stories by other reporters . Those cues become particularly important when a Court decision is complex and its implications may be unclear . <p> Reporters can cover a Supreme Court case at three stages : when the certiorari petition is submitted , when oral arguments are made , and when the decision is handed down . Oral arguments often provide the best opportunity to show conflict and introduce an issue , but as they lack finality and tend to be technical and dry , they can easily be neglected in anticipation of the decision . One reporter lamented : " Sometimes I come out of an oral argument with hardly a quotable quote . " ( n37 ) Even if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguments can help the reporter to understand the issues and may reveal the attitudes of justices , hinting at the coming decision . <p> When a decision is announced the Court 's public information office immediately distributes the opinions in printed form. ( n38 ) At that point , reporters must read and begin to interpret the decision . <p> Interpretation is facilitated by extensive preparation . Court reporters spend the bulk of their time reading documents related to cases . Frank Aukofer of the Milwaukee Journal explained : <p> Most of the stuff that you need is right there at the Court-you have read the briefs , the amicus briefs . There is n't much need to go out and interview anybody . Sometimes to personalize it , to make a better story out of it , I will go out and talk to the people involved or talk to their lawyers . On a big case , when you have 20-30 amicus briefs , you pretty much get the gist of what 's going on from the documentation at the Court . It 's a nice , comfortable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there right in front of you. ( n39 ) <p> Because primary sources such as certiorari petitions and briefs are readily available to reporters , the decisions and the reasoning behind them are not usually a surprise for those who cover the Court. ( n40 ) <p> Even with months of preparation , however , decision reading can be difficult . Carl Stern observed , " They 've got too many clerks , so they write these horrendously long law review articles for decisions .... The plain fact is that Supreme Court decisions today look like the periodic tables in chemistry . " ( n41 ) New York Times reporter Linda Greenhouse wrote : " I see myself as a kind of translator . " ( n42 ) In filling that role reporters need help , and they often rely on each other . <p> Supreme Court reporters operate in a competitive but collegial atmosphere . They compare notes after oral arguments and decisions. ( n43 ) As Carl Stern explained : <p> You can not go to the principal actors and ask them what they meant . You have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put our heads together and kind of ask each other , " What do you think it means ? " ... I ca n't think of any press operation that I 've experienced or did experience in almost thirty-four years of journalism that was as collegial as the Supreme Court press room . ( 19,42 ) <p> One part-time Court reporter observed that the regulars are important to reporters like him because " once in a while you get a complex decision with no clear majority . Then I would talk it over with some of my colleagues who would have covered the case more closely . " ( n44 ) <p> Another solution to the problem of interpretation , as the justices themselves refuse to clarify their written opinions , is to consult outside sources . Many interest groups happily volunteer to interpret decisions and their implications . Some , such as the ACLU , keep offices near the Court building for easy access to news conferences immediately after decisions . Others , such as the National Organization for Women , the Legal Defense Fund , and the Chamber @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , area to inform reporters of their positions on upcoming cases . <p> Competition to serve as sources for Court stories is intense among interest groups . Their representatives mill about the Supreme Court plaza after decisions , hoping to share their spin with reporters . Elite reporters avoid the plaza and let the groups chase them . One reporter related that " people are falling all over themselves to offer you information , offering stories , offering access to major players . " Linda Greenhouse commented : " I do n't make too many phone calls . People call me " ( 87 ) . The most sought-after sources are more likely to return a call to an elite reporter . <p> Reporters also turn to academic experts . The Court reporters surveyed said legal experts were their most frequent source ( 86 ) . Pundits such as Lawrence Tribe and Arthur Miller , of Harvard Law School , are famous as sources , not only because they are experts but because they are quick to return calls and good at translating Court decisions into lay terms . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ true particularly when one party is an interest group or the U.S. government . Another source is counsel in the case , who usually are willing to speak to the press . <p> Reporters keep lists of willing sources , categorized by issue . The choice of sources is often influenced by accessibility . One reporter admitted that his sources were " people you can get through to " ( 86 ) . Reporters often solicit strong rhetoric in an attempt to get a good quote . One news magazine reporter said , " I try to get a key quote to illuminate the issue -- a quote that is funny , or sexy , or unusual , or in a slightly offbeat way illuminates the case " ( 90 ) . Experts who best meet the sound bite imperative are the most likely to be used again . Thus stories about the Court often focus more on reactions to decisions than on the decisions themselves. ( n45 ) <p> Two-thirds of the Court journalists surveyed said that their editor 's influence was important in their work. ( n46 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stories out first , they affect the approach of editors to their reporters ' stories. ( n47 ) Editors rely on those reports to monitor their reporters ' story choices and use information from the wire in negotiating the length and angle of stories . If the approach of a non-elite reporter differs from that on the wire it is likely to be challenged by the editor , and the reporter will bear the burden of proof . <p> Editors exert control over the content of Court stories . Two-thirds of the reporters surveyed said that their editors want stories changed to better explain technical points . " ( n48 ) Under editorial influence , many reporters omit much of the reasoning behind decisions because they consider it beyond their audience . Carl Stern found that approach frustrating : <p> Any words I used to describe the Court 's reasoning were rejected as beyond the understanding of the average Joe . Analogies were usually substituted from sports or warfare .... There 's many a time ... that I took ... if not a verbatim quote at least the essence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ producer to change this or that . And I would say , " But that 's not what he said " and they would say , " well that 's what he really meant . " And I would say , " No , that 's not what he meant , and that 's not correct . " And then it came down to , " Do you want to get on the air tonight or do n't you want to get on the air tonight ? " ( n49 ) THE CONTENT OF COURT COVERAGE <p> Another wrinkle in the reporter 's job is the decreasing space and time devoted to Court stories . News organizations are forcing reporters to explain the Court with more brevity . Lyle Denniston , a long-time Supreme Court reporter for the Baltimore Sun , observed that in the mid-1980s he was given 28 to 30 inches of column space for a story , but by the mid-1990s he was receiving only 16 inches . The shrinkage of coverage has affected not only newspapers but television as well . Using data from the Vanderbilt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time devoted to the Court had dropped from 3.9 percent to 2.4 percent over a five-year period . The Court received an average of 26 minutes per month in 1990-91 but only 8 minutes in 1994-95. ( n50 ) <p> The decline in attention to the Court reflects the media 's emphasis on newsworthiness . Decisions that survive the filtering process must reflect news values. ( n51 ) Only those that involve drama and conflict and seem proximate to the lives of viewers are covered . In Lyle Denniston 's words , a story is newsworthy if it is " an object of contemporary fascination . " ( n52 ) Media critic James Fallows observed : " Get the ratings and you 're forgiven all else . The sin there is not being inaccurate . The sin is being boring . " ( n53 ) Indeed , it can be argued that Court " proceedings are so dull that it is a public service to keep them off the tube . " ( n54 ) <p> The Court itself may have contributed to the decline in interest . The Warren @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desegregation , obscenity , and abortion , but the Rehnquist Court has been more restrained . Its restraint may be as much a matter of subject opportunity as of judicial choice . Lyle Denniston explained : <p> There is no such thing anymore ... as a landmark precedent-setting decision like Brown or ... Roe v. Wade . The salami is sliced thinner and thinner and thinner . In trying to cover a First Amendment case now you almost have to be a Talmudic scholar to slice the difference between the dogmatic principles the Court is going to follow. ( n55 ) <p> Another factor that discourages press coverage is the justices ' aversion to personal stories . Stories about the Court are rarely about personalities , scandals , or the institution -- they are about the cases . In 1989-90 , 74 percent of network Court stories were about cases on the current docket . By 1994 the figure had risen to 84 percent ( 167 ) . Exceptions to docket-centered coverage are resignations and confirmations of justices ( 167-68 ) . <p> The quest for newsworthiness produces a distorted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a Court dominated by social policy issues " to the exclusion of other types of cases . " ( n56 ) Associated Press coverage during 1989-90 varied according to case content . First Amendment and civil rights cases were overreported in relation to their percentage of the docket ; cases involving judicial power , federalism , and the economy were underreported. ( n57 ) <p> Furthermore , what coverage there is of Court decisions tends to be superficial . Slotnick and Segal found that only 26.7 percent of the stories about Webster referred to the fact that a Missouri law was being challenged , and that " a full 45 percent of Bakke stories Regents of University of California v. Bakke lacked specific content about the nature of Bakke 's claim or the factual scenario underlying it . " ( n58 ) Slotnick and Segal concluded that reporting on the Webster and Bakke decisions was " relatively ahistorical and acontextual " ( 104-5 ) . <p> Glossing over the details is not the only shortcoming of Court reporting . Justices are rarely mentioned by name ( 182 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ invisible in the coverage of Bakke and Webster ( 154 ) . A content analysis of Court stories spanning 1984 to 1989 revealed that only one-third of Time magazine stories and one-fifth of CBS stories mentioned a justice by name. ( n59 ) Moreover , the justices ' votes in particular cases are rarely reported . Slotnick and Segal found that in 1989 the votes of the justices were reported by the networks in about half the cases . By 1994 such reports almost never occurred. ( n60 ) In fact , interest groups were noted by name more often in Court stories than were the authors of Court opinions ( 183-84 ) . <p> A striking example of selectiveness and inaccuracy can be seen in the press coverage of certiorari petitions . In coding decisions for their 1989-90 study of network Court coverage , Slotnick and Segal found expansive coverage of merit decisions that they could not locate on the docket , and later they learned that those phantom decisions were actually certiorari denials ( 197 ) . Very few certiorari denials were reported by the networks in 1989 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were reported dealt with abortion , equal protection , and privacy ( 201 ) . In the 1989 term , 48.3 percent of reports about certiorari denial were mistakenly presented as merit decisions , 27.6 percent were presented ambiguously , and only 24.1 percent were reported accurately ( 199 ) . Court Public Information Officer Toni House said that the worst thing reporters do is to misrepresent certiorari denials , making them sound like decisions ( 190 ) . <p> In short , press coverage of the Court is minimal and superficial . Biases and mistakes in reporting present the public with a distorted view of the Court 's work . Given these realities , it is no wonder that the Court attempts to influence press coverage . THE INVISIBLE DANCE BETWEEN COURT AND PRESS <p> The Supreme Court justices lead the press in an invisible dance , restraining it with one hand while directing it with the other . Despite the lack of formal personal encounters , as in interviews and news conferences , justices and reporters interact regularly . <p> The justices shape press coverage by directing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their public appearances , by providing background information , by shutting off other points of access , and by avoiding issues of contention , focusing instead on minor matters such as working conditions . <p> Such efforts are not new . The Court began to institutionalize its relations with the press in the 1930s . In 1935 it opened a Public Information Office with a Court employee designated to help the press. ( n61 ) In 1947 the Court appointed a full-time public information officer . The Court deliberately avoids terms such as " press secretary " or " press office . " Although the Public Information Office deals primarily with the press , the title implies that it simply gives information to the public , without acknowledging the press as the obvious conduit of that information . <p> In other branches of the federal government a press secretary provides advice on how policy will play with the public , but the Court 's public information officer does not so advise . Toni House said , " My job is peculiar in Washington because this office does n't spin , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our job is to put the news media together with the information that they need to cover the Court . " ( n62 ) The Public Information Office provides official information , available to the general public as well as to the press , and nothing more , thus reinforcing the Court 's message that it is unconcerned with politics . Referring to crank calls and advocacy mail , House remarked , " People do n't realize we the Court do n't care what they think . " ( n63 ) Former Time reporter Jerome Carter said that the Supreme Court is " the only beat in the federal government where if you ask them a question they stare at you and say , ' That 's your job . I 'm not here to do that . ' " ( n64 ) <p> Despite these seeming barriers , as an institution the Court says a lot to the press -- in official documents . The number of certiorari petitions , Court orders , briefs , and opinions that a reporter is expected to know about is astounding . For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he spent 50 percent of his time reading the four thousand certiorari petitions filed each year. ( n65 ) By feeding the press an almost overwhelming volume of documents , the Court focuses press attention on the justices ' work product . Most news stories about the Court simply cover the content of the justices ' opinions. ( n66 ) <p> But the justices realize that their written communications may not tell the whole story . Hence they interact with reporters in other settings . Regular reporters on the beat occasionally are granted off-the-record interviews . The justices prefer such settings , where they can direct the press without appearing to . They bind the press to maintain the perception that the justices do not interact -- as the price for the interaction . <p> They usually refuse to discuss current cases , and reporters know better than to ask . But the justices do discuss their roles in past decisions and offer insight on the Court 's inner machinations . Only three of the Court journalists surveyed said that they had never had an off-the-record interview with a justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justices ; two reported such interviews with every current justice . Two-thirds said they had been granted off-the-record interviews in every term. ( n67 ) <p> The justices both provide information and limit it . The clerks who serve the justices each term are potentially valuable news sources because they are privy to the Court 's handling of current cases . However , the justices prevent leaks . Clerks are warned not to talk to reporters and are teased about the " twenty-second rule " -- that if they talk to a reporter they will be fired within twenty seconds. ( n68 ) <p> Even when leaks occur , the justices can discredit them by simply altering their plans . Tim O'Brien remarked that the Court can " make you look foolish if you say decision on such and such day .... The Court does n't like it when someone announces their decision before they do . " ( n69 ) Because the Court eventually goes public with its decisions , some reporters say it is not worth the risk of reporting a leak that might be wrong or that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough at plugging leaks that reporters do not expect them . Without reliable alternative sources , reporters simply wait for the Court to speak -- through its written opinions . <p> The extent to which the justices care about Court press is evident in their efforts to facilitate accurate coverage . In addition to providing a press room and issuing opinions promptly , and other measures designed to accommodate the press , they sometimes alter their procedures to help reporters get the story right . For example , when Carl Stem told Chief Justice Burger that he had misreported a decision on the air ( thinking it had been the reverse decision ) , Burger ordered that clarifying headnotes be attached to the decision. ( n70 ) The Court changed its former policy of not announcing scheduled decision days after reporters complained that they did not know when to come to the Court to hear decisions . The announcements still do not indicate which decisions will be released. ( n71 ) The Court also changed its policy of delivering all opinions on Mondays , after lobbying from reporters to spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occurred when the Court realized that too many decisions were going unreported because of its unpredictable schedule and excessive volume on a single day . <p> Although the Court has occasionally made changes to assist the press , the changes have always been designed so that the Court benefits in more accurate and more extensive press coverage of its written work . Future changes will surely be of the same character , or they will not be instituted by the Court . <p> Reporters ' responses to the Court 's handling of the press vary . Some reporters chafe at the procedures ; others support them . One reporter defended the tactics of the Court by saying : <p> It 's the one institution set up to defend minority rights . It 's the only one that really depends totally on popular will . It does n't have the power of the purse strings ; it has no army . To demystify it , to start covering the bickerings of the justices in their private meetings -- it might lower the Court 's esteem in the eyes of the public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support , then it wo n't remain an institution very long , even though it 's provided for in the Constitution . <p> So I 'm not all that upset with the way it operates . I 'm almost in agreement with them that it should n't be televised . I 'd love to sit in on a Friday afternoon conference , or I 'd love to be able to buttonhole the justices in the hall and find out who 's sticking it to who . I 'd love to do those kinds of stories . But I 'm not sure it would be so good for the institution. ( n73 ) OPPORTUNITIES FOR FUTURE RESEARCH <p> Many facets of the interaction between justices and reporters remain unexplored by scholars . Particularly scarce are studies on justices ' motives for interacting with reporters , even in background interviews . Why do justices go public at times and not at other times ? <p> A historical analysis is needed to help us understand whether Court-press interactions have increased over time , under what circumstances they are likely to occur , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such interactions weaken the Court by exposing the justices to press notice , or do they strengthen the Court by enhancing public understanding and appreciation of that unique institution ? We have determined that the Court and the press are engaged in a dance . But we could learn much more about how they dance and why . <p>
@@4007941 Following the collapse of communism , the relative stability of the **29;288;TOOLONG confrontation has been replaced by power politics , national rivalries , and ethnic tensions in Europe as a whole with one qualitative difference : in the East , they are life-threatening ; in the West , they are a new challenge for European economic and political integration . Europe became a more unstable continent , largely because the threats have been decentralized . From the point of view of the United States , Europe is a far less dangerous place than before because of the disappearing risks of a cataclysmic clash . America is no longer threatened from Eurasia by an ideologically motivated foe . <p> Unlike the old Federal Republic , united Germany can live no longer as an unassuming medium-sized power , protected against the uncertainties of today 's Europe in the slipstream of America 's predominant position . The end of the cold war prompts both countries to reexamine their priorities and commitments in Europe in general and in East Central Europe in particular . In the United States as well as in Germany , different schools of foreign policy thinking are trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategic thinking and political decisionmaking on both sides of the Atlantic can continue to run parallel . W. R. Smyser noticed that the " difficulties and disagreements that might result from a divergence of interests have , however , been exacerbated by a failure of mutual understanding . Neither Washington nor Bonn has shown much sensitivity for the new situation faced by the other . " ( n1 ) For both countries it will be increasingly important to understand the factors likely to influence their respective strategic culture and political decisionmaking . Thus , I am focusing on some aspects of strategic culture and political decisionmaking in both countries . STUMBLING BLOCKS IN THE DEFINITION OF INTERESTS <p> I would like to first focus on the most unexpected and most unpredictable change that asks for reexamination : the breakdown of the economic , political , social , institutional , and even ideological structures in the formerly communist states of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union , and its perception on both sides of the Atlantic . <p> Let me mention first the main obstacles that hinder a clear definition of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end of the cold war asks for a reassessment . The first problem is that Germany 's political leaders and its academic and media elite reflexively reacted to the fundamental changes in Germany as if the unified country is nothing more than the enlarged Federal Republic , not only domestically but also in its foreign policy behavior . It is as Europeanized as it was in the 1980s beyond a concern for national interests. ( n2 ) The pattern of the closeknit , economically prosperous country , populated by German speaking Europeans and unimpaired by the poor cousins in the East continues to determine German political decisionmaking long after it was shown to be false . With unification , the emergence from geostrategic purgatory , and the transformation from a previously divided front-line state into one of the strongest states on the European stage , Germany underwent a strategic transformation of breathtaking proportions . Germany reemerged as nation state , regaining full sovereignty . <p> The question now becomes how Germany will deal with her new situation in a changed Europe . Therefore , a certain renationalization of not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structurally necessary . Germany has grown into a new power dimension and become a focus of international interest as a power factor acting according to its national interest , a fact with which the majority of the political elite is extremely uncomfortable . Talking about Germany 's national interest uncovers a deep rooted mistrust that makes even Germany 's closest allies recall earlier German threats . Public opinion in Germany itself might regard a debate about national interest as a replay of earlier mistakes with catastrophic outcomes . Therefore , the elite remains most uncomfortable with the acceptance of national interests and leadership that was expressed by Christoph Bertram : " Germans today , probably regardless of generation and political conviction , are deeply embarrassed by such terms as vision ' and leadership , ' not least because of the twelve dreadful years in which their Fuhrer claimed both leadership and a certain vision , only to lead the country and all of Europe into catastrophe . " ( n3 ) <p> Suspicion at home and abroad that the imprints of the past still shape the future hinders the effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developing the appropriate policy for the future . This suspicion also precludes a straightforward debate on the implications of Germany 's emergence from geopolitical purgatory . <p> Renationalization , as I understand it , does not mean that one has to fear a new German Sonderweg ( a unilateral special path ) , for Germany 's political and economic integration in the democratic West is a basic requirement for pursuing national interests . Germany is now in the same situation as the British and the French , who have never made a secret of pursuing national interests along with their European policies . Germany 's integration into the European Community ( EC ) or other collective bodies does not change the fact that its size , power , geography , and history make Germany not better or worse but simply different from any other nation-state. ( n4 ) <p> While the political class in Germany seems to refuse a debate about national interests , the American political establishment seems deeply disappointed that the charming illusion of a new era of international stability under the leadership of the only remaining superpower @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There is a lack of vision about U.S. political purposes in Eastern Europe . Through the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the self-containment of the old Federal Republic reaffirmed by German unification , the general setting of American policy on Europe that used to be " double containment " has come to its end. ( n5 ) Since 1989-90 , U.S. policy has become a process of evolution rather than leadership . <p> There is obviously a pattern to the debate over the ends and means of American foreign policy following a victory in war . Victory in the two world wars as well as in the cold war was followed by a period of thiumphalism . Americans confidently awaited the triumph of their democratic principles abroad , which would make the world a safe and better place . The triumphalism faded and was replaced by disillusionment both with their principles and with their allies . The principles could not guide policy in the messy and quickly changing post-war world , while the allies had interests and values that , in at least some cases , conflicted with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a great debate about American foreign policy . <p> As President Clinton settled uncomfortably into the White House , the third stage was beginning to get under way , leaving the president , who has promised to focus on the economy , largely paralyzed in foreign policy decision making . It is ironic that a president elected on a program of domestic reform must preside over the greatest revolution in American foreign policy since the United States engaged in World War I. <p> The third hindrance is a widespread and profound misunderstanding of the nature of post-communism leading to poor policy decisions regarding conflict resolution in the post communist world . The current debate about Russia 's permanent crisis highlights the persistent misunderstandings of communism , as well as of post-communism , by much of the Western political elite . Inadequately , the very specific conditions of democratic capitalism are projected into the post-communist societies when designating them as " newly emerged democracies . " <p> Communist totalitarianism was nothing like traditional society . In her famous 1979 article , " Dictatorships and Double Standards , " Jeane J. Kirkpatrick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other kind of traditional Western society. ( n6 ) Communism destroyed the entire infrastructure of capitalism -- private property , respect for market forces , and social pluralism -- by force . Spain is a truIy dramatic demonstration of the opportunity to transform even an authoritarian dictatorship into democracy when the structural groundwork of capitalism is given . By rejecting the totalitarian model , many Western experts eluded the almost complete destruction of the bourgeois society under communist dictatorship . It should be underscored , however , that the economic , political , and social structures of any communist state are not compatible to any system now operating in the democratic West . <p> The distinction between totalitarianism and authoritarianism is not only a matter of historic interest and a topic of academic debates about who was right and who was wrong about communism . It is as useful to understand the nature of communism as it is necessary to comprehend the intrinsic features of post-communism . Because many experts reject the totalitarian model , they do not understand that none of the former communist states has transformed into an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authoritarianism . Neither have they become democracies yet , for democracy depends on the political , economic , and moral-cultural institutions of capitalism that have only emerged embryonic in the former communist countries . They all are post-totalitarian and some of them are already pre-democratic . <p> Given this state of affairs , assistance in the transition from totalitarianism can not be made dependent on the existence of Western style democratic institutions and a market economy . On the contrary , the objective of support should be to assist in the creation and long-range development of democracy and a free market -- in short , democratic capitalism . Both a historical and long-term look at the processes occurring in post-communist countries shows that the whole approach must change ; the paradigm of reform has to be replaced by the paradigm of restoration. ( n7 ) " The challenge to these countries , therefore , is not the the systemic reform of their economies through the refining or reorienting of current macro- or microeconomic policies , but the total transformation of their system into a market economy . The political , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the last forty years must be dismantled . " ( n8 ) FRAGMENTATION OF THE EAST BLOC : NEW PROBLEMS FOR INTEREST DEFINITION <p> Any attempt to define national interests presupposes defining the subject with which one is dealing . Unless I am focusing my attention to East Central Europe , I have to define this region in the broader context of post-communist societies in transition . <p> The development of a competitive economy based on private ownership , the evolution of a pluralistic society , and the emergence of a democratic political system -- that is the historical and causal logic underlying the development of Western civilization . Post-communist societies , however , do not have centuries to make the transition to capitalism , nor is it possible for them to wait until a private competitive economy and a socially pluralistic society have evolved before beginning the establishment of democratic institutions . The historical uniqueness of transition from totalitarianism lies essentially in the need to shape what are actually natural and successive processes " in step " with political instruments . The conditions for this politically-led transformation vary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to see what the history of Eastern Europe tells , and to step inside to understand what domestic factors drive the policies of transition from communism . <p> Following the collapse of communism , whose stability depended on institutions that use force in order to ensure the survival of communist power , instability and ethnic nationalism spread throughout Eastern Europe . Paradoxically , ethnic nationalism that depends on culture , not on institutions , can provide both stability and civil war. ( n9 ) <p> The broadest level of culture , as I understand it , creates distinguishing identities among peoples . Looking at culture , Eastern Europe is confronted with the clash of three different civilizations . There is the Judeo-Christian civilization , which has separated Western Christianity from Orthodoxy and Islam since the sixteenth century . The boundary separates Finland and the Baltic states from Russia , cuts through Belorussia and the Ukraine , separates Transylvania from the rest of Rumania , and follows almost exactly the line now separating Slovenia and torso-Croatia from the rest of former Yugoslavia. ( n10 ) Given this historical background , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of communism , the once homogeneous communist bloc now forms three different regions : ( n11 ) <p> East Central Europe , i.e. , Poland , the Czech Republic , Hungary , and Slovenia , is composed of ethnically homogeneous countries . They share the common experiences and values of the Judeo-Christian culture , and they are generally better off than the peoples to the east . <p> Russia remains an empire with both a dominant ethnicity , the Russians , and a dominant culture , Orthodoxy . The dominant Russian ethnicity historically suppressed different cultures and ethnicities . <p> The European successor states of the Soviet Union , the Balkans and the Baltic states have to live with different ethnicities that are often hostile to each other as well as with different cultures that historically -- and as in the case of Yugoslavia at present -- clash . TWO WAYS OF RESTORING CAPITALISM <p> Given this state of affairs , two different ways of restoring capitalism in former Communist countries emerge . The East Central European countries have had remarkably bloodless revolutions , trying to create democratic capitalism from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . This is opposite from the way that democratic capitalism has historically emerged in the West . The resurrection of an intact social pluralism , however , needs even more time than the restoration of a free market . Therefore , political and ideological pluralism lack the stable groundwork of a socially diverse society for a transitional period . In between , the democratically elected government , the executive branch , is the only institution that can create a law based state , which stands for observing the rule of law , for private property , for a firm division of power . <p> For the East Central European post Communist countries , it is temporarily more effective to rely on state interventionism as a substitute for rudimentary social institutions to create the institutions of democratic capitalism , regardless of whether they prefer shock therapy , as in Poland , or gradualism , as in Hungary . Since the development of democratic capitalism is the result of a centrally managed process , state interventionism deserves support , as long as governments show bold , articulate , and determined leadership in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political doctrines , traditions , and attitudes , committed to traditional continental European ideas of cooperation between government , industry , and labor , rather perfectly fit the needs of these countries to restore democratic capitalism . <p> In the South Eastern European countries and the successor states of the former Soviet Union , it works the other way around . Creating democratic capitalism from the top is impossible in an empire in general and particularly in one the size of Russia . It is probably also impossible in those post-communist countries with different ethnicities that are often hostile to each other . All of these countries lack ethnic homogeneity as well as a religious or other cultural system of common values . The Soviet state divided czarist Russia into geographically based republics and regions as well as autonomous ethnic areas to give non-Russian ethnic groups a sense of self-rule , especially in cultural affairs . The end of the Soviet Union and the erosion of the Moscow-based central power has decentralized much of the national decisionmaking . Many of the republics -- as well as similar autonomous regions -- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complete independence . The district leaders no longer accept decisions from the center that do not enable them to assert their own agendas . The regional chieftains , almost all of them former Communist party bosses , take as much sovereignty as they can get , and act as they please. ( n12 ) <p> The successor states of the former Soviet Union and the South East European countries follow another path to modernization : fragmentation first , capitalism second , democracy later . It is very likely that these countries develop market economies from the bottom up but lack democracy in the initial stage. ( n13 ) Regional chieftains may lack democratic orientation , but when they introduce key elements of capitalism -- therefore setting in motion the forces of change that create democracy in the long run -- they should be supported , for the simple reason that process is more crucial than personality . Boris Yeltsin acts according to these processes , transferring power to the regional chieftains to overcome the resistance of the Soviet-style central bureaucracy . <p> Foreign aid should encourage capitalist developments as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ East Europe -- on the regional level . Unfortunately , the strategic thinking in the democratic West is focused mainly on the Moscow-based central government in particular , and on government action in general . At least in Russia , if not in all the successors of the Soviet Union and the South East European states , the central authorities do not have the power to create nationwide market economies and democratic institutions , regardless of whether the politicians in " power " call themselves democrats or nationalists , and regardless of whether they prefer gradualism or shock therapy . To help the people , not the bureaucrats , foreign aid in supporting central authorities is more likely to be a hindrance , subsidizing counterproductive static policies to retain a state-run economy and , therefore , strengthening the most authoritarian political forces . America 's political culture , stressing economic liberalism , and its ability to detect and promote private initiatives plays fully in this region , where the traditional European government-to-government economic strategies are likely to prove counterproductive . DIFFERENT ZONES OF STABILITY <p> Different ways of transition from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case of post-communist countries , internal stability becomes a more important security issue than traditional power politics . Except for Russia and Ukraine , which can use their nuclear potential as their only remaining instrument of power politics and will clearly do so , post-communist countries lack the economic , political , and military means of power politics . They are no longer a military threat to the democratic West . But new , decentralized , and diffuse threats emerge : fragmentation , anarchy and chaos , border conflicts , ethnic conflicts potentially fuming into ethnic wars , mass emigration . <p> This brief and admittedly simplified assessment , however , allows the following conclusion : The once homogeneous East bloc now constitutes three different zones of security . This kind of division will last for a long period -- despite the initial euphoria to achieve the goal of a united , largely demilitarized , democratic , and prosperous Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals before the end of the century . <p> The zone of relative stability contains Poland , Hungary , the Czech Republic , and Slovenia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building liberal democracies , market economies , and pluralistic societies that fulfill the material and spiritual expectations of their citizens. ( n14 ) <p> The zone of nuclear capability includes Russia and Ukraine , with their dangerous combination of fragmentation , economic , political , and social crisis , making them unstable and , to some extent , partly ungovernable , and their status of nuclear powers . <p> The zone of crisis means the countries between both of these zones that are confronted with the collapse of the old system on the one hand , and with a lack of new institutions , economic recovery , and political consensus on the other hand , finding themselves on the brink of social unrest or even civil war . <p> That is an entirely new situation with which Germany in its unique situation must first cope . The old Federal Republic used to be an importer of security in its broader sense and a direct beneficiary of the Atlantic Alliance 's system of collective defense . It " is now to become an exporter of Western political values , economic influence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT IN GERMANY <p> Although I am aware of the risk of analytical oversimplification , I will nonetheless lay out three schools of thought in the German debate about East Central Europe as they have evolved up to this point , and these schools transcend party lines : <p> The pacifist school could be located on the Left , which is still in conceptual confusion after German unification and the collapse of communism . Its essential point is " third-way-thinking , " which has been critical to Western capitalism as well as to Soviet-style communism throughout the cold war . It became apparent especially in the movement against the " euromissiles " in the early 1980s . Some of its principles -- pacifism , nonmilitary collective security , a clear rejection of power politics , and a certain sympathy for Mitteleuropa that is rooted in third-way thinking -- persist . This school has influence only in the sense that it is able to disturb the decisionmaking process . <p> The school of " Zivilmacht " ( civilian power ) could be characterized by the belief that -- despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign policy that takes international relations beyond the world of nation states , of power politics in general and the use of force in particular. ( n16 ) I would like to run counter common observations of Germany as a tamed or civil power . Collective policies proved to be the most efficient instruments to pursue German national interests until 1989 . <p> Since detente and Ostpolitik , Germany defines its national interest in Europe as collective and pan-European , embedded in the framework of collective security in which institutions such as the EC , the CSCE , and NATO replace the nation states and in which political and economic means prevail . It became conventional wisdom that the very special German national interest -- unification -- could be achieved only in the framework of pan-European unification . It became a self-deception that German national interests were identical with , at least , European interests , if not with Western interests at all . That was very convenient because one could avoid a debate about special German national interests with its embarrassing and unavoidable references to Germany 's Nazi past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ war is clearly based on those basic assumptions that German national interest is identical with collective European interests : deepening EC integration leading to political union in the West , stabilizing the reform process in the countries of Eastern Europe and widening the EC eastward , expanding and institutionalizing the CSCE process , limiting the military tasks of the Western alliance and its transformation into a mainly political organization , and restructuring the transAtlantic relationship in order to prevent the renationalization of security policy in general , and Germany 's security policy in particular. ( n17 ) But a look at the evidence , i.e. , Kohl 's initial unilateral action in the unification process , the Persian Gulf war , the Yugoslav crisis , and other cases , shows that the pursuit of national interest has certainly become the center of foreign policy . The rejection of " outdated " realist ideas of power and the nation state allows comfortably to hide the redefinition of united Germany 's national interests in the post-cold war world behind common European or transatlantic policies. ( n18 ) <p> To generalize , this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and post-totalitarian societies . It overestimates the degree of the democratic West 's " Europeanization " and underestimates the perseverance of the nation states both in the West and the East of the continent . <p> The school of responsive power politics seems to have reemerged in German political thinking since the end of the cold war . However , there was always a minority that called for a return to the classic tools of geopolitical analysis , and a debate about power politics as well as about national interests without narrowing the definition of power to military power. ( n19 ) If power is defined as the ability to shape outcomes of events , Germany has become the decisive power factor in European -- pan-European -- politics : The integration of Eastern Europe , the economic recovery of these countries , the creation of a security structure that fills the vacuum in the East , and the developing of the economic dynamism of the EC that is necessary to produce the economic recovery process in the eastern portion of the continent , depend on Germany . <p> I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new situation with which Germany is confronted because Germany , in its unique geopolitical situation at the crossroads between Eastern and Western Europe , does have special interests in Eastern Europe that are not necessarily in harmony with the interests of the other West Europeans or the United States . This means that long before the case for collective decisionmaking has emerged , the Federal Republic must make national decisions . Germany is going to implement its special interests during collective decisionmaking , which limits the margin of communities and asks for German unilateral action in cases when collective decisions are unattainable . That is a departure from Germany 's postwar behavior , when its foreign politics consisted of being a selfeffacing follower . Even marginal differences with the partners were routinely followed by a word of gratitude and a word of apology for the Nazi past . It is also a departure from the self-deception that the nation state in Europe is disappearing and is going to be replaced by a collective but single political actor : the European Union . <p> With the emergence of the school of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Germany that has many similarities with the mainstream of American strategic thinking . Some irritations that are resulting from different ways of thinking probably will be cleared up . SCHOOLS OF THINKING IN THE UNITED STATES <p> In the United States , democratic idealists as well as political realists think in terms of power politics , regardless of whether power is used for moral purposes to make the world safe and democratic or used to achieve national interests . Despite the disappearance of the Soviet challenge , political realists believe that the " continued aim of the USA should be to prevent any other power from achieving undivided control over regions whose resources would put a worldwide power potential in its hands . " ( n20 ) Democratic idealists believe that the only remaining superpower does have to lead in organizing international cooperation and promoting the setting up of international institutions to cope with global interdependence and its resulting problems . <p> Despite many fundamental differences between both schools , the East Central European countries are neither crucial to counterbalancing the European powers , Russia and Germany , nor are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collective security . From an American angle , East Central Europe 's importance is a relative one : it is a function of American interests in relation to first Russia and then to Germany. ( n21 ) <p> From a German point of view , East Central Europe is important because it forms Germany 's protective zone of stability . That is a fundamentally different approach , which distinguishes Germany and the United States and must be understood on both sides of the Atlantic . <p> Aside from a small group of truly democratic idealists who believe that fulfilling America 's destiny means exporting human rights and democracy elsewhere , including the former communist countries of East Central Europe , and some immigrant pressure groups , political thinking in the United States is focused on Russia. ( n22 ) If at all , the eastern European states were generally dealt with in relation to the Soviet Union and its policies toward the West . The cold war pattern seems to remain . In fact , the United States does have a tremendous stake in Russia 's transition from totalitarianism . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of arms control agreements , the cooperative international relations the United States has established with Russia , the political stability of Eurasia , and the survival of many newly independent states all depend on whether Russia becomes a stable post-communist state . <p> Democratic idealism 's underlying assumption is that the political and economic system in respective countries decides the relations between them . There is no doubt that democratization and marketization will create policies that are mainly congruent with those of the Western democracies . Between democracies , traditional security policy has largely lost its impact . It is extremely unlikely that democracies would wage war against one another . At least in the initial period of euphoria and thriumphalism the democratic idealist tradition has been reflected in the declarations that the promotion of democracy in the world should become the leading principle of American foreign policy after the cold war . <p> As I have already shown , the state of postcommunist societies has been misinterpreted and , consequently , the prospects of marketization and democratization have been extremely overestimated . I think that every step toward democracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deserves careful support . However , in the extremely fragile and unpredictable period of transition , the democratic West should avoid the danger of misinterpreting domestic politics and personalizing foreign policy , as it did with Mikhail Gorbatchev , thereby finding itself hopelessly behind the curve after having poured tens of billions of dollars in a black hole , hoping to be able to build a stable democracy in an . empire that lacks virtually every precondition to do so . <p> The dominant realistic thinking in the United States assumes that since security concerns vis-a-vis Russia are paramount , a democracy-frst policy in this region stands no reasonable chance of success . Meanwhile , between post-communism and the emergence of some variant of democracy -- which could be decades , not a few short years -- many awful things might and probably will occur in the former Soviet Union . None of these probable occurrences would have a direct and negative impact on U.S. national interests , except the loss of central-nuclear command and control . The United States remains vitally interested in that Russia is going to devolve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and foreign policy , whatever its democratic standards . Even if the centralized economy collapses , regions within Russia and other successor states of the Soviet Union split , and ethnic sulking moves into ethnic wars in some regions , this kind of central authority should be supported , regardless of who is in power . <p> The dominant political realists , as well as their democratic idealist counterparts , endlessly debate whether the United States should export democracy and market economy or conduct a foreign policy that deals with the post-totalitarian undemocratic realities in Russia . These debates are highly superficial . There is no either/or . With respect to post-cold war Eastern Europe , Joseph Nye points out that the " realist view of world order is necessary but not sufficient , because it does not take into account the long term societal changes . " ( n23 ) On the other hand , no one can decide what domestic policies any Russian government is able or willing to adopt . Even very differenciated support that fits completely the different needs in the regions is likely to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state of Russia 's economy , politics , and society , there is no chance of anyone financing and organizing a smooth and rapid transition . <p> Traditionalist political realists assume that Russia is trying to restore its traditional hegemony in Eastern Europe while Germany is going to extend its sphere of influence through Eastern Europe , thus becoming a hegemonist power that threatens the United States in this region . As Ivo John Lederer pointed out in his introduction of a Council on Foreign Relations book , " in formulating its policy toward Eastern Europe , the United States must strike a balance between the growing power of Germany and a currently weakened Russia that will surely rise again . " ( n24 ) Therefore , the United States should concentrate foreign aid on the countries between these two potentially hegemonist powers to prevent hegemony and to guarantee the balance of powers . This classic realist approach probably would please many Eastern European politicians who think their countries are being neglected in favor of Russia , which is emerging as the major U.S. partner -- as well as problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proves that American strategic thinking is focused on Russia and Germany , neglecting the East Central European countries . <p> The third definition of interests is focused on Russia as well , and is essentially isolationist . With the end of the Soviet Union , nuclear strikes against the United States are extremely unlikely . The use of small scale nuclear weapons within the former Soviet Union in civil wars , however awful in human terms , remains regional , environmentally tolerable , and not directly threatening to Americans . Before the United States mobilizes to spend tens of billions of dollars to save Europe for the third time in this century , they might consider that simple geography means Europe 's stake in these problems is much greater than America 's . If Eastern Europe really becomes a much less stable place , American troops should withdraw . The farther the U.S. military is from Eastern and Central Europe , the less likely that they will become embroiled in civil strife or Yugoslav-style conflicts . CONCLUSIONS <p> Strategic culture and political decisionmaking are different in Germany and the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ However , in trying to fit the puzzle together , some basic interest definitions -- that are , however , results of different ways of strategic thinking -- emerge : <p> Given Germany 's limited resources , its historical burden , and its special military nonnuclear status , Germany has to look carefully at the developments in the different regions of Eastern Europe and has to differentiate between the different security regions as well as between the most dangerous and the most likely scenarios . <p> Its primary concern is to maintain the zone of stability east of its borders by supporting the restoration of democratic capitalism in these countries . Having experienced the relatively successful but extremely costly experiment of transforming the former East German communist system , Germany can now take a long term , patient view of those countries ' transition from totalitarianism with an almost clear mid-term purpose : These countries are a protective buffer zone against the spillover of chaos and anarchy . " Germany will become the ' expert ' in reconstructing communist economies , a skill that will serve the country well in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long run. ( n25 ) East Central Europeans have ambivalent feelings about German influence and power in the region . They want the United States to be engaged in Eastern Europe , partly to balance a resurgent Germany . On the other hand , Germany 's eastern neighbors , in particular the new elites , acknowledge that only a strong Germany can help contain nationalism and help stabilize Eastern Europe . They appreciate Germany 's commitment to democracy and its sensitivities about its own past , and so they could learn to appreciate German leadership in that region , too. ( n26 ) <p> As the United States once stabilized Western Europe and allowed Germany to rebuild its economy and construct a firm democracy . so should America now accept and support Germany in leading the change in East Central Europe and laying the foundation for stable democratic capitalist societies there. ( n27 ) <p> Germany is interested in bringing the countries of its buffer closer to and finally into the European Community , not only for security reasons but for the simple purpose of sharing the burden of reconstruction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- in connection with Austria 's membership -- Slovenia , are potential EC members . The EC must formulate clear and objective criteria that these countries must meet as they move closer to full membership in the EC . There can not be a timetable for a potential member state , for membership is not a problem of time , it is a problem of EC compatibility , which includes new forms of association on the way to membership . <p> Germany does not have either the capability or the resources to support extensively the transition from totalitarianism in the zone of instability . There is great concern that instability will spread , thereby undercutting Germany 's general strategy of stabilizing the buffer zone . However , Germany finds itself with a lack of policy instruments with which to pursue its effort to contain instability . The most decisive instrument -- the use of German troops in collective peacekeeping , peacemaking , or combat operations -- is virtually blocked by legal , political , and historical-psychological means . Given common interests with the countries of this region and Germany 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarrels , the CSCE is the almost perfect instrument of cooperation with these countries and of avoiding engagement in the region 's unsolvable problems . <p> The United States , as well as Germany , does have an elemental interest in Russia remaining predictable , at least in its foreign policy behavior . For different reasons , however , both countries lack the instruments to support significantly Russia 's domestic efforts to overcome the endemic political turbulence , administrative dislocation , and economic collapse there . With a commitment of approximately sixty billion dollars to the former Soviet Union , Germany has reached the limit of its capacity . By mid-1994 , with the complete withdrawal of the Russian troops that still remain in Eastern Germany , the most important constraint of financial support for Russia is going to be dropped . Americans feel that they have reached the limit of their resources . I suspect that , beyond a limited aid in practical , micro forms of assistance that will promote privatization and pluralization on the ground there , no matter what happens inside the Kremlin , both countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Russia for a while . <p> Germany is clearly overburdened and , in addition , it lacks the military instruments -- a nuclear capability -- to cope with the nuclear power of Russia and Ukraine . Although they are relatively benign now , Russia and Ukraine remain major European powers , both in nuclear and conventional terms . Germany 's very limited option is an effort to coordinate policies with Russia and Ukraine about developments in the zone of instability as well in its buffer strip . <p> Germany and the United States also have a common interest in Russia 's central government remaining in full control over the nuclear forces , and in the Soviet nuclear arsenal fragmenting further . The United States ' special interest is in coping with Russia 's strategic nuclear forces , while Germany 's is mainly in the control of short- and medium-range forces . <p> From this point of view , the United States is able to counterbalance the strategic forces bilaterally , while Germany needs NATO to provide the necessary balance to Russia 's and Ukraine 's short- and medium-range nuclear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , especially , the U.S. presence in Europe , as well as the U.S. nuclear guarantee for Europe , remain indispensable for Germany , which has no nuclear power , to maintain a minimal nuclear deterrence against Russia and Ukraine -- at least until a functioning European defense union that includes a nuclear capability has been created . <p> Partnership between the United States and Germany was grounded for more than forty years in the common effort of containment against the homogeneous Soviet Empire . This empire has been fragmented , and so have the interests of the partners . <p> Germany has emerged as the point nation for managing the results of the wreckage of the old East bloc 's Central European part . This emergence offers opportunities and risks , but growing influence is unavoidable , meaning that in East Central Europe Germany is going to occupy a dominant position in the years to come . Germany sees a direct relationship between political stability and economic , political , and administrative support for the transition from totalitarianism . For the purpose of a peaceful change to democracy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ East Central Europe . Any failures in this process constrain Germany from leading West European efforts to contain the spread of anarchy and chaos . It is bound to lead anyway in the region . <p> The problems of transition from totalitarianism that now arise in East Central Europe will not disturb the global balance , which is America 's principal concern . America has to cope with the nuclear powers of Russia and Ukraine , which are part of the global balance . From an American standpoint , therefore , Germany , backed by the European Community , can cope with the problems to its immediate east . <p> The differences in German and American perceptions show that they would not always find it easy to coordinate their policies in Eastern Europe . The once utterly dependent client of the United States turned into the pivotal power to cope with the legacy of communism in East Central Europe . More than any other countries , Germany and the United States do have essential but not always identical interests in the countries that have emerged from the Soviet empire 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies if they do not coincide with German interests . It will assert its own views very strongly in Europe . Given the perceptions on both sides , the elements of a possible future division of labor in Eastern Europe develop , with Germany concentrating in East Central Europe and the United States on the former Soviet Union . <p> A special American-German relationship to cope with these problems in ordinance is likely to develop . There must be genuine power sharing and responsibility sharing in Eastern Europe . <p>
@@4008041 In the last two decades , Mexico has emerged as one of the most important countries in the world from the point of view of U.S. foreign policy . For the first sixty years after the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920 , the United States took Mexican stability for granted , and we seldom worried overly about the large , populous , Third World neighbor on our southwestern border . Mexico was a top-down , authoritarian , patronage-based , single-party regime that incorporated major social groups into the political system ; this , coupled with an economy that expanded impressively for several decades , seemed to guarantee Mexico both political and economic stability-the primary goal of U.S. policy. ( n1 ) <p> But it was Mexico 's admission in 1982 that it could not pay its obligations that triggered the great Third World debt crisis of the 1980s . Shortly thereafter , the political system began to wobble as well , giving rise to the fear that Mexico would destabilize or that a left-wing , populist , anti-American regime might succeed the long-dominant Institutional Revolutionary Party in power . Suddenly it began to appear that the United States could have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small , destabilized , but still-distant Central American " banana republic , " but a populous ( 100 million ) , important country right on our border , whose destabilization would have immense implications for the United States both domestically and strategically . <p> Its potential for instability , either economic or political or both , has vaulted Mexico to a position of importance in U.S. foreign policy comparable to that of Japan , Germany , or Russia . It is not that Mexico represents a threat to the United States in any classic strategic or military sense . Mexico is not about to invade the United States militarily , nor are there Mexican missiles armed with nuclear , chemical , or biological weapons aimed at the United States . Instead , Mexico is important to us because of its ability to affect us domestically in many ways . Even the slightest hint of actual or potential economic or political instability in Mexico sends tens of thousands of Mexicans fleeing toward or across the U.S. border . And that has immense consequences for U.S. school systems , housing , employment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs -- mainly in the Southwest , but now increasingly in other areas as well . It also triggers a domestic political backlash , resulting in pressures for increased border patrols , immigration restrictions , and insistence on English as the official U.S. language . These measures in turn trigger their own backlash in Mexico , which exacerbates the problem and increases the pressures on Mexican stability. ( n2 ) <p> Therefore , the best way to think about Mexico in an international relations sense is not through the lens of hardheaded , classic realism -- Mexico is not a military threat -- but through the newer prism of what Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane called " complex interdependence . " ( n3 ) Mexico is interdependent with the United States on a host of issues : oil and natural gas , tourism , trade , NAFTA , water rights , pollution and the environment , immigration and labor supplies , banking and investment , manufactured products , and now drugs , crime , gangs , and violence . There is perhaps no other country in the world , besides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on such a wide range of issues . Note that most of these issues are not what we might call " hard " strategic threats , but rather what Nye and Keohane call " soft " interdependency issues . Note also that most of these are not what we think of as classic international relations issues over power and dominance ( although that is also involved ) ; rather , they are issues that are both international and domestic -- what we now call " intermestic . " Moreover , all of them are hot , post-cold war , front-burner issues . <p> That means that a host of U.S. agencies -- primarily domestic affairs agencies -- have jurisdiction over and are interested and involved in U.S. policy toward Mexico . Few of these traditionally domestic agencies -- EPA , FBI , DEA , and so forth -- have a long history of involvement in foreign affairs or in Mexico ; they frequently lack the language skills , international affairs experience , or foreign policy background to carry out their assigned roles successfully . Perhaps of even greater importance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jostling and even rivalries among agencies -- that has long characterized and often frustrated the successful carrying out of U.S. policy . We do not have a single U.S. foreign policy in Mexico ; instead we have approximately sixty-seven policies-one or several policies for each of the U.S. agencies operating there . It is the thesis of this article that the bureaucratic politics of U.S.-Mexican relations has now become so complex , so multilayered , so conflicting , that it hamstrings , frustrates , and often paralyzes policy and makes it virtually impossible for the United States to carry out a successful foreign policy there . BUREAUCRATIC POLITICS <p> In a justly famous book written some years ago about the Cuban Missile Crisis , Harvard scholar Graham Allison described the " rational actor model " of American foreign policymaking. ( n4 ) This model suggests that a series of options , with the pros and cons carefully weighed , are presented to the president or foreign policy decisionmaker , who makes the decision based on a " rational " calculation of which option best serves U.S. interests . Allison pointed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rational actor model , though that was how most Americans conceived of foreign policymaking -- when and if they thought about it at all . <p> But Allison argued that at least two other " models " were also present in foreign policy decisionmaking : an organizational model and a bureaucratic model . The organizational model indicates that foreign policy agencies have habits , guidelines , cultures , and standard operating procedures of their own quite independent of presidential decisionmaking ; in the case of the Cuban Missile Crisis , the Navy went ahead with its own way of blockading Soviet ships regardless of President Kennedy 's detailed instructions , even though the " Navy way " had the potential to trigger World War III . The bureaucratic model ( the main focus of our analysis here ) suggests that agencies such as the State Department , the Department of Defense , the Central Intelligence Agency , and others have independent bureaucratic interests ( budgets , power , prestige , access to the White House ) that they seek to enhance and protect , which are also quite independent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conducted during the 1980s , for example , at the height of the cold war , State Department officials frequently lamented that dealing with the Soviets was easy compared with their discussions with a certain rival agency in a five-sided building in " foreign territory " across the Potomac. ( n5 ) <p> In the years after Allison 's book appeared , the models were refined , adapted , and expanded . Critics suggested that the organizational and bureaucratic models operated in circumstances when the foreign policy debate was long and protracted , but that in crisis situations where quick decisions were necessary ( such as the Dominican Republic intervention of 1965 ) , the president acted expeditiously without these other models coming into play . Then , on the basis of his experiences in the White House , Roger Hilsman refined Allison 's model , added new cases to it , and explored the role of additional groups and interests not included in Allison 's scheme. ( n6 ) In my own contribution to this approach based on my involvement in policymaking in the 1980s , I analyzed both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the debt issue ; Justice -- drugs and immigration ; Commerce -- trade policy ; Environmental Protection Agency-pollution ) and added two other models to Allison 's original three : a political process model , based largely on Congress 's increasing role in constructing foreign policy and the log-rolling involved in that process ; and a personal aggrandizement model , based on the rise of the self-interested " me generation " and on the data generated by political scientists , who demonstrate that if all other variables hold constant -- party , state , region , district , gender , rural-urban , and so on -- the factor that most explains congressional voting and political decisionmaking is the desire to be reelected. ( n7 ) <p> Now let us apply the bureaucratic politics model to Mexico . In the following I present my conclusions in the form of an executive summary ; I will offer much of the data and analysis on which they are based later in the article . Mexico has become a high-priority country in U.S. foreign policy . Evidence of this includes the growing number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico issues to cabinet or White House levels ; the frequent visits of cabinet members to Mexico ; the presence of cabinet officers as ambassadors to Mexico have been sworn in ( e.g. , Janet Reno and Barry McCaffrey at the swearing in of U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Jeffrey Davidow ) ; and the amount of newspaper attention to Mexico issues . There are more U.S. government agencies assigned to the American embassy in Mexico than to any other country in the world : thirty by my count . There are over 1,200 official , civilian , U.S. government personnel in Mexico , again the largest number in the world . These numbers do not include the significant number of CIA , DOD , and Defense Intelligence Agency personnel in Mexico . The bureaucratic politics of foreign policymaking used to be confined to three main , sometimes rival agencies : State , DOD , and CIA . Now it includes many more . There are no less than forty-three agencies involved in the drug war alone , and almost all of these are in one way or another involved in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Mexico policy . Mexico affects their constituents and districts on issues such as jobs , drugs , trade , and schools . Some congressmen carry out their own foreign policies in Mexico . At Davidow 's swearing in , most of the congressmen present were from the Southwest . Congress adds a new and vastly complicating factor to the bureaucratic politics phenomenon regarding Mexico . Not only is there often rivalry and bureaucratic politics between cabinet departments , but there are other rivalries within departments -- for instance , between the Army and Navy within Defense , between Customs and INS within Treasury , between FBI and DEA within Justice . To say these agencies are not always on the same wavelength would be an understatement . Although the ambassador is the titular chief of mission , with all agencies ostensibly reporting to Washington through him , our research revealed that each U.S. agency operating in Mexico conducts a quasiautonomous policy , which it may or may not coordinate with the ambassador . Most agency representatives report directly to their own Washington departments virtually on a daily basis without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of mission ( DCM ) . Of course , this will vary depending on the strength , skill , and orientation of particular ambassadors and other personnel . The ever-present problems of bureaucratic rivalry , lack of coordination , and agency secrecy and back-channeling were exacerbated in Mexico during the period when we carried out our research by the absence of an ambassador -- the strong hand at the helm -- for an extended period . Paradoxically , we also found a disconnection between the Washington agencies involved and their representatives " in the field " -- Mexico . It became clear that some Mexico desk officers in Washington , as well as their larger international departments , had no idea what their own agency representatives were doing in Mexico or what specific policies they were carrying out . It is obviously difficult to coordinate policy when Washington officials do n't know what their own agency officials are doing in Mexico City . This is due partly to lack of coordination , partly to Washington 's inability oftentimes to control fully its own representatives in the field , and partly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear direction out of their own departments . Clearly , some agencies do not trust others with information and do not inform them of major policy initiatives . The most striking case , analyzed in detail below , involved the Justice Department 's sting operation in Mexico , Operation Casablanca , which nabbed members of Mexico 's banking community on charges of laundering drug money . Justice carried out this operation without informing the White House drug czar 's office or the State Department -- because they feared that State and the drug czar might object and scuttle the operation . From this episode it became clear that the United States has two drug policies in Mexico : one run by Justice and DEA and one run by State and the White House . Neither the right hand nor the left knows fully what the other is doing . Actually , our research shows we have not just two but multiple , often unconnected , sometimes rival drug policies toward Mexico . Because Mexico is so important , many of the big issues in U.S.-Mexican relations are immediately bumped up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ levels . But that is the level at which the least Mexico expertise is brought to bear and at which Mexico issues , rather than being resolved quietly , become the most politicized and controversial , and therefore become virtually incapable of resolution . At this level , also , attention spans may vary , other more immediate issues may suddenly take precedence , or the sentiment may develop that we 've already done enough ( with NAFTA ) for Mexico . A high priority has been placed on interagency cooperation in implementing policy regarding Mexico . That is why so many issues regarding Mexico get bumped up to cabinet level ( at lower levels there would otherwise be very little cooperation , let alone resolution of interagency disputes ) , why there is a drug czar in the White House ( so he can coordinate among cabinet secretaries ) , and why there are so many interagency task forces on Mexico . However , there is often less cooperation than meets the eye ; the sharing of equipment and resources has not worked out very well , and there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operating in Mexico . U.S.-Mexico relations are so sensitive in many areas that U.S. representatives must sometimes deny that they exist . For example , the Department of Defense has as least forty-seven cooperative programs with the Mexican military . Yet because of Mexican nationalistic sensitivities on one side and congressional concerns over human rights on the other -- and because DOD has been " burned " numerous times previously on some of these programs -- DOD insists publicly that it has " no programs " in Mexico . More on this deception below . The Mexico case is complicated by the fact that U.S. states , counties , localities , regional entities , and border areas are all conducting their own foreign policies in Mexico with their Mexican counterparts without necessarily involving the State Department or the federal government . The U.S. Constitution and numerous Supreme Court decisions give the federal government a monopoly on foreign policymaking , yet this is violated so often that a whole body of literature has sprung up on what is called " local foreign policy . " These are not just innocent " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as water , immigration , drugs , and border patrol . There are so many U.S. programs operating in Mexico that it is impossible to keep track of them all . Even ambassadors and DCMs are sometimes unaware of all the programs being run through their embassies . In addition , quite a number of these programs are hidden from view , even from embassy officials , for fear of public disclosure and resulting embarrassment -- either to Mexico or to the United States . We are used to seeing , let us say , USAID operating perhaps five or six major programs in a specific country , a number that is usually manageable in terms of embassy and policy administration . But every U.S. agency surveyed seems to be running scores of programs in Mexico . And with approximately thirty agencies listed officially on the embassy roster , this adds up to approximately one thousand programs operating in Mexico . That figure does not include the programs of the many agencies operating in Mexico that are not listed on the embassy roster , nor does it include the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entities who carry out their own programs in Mexico quite independent of the embassy . When these programs are added in , the figure rises to several thousand ( not including the private sector -- see below ) . No one person could be aware , let alone fully apprised of so many programs . Administrators produce a bureaucratic nightmare when they fail to coordinate , work at cross purposes , drop the ball , and contradict each other . Not only are there bureaucratic politics operating within the U.S. embassy in Mexico City and among agencies in Washington , but the border area itself presents a whole separate arena , complicating U.S.-Mexico policy in a new way . The two thousand-mile border contains gaping holes through which , despite a massive U.S. effort , tons of cocaine and marijuana and thousands of illegal immigrants continue to slip . Part of the problem is again bureaucratic : at least ten primary federal agencies , plus numerous state , county , local , and regional agencies , operate in the border area . These agencies render themselves ineffective because of lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and duplicated assignments , and bureaucratic rivalries . New steps are being taken to harmonize border activities through a Southwest border coordinator . Probably these are steps in the right direction , but it seems unlikely they will solve the problems . Because Mexico is a large country and shares a long border with the United States , we conduct more private activities and transactions vis-a-vis Mexico than we do with any other country in the world , except Canada . Involving parties as diverse as the Ford Foundation , human rights groups , soldiers of fortune , tourists , investors , maquiladores , drug runners , and coyotes carrying immigrants into the United States , these private transactions -- accelerated by NAFTA -- have reached a stupendous volume . Although many involve major policy issues , few of these activities are ever coordinated with official U.S. government policy , and some may even be at odds with it . The result is an incredible , uncoordinated cacophony of uncontrollable voices and activities in U.S.-Mexico relations . <p> Virtually every U.S. government agency operating in Mexico is pursuing its own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are often secret , contradictory , and conducted with varying levels of coordination with the ambassador . Although this means that each agency has a piece of the action and a vested interest in its own programs , the agencies lose overall coordination , harmony , and focus on the larger goals . The lack of coordination , including the downright secrecy in which some programs are shrouded -- as evidenced by the infamous Justice Department sting operation -- have damaged both U.S. interests and U.S.-Mexican relations . The United States does not have one single , well-thought-out policy that it arrived at through the rational actor model . Rather , it has scores of policies toward Mexcio . Ultimately , having so many policies means having no policy at all , and that is both dysfunctional and self-defeating . RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AS FINDINGS <p> Normally in an article of this kind , any mention of research methodology is confined to a dreary appendix . But in this case the methodology itself merits mention , since it turned up a variety of interesting findings about the bureaucratic politics of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan was to inventory all the U.S. government agencies operating in Mexico and request information on their Mexico programs . Our list of U.S. government agencies operating in Mexico was derived from three sources : the Federal Staff Directory , the State Department 's Key Officers of Foreign Service Posts ( June 1997 ) , and a list provided by the State Department of agencies accredited to the U.S. embassy in Mexico City , entitled " Agencies for FY98. " ( n8 ) <p> Obviously for a research project like this we employed a variety of sources : in-depth research , library and archival materials , interviews , and when possible , participant observation . But to see what information was available in the public domain , we determined to begin our research by having research assistants contact the U.S. agencies involved and request a statement of each agency 's policies and programs in Mexico . The research assistants were told to describe the research project , to be as open as possible , and to ask politely for whatever public information on Mexico policy was available . The following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a number of these responses , a selection of which are included here , tell us a lot about U.S. policy , or the lack thereof , in Mexico : <p> Bureau of Alcohol , Tobacco , and Firearms . We were told by the Washington office that ATF policy in Mexico would be " the same as anywhere else , " " like Florida . " However , " to be 100 percent sure " of this , we would need to submit a formal written request according to the guidelines of the Freedom of Information Act . When we called Mexico City , we received a much more cooperative response from ATF officials there . They said it was " no big secret " : ATF 's role is " to assist the Mexican government in tracing all U.S.-source firearms seized in Mexico . " <p> Department of Agriculture . General information about the department was available on the department 's Web page . However , even though it has numerous programs in Mexico , Agriculture headquarters in Washington , including the international office , did not know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Agricultural Affairs office at the U.S. embassy in Mexico . But that office would not give out any information about its programs ( presumably because they touch on the hot drug issue ) without an official request letter sent to the office director in Mexico City . Center for Strategic and International Studies ( CSIS ) faxed such a letter on 29 June 1998 , but has yet to receive a response . <p> Department of Commerce . The Department of Commerce was generally unhelpful but did send a packet of materials . The materials contained no information specifically on Mexico , though they did provide Web site addresses that offered public relations descriptions of investment opportunities in Mexico . <p> Department of Defense . DOD is extremely sensitive these days after a number of recent , well-publicized gaffes and exposures , including revelations of Mexican drug czar General Jesus Gutierrez Rebollo 's associations with " The Lord of the Skies , " drug cartel leader Amado Carrillo ; controversial sting operations directed at Mexican banks ; revelations of possibly illegal U.S. training of Mexican troops in counternarcotics and counterinsurgency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the military attache 's office . DOD at first told us that there were " no programs " and " no military operations " in Mexico . Probing deeper , since we knew that was false , we were told that there were " several programs " that were " tailored to what each country can live with . " With regard to the Personnel Exchange Program , we were informed that U.S. military branches send their officers to Mexico to provide information on U.S. culture to Mexican officers . ( Culture ? ) In the United States , on the other hand , Mexican military personnel are employed as language instructors in military academies . ( Language instructors ? ) <p> Better and more forthright answers came from the office of International Security Affairs at DOD . We were told that most of the work DOD is doing in Mexico deals with counternarcotics . The United States , we were informed , provides helicopters and other equipment , as well as training in counternarcotics . A special office of Drug Enforcement Policy and Support has been established within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Drug Enforcement Agency . We were informed that the only information available to the public is on DEA 's Web site . That information is very general and nonspecific . In addition , we were advised to consult the National Narcotic Intelligence Consumer Committee annual report , as well as congressional testimony , both of which proved to be quite uninformative . <p> Department of State . The packet we received from the State Department failed to provide the information we requested on Mexico or State 's programs there . On State 's Web site , we found a useful description of priorities for the U.S. embassy in Mexico . The Mexico office at State was helpful in providing the list of agencies that are part of the U.S. embassy in Mexico . Because of its proximity , and because Mexico is a ( maybe the ) primary producer and transshipment point for drugs entering the United States , Mexico has become the primary focus for every government agency involved in counternarcotics . <p> Department of the Treasury . The Treasury Department , Bureau of Customs , said it had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was necessary to call the U.S. embassy in Mexico . The Customs official at the embassy told us he could not give out any information without " making a few calls . " Ultimately we were directed back to the Policy Division of the International Affairs Office of U.S. Customs in Washington . <p> Federal Bureau of Investigation . We spoke with several offices at the FBI . We were repeatedly transferred ( from the Mexico desk to public affairs to research to the press office ) because no one was sure what information they were allowed to disclose . Finally the press office instructed us to fax a request letter , which we did on August 7 ; we have yet to receive a reply . <p> Internal Revenue Service . We were told that the information we were requesting on IRS activities in Mexico is " not that basic . " Nevertheless ( or is it because of that fact ? ) , we would need to file a formal request under the Freedom of Information Act and guarantee payment of all research and search expenses . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ available on the Web page , we were told , and is " applicable to all countries . " Specific information on Mexico can be found in the country report . That report proved to be both forthcoming and informative . <p> Obviously , this brief survey represents only one attempt -- and a quite superficial one at that -- at coming to grips with U.S. policy toward Mexico . Clearly , we have employed other sources of information and other methodologies . Furthermore , some of the responses cited can be ascribed to incompetent , unresponsive , bureaucratic ( not entirely unheard-of in Washington , D.C. ) , or ill-informed public affairs officials who do n't know and do n't care what U.S. policy is in Mexico or who are uninterested in being helpful to the public . Nevertheless , even at this superficial level , these responses tend to support the conclusions reached in the first section of the paper about ( a ) the huge number of agencies and programs involved in Mexico , ( b ) the lack of coordination between and within the agencies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of these programs are shrouded , and ( d ) the effort to shield or disguise what American policy is doing in Mexico . PROGRAMS ASSESSED <p> It is impossible , in a brief article like this , to assess all the complex , often overlapping U.S. policies toward Mexico . Much of the preliminary information , in terms of formal , official statements of U.S. policy , is contained in the appendix . In the next section , therefore , we focus on two policy arenas , U.S. drug policy and military cooperation , because they more or less represent the major U.S. policy priorities in Mexico and because they illustrate many of the general points made earlier . Because of space considerations , we focus mainly on aspects related to the main theme of bureaucratic politics . Drug Policy <p> There are , at last count , no less than forty-three U.S. government agencies involved in counternarcotics . Because of its proximity , and because Mexico is a ( maybe the ) primary producer and transshipment point for drugs entering the United States , Mexico has become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> Heroic efforts have been made , particularly by the Office of the Drug Czar , to coordinate these agencies and present a single , clear , coherent policy and strategy . The creation of the drug czar 's office during the Reagan administration was itself an admission that the then-existing drug policy needed better coordination . Then , as now , State , Defense , DEA , Customs , Coast Guard , and others were all independently carrying out their own counternarcotics policies , meanwhile entangling in bureaucratic rivalries , jealousies , turf battles , and fights over budgets and responsibilities . The drug czar 's office was therefore located in the White House to give it added clout , and the drug czar was supposed to be a cabinet member . The elevated status would enable him to meet and negotiate with other cabinet secretaries as an equal , knock heads if necessary , and arrive at a coordinated policy . The key question has always been whether the drug czar would be a member of the cabinet or not , and administrations have changed direction several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barry McCaffrey , is not a member of the cabinet . Therefore , there are severe limits on his ability to coordinate drug policy among the several departments . The law enforcement agencies see State as " soft " on drugs and have even threatened to bring obstruction of justice charges against U.S. officials who refuse to go along with some . . . schemes . <p> A variety of coordinating groups , interagency task forces , undersecretaries , assistant secretaries , and subprincipals ' groups operate below the drug czar . Quite a number of these serve useful functions , particularly by sharing information . But below the top cabinet level , almost no decision can be made -- unless the principals also concur , which happens irregularly . Many of the meetings of these groups are not necessarily full information-sharing meetings ; rather , one agency hosts a briefing that may or may not provide full information . The other agencies may listen and take notes , but they will not necessarily share their own full information or report fully on the policy initiatives of their agencies . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the policies of their own agencies . Nor can lower-level officials be expected to reach agreement , let alone have the authority to coordinate policy , since their principals may not be in agreement , fully informed on new initiatives , or yet " on board . " Hence at all levels , but particularly at the very top , there is neither full coordination of U.S. drug policy nor the incentives or authority to achieve it. ( n9 ) <p> The basic split in policy is between those agencies that have primarily law enforcement backgrounds , orientations , and responsibilities ( Justice , Treasury , DEA , FBI , Customs ) and those that are primarily political and diplomatic ( CIA , State , White House , including the Office of the Drug Czar ) . My earlier research ( n10 ) revealed that these law enforcement agencies ( Justice , DEA , and FBI ) are mainly staffed at policy levels -- not surprisingly -- by lawyers . All of these agencies are relatively new to the foreign affairs arena ; they tend to have few personnel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to be dominated by ethnocentrism , and often to have a tunnel vision concerning policy . That is , as law enforcement agencies , legitimately and quite properly charged with the responsibility of implementing and enforcing the law ( U.S. law -- and there is one of the nubs of the problem ) , their job is to carry out U.S. counternarcotics policy . If carrying out this responsibility means harassing , arresting , or ousting military officers , cabinet members , or even the president of another country ( as in the case of Colombia 's Ernesto Samper ) , then so be it . If it means kidnaping Mexicans from their own nation and bringing them to the United States for trial , then so be it . If it means violating Mexican law by carrying guns while operating in Mexican national territory , then that must be done too . If it means conducting a sting operation among bankers in Mexico ( also illegal under Mexican law ) and luring them to the United States for arrest , then that too must be approved . There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agencies whose single-track vision and legitimate responsibilities oblige them to enforce the law -- even if that implies enormous costs in terms of overall U.S.-Mexican relations and even if that is often self-defeating on its own law enforcement terms . <p> The second set of agencies mentioned above has a different set of priorities and responsibilities . State , CIA ( at least its analytic arm ) , and the White House -- including , although the orientation is not 100 percent , the drug czar 's office -- tend to emphasize the larger picture of U.S.-Mexican relations . They tend to see the law enforcement types as cowboys who may well damage U.S.-Mexican relations by their one-track policies and overzealous implementation of them . They do not believe that arresting high-level Mexican officials or drumming high-ranking military officers out of the armed forces is the correct policy . Kidnaping Mexican officials from their own territory , riding roughshod over Mexican laws , and de facto taking over some Mexican government functions is not , they believe , in the long-term best interests of either Mexico or the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quite a number of these officials are opposed to much of the U.S. counternarcotics strategy , since they believe that drug sales are a crucial element in the Mexican national economy and that successfully removing that component might well destabilize Mexico . Many are not convinced that a " war on drugs " is the right course to pursue or that the drug problem can be solved by focusing on the supply or production side . These agencies , in other words , are concerned with the big picture of U.S.-Mexican relations , which takes place on multiple , complex , interdependent levels and which may well be harmed by a too zealous , unilateral , single-agency enforcement of the U.S. drug policy . In response , the law enforcement agencies see State as " soft " on drugs and have even threatened to bring obstruction of justice charges against U.S. officials who refuse to go along with some of Justice 's more harebrained schemes . When one agency of the U.S. government threatens the officials of another ( including a U.S. ambassador , although in another country besides Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carry out what the first agency wants to do , that is more than bureaucratic politics run amok ; that is complete chaos and dysfunction . In other words , we have no single counternarcotics policy towards Mexico , but two ( and many more ) conflicting policies , run by conflicting agencies , whose constant feuding and competition threaten to destroy U.S.-Mexican relations . <p> The case that best illustrates these destructive bureaucratic conflicts is the sting operation known as " Casablanca , " carried out by the Justice and Treasury Departments against a number of Mexican bank officials in an effort to catch them on a money laundering charge . Over a three year period , U.S. undercover agents apparently lured bankers working mainly with Mexico 's Juarez narcotraffickers to launder drug money , using such techniques as wire transfers and bankers ' drafts . For their service , the bankers received 2 to 3 percent of the transactions . The culmination of the sting came when American officials lured the bankers to the United States with the promise of a free holiday in San Diego and Las @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico was often viewed by U.S. policymakers as a difficult , prickly , noncooperative country on such issues as Mexico 's failure to break relations with communist Cuba or to adhere to the U.S. blockade . This case is particularly interesting for a number of reasons . First , Mexican law does not allow sting operations , so U.S. officials were using U.S. laws to indict Mexican bank officials operating in Mexican national territory . Second , for the reason just cited as well as Mexican nationalism -- specifically the sense that Mexican officials were cowed by the United States -- the sting elicited a howl of protest in Mexico , which not only formally objected but threatened to prosecute the U.S. officials who ran the antidrug sting . Third , although we are supposed to be cooperating with Mexico at all levels in the drug war , the sting was carried out without informing Mexican high government authorities or gaining their legal approval for the U.S. actions-apparently because of American impatience with the failure of Mexican prosecutors to make any real progress against drug corruption and for fear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sting . Fourth , and most important for our discussion of bureaucratic politics , the Justice-Treasury sting was carried out without informing either the Department of State or the Office of the Drug Czar , or informing them at such low levels and in such a purposely obscurant way that no one would recognize the larger policy implications of the sting . The reason for not fully informing the latter two agencies was Justice 's and Treasury 's fears that State and the drug czar , with their " softer " attitudes on drugs and focus on " the big picture , " would object , leak the information , or scuttle the operation by appealing to President Clinton . Needless to say , State and the drug czar 's office were very angry over being left out of the loop on Casablanca . <p> In an editorial , the New York Times denounced the sting as both unlawful and undiplomatic. ( n12 ) It said that Washington 's failure to obtain Mexico 's approval for an undercover operation carried out on Mexican soil was inexcusable and had turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton was obliged to express " regrets " to Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo after a wave of denunciation and threats from Mexico . But elsewhere in the United States , denunciations were rather muted , reflecting American impatience with apparent Mexican foot-dragging on the issue and the tendency ( or preference ) of Americans to blame Mexico for our own drug problems . The public undoubtedly supported the sting , and DEA was quick to claim credit for the operation regardless of State 's views . <p> A far more informed and biting criticism came from CSIS 's Mexico Project director Delal Baer , ( n13 ) who at the time of the sting was living and conducting in-depth research in Mexico . She was thus able to assess the impact of the sting as well as of overall U.S. drug policy in Mexico at a level far deeper than U.S. editorialists . Baer criticized a policy in which law enforcement agencies ( Customs at Treasury and DEA at Justice ) are in the pilot 's seat and allowed to operate autonomously from other U.S. agencies and from overall U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. government , untrained in foreign policy , have little understanding of the larger consequences of their tactics . Not only was the sting a diplomatic embarrassment for the United States , but its consequences reverberated negatively through the whole Mexican political system and the entire U.S.-Mexico bilateral relationship , of which Customs and DEA are often blissfully unaware . For example , the timing of the sting threw a monkey wrench into delicate negotiations President Zedillo was conducting with the Mexican Congress over financial reforms -- reforms which are in the U.S. interest to see enacted . The sting also panicked investors -- whom U.S. policy has an interest in encouraging -- who interpreted the operation as indicating the U.S. government lacked confidence in Mexican institutions . The sting and the intense Mexican reaction to it also led to several calls in Mexico for the resignation of their central bank governor and attorney general -- officials whom the U.S. has tried discreetly to support. ( n14 ) <p> Baer goes on to say that while it may not be the responsibility of U.S. law enforcement officials to monitor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico , it is the responsibility of senior officials to coordinate policy among the various agencies involved . They should ensure that such operations are conducted with at least some respect for signed agreements and rules of bilateral cooperation between the two countries , as well as with a sense of the impact of such policies in Mexico and their effect on overall U.S.-Mexican relations . Apparently that was not done in this case -- and indeed this case is part of a pattern in overall US. -Mexican relations . The stage is thus set for a new and recurring confrontation between the United States and Mexico . For instance , Justice and Treasury can be expected to pressure hard for decertifying Mexico as a country cooperating in the drug war , while State and , one hopes , the White House will be scrambling to present the larger picture of U.S.-Mexico interrelations to prevent Congress from making that blunder . Baer concludes sarcastically : What a " victory " for Janet Reno , Customs , and DEA ! They have proven that if the United States dangles $30 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can corrupt them in the same way drug traffickers already have . For this dubious revelation we have put the entire framework of U.S.-Mexican relations at risk . <p> Unfortunately , this case is not atypical of a wide range of U.S. policies -- on drugs and a host of other issues -- in Mexico that emerge as the result of the bureaucratic politics of American policymaking . Reviewing only my own files on Mexico from the last few month reveals such headlines as " The U.S. at Odds With Itself on Mexico , " " Drug War Leader Is Frustrated : Kramek Says Politics Hamper Coast Guard , " ( n15 ) and " 2000 Miles of Disarray in Drug War : U.S.-Mexico Border Effort a Shambles . " ( n16 ) Meanwhile , through the Southwest Border Initiative , the Justice Department continues to operate in Mexico with the same coalition of law enforcement agencies ( Customs , DEA , FBI , the Criminal Division of Justice , the U.S. Attorneys ' Offices , the High-Intensity Drug Trafficking Area Program , and state and local counterparts ) that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neither State , CIA , the drug czar , or the NSC is represented . Finally , we have the devastating reports of the General Accounting Office -- about as objective a voice as we are going to get on this issue -- whose consistent conclusion through a series of reports has been : ( a ) " Mexico continues to be the principal transit country for cocaine entering the United States " ; ( b ) " despite U.S. and Mexican counternarcotics efforts , the flow of illegal drugs into the United States has not significantly diminished " ; and ( c ) the effectiveness and usefulness of new laws , new counternarcotics agencies , and new initiatives is limited " due to inadequate planning and coordination among U.S. agencies " emphasis added. ( n18 ) Military Cooperation <p> Over the decades , U.S. military cooperation with Mexico has been exceedingly sensitive and therefore quite limited . While the United States is eager to engage its Mexican counterparts in joint , cooperative activities , the Mexican side has been very reluctant . This stems from a variety of factors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the United States defeated Mexico and took 40 percent of her national territory ; constitutional prohibitions against training military units in foreign countries ; Mexico 's extreme sensitivity to U.S. slights and/or intervention in Mexico 's internal affairs ( e.g. , Operation Casablanca ) ; powerful anti-Americanism in the Mexican foreign service , at universities , and among leftist groups ; a strong sense of inferiority on the part of Mexican military officials about their professionalism compared to that of U.S. officials ; a Mexican foreign policy that was historically oriented toward frustrating or opposing the United States on all issues ; a tradition stemming from the Mexican Revolution of 1910 that leads Mexico to be sympathetic to revolutions ( Cuba , Nicaragua ) and revolutionary movements ( the FMLN of El Salvador , for example ) that the United States opposes ; and resentment and jealousy that the United States is a First World country while Mexico remains in the Third World . Doubtless other more immediate factors ( corruption , far lower salaries for the Mexican military than for their U.S. counterparts ) are involved , along @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So long as Mexico was peaceful and stable , and the cold war was still on but centered elsewhere , the United States was not preoccupied with these Mexican sensitivities or the lack of contact with the Mexican military . Mexico was often viewed by U.S. policymakers as a difficult , prickly , noncooperative country -- a pain in the neck -- on such issues as Mexico 's failure ( alone among countries of the hemisphere ) to break relations with communist Cuba or to adhere to the U.S. blockade ; her failure to support the 1965 U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic ; her obstreperous and often anti-American support of guerrilla forces in Central America in the 1980s ; and her consistent refusal to support the creation of a U.S.-favored inter-American defense force ( seen as " imperialist , " " antirevolutionary , " and a fig leaf for U.S. unilateral intervention ) or the expansion of responsibilities of the Inter-American Defense Board -- for fear the United States would dominate it as well . <p> But then a number of things happened to force a considerable reappraisal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Mexican side . First , in the 1980s and 1990s Mexico began to look far more shaky both economically and politically ; the United States ( and perhaps Mexico too , though reluctantly ) realized it could no longer take Mexican stability for granted . Second , the growing realization of their complex interdependence on so many issues led the two countries closer together . Third , there was NAFTA , which the United States initially saw more as a security strategy to help stabilize Mexico than an economic trade agreement . NAFTA made Mexico a " North American country " ( which the Mexicans as well as the rest of Latin America are still trying to get used to ) , established the United States the guarantor in perpetuity of Mexican economic and political stability , and brought the two countries closer together on a variety of issues . Fourth , the end of the cold war not only led the United States to pay greater attention to what military strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan a hundred years ago called its " soft , vulnerable underbelly , " but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " Third World game " of balancing off the United States against the Soviet Union ; the United States was now " the only game in town . " Fifth , the growing traffic in narcotics led Mexico , belatedly , to the conclusion that drugs were not just an American consumption problem , but they could also , as in Colombia , damage Mexican institutions and society as well . From the mid-1980s on , the role of the Mexican military in the counternarcotics effort increased exponentially . Sixth , the uprising in Chiapas and guerrilla activity elsewhere in Mexico revealed how poorly equipped Mexico 's military was to conduct counterinsurgency warfare against a foe that was dedicated , organized , and skillful ( e.g , able to use the media and the Internet to mobilize domestic and international support ) . All of these factors , and doubtless others besides , began to push the United States and Mexico not into a military-to-military embrace but into a slowly evolving , closer yet still prickly relationship , marked by numerous sensitivities and many ups and downs . <p> At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States moved slowly in creating confidence-building and cooperative programs over the course of the last three decades. ( n20 ) They took very low-level cooperative steps : welcoming a Mexican military officer at the prestigious U.S. National War College ; accepting a U.S. officer at the Mexican national military academy ; upgrading the U.S. military attache in Mexico City to brigadier general status ; conducting a low-key and low-visibility annual exchange of a small number of officers at the service academies , in foreign language instruction programs , and so forth . Meanwhile , other , potentially larger and more encompassing programs , such as the World War II-created Joint Mexican-United States Defense Commission ( JMUSDC ) , either languished or , as in the case of military assistance programs , remained limited , or in terms of joint exercises were virtually nonexistent . But Mexico has made it plain it does not want to see JMUSDC 's mandate broadened and was particularly opposed to its assuming an operational role . And the hardware or military assistance approach relies entirely on Mexico 's deciding to make a major purchase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Mexico buys significant amounts of equipment from France , Russia , and other sources and thereby purposely limits U.S. influence ; at the same time on the American side , Congress or the State Department may block the sale -- particularly when facing the scrutiny of human rights groups after the 1994 Chiapas uprising . <p> In 1988 the Defense Department adopted a new program for closer bilateral military relations with Mexico. ( n21 ) This program , which predates the end of the cold war as well as the emergence in the 1990s of an entirely new gamut of intermestic issues , still appears to be guiding U.S. policy , although it has been updated . The program directed the armed forces to forge greater military-to-military relationships with their Mexican counterparts through two open-ended stages . The first involved efforts , through exchange and other programs , to provide Mexico with a better understanding of the U.S. armed forces . The second stage involved increased contact , but now on a reciprocal basis . Given the Mexican sensitivities listed above , the program required patience , flexibility , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desire for high-level talks or joint exercises ; U.S. military officials recognized that by law Mexican armed forces were forbidden from participating in any combined or coordinated exercises with any other country and that military units could not leave Mexico to train in the United States . For the Department of Defense , this kind of high-sensitivity relationship was relatively new and unique , but not universally accepted within DOD . It was a remarkably enlightened program , designed by Defense intellectuals who actually knew something about Mexico and were able to see their ideas translated into policy terms . <p> During the course of the early 1990s , these kinds of low-level , low-key contacts gradually increased . Most of them emphasized interservice contacts , primarily involving the Coast Guard and the Navy 's Third Fleet , which is headquartered in San Diego . These included U.S. port visits in Mexico , cooperative search and rescue operations at sea , " coincidental interaction " ( passing information and sharing experiences ) , counterdrug cooperation at sea , antismuggling operations , environmental protection efforts , establishment of a permanent " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of visiting military or military war college delegations , and so on . This " slow and steady " approach was eventually expanded to include some unprecedented joint training missions in Mexico , like airborne exercises in which U.S. aircraft served as jump platforms for Mexican paratroopers . The DOD strategy clearly was to use these low-level contacts and interchanges both to build confidence with the often hypersensitive Mexicans and to pave the way for bigger and higher-level cooperation in such potentially controversial areas as counterinsurgency and war on drugs . By the mid-1990s , the Department of Defense was proudly ( but still quietly ) saying that it had over forty-five cooperative programs with the Mexican armed forces . <p> But then things began to get out of hand , to go beyond the pale . Part of this had to do with the military 's political culture -- Allison 's organizational model . DOD has many able , energetic , ambitious , gung-ho officers -- Type-A personalities eager to overcome all obstacles and " get the job done " -- who , once they receive their orders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would suggest . But part of it also had to do with purposeful secrecy aimed at deceiving or going around Congress , as well as circumventing other agencies -- the bureaucratic politics phenomenon . Our focus here is mainly on the latter . <p> To begin with , the context changed . First , U.S. military assistance and sales to Mexico increased dramatically . A country that had long been purposely low-profile from both the U.S. and Mexican perspectives now vaulted quickly to the midrange of U.S. military assistance. ( n22 ) Second , the stakes dramatically increased : Mexico became the primary transshipment point for drugs entering the United States ; guerrilla uprisings , economic collapse , violence and assassinations , and rising crime threatened social upheaval and political instability ; and high-level U.S. officials became increasingly concerned for the fate of its large neighbor to the south . Third , in contrast to the low-key , low-visibility policy of the past , Mexico became high profile and high visibility with the visit of Defense Secretary William Perry in 1996 , followed by a parade of other cabinet-level visits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure from the Congress , the public , and the press , abandoned its earlier cautious , deferential , patient , and nonthreatening approach and began a more blatant , high-pressure , even interventionist policy . Instead of allowing Mexico to conduct its own reform program at its own pace , the United States began increasingly to take the lead , increase the pressure , and treat Mexico as " just another banana republic " -- albeit an especially large and proximate one . <p> A few specific examples ( among many ) of the bureaucratic politics of this new relationship will suffice to make the point . First is the celebrated case of General Gutierrez Rebollo , Mexico 's drug czar . That special position had been created in Mexico at U.S. urging and with considerable U.S. pressure . General Gutierrez had been appointed to the post to emphasize that Mexico was serious about counternarcotics , that this was a war on drugs , and to make the position comparable to that of General Barry McCaffrey , the U.S. drug czar . McCaffrey had confidence in General Gutierrez and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What McCaffrey was not aware of was that General Gutierrez was in the service of one of the Mexican drug lords . More than that , this information about General Gutierrez 's drug connections was available to U.S. intelligence , specifically the Defense Intelligence Agency . But in another instance of the right hand not knowing what the left was doing , it was never shared with McCaffrey and the drug czar 's office . <p> Another example is the Joint Combined Exchange Training ( JCET ) program. ( n23 ) The JCET program is funded under a 1991 law that says U.S. troops may go on joint , combined training exercises with foreign militaries overseas if the primary purpose is to train U.S. troops . Oversight of the program is the responsibility of the secretary of defense , specifically the assistant secretary of defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict , and ultimately the Congress , which passed the measure . But over the years JCET was vastly expanded to encompass activities not intended or anticipated in the original legislation . Under JCET , U.S. forces have trained former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colombian armed forces in counterinsurgency and counternarcotics policy , done the same in Peru and other countries , and in general used the program to evade the restrictions governing other assistance programs that involve aid to militaries that abuse human rights . Virtually no oversight of this mushrooming program was carried out by DOD or Congress , and the State Department was seldom informed about the full extent of the training . Some of these agencies preferred not to know too much. ( n24 ) <p> In Mexico the JCET program has been used to train Mexican troops on Mexican soil . This is a dangerous step because of extreme Mexican sensitivities , for historical and nationalistic reasons , concerning the presence of any foreign troops on Mexican soil -- especially American troops training Mexicans in exceedingly touchy counternarcotics and counterinsurgency issues . These issues are especially sensitive because , unlike most Americans , Mexicans are not convinced that drug trafficking for the U.S. market and the presence of Zapatista guerrillas in Chiapas are such unmitigated evils . In addition to the training on Mexican soil , U.S. Army Green @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexican troops who form elite counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency battalions . Because Mexico 's constitution forbids training Mexican units in foreign countries , the members of these battalions are flown to the United States in small groups , trained , and then flown back to Mexico , where these smaller units are reassembled. ( n25 ) But Mexico 's constitution is a hallowed and revered one , and this transparent subterfuge by the Americans to avoid its prohibitions can only be described as stupid and self-defeating . Apparently the U.S. government is under such intense pressure to solve the drug issue that it is willing to violate the Mexican constitution -- one of the main institutional pillars still holding Mexico together -- to achieve that goal . Moreover , once the JCET training is complete , the United States can not control how Mexico uses these troops . In fact , in both Colombia and Mexico these U.S.-trained elite units have been employed less in counternarcotics ( the U.S. priority ) than in counterinsurgency ( the Colombian and Mexican priority ) , where they have committed widespread human rights abuses . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups and within the U.S. Congress which , exempting itself , of course , blames DOD and State for not overseeing these programs more closely . <p> These and other issues have led to storms of protest in Mexico . In summer 1998 Mexico issued increasingly sharp attacks over what it views as " unacceptable interventionist attitudes on the part of the United States . " It was incensed over Operation Casablanca and demanded that those U.S. officials responsible for the sting be brought to Mexico to stand trial for violating Mexican laws . Most Mexicans are convinced ( and Comandante Marcos has charged ) that U.S. special forces are working with Mexican armed forces in Chiapas to wipe out the Zapatista guerillas . Mexican sentiments were further inflamed when two out-of-uniform U.S. military officials from the military attache 's office in Mexico City appeared at the site of recent violence in Chiapas ; after being detained by local villagers , they lamely said that they were there only " to learn the countryside and the culture . " These repeated and often illegal interventions in Mexican internal affairs have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only of JMET but of a wide range of cooperative U.S.-Mexico programs built up over the years . At the time of writing , the relations between the United States and Mexico were extremely tense on a wide range of important issues . <p> I have treated these two programs , drug policy and military cooperation , separately , but in fact they are intimately interrelated . One need not be an advocate of " militarizing the drug war " to recognize that some degree of involvement and cooperation from both the U.S. and Mexican militaries is necessary to solve the drug problem . At the same time , reforming the Mexican military is essential if overall policy toward Mexico , including democratization and a better human rights performance , is to succeed . However the bureaucratic politics practiced by different agencies in each of these areas has a multiplier effect when applied to U.S. policy as a whole based on democracy , stability , open markets , and free trade . Multiple agencies ' practicing bureaucratic politics in numerous policy arenas compounds the aforementioned problems of chaos , dysfunction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to also focus on other U.S. policies toward Mexico , including energy policy , immigration policy , environmental policy , and border policy , we would find many of the same problems of bureaucratic conflict , turf wars , battles for bureaucratic prestige and budgets , ignorance about what other agencies are doing , and the like . The result is not just a confused U.S. policy with the main policy goals often lost in the bureaucratic maneuvering and manipulation , but the possibility of a breakdown in policy , defined as the inability to accomplish major policy goals in Mexico . When U.S. policy ineptness , overreaching , conflict , and sometimes too-heavy-handedness are added to the possibilities for fragmentation and ungovernability in Mexico itself , they become truly frightening indeed . CONCLUSION <p> The United States can not continue to run its foreign policy on this basis . With the end of the cold war , it is domestic politics and bureaucratic rivalries that almost exclusively drive U.S. foreign policy , rather than a hardheaded but enlightened calculation of the national interest and a sense of how to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large , important neighbor like Mexico . Congress and the White House play politics with foreign policymaking , doling out whole programs to different agencies on political and bureaucratic grounds . Then each agency conducts its own foreign policy with little or no attachment to a central core of principles and interests . And there is precious little coordination between , among , or even within the distinct agencies involved . Both the politicians and the agencies involved seek to curry favor with particular constituencies and pursue their own organizational and bureaucratic self-interests . Operation Casablanca and the JMET programs are the two most blatant examples , but there are many others. ( n26 ) <p> The bureaucratic politics of U.S.-Mexican policymaking has now snowballed way beyond Allison 's original formulation to encompass dozens of offices , departments , and agencies carrying out hundreds if not thousands of programs . The White House , the president , and the National Security Council are supposed to coordinate all these distinct programs , but that is being done ineffectively or so superficially that each agency continues to follow its own route . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Washington but also the myriad offices in the Mexico City embassy , which has more U.S. agencies represented than any other U.S. embassy in the world . What in the embassy is supposed to be a coordinated " family " of operations has become dysfunctional . It is said that " we have no one policy toward Mexico but sixty-seven policies . " <p> The incredible pluralism , verging on chaos , has by now begun to affect the substance of American policy toward Mexico . There are two things that exercise the Mexicans : one is the specific contents of individual U.S. policies -- not our main subject here ; the other is the sheer confusion in U.S. policy , the lack of clear direction , the fact that the United States speaks with many voices on foreign policy , not one . Other nations in this and other times have lamented these characteristics of American foreign policy , but now , and specifically in the Mexico case , the situation is far worse and going beyond the pale . The sheer proliferation ( the world 's largest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left hand of U.S. policymaking seldom knows fully what the right hand ( actually , fifty or sixty other " hands " ) is doing , and increasingly the political and bureaucratic " games " that one part of the American government tries to play on others ( as in Casablanca ) are now becoming exceedingly destructive and self-defeating . Not only is there rising anger and indignation in Mexico ( n27 ) -- hardly conducive to gaining Mexican cooperation on a host of issues -- but policy effectiveness is also breaking down . This is more than Allison 's famous model run amok ; it is Allis ' n Wonderland . <p>
@@4008141 The Israel-Palestine Liberation Organization Declaration of Principles has created enthusiasm about the prospects for economic cooperation between Arabs and Israelis . Arab-Israeli economic cooperation is exciting because of its political benefits , not to mention its economic effects . Thus , proposals for economic cooperation should be judged primarily by their promotion of peace , rather than simply by their direct economic effect . In particular , economic cooperation can ease the Israeli sense of regional isolation and promote its acceptance by its neighbors . Furthermore , as each side reaps measurable economic benefits , future agreements may be more feasible in less politically sensitive areas than Palestinian sovereignty . <p> The strategy of achieving peace through incremental cooperation in areas of mutual advantage , such as trade , is problematic . The strategy itself has long been controversial among Arabs and continues to be rejected by many Arab radicals . For many years , the majority in the Palestine Liberation Organization ( PLO ) preferred to hold off on any form of cooperation , no matter how profitable , as a means to increase the pressure for a comprehensive political settlement . Today , Arab radicals complain that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign to dominate the region . As Aqba Ali Saleh wrote in the leading Saudi daily Asharq al-Awsat , " The merging of technologically backward economies with a high-tech economy necessarily entails domination by the latter and restriction of the former 's scope for development . " 1 <p> Despite objections from such radicals , most in the region view economic cooperation as a step towards peace . Unfortunately , some also have the unrealistic expectation that Arab-Israeli economic cooperation is the key to a nation 's prosperity . No one is more optimistic than Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres , a longtime advocate of economic cooperation . As he argued , " There are only two alternatives for the Levant : Benelux or Yugoslavia . " That is , prosperity and peace through cooperation or poverty and war. 2 In his latest book , written with Arye Naor , Peres outlines his vision of a Middle East common market. 3 Crown Prince Hasan of Jordan shares Peres ' vision . At an important recent conference on the economic implications of Middle East peace , Hasan spoke of the long-term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrangement similar to that which exists between Belgium , the Netherlands and Luxembourg . " As Hasan has noted : <p> A free-trade zone across the Middle East would be the ultimate goal . Arrangements for a Middle East Free Trade Agreement -- a MEFTA along the lines of NAFTA North American Free Trade Agree-merit -- would allow the region to play a more creative role in the world economy ... Such a development would provide an impetus for a new relationship of hope in the Middle East. 4 <p> Peres ' and Hasan 's vision of the Middle East developing along lines similar to NAFTA is not realistic . The Middle East is just not in the same economic league as either NAFTA or the European Union ( E.U. ) . The 1991 gross domestic product ( GDP ) Of Israel and the Arab states was less than $500 billion , as compared to over $6,000 billion for NAFTA and the E.U. Table 1 . The merchandise trade of Israel and the Arab states in 1992 was less than $300 billion , as compared to four times that amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The total GDP of the Arab League members is less than the GDP of Belgium and the Netherlands . Even if Israel were to develop as close relations with the Arab states as it now has with those two , the market opportunities would still be limited when compared to the greater possibilities in the larger E.U. market- the natural market for Israeli , Jordanian , and Palestinian producers . While there are some excellent opportunities for profit from Arab-Israeli economic cooperation , the regional markets are just too small for such an endeavor to have much of a macroeconomic effect on the region . <p> Furthermore , the Middle East is a region in which states have not yet developed dose economic relations with each other . Examples abound of political restrictions on economic ties between Arab states : Jordan has been effectively shut out of the Saudi market in retaliation for King Hussein 's stand on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait ; Libya and Egypt each has slammed shut its common border in response to one or another episode ; and Syria cut off the flow of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For the most part , Arab states do not trade very much with each other . In 1992 , for instance , Jordan had $54 million in trade flows with its neighbor Syria and $64 million with Egypt -- 1.2 percent and 1.4 percent of its total trade , respectively. 5 <p> Even if governments were not to interfere with economic ties , consumer resistance based on traditional enmities could still jeopardize Israeli-Arab economic cooperation . Such resistance could continue for decades after a comprehensive peace treaty . Look at Greece and Turkey for example . They have been at peace for 70 years ; their troops serve under common North Atlantic Treaty Organization ( NATO ) command . The two neighbors have economies that should be complementary , as Turkish textiles could be traded for Greek industrial goods . Yet their trade flow in 1992 was a paltry $250 million , less than 0.7 percent of either country 's total trade flows . <p> Economic cooperation is not the central economic issue for Israel , Jordan , the West Bank and Gaza ; rather , job creation is everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same fundamental problem : double-digit rates of unemployment combined with an exploding labor force looking for work locally . In Jordan , this explosion is due to returnees from Kuwait ; in the West Bank and Gaza , to the fewer opportunities for employment in Israel ; and in Israel , to immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia . The real impetus for job creation is going to come from economic reform : easing government regulations , building new infrastructure , providing ready access to bank credit and enacting policies to promote exports to the larger European markets . In summary , the needed economic reforms themselves have little to do with cooperation ; they depend much more on internal reforms in each area . COOPERATION ON TRADE <p> Trade cooperation is blocked by the illiberal trading regimes common in the region . The Egyptian , Syrian and Israeli governments each have long traditions of paternalistic etatisme , rooted respectively in Nasserism , Ba'athism and Labor Zionism . Breaking free from the outdated statist models of the past would do more than any other step to make economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to grow as long as the state protects local firms against foreign competition . <p> As an example of how artificial barriers can restrict trade , consider the small volume of Egyptian-Israeli trade : $13.3 million in 1992 , amounting to 0.04 percent of Israel 's trade and 0.07 percent of Egypt's. 6 Much could be done to simplify trade procedures . Israelis justifiably protest the administrative barriers to exporting to Egypt , but Egyptians could also complain about the low share of Gaza 's imports that come through Egypt or the impossibility of marketing cheap Egyptian agricultural produce in Israel . <p> The Arab-Israeli trade that does occur usually violates the rules of at least one of the governments . For example , Israeli rules have until recently firmly forbidden the import of Palestinian eggs except in a few special circumstances , yet West Bank producers provide about 120 million eggs a year for the 1.8 billion-egg Israeli market . The practical effect of the Israeli rules is to increase the income of Israeli middlemen who find ways to smuggle the eggs , while reducing the income of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could for their produce . Every attempt to crack down on the smuggling ends up increasing the margins demanded by the smugglers , reducing the income of the Palestinian producers and raising the prices paid by Israeli consumers . <p> Israel is not the worst offender with regard to trade-inhibiting rules -- quite the contrary . The Arab League maintains several layers of boycott against Israel , observed by all its members except Egypt . The primary or direct boycott on Israeli products is enforced well enough that Israeli exports have to use subterfuge to find their way into Arab markets , reducing the trade volume to a trickle . The direct boycott boasts strong political support and is unlikely to end soon , except in Jordan . On the other hand , the secondary boycott on companies doing business with Israel , and the tertiary boycott , on companies doing business with companies on the boycott blacklist , are increasingly less enforced. 7 <p> The paradox of the boycott is that its primary victims are Palestinian businessmen who can not ship their goods to Arab markets because they use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boycott of these Palestinian products could significantly increase Palestinian sales in the Arab world . On the other hand , dropping the boycott on Israeli-made products would not necessarily create great market opportunities for Israeli businessmen , since the regional market is small ( Israel 's Arab neighbors have a GDP less than Israel 's ) and Arab consumers may resist Israeli products even if there are no official barriers . <p> The official barriers to trade are being reduced in most of the Middle East . Many governments have announced plans to ease back the heavy hand of regulation and liberalize the economy . In recent years , Israel and Jordan in particular have issued bold statements about their commitment to structural reforms to open up their economies . Not surprisingly , each has proceeded at a slow pace , because they face challenges from domestic groups that benefit from existing regulations . Nevertheless , the small changes have begun to add up to a substantial difference . Over the last few years , Israel has eliminated nearly all quantitative restrictions on non-agricultural trade with the West Bank and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agricultural goods . As a result , Palestinian textiles , shoes and agricultural implements , among other products , have taken a large share of the Israeli market . <p> The area in the Middle East with by far the freest trade is the West Bank and Gaza . The reason is not admiration for the teachings of David Ricardo , but the lack of a government to create and enforce restrictions . The Israeli occupation authorities made the West Bank and Gaza into an importers ' dream : no duties and essentially no restrictions . Until 1991 , Palestinian exports faced many barriers as part of the Israeli policy of discouraging Palestinian industry and agriculture , fostering Palestinian dependence on Israeli production . Those barriers to export have been largely eliminated since 1991 as part of Israel 's reversal of policy to now encourage Palestinian output in order to reduce unemployment-induced unrest. 8 Ricardo would be proud of the West Bank and Gaza : They practice free trade even though they face extensive protectionism from their neighbors . Israel and Jordan use a wide array of trade restrictions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and quality standards but are in fact transparent protectionist devices ( for example , insisting that each pencil made in the territories bear a label in Hebrew ) . <p> Since signing the Accord with the PLO , the Israelis have committed themselves to phasing in complete free trade with the Palestinians over five years . However , the remaining formal trade restrictions , which are on agricultural goods , will be phased out slowly to reduce the resistance from the beneficiaries of current restrictions ( who may also be given transitional assistance , such as the buyout of chicken and egg farmers included in the 1994 Israeli budget ) . 9 The initial quotas for Palestinian products , agreed to in bilateral negotiations in Paris , are equal to the estimated existing illegal trade. 10 As important as the removal of formal trade barriers will be Israeli willingness to relax the disguised barriers , such as quality and labeling standards . The prospects for reducing disguised barriers are mixed , because of exaggerated Israeli fears about competition from West Bank and Gaza producers , who are too small to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are succeeding primarily in industries ( such as simple textiles ) that are already in decline due to competition from low-cost foreign producers. 11 <p> Because of these exaggerated worries about competition , Israeli liberalization of imports from the West Bank and Gaza is scheduled to be slow . Correspondingly , Palestinians are unlikely to perceive any dramatic change in their standard of living as a result of increased trade opportunities ; they will instead see a slow , steady improvement . That is unfortunate , as a rapid increase in Palestinian incomes might have more of an effect on Palestinian public opinion . Any estimate of the effects of liberalization on the Palestinian economy must be speculative , given the poor data on Palestinian production and exports . But the situation inspires optimism : The Palestinians know the nearby Israeli market , a $63 billion economy which is 25 times the size of their own and is growing at a solid clip of 4 to 5 percent per annum . Many Palestinian businesses already compete well without any government protection or benefits . Palestinian producers have a substantial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given ready access to the markets . My guess , and it is only that , is that a complete and immediate lifting of barriers to Palestinian trade could result in double-digit growth within a year , fueled by export growth on the order of $100 million to $150 million . <p> Between Israel , the Palestinian territories and Jordan , the prospects for open borders and cooperation look good in the medium term , though the pace of the opening may be slow . The last several Israeli governments have been committed to opening up markets ; the principle itself is not controversial in that often fractious country . The Jordanian government wants access to the Israeli-Palestinian customs union . The two sides are disputing the pace and method of liberalization , with Jordan wanting an initial quota of $300 million a year ( up from a current $15 million ) and rising thereafter , and Israel preferring a smaller quota and proportionate access to Jordan 's market . The dispute sounds like that between many trading partners about how to liberalize trade , in which the issue at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . A few years ago m the Palestinian community , any proposal for economic cooperation with Israel was controversial . Now , the PLO and business communities recognize that the West Bank and Gaza will benefit from close links to the Israeli economy . In the Paris bilateral discussions , all agreed that there are to be no new barriers to the movement of goods ( no customs checkpoints or border posts ) between the Palestinian territories and Israel . The two sides are negotiating the fine points of the future customs union . The Israelis have agreed already to let the Palestinian side set the tariff rate on items of special interest to Palestinians ( for example , the traditional Palestinian type of vegetable oil ) in return for Israel retaining the right to set the tariff rate on all the other items . The Palestinians have accepted the continuing use of Israeli facilities , such as electricity generating plants and water systems , for part of their needs rather than having the unrealistic goal of creating a completely separate infrastructure . To be sure , the Palestinians want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capital goods and outlets for their agricultural and industrial products so that they are not completely dependent on Israeli suppliers and purchasers , but that reflects good business sense rather than a desire for Palestinian show projects ( like an electric generating plant , which would have to be small , and therefore , uneconomical , if it were to serve only the Palestinian market ) . COOPERATION ON CAPITAL FLOWS <p> Capital flows to Israel and the Arab world come in two main categories : commercial investment and aid . Each can contribute to peace through its political impact , but the economic impact is not likely to be large beyond Palestinian territories . <p> Commercial investment offers limited short-term potential for cooperation despite many ideas for publicity-generating Israeli-Arab joint investments . The most prominent project being considered actively at the moment is a multibillion dollar project to pipe natural gas from Qatar to Israel . Discussions are progressing on the project despite Qatari skittishness about publicity. 12 Other examples include a canal from the Red Sea to the Dead Sea , diversion of water from the Nile or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Damascus to Tel Aviv . Such projects will not cement the recent peace accord . They are almost sure to be accompanied by dispute-provoking cost overruns , which will strain relations between the partners . Besides , they take years to reach maturity , at which point opinions about the peace accord will have solidified ; therefore , the projects themselves will not have much impact on how the peace accord is viewed . In addition , several proposed projects would have low economic rates of return . <p> Then there are the demonstration projects , typically to transfer Israeli technology to Arab nations . These projects may promote good will , as did the Israeli-supported agricultural research program in Nubariya , Egypt. 13 However , such transfers are often simply ignored by the recipient , for whom the project is typically arranged by the Israeli government , which is eager to demonstrate the advantages of Israeli technology . <p> More promising are joint investments by private businessmen from Israel and Arab countries , especially those aimed at conducting business with a third country ( that is , a country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example would be a hypothetical joint Israeli-Moroccan investment in Egyptian agro-industry producing for the European market . These joint ventures bring together investors who have specific strengths to contribute , and who are less dependent on the good will of the host government since their markets lie elsewhere . These projects are the most likely to have a good economic rate of return , which also makes them the best candidates for long-term survival . Several such schemes have been already announced , with the Arab partners backpedaling in the face of adverse public reactions at home . <p> Similarly , various efforts are underway currently to promote joint investments with Jewish and ethnic Arab businessmen , inincluding nationals of the United States and other industrial nations . For instance , former Congressman Melvin Levine of California and Arab-American activist James Zogby lead an investment-promotion group , the formation of which was encouraged by the U.S. Government . <p> In short , commercial investments can be a means to bring together Arab and Israeli businessmen , but the inevitable snags and delays in any new field -- always magnified by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be limited , at least in the near-term . <p> Commerical investment , important as it may be in the future , has not been the main type of international capital flow in the Levant . Aid has been far more important . The Levant states receive truly astonishing amounts of economic aid , in addition to generous military assistance . In 1991 official development assistance from OECD and Arab countries to Israel was $354 per person ; to Jordan , $247 ; to Egypt , $93 ; to Syria , $30. 14 The principal sources were the U.S. for Israel and Egypt , European states for Jordan , and Arab states for Syria . By comparison , the average for low income economies that year was $10 and for middle-income countries , $16 . <p> Despite the heavy demands on aid budgets worldwide , in October 1993 the donor community pledged $2 billion in aid for the West Bank and Gaza and in December 1993 it pledged that 1994 commitments alone would reach $570 million. 15 If these funds were disbursed on a timely basis , the aid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from all sources ( including tens of millions of dollars from non-governmental organizations ) . 16 However , the prospects for timely disbursement are at best mixed . The usual bilateral and multilateral institutions , such as the World Bank , are proceeding in the West Bank and Gaza on what is for them an accelerated basis . But that means a lag of about two years from project identification to the disbursement of funds . That accelerated pace can only be sustained if much of the tenuous Palestinian policy-making capability is diverted to dealing with the aid procedures . <p> If the principal aim of the aid is to lay a basis for sustainable development in the medium-term , then current procedures are appropriate . That seems to be motivating the donor agencies which are emphasizing efficiency and accountability , desirable goals that take time to achieve . If , on the other hand , the aim is to influence the public in favor of the peace accord now before opinions gel , then the most efficient procedure would be to disburse cash to the PLO , to reinforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incomes . Cash payments would probably be money wasted economically and well-spent politically . Seamer Huleileh , a top official with the official PLO aid agency ( the Palestinian Economic Council for Reconstruction and Development , or PECDAR ) , was doing more than pleading his organization 's cause when he said the following : <p> We should be professional from a political point of view , not from an economic point of view . Money spent on salaries does n't create development , but it creates survival , it creates momentum for peace and for the agreement. 17 <p> To date , the aid program is repeating the errors made in the former Soviet Union : large amounts are promised and small amounts are delivered . Unfulfilled expectations create popular bitterness and distrust of the West . In his analysis of the negative effects of the West 's aid program , Jeffrey Sachs has created controversy by clinging to the illusion that the West could still meet Russian expectations for huge amounts of aid disbursed quickly. 18 <p> As is the aid program in the former Soviet Union , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political . In the former case , the aid is meant to consolidate popular support for a pro-Western and pro-market orientation ; in the latter , it is meant to increase public support for peace with Israel . In other words , aid for the West Bank and Gaza is not aid for cooperation . Indeed , foreign donors face a paradox if they wish to finance both Palestinian development and economic cooperation . The more funding provided for Palestinian development , the more resources are available to develop autonomous Palestinian institutions which reduce the degree of cooperation necessary between the Israeli and Palestinian economies . The fact is that in some cases , autonomous Palestinian institutions -- operating on a smaller scale at higher cost than their Israeli counterparts -- may be a better way to promote peace between the two peoples . Consider , for instance , a Gaza port capable of handling most of the imports for the West Bank and Gaza . That would probably be less economical than making fuller use of Haifa and Ashdod , but it would reduce the quarrels over the disbursement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and exports . Furthermore , a Gaza port might be able to secure Jordanian business that would be less likely to go to an Israeli port . The point of this example is that there may be times when foreign donors justifiably decide to finance Palestinian development even though that development may be at the expense of economic cooperation with Israel and of economic rationality , especially in those few cases where a separate Palestinian facility may offer political advantages ( such as reducing potential conflicts with Israelis over shared facilities ) that outweigh these economic factors . <p> While the principal aim of aid is not to promote economic cooperation , aid could also play an important role in encouraging cooperation . Middle East economic cooperation is held back both by political suspicions and by cruel economics : How to distribute the costs and benefits ? All too often , governments refuse to move on projects from which their country would profit because their neighbors would also benefit without paying . Each of the region 's governments faces a serious deficit problem , and none is eager to borrow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own citizens . It is difficult to find a technically or politically acceptable means to allocate the costs of a project such as a dam , which provides several countries with a variety of benefits ( not all of them easily measured in dollars ) , such as reducing the risk of floods , generating electricity and providing water for irrigation . Financial disputes have been an irritant in joint international projects around the world , even when the countries concerned are on good terms ; they are likely to be all the worse when the partners start out being suspicious of each other . <p> In order to avoid such disputes , an international financing facility could be created to fund ( lower interest rates , longer maturity ) projects that benefit several countries with softer terms than projects that benefit only one country . The facility could be administered by the World Bank . To make the facility attractive to borrowers , it would need grant contributions that it could combine with market-rate borrowing of its own . <p> A regional cooperation facility is better targeted and more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an organization would face many problems , not the least of which would be Israeli participation . Despite the recent political advances , it would be difficult to secure Arab participation if Israel were a member , and it would be effectively impossible to secure U.S. participation if Israel were not a member . In addition , most of the states in the region , already heavily indebted , are not in a position to borrow at market interest rates . Furthermore , a Middle East Development Bank could easily be diverted from financing regional cooperation into financing ordinary development projects -- projects for which the states of the region already have ample sources of finance , given the limited amount of additional foreign debt they can afford . <p> In sum , aid could play a role in promoting Arab-Israeli economic and political cooperation and in increasing support for the peace process , especially by showing impoverished Palestinians that peace can bring prosperity . However , the potential for aid to play such a role is not as great if the emphasis is on economic rationality rather than on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which the hopes are high for benefits from cooperation is water . Water usage is a particular problem in the Middle East and North Africa , a region that uses 73 percent of this scarce resource while the world average is a mere 7 percent , according to a recent World Bank study. 19 Unfortunately , in many countries security of water supplies stirs emotions and political sensitivities that impede rational analysis . As a result , agreement on any regional water project may be hard to achieve . It would be unrealistic to count on water usage as the starting point for regional cooperation . <p> Nevertheless , it may be possible to get the region 's governments to agree informally to accelerate announced plans for the use of market mechanisms for solving the water problem . Economists throughout the area have pointed out that the water shortage is hardly surprising : Consumers are charged a price far below the cost of production . That is a recipe for a shortage , no matter what the good concerned . Consumers -- which means primarily farmers , since agriculture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ East and North Africa -- have little incentive to adopt water-saving techniques . Farmers could preserve their income levels , while cutting water use by 50 percent or more , through a combination of changing the mix of crops grown and investing in water-saving technologies . <p> It is no exaggeration to say that the water problem is a price problem . Recognizing this , each country in the region has announced its intention to reform water pricing . But plans all too often succumb to political pressures from the beneficiaries of current ( implicit ) subsidies . It may be worthwhile to develop a joint declaration of water policy reform , which would recognize that reform in one country could improve the water supply for others . <p> Large-scale water projects , such as large dams , desalinization plants or canals , to take advantage of the difference in elevation between the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea , should be carefully evaluated to determine if the costs are justifiable . Using dams as an example , the international experience -- including the Aswan High Dam or many of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of inefficiency and low rates of return on capital invested . Perhaps given the emotions involved , it would be worthwhile spending $5 billion to flood the Levant with water from desalinization plants , the most expensive but politically most accessible source . That amount would pay for more than a sufficient number of dams and desalinization plants to meet water demand at the current subsidized prices , which encourage wasting water . But before paying such a high price for a largely irrational fear , let us start with smaller scale projects to see if they can improve public confidence about water supplies . A few reasonable proposals have been advanced for medium-sized ( $500 million ) multilateral projects , such as storing winter flood waters behind dams ( much of the region 's waterflow is lost during brief floods ) . 20 <p> One example of a medium-sized multilateral regional water project is the Unity Dam on the Yarmuk River . The dam has a long history : The United States offered to finance this project in the early 1970s because it would benefit several of the key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Israel . Although a well-prepared project proposal exists , Jordan and Israel have yet to agree on terms for the project . Jordan may agree to concessions if the international community were to offer concessional financing in return for Jordan 's agreeing to allow Israel and the Palestinian areas access to the project 's benefits . <p> For both the medium-sized and the larger projects , the criteria for determining whether the costs are justifiable should be political as well as economic . The two categories of criteria , however , can lead to different results . Consider , for instance , the longstanding dream of generating electricity by capitalizing on the difference in elevation between the open sea and the Dead Sea ( the potential to generate electricity being a function of the elevation from which the water falls ) . Such a project would make more sense politically if it fully involved the Jordanians rather than holding them at the periphery -- implying preferential treatment to the " Red-Dead " route from the Red Sea over the " Med-Dead " route from the Mediterranean , despite the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EAST STRUCTURES <p> Compared to the high-profile water issue , the issue of ending Israel 's isolation within international organizations is more mundane . There are numerous international institutions with regional affiliates or with administrative divisions along regional lines . Few classify Israel as a Middle Eastern nation ; instead , Israel usually is categorized within the European group for administrative purposes . The reason is not one of bureaucratic convenience , but rather , politics . Specifically , it is the unwillingness of Arab states to consider Israel a legitimate Middle East state . Sometimes the distinction is not particularly important to the work of the organization , as is the case at the International Monetary Fund . But in organizations that concern themselves with issues that cross borders- covering everything from allocating the radio spectrum to combatting infestations of pests -- Israel should be considered a Middle East state . <p> In addition , it should be possible for Israeli nationals to sit down with their Arab colleagues to discuss technical issues under the auspices of international organizations . That may require meetings in Egypt or outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepared to issue visas for short visits to experts who are Israeli nationals traveling for international meetings . Certainly , it is inappropriate for multinationals to initiate new technical fora with the clear intention of excluding Israel . <p> An example of what not to do is the World Bank 's sponsorship of the Initiative to Encourage Economic Research on the Middle East , which led to the founding of the Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries , Iran and Turkey in June 1993 . The material sent out by the new organization provided inadequate rationales for excluding Israel , claiming Israel had different economic problems from the rest of the region . The organization can not even bring itself to say that Israeli scholars are welcome to participate ; instead , it makes the ambiguous statement , " All those who can contribute to the goals of Forum would be free to participate . " 22 World Bank Vice-President Caio Koch-Weser , in his address to the Forum 's founding conference , had the gall to center his remarks on openness as the key defining characteristic of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " The industrial nations and private foundations that funded the initiative , and now the Forum , should learn from this experience that they have to insist as a sine qua non on Israeli participation in Middle East organizations they support . EXAMPLE OF COOPERATION POTENTIAL : TOURISM <p> To end on an upbeat note , let me offer an example of an industry with good prospects for growth through regional cooperation. 23 Tourism offers promising opportunities for demonstrating the material reward from Arab-Israeli peace . Much of the reward will come automatically , as a more peaceful environment encourages more visitors and stimulates private sector investment in tourism facilities . Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres decried that " the region has not fulfilled its potential for tourism , " and pointed out that " the root of the problem is violence . " 24 Tourism is extraordinarily sensitive to the state of personal security , real and perceived . Should there be a wave of publicity about attacks on individuals , for either political or plain criminal motivations , tourism drops rapidly , as it did in Egypt from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state of national security , meaning not only war and peace but also the international perception of how a country fits into the international scene . Tourists -- vacationers and business travelers -- would rather visit a country with a government which promotes peace and upholdes justice . On both the personal and national security fronts , Israel suffered image problems in the 1980s , between the war in Lebanon from 1982 to 1983 and the intifada from 1987 on . In contrast , Egypt benefited from Camp David and the subsequent blossoming relationship with the West . <p> One factor that makes tourism a promising area for intergovernmental cooperation is that Israel and its neighbors are on a more equal par regarding tourism than in almost any other economic field . In many areas in which functional cooperation has been proposed , Israel is the giant that , no matter how well-intentioned , has the potential to overwhelm its neighbors . But in the tourism industry , this is not the case . In 1991 , Israel ( including East Jerusalem ) had 28,515 hotel rooms , while Egypt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Indeed , it is striking to realize that Amman has more hotel rooms than West Jerusalem , and that there are more hotel rooms on Nile River cruise boats than in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem combined. 26 Compared to the 18-to-1 ratio of GDP between Israel and Jordan , the 4-to-1 ratio of hotel rooms is psychologically less troubling to the Jordanian side . Similarly , Egypt has a 2-to-1 ratio of GDP with Israel but almost a 2-to-1 advantage over Israel in tourism . <p> Tourism cooperation has the potential to create additional tourism for each country , rather than divert the existing flow of tourists from one country to another . The Middle East offers good prospects for " regional tourism , " or visits to sites in a variety of countries in a region . Officials and members of the business community interviewed in the region agree that American Jews and Europeans are poor targets for such regional tourism : The former are mostly interested in visiting Israel , and the latter are more disposed to spend their vacations in one spot rather than visiting numerous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ package trips to one tour resort ) . That leaves Japanese and North American non-Jewish vacationers as the best targets for such regional tourism . To increase regional tourism from North America and the western Pacific will require marketing the region as a whole . An American or Japanese considering a vacation may not realize the geographical proximity of the key historic sites in the Levant and how easy it is to see the Pyramids , the Holy Land , the Jewish state , Roman ruins and the exotic Arab markets -- all in two weeks . Until now , there has been little government encouragement for such regional marketing . Though a fair amount of regional marketing is done by private travel agents for combination Israel-Egypt trips , these efforts have not had the coordination ( e.g. , a single marketing theme and slogan ) that could be achieved through a government-sponsored campaign . In November 1993 , the Egyptian , Israeli and Turkish tourism ministers signed an accord creating the East Mediterranean Tourism Authority. 27 Even if other governments believe it is inappropriate to join such an organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proposed marketing campaign . <p> Tourism cooperation offers several advantages from the perspective of aid donors . First of all , the tourism industry may be the best prospect for Palestinian economic development , at least in the short run . The tourism industry in the Levant is already so large relative to the Palestinian economy that if the West Bank ( or , less plausibly , Gaza ) were to capture even a small share in tourism growth , the impact could be quite significant . If the Palestinian areas received revenues equal to 5 percent of the 1992 Levant and Turkish tourism receipts ( for example , about $400 million ) , that would be equal to 16 percent of the GNP of the West Bank and Gaza . Indeed , a number of observers -- Palestinian and non-Palestinian alike -- see tourism as one of the best prospects for the growth of the West Bank economy . Some of the Palestinian businessmen and officials interviewed feel there will be large-scale Muslim religious tourism to Jerusalem , perhaps in the hundreds of thousands per year . These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry , because they would prefer to stay in Palestinian hotels and some could be attracted to other religious sites in Bethlehem and Hebron . Palestinians also expect to gain considerable revenue from Gulf Arabs by exploiting the West Bank 's cool summer weather and relaxed social atmosphere , transforming the area into a Gulf tourism destination as it was before 1967 . Also , Gulf Arabs who are reluctant to overnight in Tel Aviv may feel more comfortable staying in the West Bank and making day trips to the beach and stores , or evening trips to nightclubs and the like . <p> A second advantage of tourism cooperation is that it offers a highly visible infrastructure project of the sort politicians love . That project is the development of a multinational airport at the head of the Gulf of Aqaba , where Israel and Jordan each have fewer than 20 miles of shore surrounded by Egypt on the one side and Saudi Arabia on the other . Israel is considering building a new airport -- which seems like an extravagance given that there are already four airports within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Germany over the dual-administered airports in Geneva and Basel would be use useful to consider in this case . The ideal would be one airport with three exits at the terminal ; one through a door marked " Egypt , " one through a door marked " Israel , " and one through a door marked " Jordan . " Special , fenced-off roads would then bring travelers from those doors to the country concerned . The payoffs could be large : Economically , only one airport would be needed instead of three , while politically , the day-to-day administration of a joint facility would create professional ties that could undermine mutual suspicions . The international community could sweeten the pot by offering to finance on concessional terms an Israeli payment to Jordan or Egypt to cover Israeli use of the existing runway . Jordan or Egypt might find the offer tempting , because the money would be a windfall ( the runways already exist ) . Jordan probably has the greater incentive to cooperate since , like Israel , it has a narrow coast line that makes it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turn would sustain an airport where flights could arrive directly from Europe ( as distinct from the existing airports that mostly serve short-distance hops from the region 's main national airports ) . Egypt has a long coast in the Sinai that it can develop on its own , quite possibly sustaining its own long-distance airport . <p> A third advantage of cooperation in tourism is the potential to relax the hair triggers on the borders . The best zones for tourism development are precisely some of the border areas which have been largely empty to date . Consider the case of the Sinai peninsula , which Egypt has targeted as one of the principal regions , if not the main region , for its tourism development in the next decade . During the entire period from the British occupation of the 1880s through 1967 , Sinai was isolated from the rest of Egypt . A special permit was needed to visit the region . The area was empty except for the military presence ; it was a battlefield waiting to be used . CONCLUSION : HOW MUCH CAN ECONOMIC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in order about whether economic cooperation in fact contributes to peace . Consider the history of the most extensive case of Arab-Israeli economic cooperation , namely , the Palestinians working in Israel . The employment of 140,000 Palestinian commuters inside Israel knit together the two economies and did more than any other development to bring individuals from the two communities into person-to-person contact . The need to communicate on the job was a major reason to learn the other community 's language ; the daily contact taught much about the other 's customs and habits . However , close contact engendered by economic cooperation has not been effective in overcoming the deep animosity between the communities and it may even have contributed to this animosity . Relations between the Jewish and Palestinian communities seriously deteriorated by the early 1990s , with individual Palestinians attacking Jews at random and visa versa . The 1993 closure of the occupied territories , designed to forestall such attacks , was popular among Israelis . The attacks and the closure made Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and much of the West Bank more acceptable to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all those who expect economic cooperation to bring peace to the region . <p> The most important economic contributor to Middle East peace may not be cooperation but West Bank and Gaza development . The New York Times caught the mood in the region in its headline , " Economic Ties Are Regarded as Key to Israeli-PLO Pact . " 28 The peace accord has the best chances for securing the approval of skeptical Palestinian public opinion if it can deliver higher incomes -- especially if incomes increase quickly before public attitudes gel . Raising Palestinian incomes by a noticeable margin should be a relatively simple task , given that the West Bank/Gaza GNP is less than $3 billion . The best options are cash aid to the PLO and immediate Israeli trade liberalization . However , neither is likely to happen . The international donors are emphasizing efficiency , accountability and coordination , which take time to achieve . The Israeli government is swayed by lobbying from those domestic groups that would be hurt if restrictions were lifted quickly . Current donor and Israeli policies are laying the foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but the donor and Israeli economic policies are doing little to help peace take root . Indeed , grandiose public investment proposals and high-profile aid promises to the Palestinians may be politically counterproductive by creating unrealistic expectations that , when dashed , could feed a public backlash against the accords . <p> Unrealistic expectations are a grave danger to the real but qualified potential for economic cooperation between Israel and Arab countries . Grand hopes for the future should not be allowed to get in the way of practical plans for the present . Nor should grand projects be allowed to absorb so much of the available financing that there is not enough for small-scale projects with a potentially larger social impact , such as the creation of and investment in labor-intensive industries for unemployed Palestinians . Realism suggests that we concentrate on what can be obtained now , even if that requires us to take imperfect steps ; what matters most is the appearance of progress . The priority should be on the immediate disbursement of aid , without the comprehensive preparatory studies and careful accounting that aid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cooperation as the wave of the future , then the private sector will find more ways to cooperate ( and more resources ) than the governments could ever provide . <p> Politics , not economics , will be both the main goal and the main determinant of economic cooperation . The principal barrier to cooperation is not technical matters that can be resolved through careful examination , but rather political will . Therefore , the effort spent on studies is on the whole a waste , because it delays timely agreement on small steps that create the climate of confidence vital for getting cooperation off the drawing boards and into action . We must first address political concerns about the consequences of cooperation . That may well mean proceeding first with some projects that have rather marginal economic effects . For instance , it may be desirable to finance a host of projects creating Palestinian institutions ( like an electricity company ) that are marginally profitable and for which it would have made more sense to cooperate with Israel , because assuaging Palestinian nationalism with such symbols may be more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more positive note , the political taboos against Arab-Israeli economic cooperation have been broken . Broad consensus exists among Palestinian leaders for open borders with Israel , while Israelis are prepared to see the PLO assume some of the attributes of a government in regulating the West Bank and Gazan economy . Business leaders from several Arab countries are willing to visit Israel and explore joint business ventures . Israel is becoming increasingly accepted as part of the Middle East scene ; its neighbors are treating it less as a pariah country . However little or much economic cooperation may contribute to prosperity , its political impact is exciting . As translated and printed in Mideast Mirror , 16 September 1993 , p. 16 . Interview quoted in World Monitor , 5 , no. 12 ( December 1992 ) p. 21 . Shimon Peres with Arye Naor , The New Middle East ( New York : Henry Holt and Company , 1993 ) pp. 95 and 99 . Speech of Crown Prince Hasan at the Middle East Economic Digest conference on " The Economics of Middle East Peace , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South As/a , 13 January 1994 , pp. 25-26 . International Monetary Fund , Direction of Trade Statistics Yearbook 1993 , p. 233 . The same source is used for the trade of Greece and Turkey , below . International Monetary Fund , pp. 243-44 . Indeed , Arab League Secretary General Esmat Abdel Meguid put the phasing out of these boycotts on the agenda of the League 's March 1994 meeting , though no decision was taken . Kimberly Dozier , ' Arab League to Consider Easing Boycott of Israel , " Washington Post , 22 January 1994 , p . A13 . The new policy , based on a report by Israeli economist Ezra Sadan , is discussed by Salah Abd al-Shafi , director of the Economic Development Group in Gaza , in an interview in Middle East Report , 186 ( January-February 1994 ) pp. 11-13 . Interview with Finance Minister Schohat , Yediot Ahranot , 24 December 1993 . Interviews with Israeli and Palestinian officials , December 1993 . As a Wall Street Journal headline put it , " Israeli Businesses Fear That Autonomy In Territories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Journal , 24 June 1993 , p . A8 ) . Clyde Haberman , " Israel Seeks Deal with Qatar on Gas , " New York Times , 29 October 1993 , p . A10 and personal interviews in January and February 1994 with Israeli and Qatari officials . Chris Hedges , " Bananas Become Fruit of Egypt-Israel Friendship , " New York Times , 18 December 1993 , p . A4 . World Bank , World Development Report 1993 ( New York : Oxford University Press , 1993 ) pp. 276-7 . Mideast Monitor , 17 December 1993 , p. 12 . Stanley Fischer and Thomas Schelling , Securing Peace in the Middle East : Project on Economic Transition ( Cambridge , MA : Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East of John F. Kennedy School of Government , Harvard University , 1993 ) pp. 108-111 . Other sources list more aid from non-governmental organizations than shown by Fischer and Schelling . Interview in Mideast Reports 186 ( January-February 1994 ) p. 8 . Jeffrey Sachs , " Betrayal : How Clinton Failed Russia , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Jagdish Bhagwati , " Shock Treatments , " The New Republic , 28 March 1994 , pp 39-43 . World Bank , World Development Report 1992 ( New York Oxford University Press , 1992 ) p. 197 . The percentage of water in the Middle East allocated to agriculture is from the same source . The data refer to developing countries , which in the World Bank 's definition excludes Israel and some of the Gulf Cooperation Council states . The percentages of water used and of water allocated to agriculture would have been higher had all states in the region been included . The comparative cost of diverting winter flood waters to the Sea of Galilee compared to various dam projects is analyzed in Haim Ben-Shahr , Gideon Fishelson and Seev Hirsch , Economic Cooperation and Middle East Peace ( London : Weidenfeld and Nicholson , 1989 ) pp. 48-81 , and Elisha Kally , " The Potential for Cooperation in Water Projects in the Middle East at Peace , " in Gideon Fishelson , ed. , Economic Cooperation in the Middle East ( Boulder , CO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a matter of some controversy . See Elisha Kelly , Water and Peace : Water Resources and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process ( New York : Praeger Books , 1993 ) pp 84-94 . Letter dated 29 June 1993 from the Coordinating Committee of the Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries , Iran and Turkey . This section draws heavily on the author 's article , " The Prospects for Tourism Cooperation in the Levant , " Policy Focus ( The Washington Institute for Near East Policy , 1994 ) , which was in turn based on interviews with tourism businesspeople and Ministers of Tourism in Israel , West Bank , Jordan and Egypt in December 1993 and January 1994 . Peres and Naor , p. 150 . World Tourism Organization , Compendium of Tourism Statistics , 13th edition ( Madrid : World Tourism Organization , 1993 ) pp. 50 , 79 , 83 and 151 . Israel Ministry of Tourism. , Tourism and Hotel Services Statistics Quarterly , 21 , no. 2 ( August 1993 ) p. 45 ; Egyptian Hotel Association , Egyptian Hotel Guide 1993-94 ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; Jordan Ministry of Tourism , data provided January 1994 . Alistair Lyon , " Egypt , Israel , Turkey Link Up to Promote Tourism , " Reuter , 5 December 1993 , and Moredechai Benari , " Eastern Mediterranean Tourism Association , " Israel Ministry of Tourism International Relations Division , unpublished paper , December 1993 . As Clyde Haberman and Chris Hedges stated , writing from Jerusalem , " Economists and business leaders here Jerusalem caution that the key for success for the new deal struck by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization lies in rapid economic progress in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank , " in " Economic Ties Are Regarded As Key to Israeli-PLO Pact , " New York Times , 18 September 1993 , pp. 1 and 5 . <p> Table 1 . <p> Middle East Economic Zone PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> Note : Levant includes Egypt . Maghreb includes Libya . <p> Sources : Population and GDP-World Bank , World Development Report 199,3 ( New York : Oxford University Press ) pp. 238-39 , 242-43 and 304 , with author 's high estimates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trade - International Monetary Fund , Directory of Trade Statistics 1993 " ( Washington , DC : . International Monetary Fund , 1993 ) pp. 2-6 , using data reported by partner countries rather man by the trading country itself . <p> By Patrick Clawson <p> <p> Patrick Clawson is a senior fellow at the Institute for National Strategic Studies and the senior editor of Middle East Quarterly . From 1989 to 1993 , he was a research scholar at the Foreign Policy Research Institute and editor of its magazine , Orbis . His recent books include How Saddam Hussein Survived : Economic Sanctions 1990-93 ( National Defense University Press , 1993 ) and Iran 's Challenge to the West ( The Washington Institute for Near East Policy , 1993 ) . From 1981 to 1989 , he was a senior economist at the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund . <p>
@@4008241 Section : THE ENVIORNMENTAL FACTOR <p> " The environmental and social problems of the Amazon are rooted in the economic trade-offs faced by a developing country seeking improved welfare , land distribution policy , labor productivity and income distribution , with only recent progress in political stabilization . " <p> Until recently , variations in seasonal-to-annual climate were thought to be impossible to predict with any degree of certainty . Since the 1980s , however , that situation has changed significantly . The international community now has the capacity to predict shifts in seasonal rainfall and temperature for many regions of the tropics . The ability to forecast probable shifts a season to a year ahead is an important scientific breakthrough that offers the potential to help vulnerable tropical regions to cope better with natural variations that greatly affect the livelihoods of populations , especially relating to agriculture , health and water resources . Skillful climate forecasts can also help advance environmentally sustainable development over the longer haul by aiding in planning that reduces massive relocations of vulnerable populations that impose critical stresses on impacted social and ecological environments . Improved adaptation on seasonal-to-annual time scales will inform adaptation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the significant progress to date , the routine use of climate information and forecasts to help developing countries cope with climate variability is at present more promise than reality . Climate is just one factor contributing to multifaceted socio-political problems that can lead to massive relocations of vulnerable populations . Regional climate information systems require more comprehensive and informed development to build the trust that is critical to the use of climate information to inform decision-making in challenging environments . Partnerships must build capability in affected regions , with research agendas that comprehend and address social need. 2 <p> Increased understanding of climate-influence may aid decision opportunities , specifically for the case of Northeast Brazil . To assess these possibilities , it is useful to review seasonal climate elements and information systems and present a historic summary of developments over the last century in Northeast Brazil . The semi-arid state of Cear , whose development has been constrained by the limited availability of water and high variability in its supply , is a case in point . WORKING WITH NATURAL VARIATIONS IN SEASONAL CLIMATE <p> For many regions of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect of ocean surface temperature on atmospheric circulation . The best-documented and most important oceanic influence on the atmosphere is El Nio . The term El Nio was first coined more than 100 years ago to describe the unusually warm waters that would occasionally form along the coast of Ecuador and Peru . This phenomenon typically occurred late in the calendar year near Christmas , hence the name El Nio ( Spanish for " the boy child , " referring to the Christ child ) . Today the term El Nio is used to refer to a much broader-scale phenomenon associated with unusually warm water that occasionally forms across much of the tropical eastern and central Pacific . The time between successive El Nio events is irregular , but they typically tend to recur every three to seven years . <p> La Nia , the counterpart to El Nio , is characterized by a shift to unusually cool water across much of the equatorial eastern and central Pacific . A La Nia event often , but not always , follows an El Nio and vice versa . Once developed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for roughly a year , although occasionally they may persist for 18 months or more . El Nio and La Nia ( ENSO-El Nio Southern Oscillation ) are both a normal part of the earth 's climate ; there is recorded evidence of their having occurred for thousands of years . <p> The evolution of a typical ENSO episode takes place over several months . The single most important type of seasonal climate information relates to understanding the current state of the equatorial Pacific Ocean . Great improvements in our understanding of the climate system have occurred because of increased attention to observations of the climate system and the enhanced ability to interpret those observations . For instance , much of the potential to prepare for ENSO-related climate impacts comes from an ability to observe and recognize its early stages . Much of our understanding of ENSO itself was made possible by observations from a system of moored buoys , called the Tropical Atmosphere Ocean array , across the equatorial Pacific , originated in the Tropical Ocean Global Atmosphere Program in the mid-1980s , 3 which has since become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ observational array , called PIRATA , in the Tropical Atlantic with hopes that it will lead to comparable understanding of climate variability , especially in Africa and South America. 4 <p> The next most important information relates to understanding and interpreting the future state of this ocean basin through the latest ENSO and sea surface temperature forecasts and outlooks . Seasonal forecasts of global rainfall and temperature patout-terns are generated through a suite of computer models at several centers around the world . It is essential that several sources of seasonal climate forecasts be considered , as individual prediction system performance varies by region and season at different times as initial conditions vary. 5 Many computer models and statistical techniques of varying complexity have shown skill in predicting the evolution of the equatorial Pacific sea surface temperature associated with ENSO for both El Nio and La Nia. 6 However , virtually all of these studies also suggest that ENSO techniques have some difficulties in predicting the details of the onset , magnitude and demise of ENSO episodes . <p> No single information source is adequate for the characterization of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Climate Information System that includes the following components : 7 Reliable and complete climate observations in real time , Complete and error-free climate data archives to provide a basis for placing the observations into historical context , Complete real-time analyses of current climate data , Access to current climate forecasts from a variety of sources , Easy-to-understand forecast products , Complete records and analyses of past forecast performance , Routine methods for disseminating climate information to user groups and sectors and Active collaboration and feedback from the user community . Conceptual View of a Climate Information System <p> The Climate Information System should include mechanisms for monitoring and evaluating the accuracy of sea surface temperature forecasts and related precipitation and temperature forecasts produced by a variety of methods . This may be as simple as having the System access the evaluations performed by various research and academic institutions . Information on forecast model accuracy is essential to safeguard against false alarms , i.e. , forecasts of El Nio or La Nia based on models that have poor historical performance under certain initial conditions . <p> The end aim is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the hands of appropriate users in a timely enough fashion to have some influence on practical decisions . This can only be accomplished if the spatial scales of climate modeling and forecast and those of the decision-makers are compatible and if dissemination of climate information is properly addressed . It will do society no good if the results of climate applications research remain in the academic or research arena . Considerable efforts are required to move from global to regional climate forecasts ( or downscaling of climate forecasts , in the climate sciences jargon ) and to develop the appropriate means for the effective dissemination of climate information . The producers of climate information generally do not have easy and direct access to the end users of that information ; in practice the mechanisms for dissemination need to be developed through a range of organizations and structures . These could range from national meteorological services , who generally have a well-defined set of users , to representatives of the ministries or government organizations who advise user communities-e.g. , public health , agriculture , water resources , risk/hazard management and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the world has been experiencing a progressive understanding of climate processes and the development of a general framework for the analysis and use of climate information . The natural step to take next is to pursue the implementation of such a framework actively in cases of relevance to society . The potential for socially meaningful applications of climate information and forecast in the state of Cear , Northeast Brazil , is a case in point . Effective use of climate information and forecasts in Cear can produce social benefits that surpass the local level and provide guidance to the international community on the application of climate forecasts . THE BRAZILIAN NORTHEAST <p> Severe droughts in the Brazilian Northeast remain one of the major factors negatively affecting the welfare of local populations . In recent decades , the aggregate measures of economic activity of the Northeast have become less sensitive to climate variability , but the same is not true for a large portion of the population that depends on low-productivity rain-fed agriculture and is still vulnerable to extreme climate . <p> The human catastrophes associated with extreme droughts in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portions of the region . Not all the Northeast is semi-arid . In fact , agriculture near the costal areas of the region is viable and constituted the first major source of riches in the colony , namely the export of sugar produced in the sugar cane plantations of the Northeast . Effective colonization of Brazil by the Portuguese started more than two decades after its discovery in 1500 with the production and export of sugar cane , an activity that prevailed in the Brazilian economy for more than a century and is still present in the Northeast . This activity , concentrated in the humid coastal zone of Northeast , spurred the colonization of the semi-arid interior . The interior of the Northeast produced agricultural surpluses for the coastal export economy and gained relative importance later in the seventeenth century when Brazilian sugar exports collapsed due to external competition . Subsistence agriculture became an alternative , even though it implied an involution of the local economy , or " the exact opposite of growth and development . " 8 The colonization of the semi-arid Northeast inaugurated an era of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for policies and actions that would reduce such vulnerability . Although droughts were reported in the Northeast from the early years of the region 's colonization , only in the second half of the nineteenth century did Brazilian officials initiate systematic thinking on the problem and design policies to tackle the effects of extreme climate . <p> In 1877 , a " very strong " El Nio year , 9 the region experienced a devastating drought that lasted until 1879 and claimed more than 100,000 lives. 10 This event was a turning point in the mobilization of resources and design of policies to tackle the problem of droughts in the Brazilian Northeast . At that time , the Brazilian emperor Don Pedro II nominated a national commission to study the droughts in the Northeast and produce recommendations for actions to mitigate their effects . The commission recommended the construction of reservoirs , wells and a canal to transport water from the Sao Francisco River to the areas of the Northeast most affected . The commission also recommended that access to the region be improved , so that the local populations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ played an important role in government intervention in later years . Thousands of reservoirs of a variety of sizes and capacities have been constructed throughout the Northeast , and access to the region has improved dramatically <p> As a result of the studies and recommendations from the end of the nineteenth century , a number of institutions were also created for the purpose of better understanding and managing the effects of droughts in the Northeast . In 1906 the Federal government of Brazil inaugurated the so-called hydro phase of the Northeast with the creation of the Superintendncia dos Estudos e Obras Contra os Efeitos das Secas to promote studies and construction projects that would mitigate the effects of droughts . This institution changed names twice before its current designation as Departamento Nacional de Obras Contra as Secas ( DNOCS ) in 1945 . DNOCS has been responsible for the implementation of a vast water related infrastructure enabling the storage of 22 billion cubic meters of water in the Northeast . <p> The hydro phase helped increase the resilience of the local populations in the face of droughts through the storage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would promote local agriculture and improve the livelihood of the population . Antnio R. Magalhaes summarized the rationale behind this phase of government intervention as follows : " the problem was lack of water , so the solution was to accumulate water . " 11 This view drew questions in the 1940s with the so-called ecological phase . The new formula was to promote rational and efficient agriculture with the introduction of vegetation and animal species that were more resistant to the reduced availability of water . <p> Parallel to the agricultural focus of the ecological phase , the experiences of the 1940s and 1950s gave rise to a new theory for the development of the Northeast . According to this new theory , vulnerability to droughts was due both to the region 's dependence on low-productivity agriculture and to the obstacles to development of dynamic local industries . A major obstacle to industrial development was the lack of energy generation and distribution . This led to the creation of the Companhia Hidreltrica do Sao Francisco ( CHESF ) to make use of the hydroelectric potential of the Sao Francisco @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the energy produced and distributed in the Northeast . In a stark departure from the philosophy of accumulation of water to solve the problem of droughts , the federal government created , along the lines of its promotion of local industrial development , the Banco do Nordeste do Brasil S/A ( BNB ) . The opening of the bank during the drought of 1951 to 1953 aimed at strengthening the region 's financial sector and promoting investment in key activities for the Northeast 's economic growth . BNB was conceived as a development bank with access to one-third of the 3 percent of the federal tax revenues designated by the federal constitution to be devoted to a fund for droughts . <p> BNB was the basis for the creation of the Superintendncia de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste ( SUDENE ) in 1959 . SUDENE , intended as a focal institution for the development of the Northeast , was to promote industrialization , stimulate food production in the humid areas , promote agriculture adapted to dry conditions the semi-arid areas and explore the agricultural frontiers of the region. 12 To do that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for firms to operate in the Northeast . <p> The emphasis on promotion of development of the Northeast rooted in dynamic industries accorded with national policies targeting import substitution industrialization ( ISI ) . The argument for ISI was that Brazil was in the world periphery and depended on more developed nations through the import of manufactures . Because exports of primary goods were the source of Brazilian reserves , and the prices of these goods rose more slowly than those of imports , Brazil 's purchasing power grew progressively worse . The country became less able to accumulate resources critical for development . The solution was then to restrict imports and stimulate a national industry that would reduce the nation 's dependence on industrialized countries . <p> Ironically , the ISI policy reproduced within the country the international scenario it refuted . By targeting investments in the wealthier Southeast , not only did ISI deepen regional imbalances in the country , but it also promoted the transfer of assets from the backward Northeast to the Southeast from the late 1940s to late 1960s. 13 The Northeast 's exports exceeded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but this trade surplus translated into transfers to the Southeast . Strong restrictions on imports imposed by the ISI policies and the slower pace of industrialization of the Northeast , forced the region to import from the Southeast , thus raising its dependence within the country . Such transfers of foreign earnings to other regions of the country were reported to be about 40 percent of total foreign earnings from the Northeast. 14 <p> The pattern of transfer of assets from the Northeast to the Southeast and the concentration of investments in the latter region contributed to the delay of economic development in the semi-arid region and to the perpetuation of its vulnerability to frequent climatic shocks . This phenomenon was clear to the economist Celso Furtado , who was instrumental in the original creation of SUDENE in 1959. 15 Furtado recognized that despite federal aid to the Northeast in years of drought , there were substantial outflows of private capital. 16 The unintended negative effect of the ISI policies on the development of the Northeast is a good example of the role of the institutional setting in magnifying the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the development of the Northeast next shifted in the 1970s . It took another calamitous drought ( 1970 ) to promote institutional changes to address the country 's regional imbalances . The military government attempted to implement a broad program of regional integration ( Programa de Integraao Nacional-PIN ) to integrate the Northeast and the Amazon better with the rest of the country . The infamous Transamaznica road was built , connecting the Northeast to the new agricultural frontier : the Amazon . At the same time , government rhetoric included land reform and promotion of an old comparative advantage of the Northeast , the production of sugar cane . <p> Two notable factors stand out in the legacy of 1970s central government policies toward the Northeast . First , their rationale highlights the social variable in the development process of the Northeast . The 1970s witnessed the conception of integrated programs of local development , including meteorology , efficient land use , education , health , water management , sanitation , irrigation , transportation , access to energy and the like . Their goal was to promote employment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ These programs also marked the stronger involvement of international institutions such as the World Bank and the InterAmerican Development Bank. 17 Second , the development policies of the 1970s exacerbated the supra-regional character of the recurrent droughts in the Brazilian semi-arid region by improving connections between the Amazon region and the rest of the country ( especially the Northeast ) . That is , the federal integration programs that promoted socio-economic and environmental impacts with repercussions at the national level also caught the attention of the international community regarding degradation of the Amazon as a problem with national and global impacts . <p> The migratory flow from the Northeast to the Amazon dates from the late 1800s , following the juxtaposition of two important events : the rubber boom in the Amazon and the great drought of 1877-80 in the Northeast . Jan Bitoun and his colleagues report massive migration from the Northeast , 18 especially from Cear , 19 to the Amazon between the beginning of the boom and the first decades of the twentieth century . This migratory flow waned after the collapse of the rubber economy20 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ socio-economic factors : the major drought of 1970 and government policies aimed at integrating the Amazon into the rest of the country . Colonization of the Amazon was seen as a way to promote more equalized growth in the country . Expansion of the national agricultural frontier would provide an alternative to poor families in the dry Northeast and in the crowded South and Southeast . The northeastern states of Maranhao and Cear contributed to more than two-thirds of the immigrants into the Amazon region in the 1970s and 1980s. 21 <p> Deforestation increased due to the intense migration from all Brazilian regions , especially the Northeast , into the Amazon . In addition to migration , Alex Pfaff shows that development policies and financial incentives are also key determinants of deforestation. 22 Beyond the well-publicized environmental impacts , migration imposed significant social impacts in the region. 23 Brazilian land-holding practices , 24 income inequality and low labor productivity in depressed areas were important contributing factors . In particular , Lee J. Alston and his colleagues present convincing evidence that colonization of the Amazon , combined with unclear land-ownership rights25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resulted in recent violent conflicts and accelerated deforestation in the region . <p> These findings , together with the migratory pressures in the Northeast , show how socio-economic forces have contributed to the spatial propagation of the effects of droughts well beyond the Brazilian semi-arid region and with global implications . The Amazon , recognized as an important variable in global climate , is also a largely untapped genetic bank with potential benefits for humanity . It is wrong to implicate the Northeast as the culprit in the plight of the Amazon region . The environmental and social problems of the Amazon are rooted in the economic tradeoffs faced by a developing country seeking improved welfare , land distribution policy , labor productivity and income distribution , with only recent progress in political stabilization . These are channels through which climatic shocks filter through Brazil and into the Amazon . <p> Better understanding of the dimensions and complexity of development of the Northeast culminated in a refocusing of development strategies in the early 1980s . The world experienced the second oil crisis , and Brazil shifted politically to a democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the payment of its external debt . Concurrently , this combination of events undermined the refocusing effort of the 1970s . Federal and local governments ' limited financial capabilities and political resistance to the planning tradition of the military government contributed to a reduced involvement of public power in shaping the development of the Northeast . Despite these trends , Gustavo M. Gomes points out that during the 1980s , the northeastern economy grew faster than that of the rest of the country. 26 The study attributes such growth to compensatory public investments and employment , which did little to increase the region 's productivity . Rather , it resulted in increased dependence on the Southeast for the supply of goods and services and on the federal and local governments for generation of wealth . Clearly , the model of the 1980s failed to break the region 's cycle of vulnerability to climate variation . <p> For economic and political reasons , the 1980s became known as the lost decade , even though the term is not really appropriate given the profound transformations that led the country from a military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resources from the federal government to local and state governments . This resulted in more autonomy for local governments and fewer opportunities for coordinated strategic actions for the development of the country . The price of autonomy for the Northeast was the diffusion of resources and reduced involvement by the federal government . <p> As the country emerges from its political and economic challenges , it is worthwhile to establish mechanisms to stimulate further coordinated actions to tackle common problems of economic development and vulnerability to droughts in northeast Brazil . THE CASE OF CEARA STATE <p> The state of Cear occupies an area of 146,348 km and has three major geographical regions-the coastal zone ( litoral ) , coastal mountain ranges ( serra ) and the predominant semi-arid region ( sertao ) . Data from the 2000 census report a state population of 7,430,661 , corresponding to 15.6 percent and 4.4 percent of the populations of the Northeast and Brazil respectively. 27 Cear is the third most heavily populated state in the Northeast-behind Bahia ( 13.07 million ) and Pernambuco ( 7.92 million ) -and its population is distributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's population is mostly concentrated in the metropolitan region of Fortaleza ( 56 percent of the total ) , which also concentrates the largest share of the state economy . From 1970 to 1997 , agriculture 's share of state GDP fell from 15.8 percent to 5.7 percent , whereas industry grew from 18.6 percent to 27.4 percent of GDP and services showed little variation from 65.7 to 66.9 percent. 28 Nevertheless , agriculture still accounted for 43.2 percent of employment in the state in 1996 . Agricultural employment was largely low-productivity labor ; the agricultural population was highly vulnerable to climate variability . As a consequence of urbanization and internal migration to escape the impacts of droughts , rural population in the state has experienced an absolute decline since 1970. 29 <p> According to the World Bank , 49 percent of Cear 's population is living below the extreme ( or food-only ) poverty line ( R$65 per month per capita-roughly US$75 using the PPP exchange rate for 2000 ) , and such poverty is highest among rural workers and immigrants from rural areas on the periphery of Fortaleza. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Their alarming levels of poverty stem from inequitable distributions of land and income in Brazil in general and Cear in particular , coupled with low levels of education and labor productivity , occupation of semi-arid regions , and only recent and incipient process of political awareness and frequent climatic shocks . <p> Until the drought of 1987 , Cear 's policies and programs to address catastrophic droughts were no different from those of the rest of the northeast . Emergency responses to droughts planned and executed by the federal government did not necessarily meet regional demands and needs . During the droughts of 1979 through 1983 , emergency programs reduced emphasis on large construction projects that required workers to move and separate from their families . Instead , most actions consisted of preparing the land for when the rains resumed or performing smaller-scale construction projects within farms . One important side effect of this response was that it promoted only short-run solutions to the recurrent crises and , more important , delivered labor and government resources to larger farmers . This became the so-called drought industry , with strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of vulnerability of the poor farmers to climate shocks. 31 Starting in 1981 , emergency programs were oriented toward actions that benefited the affected communities instead of landowners . Overall , although the policies implemented from the 1950s through the early 1980s were successful in ending deaths due to droughts , they did present serious problems and distortions . Definition and execution of actions were greatly influenced by political interests . Planning was centralized at the national level . Actions responded only to catastrophes and were highly bureaucratic . The population did not participate in defining actions and there was little concern with long-run strategies to cope with the semi-arid region. 32 <p> In the late 1980s , Cear started to shift its internal politics . New state governments began to promote decentralization of the decision process with better local community participation . Fiscal oversight stimulated more professional public administration . Development policies fostered economic growth , reduced poverty and infant mortality and improved education. 33 These measures led to improved management of the 1987 drought . Affected communities participated in defining mitigating actions , responsible use of public resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the long run. 34 <p> The fiscal health of the state improved significantly during the 1980s ; Cear experienced years of budget surplus from 1991 to 1994 ( although the trend was reversed in 1995 and 1996 ) . 35 Such promotion of fiscal responsibility was unparalleled in the state 's history as well as relative to other states in Brazil . By improved fiscal management , the state of Cear could advance productive public investments such as the construction of an industrial complex in the new Pecm Port , expansion of the state 's main airport , infrastructure to support increased tourism , construction of a large water reservoir ( Castanhao ) , expansion of the system of energy transmission lines and improvements in transportation infrastructure. 36 Furthermore , the state adopted an aggressive policy of attracting industries based on tax incentives and improved social and demographic indicators. 37 These measures positively contributed to Cear 's reputation as a stable environment for business investments . Consequently , the state economy has become progressively less vulnerable to climate variability as reflected in the small impact of the recent droughts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Despite the evident successes of recent governments in Cear , problems and policy distortions persist . Agriculture is responsible for over 40 percent of employment , mostly in low productivity activities that are highly vulnerable to droughts . Poverty is still extremely prevalent in the state and intimately connected with rain-fed agriculture . The expansion of industry is costly to the state to the extent that forgone tax revenues tend to be high , and industry has failed to create significantly increased employment opportunities for the rural poor . New industries as well as modern irrigated agriculture have significantly boosted the state economy but tend to be capital intensive , thus not adequately alleviating employment pressures . Labor in rural areas continues to be largely uneducated and with low levels of productivity. 38 <p> Recent development trends in Cear need to address some major bottlenecks . First , a large portion of the population remains extremely poor and vulnerable to droughts . Second , as the economy grows and the state continues in a process of urbanization , the demand for a reliable water supply increases . Better water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Third , long-term development and welfare policies based on improved education and labor productivity , as well as reliable social safety nets are essential for alleviation of poverty and for helping rural populations cope better in the semi-arid region . Fourth , there is limited fiscal headroom for the state and a pressing demand for public investments. 39 Cear faces the challenge of reinforcing fiscal responsibility and improving the efficiency of public expenditures . Fifth , economic development policies need to refocus on labor-intensive economic sectors with potentially large spillover effects that may contribute to reducing geographical economic concentrations. 40 <p> The context of Cear 's development and challenges imposed by recurrent severe droughts has set the stage for an aggressive research agenda geared to reducing climate vulnerability . Overall , the state of Cear constitutes an important sector of the globe for focusing applied research on the impacts of climate variability and strategies to cope with them . First , Cear has a large population highly vulnerable to climate variability . The impacts of frequent extreme droughts in the northeast in general , and Cear in particular , spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with potential global impacts . Second , modern climate forecasting techniques have relative success in that region of the globe. 41 Global atmospheric models and modern statistical techniques have opened a largely unexplored window of opportunity to study and better manage the effects of climate variability . Furthermore , the resolution of climate forecasting at the regional level is advancing rapidly . Third , there is a demonstrated need for adaptation in institutional , socio-economic and water management systems , which are crucial for local development . Fourth , Cear counts on a political and technical institutional framework favorable to effective implementation of strategies designed for coping better with climate variability . These include long experience with strategies for tackling the problem of droughts from which much can be learned . CONCLUSIONS <p> Cear has a long history of government intervention to reduce the vulnerability of the rural subsistence farming population to climate variability . The government has provided guidance in the selection of crops , agricultural practices and land use . It has also developed social programs for drought relief and water and educational infrastructure . These have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to be concerns as Cear enters the twenty-first century . The reduction of poverty and illiteracy and the management of the transition to an urban , technology-driven economy are primary social objectives that need to be addressed simultaneously with constraints on the use of water and other natural resources . In this regard , the goals of Cear are similar to those of many developing countries in semi-arid environments . <p> Given the progressive outlook of the Cear government , an unprecedented opportunity exists to develop and implement guidance collaboratively for investments for the sustainable development of Cear . This can aid short-run emergency planning and both near- and long-term resource management . <p> Unlike many developing countries and regions , the state of Cear has invested in building a strong technical capability to understand and predict climate variations and their impacts . Since its inception , the IRI has been an active partner and facilitator of the research and implementation of climate models at the regional climate institute , Fundaao Cearense de Meteorologia e Recursos Hdricos ( FUNCEME ) . This research has led to the recognition that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of climate at Cear is very good . The potential for forecasting river flows into the major reservoirs has also been demonstrated . Further , and as important as predictive skill , there exists political will among key decision-makers to use climate information regularly to reduce the recurrent stresses to poor , rural producers , as well as generally to rationalize water allocation policies . <p> The most recent severe drought hit the region in 1998 in association with the 1997/1998 El Nino . The subsequent La Nina ( 1999/2000 ) did not deliver above-normal levels of rainfall , and there are indications that 2002 will also deliver below-average rainfall. 42 The region is once more faced with increased vulnerability , from the economic and social perspective , to a possible dry season through early 2003 . A drought during 2002/2003 has the potential to affect politics in the region and in the country , as state and presidential elections in Brazil will take place during the second half of 2002 . Especially due to below-average rainfall in 2002 , the present uncertainty regarding a possible El Nino ( often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence the voting populace . Recollections of former states of emergency during periods of severe drought could easily be used ( for better or worse ) to shape the final outcome of the national elections , regardless of whether or not the El Nino occurs . <p> Clear and reliable communications that relate the state of the individual and the state of the environment remain critical for stable sociopolitical outcomes . A vital aspect of ensuring that climate information can be used to support decision-making remains trust . A clear understanding of the climate indicators used , their limitations , and degree of confidence , as well as their timelines , are crucial for trust building in the user 's community . <p>
@@4008341 Section : LITIGATION <p> Like any good defense lawyer , Lisa B. Kemler knew the facts were against her client . Lorena Bobbitt had mutilated her husband . <p> Kemler 's only hope was to convince jurors that Bobbitt , too , was a victim . After years of abuse and intimidation by men , she had finally lost control and struck back . It was an argument any good defense lawyer could make . <p> But as the trial progressed , Kemler of Moffitt , Zwerling and Kemler in Alexandria , Va. , made the argument only a female lawyer could make without saying a word . <p> The male prosecutor had been steadily challenging her with technical objections . For a female lawyer arguing that her female client had struggled in a world dominated by men , it was the perfect opportunity . Kemler looked at the female jurors and rolled her eyes , as if to say , " Is n't that just like a man ? " <p> Whether Bobbitt escaped conviction because she had a female lawyer or because evidence showed she had given in to an irresistible impulse is one of the " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deliver their messages : Are some clients , arguments or jury pools so demographically loaded that they should be approached only by lawyers with compatible gender , ethnic or regional characteristics ? <p> While prosecutor Paul Ebert , Virginia commonwealth attorney for Prince William County , had to take on Bobbitt 's female lawyer in court , he knew he could not win by destroying Bobbitt on the stand . " She had allegedly been beaten up so often by men that if we had stood up there and beat her up some more , I thought it would be counterproductive . " <p> The job of cross-examination went to Mary Grace O'Brien , a senior deputy . <p> The idea behind matching a lawyer to a case or situation is to send jurors a subliminal message about the client or to manipulate perceptions of race , sex , age or regional identity that shape their assessments of a lawyer 's demeanor . <p> Even though few lawyers want to acknowledge or discuss it , lawyer-matching is a time-honored tradition . The twist is that while it once might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or stereotype , it is now practiced as a way of putting clients or circumstances in the best light in a multicultural society . <p> Whether it is effective is a matter of debate . <p> Everyone knows that demographics can make a difference , says Harland Braun , a Los Angeles criminal defender in solo practice . <p> O.J. Simpson started his high-profile defense with three equally high-profile lawyers -- all white . Faced with trial in Los Angeles County where blacks , Hispanics and Asians dominate the jury pool , a fourth high-powered lawyer -- who is black -- was added . <p> Demographics , though , are " usually the least reliable predictor in jury selection , " and therefore , those factors should not be any more influential in attorney selection , according to Joyce M. Tsongas , a jury consultant in Portland , Ore . <p> The feeling is that the law ought to be an equal opportunity employer . <p> " The thing you need to look for in a lawyer is somebody who is comfortable in the courtroom and who engenders credibility , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that can be a person of any age , of any sex , of any race . " <p> But human beings , including jurors and judges , react to others based on emotions and stereotypes . " No one wants to admit that because it sounds like discrimination , " Braun says . <p> It does not have to be . <p> " One of the reasons you have a diverse law firm is that it gives you resources to draw on to give the best representation to your client , " says Stanley D. Davis of the Kansas City , Mo. , firm Stinson , Mag &; Fizzell , where he is a shareholder . Davis , a former law professor , cochairs the ABA Litigation Section 's Committee on Training the Advocate . <p> " A trial is like a play . You cast it , " says Stephen Gillers , a legal ethics professor at New York University School of Law . " You want quality lawyers , but you need to appeal to the local biases . " <p> Similarly , a trial team that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of jurors ' unspoken doubts about a litigant 's motives in a case involving race or sex , says Karen Jo Koonan , a jury consultant with the National Jury Project in Oakland , Calif. , a for-profit trial consulting firm . <p> But , Koonan cautions , " there is nothing worse than a jury feeling it has been manipulated . " <p> Others agree that jurors are not dumb ; they will not be fooled by symbolism . " Tokenism gets raised by the jury and used against you , " says former public defender William Moffitt , also a partner in Moffitt , Zwerling &; Kemler . " Having a black person in there is going to be seen as a ploy . <p> Some lawyers create a diverse team not only for its effect on a jury , but to help broaden their own perspective on a case . <p> For instance , when Gerald Chaleff , a Los Angeles criminal defense lawyer , got calls to defend Hillside Strangler Angelo Buono and one of the two Menendez brothers who were accused of killing their mother @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him . <p> " My theory on picking co-counsel is that I want someone who is different than I am . No matter how equal we like to think we are , we are socialized differently , " Chaleff says . Minority or female lawyers frequently bring perspectives from life experiences he lacks . <p> Los Angeles trial attorney Jill Lansing , who became lead counsel for Lyle Menendez 's first trial after Chaleff and another attorney withdrew , shares the belief . She wants defense teams to include men and women because some jurors relate better to men and some to women . Who makes the point to jurors can be as important as the argument itself , Lansing notes . <p> Another reason to include female and minority lawyers on a trial team is that they heighten juror interest simply by not being the expected white males , contends Beth Bonora , another National Jury Project consultant . That is especially true for women jurors , she says . " Women are very interested in : What does it mean to be a woman in the courtroom ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team or lawyer-client match may not provide a clear tactical advantage , it may remove some negatives . <p> The classic example is having a woman defend an accused rapist . <p> The theory is that jurors will feel that a woman would not want to work closely with a man who would commit such a crime against another woman . The lawyer-match message is that a defendant may be more trustworthy than dangerous . <p> Melinda Douglas , chief public defender in Alexandria , Va. , sometimes likes to use all-female teams to defend male violent-crime suspects in an effort to humanize them . Sitting close to a defendant , leaning in to ask his opinion or putting a hand on his shoulder can work to deflect juror bias , she says . <p> Other lawyers take advantage of what they have in common with clients and jurors , often involving subtle forms of communication . That same process also can affect which lawyer cross-examines when it comes to vulnerable witnesses . <p> Alexandria lawyer Moffitt says he can talk to young , black , male defendants more easily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his presentation to a jury . <p> Similarly , H.T. Smith , a Miami defense lawyer and president of the National Bar Association , knows he can connect with black jurors in South Florida . " The longer the trial is , the more opportunity people of like background have to have communications that the general population may not even realize are going on . " <p> When Smith represented one of six football players accused of sexually assaulting a woman in their hotel room , he used the same skills a white lawyer would have brought into the courtroom . But when he offered his closing argument , he shared with the primarily black jury an African-American folktale . They understood its message : Any woman who went to a hotel with six men at night knew why she had been invited . <p> Finding lawyers with sympathetic traits can be crucial in questioning witnesses who are vulnerable , especially female crime victims or children . <p> When a child is on the witness stand , " the last thing you want to show a jury is the appearance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ co-founder of Arnelle &; Hastie in Oakland . Do not give the task to " a hulking , 6-foot-5-inch guy , " he advises . This is partly for the child 's comfort and partly for the appearance of caring conveyed to the jury . <p> " You are also trying to represent your client , " Hastie stresses . In that type of situation , he would look for a " grandfatherly or grandmotherly " lawyer . <p> According to Peter Bennett , a lawyer with Herbert H. Bennett and Associates in Portland , Maine , a witness should be examined by whichever attorney will work best with that witness . <p> Bennett , chair of the ABA Torts and Insurance Practice Section 's Employer-Employee Relations Committee , says , " You 're trying to develop the right chemistry with the jury . " <p> Chemistry -- and demographics -- also matters when there are no juries , for instance before judges or outside of litigation . Judges , says public defender Douglas , may not be susceptible to drama like jurors , but they are not immune to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corporate law are instances in which attorney demographics may merit special attention . In fact , any case in which the sex , race or age of the parties is at issue may require consideration of those aspects in attorneys . <p> While there usually are no juries in divorce or custody cases , " the question of sex and how it is handled is extremely important , " says Donn C. Fullenweider of Fullenweider &; Wardell in Houston and co-chair of the ABA Family Law Section 's Committee on the Trial Advocacy Institute . <p> A family law firm should always consider how a judge responds to its various lawyers when assigning one to a case , Fullenweider says . " They may feel a certain judge is more inclined to listen to a male or a female , and that 's like any other decision the firm would make . " <p> Corporate defendants regularly ask whether they should have a woman or minority on the trial team , Bennett says . <p> Hastie says his presence as a black man softens the disadvantage his corporate and institutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as symbols of white , male domination . <p> Susan Willis , a labor lawyer in Tucson , Ariz. , says having a female attorney can give more than the appearance of a psychological advantage with some jurors . For instance , in a sexual harassment suit , a woman might spot problems in a company 's actions and policies that a man might not . <p> Similarly , a company accused of wrongfully firing an older worker should go with experience for its lead attorney and avoid a young lawyer . " You 're implicitly making the other side 's case , " notes Davis . <p> But for lawyers prepared to argue the facts and the law , is demographic mix-and-match a strategy to fret ? <p> " Whatever you are , you 've got ta play your hand , " says Braun , " and every sword is a double-edged sword . " <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Lisa Kemler ( left ) , attorney for Lorena Bobbitt , played all her cards to the female jurors . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Gerald Chaleff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a case . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : H.T. Smith : Nonverbal exchanges go on between jurors and attorneys . <p> ILLUSTRATION <p> By DON J. DeBENEDICTIS <p> <p> Don J. DeBenedicts is a lawyer and a former reporter for the ABA Journal . <p>
@@4008441 Section : SUPREME COURT REPORT How social and political forces shape constitutional values <p> Anyone who doubts that the U.S. Supreme Court is a player in national politics need look no further than its decision last term in City of Boerne v. Flores . <p> In striking down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act , the Court reasserted its role as the ultimate interpreter of the Constitution . <p> Under the Supreme Court 's landmark 1803 decision in Marbury v. Madison , wrote Justice Anthony M. Kennedy in his opinion for the Court in City of Boerne , " The power to interpret the Constitution in a case or controversy remains in the Judiciary . " <p> It was hardly unusual that the Court invoked Marbury in City of Boerne , 117 S. Ct . 2157 ( 1997 ) . Throughout its history , the Court has gone to great lengths to remind the American people that it alone delivers the final word on the Constitution 's meaning . <p> This position , that constitutional truth derives solely from a majority vote of the Supreme Court 's nine justices , has figured prominently , for instance , in the ongoing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reaffirming the " central holding " of Roe v. Wade , 410 U.S. 113 ( 1973 ) , in Planned Parenthood v. Casey , 505 U.S. 833 , the Court claimed authority to resolve the abortion dispute , invoking " the Nation 's commitment to the rule of law . " <p> The Court declared that its " interpretation of the Constitution calls the contending sides of a national controversy to end their national division by accepting a common mandate rooted in the Constitution . " <p> The problem is , no one pays much attention to these pronouncements by the Court until issues arise that have overriding impact on widespread political or social concerns . And then just about everyone has an opinion about what the Constitution means . <p> As Justice Antonin Scalia has complained , the justices are subject to " carts full of mail from the public , and streets full of demonstrators , urging us -- their unelected and life-tenured judges -- to follow the popular will . " <p> Justice Scalia , of course , thinks the Court ought to resist such pressures . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last word in constitutional disputes is parochial , shortsighted and just plain factually inaccurate . <p> The Court may be the ultimate interpreter in a particular case , but not always in the larger issue of which that case is a part . <p> Congress , the White House , various government agencies , interest groups , the general public and the states all play critical roles in shaping constitutional values . <p> The historical record provides overwhelming evidence that the Court is influenced by these challenges as well as the broader social currents that surround it . <p> The Court sometimes calibrates its decisions to limit political reprisals . Moreover , when the Court declares itself the final word on the meaning of the Constitution chances are that it feels especially challenged by the other branches . <p> As Ruth Bader Ginsburg observed before her appointment to the Court in 1993 , judges " play an interdependent part in our democracy . They do not alone shape legal doctrine . ... They participate in a dialogue with other organs of government , and with the people as well . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supposed foundation of judicial supremacy , nicely illustrates how politics and constitutional decision-making are inextricably linked to each other . <p> When Marbury was decided , the Supreme Court and its chief justice , John Marshall , were under attack . Court foe Thomas Jefferson had just been elected president , and at his urging , Secretary of State James Madison openly challenged the judiciary 's power to subject the executive branch to court orders . <p> Specifically , when William Marbury challenged Madison 's failure to deliver to him a judicial commission , Madison refused to present any defense . Further complicating matters -- were the Court to rule for Marbury -- Marshall believed that his political enemies would push for his impeachment . <p> Marshall 's challenge , therefore , was to craft an opinion that would support judicial power over the elected branches while avoiding a head-to-head confrontation between the judiciary and the executive . The solution was to first acknowledge the merits of Marbury 's challenge but then conclude that the Court was without jurisdiction to resolve the dispute . <p> Along the way , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unconstitutional the statute that granted it jurisdiction in the Marbury dispute . <p> Marshall 's tactics in Marbury reveal that Supreme Court decision-making can not be divorced from its political context . <p> Indeed , well into the 19th century constitutional decision-making was dominated by the elected branches . Without a body of Supreme Court decisions to look to , Congress and the president had no choice but to engage in definitive constitutional interpretations . And when the courts did speak , elected officials were not inclined to treat those decisions as final . <p> A dramatic example of how the elected branches controlled constitutional decision-making occurred in 1832 , when President Andrew Jackson vetoed legislation rechartering the Bank of the United States . <p> The fact that the Supreme Court had approved the bank 's chartering in McCulloch v. Maryland was irrelevant to the president : " The opinion of the judges , " Jackson proclaimed , " has no more authority over Congress than the opinion of the Congress has over the judges , and on that point the President is independent of both . Each public official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he will support it as he understands it , and not as it is understood by others . " <p> Another insight into three-branch interpretation comes from the bitter struggle over slavery . Through Dred Scott v. Sandford , the Court intended to " definitively " settle the issue of slavery . By holding that the right to own a slave was " distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution , " however , the Court deepened the schism that ultimately led to the Civil War . <p> Dred Scott 's status as the last word on slavery was immediately called into question , most notably by Abraham Lincoln . For Lincoln , Court decisions were necessarily binding on the parties themselves but could not bind elected government to judicially imposed policy-making . <p> Otherwise , Lincoln said , the " people will have ceased to be their own rulers " if government policies are " to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court . " <p> The Court again found itself under sharp attack earlier in this century for striking down about 200 social and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the states to regulate commerce and broadly construing the due process rights of employers . <p> In the mid-1930s , after a number of New Deal laws fell victim to the Supreme Court 's rulings President Franklin D. Roosevelt concocted his plan to " pack " the Court with additional justices , presumably ones sympathetic to his New Deal reforms . <p> The Court-packing plan proved to be a political debacle for Roosevelt , but the Court soon began announcing decisions upholding New Deal programs . <p> Justice Owen J. Roberts , a member of the Court throughout the 1930s , later said , " Looking back , it is difficult to see how the Court could have resisted the popular urge for uniform standards throughout the country for what in effect was a unified economy . " <p> While the Supreme Court often has issued decisions in reaction to political or social trends , Brown v. Board of Education , 347 U.S. 483 ( 1954 ) , illustrates what impact the Court can have when it moves out in front of public opinion . <p> Today , it seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tested the limits of judicial authority . When Brown was decided , however , segregation was so ingrained in the South that outlawing " separate but equal " school systems promised social turmoil and massive resistance . To minimize opposition in the South , the justices spoke in a single moderate voice . <p> Significantly , after the Court 's monumental decision in Brown , Congress and the executive have framed most of the debate on racial issues , starting primarily with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 . <p> The saga of abortion rights likewise underscores the interactive nature of constitutional decision-making . <p> As in Brown , the decision of the Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade served as a critical political trigger . <p> When Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973 , a vigorous right-to-life movement had successfully blocked pro-choice legislation in a number of states . Consequently , though polls at the time indicated 64 percent of Americans supported the liberalization of abortion laws , Roe nonetheless invalidated the laws of 46 states . <p> Roe also prompted elected government into action . From 1973 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states . <p> Congress and the White House also took aim at Roe . Through funding and other restrictions , the federal government revealed its opposition to expansive abortion rights . In cases before the Supreme Court , the Reagan and Bush administrations called for Roe 's reversal . <p> After two decades of resistance to Roe v. Wade by elected officials and a significant portion of the public ( and a changing lineup of justices ) , the Court eventually returned much of the jurisdiction over this divisive issue to the states . By repudiating the stringent trimester test from Roe v. Wade in favor of a more deferential undue burden standard , the Court in Planned Parenthood v. Casey signalled its willingness to uphold state regulation -- if not prohibition -- of abortion . Government vs. the Courts <p> Abortion and school desegregation , like slavery before them , make a mockery of claims that Supreme Court decisions are authoritative and final . A permanent feature of our constitutional landscape is the ongoing tug and pull between elected government and the courts . Indeed , when the Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breathing down the justices ' necks . <p> Take City of Boerne v. Flores , the Court 's most recent invocation of judicial finality . <p> The Religious Freedom Restoration Act , which Boerne invalidated , was a direct challenge to Court efforts to limit First Amendment protections against government conduct that targeted religion . When President Bill Clinton signed the act , he spoke unabashedly of " this act reversing the Supreme Court " and of his conviction that elected government 's view of religious liberty " is far more consistent with the intent of the Founders than is the Supreme Court . " Congressional sponsors of the measure condemned the Court 's " degradation , " " devastation " and " virtual elimination " of religious freedom . <p> To Supreme Court justices , these are fighting words , and , as such , it is not surprising that the Court decided to fight fire with fire . In its decision in City of Boerne , the Court , after proclaiming horror at the prospect that " shifting legislative majorities could change the Constitution , " suggests that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited to " the difficult and detailed amendment process . " <p> These statements , remarkably , come from a justice , Anthony Kennedy , who had told members of Congress that they " would be fulfilling their duty " by limiting the effects of Supreme Court decisions that they think are " wrong under the Constitution . " <p> In fact , several of this past term 's decisions underscore the extraordinary role that social and political forces play in shaping constitutional values . <p> On highly charged decisions that divided the Court , for example , the term was dominated by a five-member coalition of justices either appointed or elevated by presidents Reagan and Bush ( Rehnquist , Scalia , O'Connor , Kennedy and Thomas ) . <p> The decisions dominated by this group make clear that elected government 's most direct link to judicial decision-making is the overtly political process of selecting and approving federal judges . <p> These decisions , moreover , support the claim that , in critical respects , the Court 's constitutional decisions " follow the election returns . " <p> The Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . 2365 ( 1997 ) , for instance , which struck down portions of the Brady Act requiring local officials to conduct background checks on prospective handgun purchasers , can not be disentangled from the fundamental shift toward states ' rights that has resulted from the 1994 Republican takeover of Congress and its purported blueprint for legislative action , " The Contract With America . " <p> More striking , in the related 1997 cases of Washington v. Glucksburg , 117 S. Ct . 2302 , and Vacco v. Quill , 117 S. Ct . 2293 , a unanimous Supreme Court refused to declare physician-assisted suicide a new constitutional right and held that " the earnest and profound debate " taking place throughout the nation on assisted suicide should not be short-circuited . <p> At the same time , the Court refused to close the door to the possibility that future state legislation in this area could be upheld . <p> Glucksburg and Quill reflect both calls for judicial restraint that date back to the Reagan administration and an increasing recognition on the part of progressives , most notably Ruth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " prolong divisiveness " when it " ventures too far in the change it orders . " <p> Under this view , " in a democratic society , " some basic choices about the identification and elaboration of constitutional values ought to be made by the people , acting through elected lawmakers . <p> Of course , by passing judgment on the legitimacy of state laws outlawing suicide , Glucksburg and Quill may well affect the content of this populist constitutional discourse . It is a debate that will be dominated by nonjudicial actors . <p> Similarly , Reno v. ACLU , 117 S. Ct . 2329 ( 1997 ) , invalidating the Communications Decency Act on " void for vagueness grounds , " returned that issue to elected officials . <p> " There is a magnetic attraction to the notion of an ultimate constitutional interpreter , " wrote political scientist Walter Murphy in 1981 , " just as there is a magnetic pull to the idea of some passkey to constitutional interpretation that will , if properly turned , always open the door to truth , justice and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the language of politics , constitutional decision-making , too , is a never-ending process . Whether the issue is abortion , race or the rights of religious minorities , judges and lawmakers are likely to shape the Constitution together . Bobby Crawford . Diagnosed with lung cancer October 1995 . <p> As an adviser , you want to provide your clients with solutions that help them enjoy life without the stress of financial worries . Viaticus is a valuable resource that can open the door to new financial possibilities for clients living with a serious illness . As the nation 's leading viatical settlement company , we enable eligible individuals to sell their life insurance policies for a percentage of the total face value , often without federal tax obligations . In addition to helping your clients meet basic living expenses , Viaticus can help them achieve planning goals , even providing additional funds for investment . To learn more , visit our web site at www.viaticus.com or call us at 1.888.200.5207. 1997 Preferred Rate Hotel Program <p> The Preferred Rate Hotel Program offers ABA members a significant savings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hotels in the world . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> ILLUSTRATION <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt had their clashes over whether decisions of the Supreme Court permanently bind elected government officials . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Justice John Marshall had their clashes over whether decisions of the Supreme Court permanently bind elected government officials . <p> States ' rights entered into Printz , striking down portions of the Brady Act on handgun registration . <p> In Planned Parenthood , the Court returned much of the jurisdiction over abortion to the states . <p> BY NEAL DEVINS <p> <p> Neal Devins is a professor of law and lecturer on government at the College of William &; Mary in Williamsburg , Va . <p>
@@4008541 Section : PROFILE Beth Ann Faragher is a lawyer who is also a citation . The mix puts a new spin on how she sees her clients and her job . <p> In Beth Ann Faragher 's fantasy she 's arguing a matter m court and says , We , your honor , in my case , Faragher v. Boca Raton ... " But in reality , she 's still waiting for her dollar . <p> Before she started law school in 1990 , Faragher sued the south Florida city for sexual harassment she endured for several years working as a lifeguard . After she finished law school , the case went to trial . Now the Denver criminal defense attorney 's name is a case name , one that frequently rolls off the tongues of professors , students , employment lawyers and whoever else might need to refer to the U.S. Supreme Court 's definitive answer to the question of employer liability in sexual harassment claims : Faragher v. City of Boca Raton , 118 S. Ct . 2275 ( 1998 ) . <p> It 's been a dizzying , exhilarating ride from plaintiff to citation for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , albeit only a nominal dollar back when punitive damages were not allowed in Title VII Civil Rights Act cases . That award was overturned by the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals at Atlanta ; then last June the Supreme Court remanded the case to the appeals court to enter judgment for her . <p> For anyone , following in the paths of once-ordinary people now remembered as names and cases , such as Plessy , Gideon or Griswold , would change a life . For someone bound to become a lawyer , it would help shape a practice . <p> While handling case after case herself , with so many of them reduced over time to numbing , faceless italics , Faragher has seen the law from both sides -- as a person and a case . The combination , she says , has helped her understand both . <p> Except for Faragher the case , Faragher the woman would be just another lawyer toiling at just another job , working for a private firm on contract with the city and county of Denver to defend indigents in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has been giving speeches about her case to various groups , such as Inns of Court , employment lawyer associations and , last spring , at a packed news conference held in Washington , D.C. , by the National Organization for Women . <p> Faragher is not a name partner at Denver 's Vitek &; Doniger , but she is a name in the law . It 's an unusual perch for a lawyer who handles thousands of cases a year , hundreds of trials , none of them likely to end up at the highest court . The utilitarian misdemeanor courtrooms in which Faragher works bear little resemblance to the capacious , ornate ones in which Faragher was tried and argued on appeals . <p> Ironically for the name plaintiff in a landmark sexual harassment case , Faragher represents mostly men , mostly in domestic abuse cases . But also in the mix are prostitution , shoplifting , petty theft , trespassing , loitering , even dogs running at large . <p> " The ones I get most attached to are mentally ill clients who are just in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I can get their cases dismissed and have them sent to a hospital for medication and counseling . " <p> Those matters bring few , if any , calls from news reporters . Which made it all the more unusual a year ago when she was contacted at work by one for the Chicago Tribune . He wanted her reaction to having her case accepted by the Supreme Court . <p> " That was the first I heard about it , " she says . " I was shocked . My feeling had been , ' No one gets cert to the Supreme Court . ' " <p> It was the first of hundreds of reporters ' queries as the case worked its way through decision by the Supreme Court this past June . The Road Begins <p> Faragher certainly had n't dreamed of such things back in the late 1980s , while working as a lifeguard at the Boca Raton beaches to help pay her way through Florida Atlantic University there . For several years , Faragher and a number of other female lifeguards employed by the city simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his lieutenant . <p> The two men 's snide sexual comments were virtually nonstop , along with gropes and grabs of the women 's buttocks and like behavior . Once , one of them tackled Faragher on the beach and declared , in so many words , that he would have sex with her if she were more buxom . <p> Before Faragher , such behavior by supervisors was considered by many courts to be " frolics " or " detours " from job duties under traditional agency theory , and employers unaware of it were not liable . The rationale was that the harassment was beyond anything related to a business purpose and was personally motivated . <p> In Faragher , Justice David Souter wrote for the majority that " an employer is subject to vicarious liability to a victimized employee for an actionable hostile environment created by a supervisor with immediate ( or successively higher ) authority over the employee . " Before the Court <p> Faragher 's presence in the Court the day her case was heard was doubly significant because , before arguments began , her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ &; Amlong , moved her admission as a lawyer before the Court . <p> Some critics in the news media called it a stunt and pointed out that several justices seemed uncomfortable when they apparently realized the lawyer they were swearing in to be able to practice before them was about to have her own case argued before them . <p> " I was watching Chief Justice William Rehnquist and he said something as I stood up , I 'm not sure what , " recalls Faragher . " And someone told me later that Justice Sandra Day O'Connor leaned over and whispered to another justice . " <p> While Faragher says that having her case argued at the High Court was like an out-of-body experience , apparently the justices are so used to dealing in disembodied cases -- theory rather than living , breathing persons -- that they were taken aback by a nonitalic Faragher standing before them . <p> Still , for Faragher the young lawyer , her day in court was both a thrill and an odd detour from professional life . " I was on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a case rather than the lawyer . <p> " It was interesting sitting there listening to the justices talk about the behavior of these two men , " Faragher says . " Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg kept referring to it as ' these deeds . ' It was strange having these incredibly powerful people asking questions about my case , talking about what happened to me . " <p> Faragher had intended all along to go to the High Court to see her case argued , arid had plenty of time to plan for it . <p> It had n't been so simple when it first went to trial in 1994 and her presence was necessary . Faragher got word on a Monday morning , on the telephone in the Denver courtroom where she was trying a case , that she had to be in Florida to begin trial the next day . <p> " I had to get a $600 , one-way plane ticket right away , " she recalls . In all , she 's probably spent $3,000 on travel and expenses for depositions , settlement conference , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Faragher says . <p> " She was never in it for any money , " says Amlong , her lawyer , whom Faragher met when he was giving a talk to the NOW chapter in Boca Raton . " She did n't see herself as the Joan of Arc of the women 's movement , either . When it became clear the city was going to blow this off with a slap on the wrists of the supervisors , she just said , ' This is n't fight , ' and filed her EEOC claim . <p> " She wanted somebody to do something about it , and boy , did they , " Amlong adds . <p> Amlong says that under Faragher he can eventually revisit a state-law claim in the case for which Faragher was awarded $10,000 but that was thrown out because of the then-unsettled liability issue . The 11th Circuit , though , had yet to enter judgment in the Title VII case remanded by the Supreme Court . <p> " So I 'm still waiting for my dollar , " says Faragher . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out in the U.S. Supreme Court . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : During arguments in Faragher 's sexual harassment case , " It was strange having these incredibly powerful people ... talking about what happened to me , " she says . <p> By TERRY CARTER <p> <p> Terry Carter is a reporter for the ABA Journal . His e-mail address is tpcarter@erols.com . <p>
@@4008641 Section : OFFICE TECHNOLOGY Adding Technology Requires Knowing the Human Factor <p> LIKE MANY IN HIS FIELD , ALAN CIOCHON , DIRECTOR OF information technology with Whyte Hirschboeck Dudek in Milwaukee , has had to handle several technology rollouts over the past few years for the firm , which has three offices across Wisconsin . And one thing he 's learned , Ciochon says , is that technology does n't work just because the technology is good . <p> Implementations demand that law firm culture mesh with the goals of the information technology department . " It 's a culture issue as much as anything to make a software implementation work , " Ciochon says . " The human factor is a lot more important than most people realize . " <p> Like the rest of the American business world , law firms started buying technology in a big way in the late 1990s . That buying binge does not seem to have slowed much : According to the ABA Legal Technology Survey , law firms have been buying new software at a healthy clip . For example , just three years ago , only 65 percent of law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the 2003 survey , which is the most current , 78 percent now report having a time-and-billing system installed . However , just because they 're buying software does n't mean law firms are getting their money 's worth . According to the same survey , only 45 percent of law firms report actually using those same time-and-billing systems , which means a lot of expensive software is going to waste . <p> Along with this boom , there have been growing pains and failures . No one wants to admit to it , but some firms have given up on new software projects after wasting money on stuff that " did n't work . " The IT department , software vendors or systems integrators -- people paid to make different software systems work together -- are often quick to blame lawyers for not " getting " technology or what the IT crew is trying to do . <p> " You do have a generation gap within a law firm , " says Ciochon . " There are always different levels of technical knowledge . Some embrace it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may see the " human factor " as getting in the way , it is the lawyers and paralegals within a firm who must make the systems work . Law firms hoping to fix inefficiencies or improve productivity ca n't just force their workers to use new technology . They need to understand how people work within a firm and make the technology serve their staff . <p> For lawyers , technology is a tool , not their work , and learning new systems takes time away from their real work -- the law . Firms can not buy technology without planning how to integrate it into the office environment . <p> " Lawyers just want to be lawyers . They should n't have to worry about technology , too , " says Sandy Adams , a Miami-based legal technology consultant . " The leadership needs to communicate why they are making a change , or no one will follow . " <p> " Many law firms think that they can fix practice problems and inefficiencies by throwing technology at it , and they 'll become a super-productive legal machine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the legal technology consulting firm MicroLaw in Glendale , Wis . " But really what you have to do is take a step back and look at your workflow to see how technology makes sense within your practice . " SELF-ANALYSIS <p> ONE COMMON REASON WHY TECHNOLOGY FAILS IS THAT LAW firms often fail to analyze themselves from a business point of view . Firms understand the legal reasons for the way they work , but they do n't always stop to consider if they can do things more efficiently from a strictly business sense . <p> " Instead of buying new things , " Kodner says , " firms need to take a look at the extra steps they could eliminate and are only there because a partner wrote a procedure sheet in 1954 based on something he learned from another partner in 1911 . " <p> Often , financial and structural issues within a firm doom a technology project before it has a chance to be fully implemented . Law firms are not structured hierarchically , like a corporation . That means there are a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one has ultimate authority over how a project will be run . <p> " The way law firms are structured as privately held entities means there are a lot of interested parties with a lot of different opinions , " says Jim Dziak , president of Milwaukee-based Microtek Systems . " It 's the partners ' consensus that decides what gets funded . At a publicly held company you still have to keep the major shareholders happy , but it 's much more clear where the buck stops . " <p> And unfortunately , legal technology buys are often done on an ad hoc basis . " Law firms by and large do n't formally budget for technology , " says Stephen Collins , president of legal financial software firm Juris , based in Brentwood , Tenn . " There 's not always a process in place or a strong controller or financial officer or managing partner who can take ownership of the process . " <p> To avoid problems , law firms need to be especially careful in analyzing a situation before making any purchase , making sure they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a major technology purchase though . If firms take proper stock of the situation and understand what 's going on , there should n't be ugly confrontations down the road with systems integrators or outside contractors . <p> " The challenge for lawyers , particularly when they 're not tech savvy , is to understand the value proposition and to know when to take the jump and buy a new system , " says Howard Berlin , a founding partner and managing director of Kluger , Peretz , Kaplan &; Berlin in Miami . <p> Berlin says that before a firm like his spends millions of dollars on a new system , lawyers need to know that it will not only work but also not interfere with the critical systems they have in place . " I wish you could start with a simple system and gradually build up to the full package , " Berlin says . " I would write a check for $50,000 now if someone could just give me a baseline system to start . " <p> To make an implementation go smoothly , law firms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Otherwise , once a system fails to live up to its hype , some firms might wind up feeling cheated and simply dump it rather than throw more money after a problem . <p> " A lot of people think if they just buy the software and throw it up , it 'll fix all of their problems , " Kodner says . " Then when it does n't work as advertised , they blame the software as inadequate and give up . " <p> Unfortunately , many software vendors fail to tell firms how much it will cost to implement a major new software system . Systems integrators say it will typically cost at least two to five times the sticker price of most software to install , troubleshoot and get a system up and running properly . <p> " It would be hard for legal software vendors to tell law firms that it will cost two or three times the cost of the software to implement it , " Kodner says . " Nobody would buy it . " BREAKING OLD HABITS <p> OF COURSE , A SOFTWARE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get work done . But lawyers need to be willing to use alternate means to get the same tasks done in a more efficient way . " Law firms are still sharing information the way they always have : exchanging e-mail attachments and fixed documents , " Dziak says . " They need to get into collaboration . " <p> The advantage to collaborative systems , like customer relationship management , document management , or knowledge management systems , is that information can be stored in central locations so that anyone can access it . A worker does n't have to hunt down an individual to get a piece of information . But once a law firm decides to buy a centralized system , the firm will have to be willing to break lawyers of ingrained habits . <p> " The biggest requirement once you 've got a new system is that everyone needs to be willing to share information , " Ciochon says . " If a system is not intuitive , people just wo n't use it . " <p> Lawyers can be territorial or reluctant to share @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make sure that using their system is not too time-consuming or difficult for lawyers . " We had to drag lawyers by the nose just to get them to take the two minutes to enter their time , " Berlin says . " We need to reduce the clerical areas of law , not add to it . " <p> To make implementations work within his own firm , Ciochon insists on training for all of the people using the systems . He creates CD-ROMs to walk them through the new systems . And part of training is not just explaining the way a system works , but why it can be of use to the attorneys . " You need to get them to see what you see , and to see what technology can do for the firm as a whole , " he says . <p> Explaining the usefulness of a system does n't just relate to making work easier , though . Software vendors and consultants have to be able to explain how a piece of software adds to the bottom line . " Unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 's going to be hard to get the lawyers interested , " Berlin says . <p> And making disparate systems communicate with a centralized system means that law firms need to be willing to invest the time and resources to tear apart and rebuild existing systems . " The systems in most firms are fragmented and disparate -- every system has a different database , " Dziak says . " It 's not a small thing to change that . " POWER UP <p> PERHAPS THE MOST IMPORTANT THING A LAW FIRM CAN DO to make an integration effort work is to give someone within the firm the power and authority to make sure an implementation does n't lose momentum . " The person has to be a logical choice , not just a junior IT person but a respected decision-maker and mediator , " Collins says . " It should be a lawyer who understands what the project it about and who can take ownership of the process . " <p> Putting a senior lawyer with technology experience in charge of a technology project does n't guarantee success @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to mediate disputes . It sounds odd to describe a technology rollout within one firm in these terms , but there really are two sides that need to be handled . It is the legal staff facing off against the IT staff . <p> Unfortunately , these two sides tend to speak different languages and perceive work issues from different points of view . And that 's not even mentioning the systems integrators and the software vendors often have different views on how best to implement a system . <p> A person in charge needs to take input from everyone involved , particularly the law firm staff , to find out how they work and how to meld their established ways of doing things with the new system . For example , if lawyers are used to communicating through memos , do n't force them to use a communications system created by a software vendor . Instead , allow them to disseminate the same types of memos through the new software . <p> At the same time , there will be people who will resist using a new system for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand . The IT staff needs to explain why it is a good idea to disseminate memos through a new setup . " You ca n't just change the culture overnight , " Dziak says . <p> And before a system is up and running , one important question firms need to ask is how well those systems can survive a disaster . Some small firms might be able to survive if the system goes down for a day or two , while large law firms would be in big trouble with a technology breakdown . The people in charge of a new software system have to consider how many problems the firm can endure with the new system and build in backup protection accordingly . <p> But the biggest problem with many systems is that they are too difficult to use . Most document management or knowledge management systems still require some sort of manual input by the staff to properly handle documents . But if most lawyers can find a shortcut or ways to avoid entering codes , IT staffers say , they will . <p> The IT @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information they need from the staff as easy to input as possible . For example , most systems can be integrated with word processing software so that whenever legal professionals save a document -- something they have to do anyway -- they will automatically be prompted to enter the proper identification codes for a document management or similar system . IT 'S THE LAW <p> BUT THESE STEPS ARE N'T IMPORTANT JUST TO AVOID LOSING millions of dollars on software . More and more law firms are buying software designed to keep track of documents and run their business so they will be able to comply with federal regulations regarding document retention . Publicly held companies tend to have compliance officers and auditors whose job it is to keep an eye on such things , but they are rare within even the largest law firms . <p> " Lawyers serve two masters . We have an ethical responsibility that 's often counter to business interests , " Berlin says . " But we 're also a business with millions of dollars of revenue , and banking relationships and vendor relationships @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . " <p> Many corporate clients now insist that any law firms they work with comply with regulations like those of Gramm-Leach-Bliley or the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act . " Clients at publicly traded companies are mandated to have continuation plans , yet their legal representation often has no plan , " Dziak says . " More and more , you 're going to find that corporate clients wo n't stand for that . " <p> Software systems fail for a lot of reasons , but law firms should n't be afraid to invest in a system that could give them a competitive advantage or earn them more money . Firms just need to be willing to make sure that systems can work with their existing ways of doing things . <p> " In my experience there 's no mediocre implementation -- either it works out great or becomes a financial sinkhole , " Kodner says . " It 's true a poorly chosen implementation will eat you alive , but there are significant productivity gains that you lose if you do nothing . " <p> PHOTO ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a legal affairs writer for the ABA Journal . <p>
@@4008741 I am going to address you today about services and human resources under the Free Trade Agreement ( " FTA " ) . I noticed a logo on your form : It is the North American continent with a zipper running between Canada and the United States . I would like to ask Professor King , is the zipper opening or closing ? <p> First , I want to acknowledge my lack of knowledge of the law ; I am not a lawyer . My background is in Medieval and Renaissance studies . People say , " How does that knowledge prepare you for today ? " Well , change is always with us , and it is relevant to trade in services . We are seeing changes taking place in the economy and in the international trading environment . Currently , I am experiencing those changes in the economy through my position with a large multinational company . <p> The FTA , despite the integration of many aspects of the North American market , does not provide for a common market . We do not have a common external tariff structure as the European Community ( " EC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom of movement for factors of production . For instance , labor does not move , although capital does move relatively freely . As a result of the FTA , there are some improvements in the ability of capital to move from one country to another . However , North America is certainly not a free labor market . We heard from Mr. Ludolph that free labor markets are supposed to exist within the European Community . Despite the Treaty of Rome , things are still left on the agenda of labor mobility within the EC . <p> As Colleen Morton has explained , trade in services takes place in a variety of ways . Sometimes it takes place through the investment flow , putting an office into the other market and deferring the service , through the movement of people , through new telecommunication links or through the movement of data . <p> I also want to mention the importance of the FTA and its relationship to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade ( " GATT " ) . We knew when we agreed to negotiate with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Canada-U.S . Agreement , although we did not know what it would look like , or what it would cover . We knew it was certainly going to be included in the final product . From 1986 to 1988 , we had to find out what was happening conceptually and in practice . Finally , the lawyers had to agree on how to write it down . <p> In the course of the negotiations various concerns came up from the U.S. side , and others arose from our side . Border security was certainly a key issue . The Americans were concerned with having a leaky northern border , but we felt that the American leaky border is actually on the south . <p> Labor competitiveness became a key issue . The U.S. Department of Labor is really a very protective department . In talking to the U.S. Labor Department we would receive one answer , and the Immigration Naturalization Service ( " INS " ) would give us another answer . In Canada , we do not have an equivalent labor department . Instead we have an Employment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minister . I think , as we heard this morning about the history of Canadian immigration policy , we have had a relatively more open immigration system than the United States has had . <p> One of the other problems we had was that the Americans said to us , " Well , if we were to agree on that , we would have to change our legislation . " Interestingly , Canada was expected to change its investment legislation , banking legislation and numerous other pieces of legislation , while the United States was not . We decided it would become a stumbling block if the Americans felt it was not necessary for them to change any piece of legislation in order to have an agreement . Precedence was another problem , particularly for the Americans . <p> On the Canadian side , the brain drain was a more important concern . The fear was that our educated members would be going south . The Canadians said we can not have this kind of an agreement because every smart individual is going to leave . Consequently , as this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under which both countries were working . Nevertheless , we were able to reach an agreement . <p> In terms of the elements of the FTA , we recognized that there is a special trading relationship between the two countries , and that there was a need to adjust our immigration procedure and policy to maximize the benefits of the FTA . We also agreed that we needed to facilitate the mobility of three or four groups of citizens who perform specific activities or professional services . <p> The FTA produced Chapter 15 which specifically outlines each country 's obligations as to who should and should not be admitted under its provisions . Hopefully these provisions will serve to remove any doubt from the business person 's mind and from the mind of the investigating officer at the border-crossing . We tried to ensure that it would be implemented in a streamlined manner so that people would not have to spend an enormous amount of time obtaining documentation and getting through the border procedures . <p> We did preserve the existing immigration rights , so anyone who wants to travel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not have to use the FTA to travel from one country to another if you do not want to . We also provided new categories of who should be admitted . And , something else we did was to set up a mechanism whereby Canada and U.S. immigration officials will meet regularly to assess if the FTA is actually working in practice , and if new occupations should be added to the list . We wanted to make this dynamic relationship useful , both to serve the business community and to enhance the trading relationship . <p> There are four categories of trade in services . The first category concerns traders and investors who are executives , supervisors , or essential skills personnel of companies conducting substantial trade or investing in either country . For visas , the United States has not recognized this category . Canada has been able to add that category for Americans wishing to take advantage of it . The piece of paper becomes part of your passport and can be used for multiple entries . It is a very useful document if you travel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second category is intra-company transfers who are defined as managers , executives , or employees with special knowledge employed by affiliates , subsidiaries or parent companies . It is very important for international businesses to know that they can send their employees to the other country under this category , and not have an artificial time cap that might make it difficult to have them there for a sustained period . This category makes it clear that we have removed the Canadian requirement for an American subsidiary to train any additional management personnel in Canada . <p> The third category provides access to professionals , which includes accountants , engineers , architects , scientists and management consultants . This is not a new category . This opportunity previously existed for American entry , but it was not documented in a precise manner for the entrants who presented themselves at the border . Now , it is quite clear . If you are able to identify yourself as one of the professional occupations on the list , then you can gain entry more easily . <p> The fourth category is for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not earn money in the other country and are engaged in one of the following activities : research and design ; growth , manufacturing and production ; marketing ; sales ; distribution after sales service and general services . General services are those performed by computer specialists , financial services personnel , public relations and advertising personnel and tourism personnel . <p> The Department of External Affairs in Canada has provided a list of statistics ( see Exhibit A ) . They have been co-generated by American and Canadian officials to enumerate the numbers of entrants in these four categories . Exhibit A demonstrates that U.S. to Canada movement , as seen in the brain drain area , is taking place . Mr. Hurtig in Canada , is very concerned that the brain drain movement may be much more from Canada to the United States . Statistics for many visitors are still not available because they are not documented entries . There are a large number of crossings into Canada and into the United States every year ; about thirty-five million for Canadian entries . Entry from Canada to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , although the FTA is not a particularly significant change , transfers , especially company transfers are taking advantage of it . <p> The traders and investors category is a new one . Canadians are watching its development . Since the FTA came into effect on January 1 , 1989 , we have had more than a year 's experience working under its provisions . There have been some additions , some suggestions and some removals from the list . One group that was upset with us were the journalists . In fact , I received several calls from journalists when the FTA was first made public . The journalists asked , " What is this about ? Why does this journalist have to have a university degree ? " I replied , " Are you covering this story as a newspaper person , or are you covering it as a professional under a particular category of the FTA ? " <p> Journalists are now no longer on the list . The journalists have reverted back to the regular provisions for entry to the United States . The reason they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they felt that there was a danger of regulating them by specifying what they had to do to qualify for entry . I think that is very spurious . <p> Several new professions have been added , so we do have a net gain in the number of professions . You will see that the physiotherapists are now included on the list of professionals , and also bus drivers have been added . This provision adding bus drivers specifies what they can and can not do . They can only take passengers over the border if they have originally had them as passengers on the other side . <p> I am going to quote my colleague in INS , Mike Miller . He said that Chapter 15 is " one of the least problematic of any chapters . " It is a good sign that we have not had a lot of problems with this chapter . We have facilitated entry and we have people to ask the right questions . For instance , if you want to improve market access , how can you liberalize the movement of labor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been concentrated on the higher skilled end . Eventually , we must address the question of semi-skilled and lower-skilled labor . We have had some issues relating to the entry of blue collar workers entering the country to install major capital equipment . This has been occurring with a greater frequency since there has been fairly large capital expenditures in Canada following the signing of the FTA . <p> This makes sense in that Canadian industry is re-equipping itself to compete in a more liberal trading environment . A lot of that equipment is imported , and a great deal of it comes from the United States . Now , installers may easily move to install new equipment . There have been complaints from Canadian labor groups that too many blue collar people are coming in and doing these installations . Canadian labor groups would prefer to do the installation themselves . <p> I would like to say a word about joint training by Canada and the United States for point-of-entry officers . We should be able to train our border people to handle entrance procedures in a similar way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than what has actually taken place . However , I understand that in the customs area , there is discussion about a joint facility for Canada-U.S. customs officers to work together at the border . There has not been much publicity about these new categories , and it will be a while before the business community learns how to use these new instruments . <p> There is also the continuing question of entry for spouses of temporary transfers , and their ability to gain access to the work place . In Canada , we have a problem providing work for spouses accompanying temporary transfers . Typically , the female spouse must give up labor access in order to allow the male spouse to take the job in the other country . However , with the increase in the number of highly skilled professional couples , we are going to see more of this problem . It is something that we must bring to the attention of the Canadian government , particularly since we are concerned with the increase in skill shortages . We must use all this human capital when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> In our company , we are utilizing the model of a diplomatic community . Canada has an agreement with some countries which allow for the spouse of a diplomat to enter the labor force for two to three years while the diplomat is posted in another country . This is one of the ideas we should consider for the private sector , provided there is reciprocal access offered by the sending country . <p> One final point is that we can not have an integrated trade area if we can not travel efficiently . It took me almost six hours to get from Ottawa to Cleveland . There is something wrong with that . We need to have another bilateral air agreement , and I hope the pressure will bring about some improvements . <p> I would suggest that while your human resource department should be looking for people with multiple skills , it should also be looking for people with multiple passports . EXHIBIT A EXPERIENCE TO DATE FTA BUSINESS STATS PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> N.B. Statistics for individuals entering under the category of Business Visitor are not available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Affairs &; International Trade <p> By Meriel V.M. Bradford <p> <p> Director of Government Relations , Alcan Aluminum Limited , Ottawa , Ontario . These remarks accompanied a slide presentation . All references are to the points contained in the slides prepared for the presentation . <p>
@@4008841 QUESTION , Ms. Wagner : In terms of invention , has the geographical center of origin changed over the century ? <p> ANSWER , Mr. Klitgaard : I have thought about that question for a long time since going to China in 1979 . When I was there for the first time , all the lights were out , there were no cars , and all you saw was a 1939 Dodge . Today they are wearing miniskirts and leather jackets in Shanghai . What is the history of the world 's economy ? What is the history of invention ? Where are we going in the next generation , not my generation , but maybe our children 's or their children 's generations ? <p> One of the things I did was look at the history of invention . I think it is fairly accurate . What I did was take a look at inventions across time . What are the greatest inventions ? In the earliest times we saw the inventions coming from the Near East . In the Classical World , which was from 400 B.C. to 200 A.D. , we saw a shift to Rome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at that crossroad . In the Middle Ages , we see things like the crossbow , the sea rudder , the magnetic compass . We see spectacles , the paddle boat , the mechanical clock , oil paintings , the crank , and the connecting rod . Where are they coming from ? They are coming from Italy , essentially from what we would call Western Europe , Germany , China , with a lot from Germany . <p> In the Renaissance , again moving forward in history , we see inventions coming from Italy and England . We see England starting to appear on the world stage now . England at this time was becoming a major commercial sea power , and it was again a trading country , a huge trading country . <p> Then in the Industrial Revolution , a large portion of the inventions all of a sudden shift to England . lron smelting with coke , again , not the tremendous flash of light but things that were innovative , cast steel , chlorine bleach , the steam carriage , the electric battery , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Robert Fulton with the steam boat . We see inventions start to shift from England to the United States . <p> Then in the Post-Industrial Revolution , from 1850 to 1900 , we see France on this world scheme of things again with the gyroscope , telephone , and rayon . The United States introduced the phonograph . One thing this tells us is the benefit of being humble because we have seen great inventions coming from many , many countries other than the United States and Canada , with the radio from Italy and the diesel engine from Germany . <p> Then in the first half of the 20th century , we again see inventions largely in the United States and some in Western Europe . For example , there was the airplane , nylon , the cyclotron , radar , and things like . that . And that is where the story ends for now . <p> But the thesis that I have worked on , the thesis over time is that these inventions , if you look across the historical span , have followed commerce and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and then it centered in Europe , and the industrial revolution again centered in the trading nations of England , and more recently in the United States . <p> Now , the trade is happening in Asia . The trade is shifting out there , and what does that tell us ? It has to tell us that there are going to be tremendous innovations coming out of that part of the world . We can not sit back and say is it not terrible that the Japanese are running us out of business by changing their cars every two years or one year or whatever . That is innovation . That is the competitive world in which we exist . And by the way , if you were to put China on the map , you would see that about 400 B.C. , China came on the scene , and it dropped off the world stage for innovation in about 1300 when it had the mechanical printing press , but in the meantime it had other great inventions like paper and so forth . <p> The bottom line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ innovation in Japan ? What is the context in the United States ? Japan is being driven by necessity . Japan is sitting right at the crossroad of that necessity . It will be forced to innovate if it wants to survive . Are we willing to be forced to innovate ? I do not know . I hope we are . <p> QUESTION , Mr. Fay : Are you looking at these inventions in terms of numbers , or are you looking at them purely in terms of the importance of the invention ? Give us the last five good Japanese inventions , and then tell us how they dominate the world in terms of the revenues they have produced for Japan , not the market abilities . <p> ANSWER , Mr. Klitgaard : If you are to look at the last five great inventions from Japan , you would not find them ranking up there like the steam engine . You would not find the light bulb . You would not find the others , but what you would find is that the inventions of Japan have come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manufacturing process where they have been truly inventive and innovative . They do not give Nobel prizes for manufacturing better equipment or for being smarter and managing better , but that is where the Japanese inventions are coming along . There are differences between discoveries , inventions , and innovations . Discovery is where someone discovers the effect of the light 's rays on photosynthesizing chemicals in plants . That is a discovery . Inventions are a step on the other side , and then innovation is somewhere on the other side of that . It is in the innovative area where the Japanese are leading the world , and you can not put a number on it , but I can show you a headline . <p> This is a headline from the Wall Street Journal of March 7 , 1995 and it says , " Koreans Move to Grab Memory Chip Market From the Japanese , " and it describes the reaction of the Japanese to the moves , and the investment by the Koreans in memory chips . You can ask me , what great things have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing in the last 200 years , but now they dominate the world shipbuilding business , and they are the world 's largest steel manufacturer . They are dominating the chip business , and why are they doing it ? Because they are taking ideas and inventions and improving them . <p> All of us , every day , go to work where we try to do something better . These countries are doing a lot better , and that is the invention , and so if we think in terms of how many patents they have or what they have done , you are stuck . <p> We heard this morning from the Department of Commerce on how successful our policies were , what they were producing , no real statistical measure . But you do have things like this from the China Daily talking about Lee outlining the 1995 development goals for their economy , and this is what the Japanese are looking at because they are the people with whom they are competing . They have the energy and imagination . <p> How are we going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , yes , we have more pure research . We have developed more things , but what do we do with it when we get it ? That is the question . And when you think of Admiral Thayer Mahan , to come back to my basic talk , who controls the rimland controls the heartland , the heartland is the basic inventions that are out there . Who is controlling the rimland ? <p>
@@4008941 This is a learned conference of lawyers , and I want you to know that these are very different than the learned conferences that we engineers put on . When we get together , we tend to tell lawyer jokes . I have not heard anyone tell any engineer jokes yet , so I will tell you one which is terribly old . I apologize to the ninety percent of you who have probably heard it . <p> The story goes that there was a lawyer , an accountant , and an engineer sentenced to death by the guillotine . The lawyer was to go first , and so they put the lawyer 's head under the guillotine . The guillotine operator pulled the blade way up to the top and let it come down . Lo and behold , it stuck about a foot above the lawyer 's head . So , the lawyer jumped up and said , " I know all about the laws in this jurisdiction , and according to those laws , you now have to let me go . You ca n't take two shots at that . " And the executioner said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ let him go . Then , they brought the accountant up , the same thing happened , and the accountant was let go . When it was time for the engineer to come up , the engineer says to the guillotine operator , " If you give me a half an hour or so , I think I can fix that thing for you . " <p> I am not going to talk so much about the statistics of the Canadian hightech industry , but about the total pool of capital in general , since Canada tends to measure things a little bit differently . The true venture capital pool is about forty-eight billion dollars in the United States , and the equivalent figure in Canada is about ten billion dollars Canadian or six billion dollars ( U.S. ) . The actual deal flow , the amount of money that runs through the system every year , is approximately two billion dollars Canadian . There is also the issue of this new phenomenon called a " labor-sponsored venture capital fund . " I am chairman of one of those companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capital fund that operates under the terms of that labor-sponsored legislation . <p> Why would a venture capital company be operating out of Ottawa ? Well , as it turns out , Ottawa is kind of the Austin , Texas of Canada in that it is an emerging center for high-technology industries . Ottawa currently has approximately 800 high-technology companies , which employ around 50,000 people . For example , I am on the board of Newbridge , a company started in 1986 , and having sales of about two billion dollars this year. 1 It has a market capitalization of approximately eight billion dollars , and it has been very successful . Nortel Research , whose main R &D; facility is in Ottawa , employs about 12,000 research engineers , scientists , and technicians . We also have firms like Corel and Mitel. 2 We have a telecommunications phenomenon in Ottawa . <p> Canadians seem to really excel at telecommunications , and I guess I have been around long enough to know how it came about . When the telephone and computer industries first started to merge in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unique problem on its hands . There is a long strip of geography that sits within 100 miles of the U.S. border , and Canadian banks are all located in Toronto . Those banks must be able to communicate with branch offices across the country . It is not just the banks , but the head offices also have to communicate efficiently across that wide geography . Thus Nortel Networks , which at that time was called Northern Telecom , was a captive instrument for Bell Canada . The banks were soliciting help from Bell Canada with the communications problem across this wide geography . Bell Canada then went to Nortel and requested a solution for this problem . As a result of that , Nortel and a number of other Canadian telecommunications companies pioneered such technologies as packet switching . The very first protocol to manage packet switching was developed at Nortel , and was called X-25 . Now , of course , there are dozens of them . <p> Canada is still very much a leader in telecommunications . Nortel 's head office is located in Toronto . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moved the head office to Toronto and brought their R &D; facilities to Ottawa . It is , of course , a very successful company , and it is now buying up firms like Bay Networks because Nortel realizes that they have been a little bit too much of a telephone company and not enough of a data networks company . <p> So that is what is happening in Ottawa . Capital Alliance Ventures has put together a labor-sponsored venture capital fund . It is based on Canadian legislation that allows individuals to invest in venture capital companies . I think one of the reasons we did that is because the pension funds and the large pools of corporate capital have been very reluctant to get into the venture capital business . <p> There was an interesting phenomenon that happened accidentally , and it started with the province of Quebec . One thing you must understand about Canada is that it has a much more aggressive union environment than you have in the United States . It is largely due to the high level of foreign ownership , particularly in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign owners would close down a sawmill in Temiscaming or someplace , and , nine times out of ten , it would be because they got fed up with the unions driving them crazy . The unions would then ask to buy the sawmill . Their record in turning around those sawmills was fairly impressive . The strategy was not just limited to sawmills , but it also included smelters and all kinds of other industries . So , one of the large trade unions in the Province of Quebec , about twenty-five years ago , decided to get into the venture capital business . The Quebec government actually gave the union a vehicle whereby it could raise money not only from union members , but also from the taxpayers at large . <p> Then the federal government began offering the same sort of benefit about ten years ago with something called the Canadian Labor-Sponsored Venture Capital Program . I now find myself Chairman of one of those . However , I am not a union leader . My partner is a fellow by the name of Rick Charlebaugh , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ottawa . He had been an early investor in Mitel Lumonics , and several other Ottawa high-tech companies , but then it was closed down because the ownership of Noranda changed . So , he was walking around with nothing to do . <p> I was frustrated about the fact that we have all of this technology centered in Ottawa . It is without a doubt the technology capital of Canada , for Canadian-owned high-technology companies . On the other hand , if you come to Toronto and go up into Markham and Mississauga , you will find a tremendous amount of what looks like high-technology activity . There are companies there such as Sun Microsystems , Apple , IBM , and Digital , which is now Compaq , but they are basically branch plants and do not create investment opportunities for venture capital companies . <p> A large proportion of venture capital activity in Canada is in the Ottawa area , with this groundswell of Canadian-owned high-tech companies . There are also pockets of it in Kitchener and Waterloo in southern Ontario . There is another pocket of Canadian-owned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Columbia , which is a southern suburb of Vancouver , and there is even a little bit in Saskatoon , Saskatchewan . There is quite a biotechnology complex building there that deals with agricultural biotech . There is some fascinating work going on in multimedia . Montreal is a major area for multimedia . Of course , there is quite an aerospace industry building up in Montreal as well . That is where Bombardier is located . They make regional jets and other planes . <p> If you want to get some of the statistics on the Canadian venture capital industry , there is a Canadian Venture Capital Association ( CVCA ) . 3 They print an annual book and do quarterly returns . They do well at tracking statistics . Some of the nomenclature , however , is a little bit different from that used in the United States . <p> Next , I would like to address the crucial role of angels. 4 I thought it might make an interesting topic . Very few venture capital companies do idea-stage investments . The fact of the matter is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too darn heavy down in that end . We at Capital Alliance have , however , done a couple of idea-stage investments with our forty million dollars . We have made seventeen investments . We got into the business about four years ago , and we have already lost three of our investee companies . We have had three IPOs , one of which is doing very well . <p> Probably the star in our portfolio is an interesting company called Cadabra started by a fellow out of Carleton University. 5 He designs software for assisting people who design microchips . They are faced with a huge problem of cell library lookup . He has come up with the systems and software that can be applied to that . He has been doubling his sales every year , and he has turned out to be a superior manager . He must have been a terrible misfit as a university professor , because he has certainly done very well as a manager . My career started as a scientist , and I tell people I must have been the world 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canadian operation , I certainly enjoyed the peddling aspect of things , and I enjoyed building Digital . <p> I would like to discuss my version of the innovation chain or the investment spectrum . Every company or product goes from the idea stage to the R &D; stage , then to product development , into production , distribution and , finally , hopefully , it becomes a public company . The cash flow does turn into a bell curve . Perhaps some of you have read Geoffrey Moore 's books , Inside the Tornado6 or Crossing the Chasm. 7 He talks about this bell curve . If you do not have a product migration strategy that brings you on with new follow-on products , then you will go out of business after some period of time . <p> For those of you who have not read Geoffrey Moore 's books , I think some of the concepts he put forward are just fascinating to me , especially after my experience with Digital . I joined Digital in 1963 , and I left it in 1981 . I can relate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the growth of Digital . He talks about a chasm that occurs before you finally do get into the bell curve . There is a chasm between the early adopters and the so-called pragmatists , and the difficulty is crossing that chasm . Once you get across it , you get into the bowling alley , then you get into the tornado , and on and on it goes . It sounds crazy , but I strongly recommend that you read his books because they really are so truthful . <p> The venture capital industry refers to things such as seed , start-up , first-stage financing , second-stage financing , and finally third-stage or mezzanine financing and leveraged buyouts ( LBO ) . What are the sources of capital ? Where does the money actually come from ? First of all , very , very early stage companies that are at the idea stage can get government money both in Canada and in the United States . The United States has something called the Small Business Industrial Research program ( SBIR ) , 8 while Canada has the Industrial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a Technology Partnership Program . If you like filling out government forms and dealing with government bureaucrats , you can get government money to do your very early stage R &D,; but that is all it pays for . It does not pay for the marketing and all of the other things that are needed to launch a company . <p> We have a critical problem on our hands in Canada in that we do not have terribly active angels . If you look at the U.S. situation , companies that are at the idea stage are generally financed by angels . In Canada , for reasons that I am going to talk about in a moment , angels are not very active down at that stage . <p> There are also venture capital companies . I make two distinctions among venture capital companies , at least those in Canada . Some truly are venture capital companies in that they finance some product development . Not enough of them finance R &D; or the early stages of product development . In Canada , the angels are beginning to move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profit there . Other venture capital companies are strictly mezzanine financiers . They will take a company public for you , but do not ask them to do any heavy lifting down at the front end of the investment spectrum . <p> Then , of course , there are the banks . Everybody loves to bash the banks in Canada . I guess it is done in the United States as well . The government does a wonderful job of bashing the banks in Canada , saying the banks should be financing these companies . That is about the craziest thing in the world . I put my money in the bank , and I do not want the banks going out and putting it into venture capital unless they tell me that is what they are going to do with it . Many of the banks in Canada do have venture capital subsidiaries , and I would say they have mixed performance records . Unfortunately , too many of them still operate like bankers , and they deal only in convertible debentures . They charge consulting fees , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> Those are what I call venture capital companies of type B , and they are mostly concerned with taking companies public . Most of the banks in Canada are affiliated with an investment firm . The Royal Bank of Canada not only has its own venture capital company , but it is also affiliated with RBC Dominion Securities which trades public securities . Of course , once the company goes public , then the public itself gets involved and the pension funds get into it , and everybody is in the act by the time you are up at that end . <p> As I mentioned earlier , we have a very serious problem in Canada in that angels are scarce . Any similarly alleged shortage in the United States is nothing like the present situation in Canada . There is data on the subject which suggests that , in the United States , angel activity makes up about five times the normal venture capital activity . In Canada , it is about half as much . As I mentioned earlier , the total pool of venture capital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and about two billion of that gets re-circulated about two billion comes into the pool every year and also gets invested every year . That is the way venture capital is working at the moment . <p> If two billion dollars of venture capital is flowing from the formal venture capital companies , that would suggest that there should be probably between five and ten billion dollars coming from the angels . There have been some studies done in Canada on this , and they suggest that the angel activity is absolutely pathetic . The problem we have is the capital gains tax rate . In Canada , seventy-five percent of any capital gain is included with your income . The problem comes for a person , like myself , who is in the fifty-percent tax bracket . That is a marginal tax bracket of fifty percent . If I make $100,000 by selling some Newbridge shares with the adjusted cost base at zero , if they were founder shares , then I will have $100,000 in capital gains , and $75,000 of that is included with my income . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effective capital gains tax rate in Canada is about forty percent , which is very harmful to angel activity . <p> Most angels do not have money sitting in the bank making three to four to five percent interest waiting for a deal to come around . Their money is already working very well for them in places like Newbridge or JDS or some already existing high-tech company . So , if an entrepreneur comes along looking for $100,000 , the angel has to sell about $166,000 and pay $66,000 to the federal government before they even get into business . Now , if that is not a show-stopper , I do not know what is . <p> People in the United States have a much better program . First of all , the capital gains tax rate is much lower in the United States than in Canada . You have a different way of calculating it . As near as I can tell , somebody like myself would probably pay somewhere around twenty-five to twenty-eight percent capital gains tax in the United States , and if I invested in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half that . In 1997 , the United States came up with a roll-over provision whereby an investor could roll over shares in a company , sell them , and , if he or she invested in the XYZ company within sixty days , he or she could postpone the capital gains altogether . I do not know what makes you people so damned smart , but you really do have a knack for doing the right thing , and I think that is really what is making your economy fly down here at this point in time . <p> Our problem with angel activity is a by-product of our high capital gains tax rate . The irony is that capital gains taxes in Canada do not really generate that much revenue overall relative to other sources of capital for the Canadian government . It is down in the noise level . But it certainly is killing the angel activity . It also has another problem in the upper end of the spectrum . Even when a company goes public in Canada , typically there is so much competition for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way too high a rate . It becomes a beauty parade , and whoever can offer the best IPO price gets the business . <p> Typically , a Canadian company might go public at ten dollars a share . It probably should go public at five dollars a share , but that end of the investment spectrum is overheated . If an underwriter can take it public at ten dollars a share , they get the business and they hype it up . First , it goes from ten dollars up to fifteen dollars . Then , within three or four months , the stock goes back to five dollars a share . The pension funds and the retail market and everybody else jumps into it at or after the IPO . They figure this is the latest " dot com , " and they expect to make a fortune out of it . Then , of course , the stock drops back down to five dollars and the thing is as dead as a doornail for the next two or three years . <p> This all occurs mainly due @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is too much heat up in that end of the spectrum . But , even if you do make a profit and you are faced with paying that very high capital gains tax rate , you say to yourself , well , it is November , all I have to do is wait until the end of December and push the capital gain into next year . That way , you do not have to declare it in this year 's income tax . Essentially , the capital gains tax rate acts like a brake in the whole system , not only at the front end of the spectrum , but also at the back end . Right now , there is a lot of wringing of hands about the high level of foreign takeover of our high-technology companies in Canada , even public companies . I can think of at least three public companies that had been nurtured along by , and in many cases received favored treatment by , the Canadian government , only to find that they get bought out by some foreign company later when the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a couple of months back on the Israeli venture capital market , and it was really fascinating . The deal flow in Israel last year was $3.7 billion dollars ( U.S. ) for a country of six million people . Their total deal flow is about twice that of Canada with a population of thirty million people , and so that is a system to look at and to compare to the ones in Canada and the United States. 10 Newbridge Networks is a world leader in designing , manufacturing , marketing , and servicing a variety of networking products and systems . For more information about Newbridge Networks , see their Home Page < http : **29;2286;TOOLONG ( visited July 19 , 1999 ) . For information about Corel , see their Home Page < http : **58;2317;TOOLONG ( visited July 19 , 1999 ) . For information about Mitel , see their Home Page < http : **59;2377;TOOLONG ( visited July 19 , 1999 ) . For anyone wishing to contact them , they can be reached at 1881 Young Street , Suite 706 , Toronto , CANADA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a company in return for an equity stake in the venture . This is a high-risk , high-return investment . For more information , see Lisa Reilly Cullen , On the Side of Angels , MONEY , Dec. 1 , 1998 , at 130 . For more information about Cadabra , see their Home Page < http : **25;2438;TOOLONG ( visited July 19 , 1999 ) . GEOFFREY A. MOORE , INSIDE THE TORNADO : MARKETING STRATEGIES FROM SILICON VALLEY ' S CUTTING EDGE ( 1995 ) . GEOFFREY A. MOORE , CROSSING THE CHASM : MARKETING AND SELLING HIGH-TECH PRODUCTS TO MAINSTREAM CUSTOMERS ( 1999 ) . The SBIR Program provides up to $850,000 in early-stage R &D; capital to small high-technology companies or entrepreneurs who start high-tech businesses . See DOD SBIR/STTR Web Site , < http : **29;2465;TOOLONG ( visited June 23 , 1999 ) . The Industrial Research Assistance Program is a service of Canada 's National Research Council ( NRC ) . For more than 50 years , IRAP has helped small and medium-sized Canadian firms create and adopt innovative technologies that yield new products @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive . See Network : NRC 's Industrial Research Assistance Program , ( visited June 23 , 1999 ) < http : **43;2496;TOOLONG . See generally Incubator Funds Rev Up High-Tech Investment , N.Z. HERALD , Mar. 3 , 1997 , available in 1999 WL 5770469 . <p> By Denzil Doylea <p> <p> a Mr. Doyle is president of his own company , Doyletech , based in Ottawa , Ontario . He is co-founder and chairman of Capital Alliance Ventures Inc. , an Ottawa-based venture capital company . He received his B.Sc. degree in electrical engineering from Queens University . <p>
@@4009041 Abstract : Communities frequently raise environmental justice issues when decisions are made without taking into consideration how people , including people living in low-income and minority communities , are linked to their surrounding environment . Different communities use and relate to their environment in different ways and face different levels of environmental harms and risks . Thus , to avoid disproportionate impacts , it is critical that each community 's environmental needs and vulnerabilities be understood and considered before decisions are made . Existing statutory authority provides ample opportunity for decisionmakers to invoke communities in the decisionmaking process and to consider how they use and relate to their environment and the natural resources services that their environment provides . This article analyzes the integration of environmental justice concerns into the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency 's decisionmaking process with special attention given to permits issued under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act . In addition , through case study analysis , the article examines how environmental justice issues have been addressed by : EPA in the establishment of water quality criteria under the Clean Water Act ; the Nuclear Regulatory Commission 's and the Department of the Interior 's application @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corps of Engineers ' decisionmaking process under Section 404 of the Clean Water Act . I. NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE <p> Recognition of the relationship between natural resources , people , and animals is not new . Marcus Vitruvius Pollio , a Roman architect and engineer , recognized this relationship as far back as the first century B.C. In his influential treatise entitled The Ten Books on Architecture , Vitruvius provided specific instructions on the selection of springs to provide houses with water : <p> For it is obvious that nothing in the world is so necessary for use as water , seeing that any living creature can , if deprived of grain or fruit or meat or fish , or any one of them , support life by using other foodstuffs ; but without water no animal nor any proper food can be produced , kept in good condition , or prepared . Consequently we must take great care and pains in searching for springs and selecting them , keeping in view the health of mankind . <p> Springs should be tested and proved in advance in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspect and observe the physique of the people who dwell in the vicinity before beginning to conduct the water , and if their flames are strong , their complexion flesh , legs sound , and eyes clear , the spring deserves complete approval .... <p> And if green vegetables cook quickly when put into a vessel of such water and set over a fire , it will be proof that the water is good and wholesome . Likewise if the water in the spring is itself limped and clear , if there is no growth of moss or reeds where it spreads and flows , and if its bed is not polluted by filth of any sort but has a clean appearance , these signs indicate that the water is light and wholesome in the highest degree. ( n1 ) <p> Thus , more than 2,000 years ago , Vitruvius realized that natural resources need to be protected in order for people and animals to survive and prosper . This link is important because it implicitly recognizes that natural resources are not static elements imbedded in the environment . Rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to all people and all things. ( n2 ) <p> Unfortunately , natural resources and the services which they provide have not been adequately protected . Certain populations of people and animals have become threatened and , at times , imperiled . Through enactment of a panoply of modern environmental laws , government ( federal , state , local and tribal ) has sought to protect not only the natural resources and the environment , but also the well-being of people , threatened species , and their habitats . <p> " Endangered " or " threatened " species , listed under the Endangered Species Act ( ESA ) , ( n3 ) have been likened to the proverbial " canary in the coal mine . " ( n4 ) The ESA informs us not only of the species ' serious condition , ( n5 ) but also of the serious condition of the species ' habitat -- where it sleeps , lives , and what ecological resources it needs in order to nourish itself , successfully reproduce , and rear healthy offspring. ( n6 ) Congress , like Vitruvius , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ linked to the species ' health . Indeed , one congressional committee observed that " the events of the past few years have shown the critical interrelationship of plants and animals between themselves and with their environment . The hearings proved ( if proof is still necessary ) that the ecologists ' shorthand phrase ' everything is connected to everything else ' is nothing more than cold , hard fact . " ( n7 ) <p> Recognizing the relationship between natural resources and populations , both human and otherwise , Congress placed declining species under the protection of the ESA , requiring human beings to modify their behavior to avoid further disruption of the protected species ' habitats. ( n8 ) To respond and aid in the species ' recovery , the ESA requires people to look at the environment not only from their own perspective , but also from that of the potentially impacted species . The ESA requires people to act in a deliberate manner , and in a way that respects the ecological needs of the threatened or endangered species , and , from the species ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that human actions , both those aggressively hostile and passively destructive to habitats , can have disproportionate impacts on certain species ? driving them to the brink of extinction or beyond . Because modern society has , generally speaking , become removed from the natural environment , the ESA is a necessary reminder that our actions have direct and indirect links to natural resources and ecological systems. ( n10 ) By changing human behavior to stop destruction of what various species need to survive , the " road to recovery " is , at least , identified , if not set. ( n11 ) <p> Environmental justice , as a public policy issue , shares commonalities with the ESA at levels metaphoric and physical . Environmental justice is attentive to the needs and the environment of all communities. ( n12 ) Therefore , environmental justice shares with the ESA a special concern for environmentally burdened populations . Because of the continuing effects of historical overt discrimination , and passive , race-neutral permitting and regulatory actions , these communities tend to be minority or low-income. ( n13 ) <p> Like Vitruvius @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between protecting natural resources and the health of community residents . They realize that a clean environment will have a positive impact on the overall health of the residents . They also recognize that the distribution of natural resources services among populations has been uneven . Environmental justice advocates argue that it is the government 's responsibility to protect natural resources in a manner that encompasses the perspectives and needs of the most vulnerable individuals and animals , so that everyone can enjoy the benefit of healthy resources and environmental services . <p> This article first outlines how federal regulators can use authority under current environmental laws to address a wide range of environmental justice concerns. ( n14 ) By taking action under the broad regulatory standards that the major environmental statutes establish , the needs , experiences , values , and circumstances of residents of various communities can be addressed , and disproportionate impacts avoided. ( n15 ) The first section argues that regulatory action can preserve and strengthen community health and well-being if regulators understand the robust and varied manner in which communities ' needs correspond to , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> The following section explores in greater detail three examples in which the federal government has used existing laws to address environmental justice concerns and , by so doing , has buttressed the natural resources and ecological systems upon which the residents of the various communities depend. ( n16 ) The examples draw from three different statutory provisions : the Clean Water Act 's water quality criteria standards ; ( n17 ) the National Environmental Policy Act ( NEPA ) requirement of analysis of impacts in the decision-making process ; ( n18 ) and the permitting process under Section 404 of the Clean Water Act. ( n19 ) <p> The case studies are organized to build on one another . The first demonstrates how race-neutral standards can nonetheless have disproportionate impacts on different communities . It also illustrates how the natural resources upon which communities depend are better protected when the variation among communities ' needs , culture , and interests are taken into consideration . The second example explores how the analytical requirements of NEPA 's decisionmaking process can expose disproportionate impacts caused by natural resource modification . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Clean Water Act , in the wetlands context , can produce environmentally just and ecologically wise natural resource decisions . <p> The article concludes that when the experiences , needs , and values of all communities are addressed in environmental and natural resources decisions , healthier communities and natural resource systems result . Moreover , the article suggests that the contrary is also true : when certain communities are not considered in the decisionmaking process , those communities , and the resources upon which they depend , suffer . II . STATUTORY AND REGULATORY AUTHORITY A. Integrating Environmental Justice into Natural Resource and Environ mental Derision making <p> Attention to minority and low-income communities and the natural resources upon which they depend is necessary because actions that adequately protect the general population may not always protect discrete segments of the population. ( n20 ) Disproportionate impacts on minority and low-income communities and their surrounding environment may result from a host of race-neutral factors , as well as , in some cases , a legacy of historical discrimination . Some of these factors include : cumulative risks from exposure to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( or any specific ) facility ; ( n21 ) unique exposure pathways and scenarios ; ( n22 ) vulnerability of populations and environments because of the lack of investment in infrastructures ; ( n23 ) vulnerability of populations ; ( n24 ) and lack of meaningful participation in the decisionmaking process. ( n25 ) <p> Thus , the use of large scale population averages and mainstream cultural values and experiences may create risk gradients and other disproportionate environmental burdens across variously situated populations , communities , and their environments . B. Environmental Justice and Existing Statutory Authority <p> Many of the statutes that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency ( EPA ) implements provide the Agency with the authority to address environmental justice concerns and to support the integrity of the environment and natural resources upon which minority and low-income communities depend. ( n26 ) These laws , which encompass the breadth of EPA 's activities , include setting standards , ( n27 ) permitting facilities. ( n28 ) awarding grants , ( n29 ) and reviewing actions taken by other federal agencies , states , and tribal authorities. ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a variety of factors , including : public health ; ( n31 ) cumulative impacts ; ( n32 ) social costs ; ( n33 ) welfare , ( n34 ) and general environmental or human health impacts. ( n35 ) Other statutes direct EPA and other executive branch departments and agencies to consider special risks posed to vulnerable populations , such as low-income and minority communities , in setting standards. ( n36 ) In all cases , how the Agency chooses to implement and enforce its authority ( whether on a case-by-case basis or through a more general policy ) can have substantial effects on the natural and environmental resources and the health of all communities. ( n37 ) <p> The Environmental Justice Executive Order(n38) and the accompanying Presidential Memorandum(n39) recognize that existing " environmental and civil rights statutes provide many opportunities to address environmental hazards in minority communities and low-income communities . " ( n40 ) Among other things , Executive Order 12898 directs EPA and other federal agencies : <p> to the greatest extent practicable and permitted by law ... to make achieving environmental justice part of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high and adverse human health or environmental effects of its programs , policies , and activities on minority populations and low-income populations .... ( n41 ) <p> Thus , the Agency may affect the mutually reinforcing goals of protecting human health and the environment , and paying attention to communities with environmental justice concerns . C. Integration of Environmental Justice Concerns into the Review of the Agency 's Permit Programs <p> Recently , the Environmental Appeals Board ( EAB ) began reviewing , when petitioned , EPA actions to determine whether the Agency has taken environmental justice concerns into consideration when they arise. ( n42 ) This review includes examination of issues such as the adequacy of public participation , ( n43 ) and analysis of disproportionate impacts on minority and low-income communities. ( n44 ) On a case-by-case basis , the EAB is checking and determining , one permit at a time , what the Executive Order requires : environmental resources ( air , water , and land ) that are protective of every community . <p> The EAB review of a RCRA permit that Region V issued in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the EAB 's consideration of environmental justice concerns . That case emphasized the important point that environmental justice concerns relate , at least in the first instance , not to a community 's demographic characteristics ( e.g. , racial composition or income status ) , ( n45 ) but rather to attributes frequently associated with low-income and minority communities that may place such communities at special risk. ( n46 ) Environmental risk factors and tolerance to stressors in minority or low-income communities may differ from communities in the general population . Consequently , the EAB noted that an assessment of effects that looks only at " a broad analysis might mask the effects of the facility on a disparately affected minority or low-income segment of the community . " ( n47 ) Following this reasoning , the EAB made two basic rulings , the first procedural , and the second substantive : <p> 1 . Public Participation : " When the Region has a basis to believe that operation of the facility may have a disproportionate impact on a minority or low-income segment of the affected community , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its discretion to assure early and ongoing opportunities for public involvement in the permitting process . " ( n48 ) 2 . Environmental Justice Review : " When a commentor submits at least a superficially plausible claim that operation of the facility will have a disproportionate impact on a minority or low-income segment of the affected community , the Region should , as a matter of policy , exercise its discretion under Section 3005(c) ( 3 ) ( n49 ) to include within its health and environmental impacts assessment an analysis focusing particularly on the minority or low-income community whose health or environment is alleged to be threatened by the facility . " ( n50 ) <p> The EAB has considered a broad range of environmental justice issues in the permitting context , ( n51 ) and has examined the effects of proposed permits on the communities ' natural resources . While the EAB has remanded one permit based on environmental justice concerns relating to the sufficiency of the record upon which EPA based its decision , the tribunal has not overturned a permit based on a finding of disproportionate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do establish the important point that existing environmental laws can and do address environmental justice issues because those authorities are designed to protect all communities . In the next section , a broader range of activities will be explored . III . PROTECTING A DIVERSITY OF HABITATS -- STARTING AT HOME A. Fish Consumption Under the Clean Water Act <p> Starting from water , the most basic natural resource , Vitruvius ' message tells us that when we protect natural resources that sustain our health , we take steps toward maintaining the health of the environment. ( n53 ) By contrast , if we degrade the resources upon which we rely , we expose ourselves , through the food chain , to the accumulated contamination of each link which ultimately finds its anchor in natural resources . This relationship has distributive risk implications because each community is linked differently to each component of the ecosystem . Therefore , what is protective of one group almost certainly will not be as protective for another . <p> The environmental justice implications of Vitruvius ' message rings clear with respect to exposure to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between water quality and fish contamination levels , and variation in the amount of fish consumed among communities . The syllogism runs like this : contaminated rivers and streams ( riparian habitats ) create unhealthy fish and potentially unhealthy fish consumers . Following naturally from each communities ' distinctive characteristics , including tolerance for , exposure to , and consumption of contaminated fish , each community will necessarily receive different levels of exposure to pollution from water of the same quality . <p> Environmental justice advocates frequently criticize EPA 's evaluation of diverse communities ' consumption of fish in the methodology used to establish national Ambient Water Quality Criteria ( AWQC ) , upon which permitting authorities may establish water quality standards. ( n54 ) The criticism typically points out that assumptions used to establish AWQC do not correspond to the amount of fish or portions of fish typically eaten by certain populations. ( n55 ) Further , the problem with the low or inaccurate consumption values is amplified because AWQC development methodology historically has failed to take into account the actual level of bio-accumulation of contaminants in fish . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into account how certain communities are linked to their environment , those communities are less well-protected than the general public . <p> 1 . Establishment of Ambient Water Quality Criteria <p> EPA publishes AWQC(n56) that can be , and often are , used as default criteria by states in the establishment of water quality standards. ( n57 ) The state regulatory authorities use EPA criteria to establish acceptable ambient levels of pollution , based on the water body 's designated use. ( n58 ) If a state finds that its water bodies are so polluted that federal technology-based discharge controls will be insufficient to meet water quality standards , ( n59 ) the regulatory authority must establish the Total Maximum Daily Load ( TMDL ) for each pollutant. ( n60 ) The TMDL is then divided among point sources , ( n61 ) and incorporated into each discharging facility 's National Pollution Discharge Elimination System ( NPDES ) permit. ( n62 ) <p> The establishment of national AWQC requires EPA to make decisions at the cutting edge of science. ( n63 ) In addition to scientific questions , data gaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a definitive assessment of the effect of discharges on health tremendously challenging. ( n65 ) A difficulty frequently seized upon by environmental justice advocates whose communities are dependent on fish as a major source of protein is that the establishment of AWQC is inherently contextual , and involves issues of risk distribution. ( n66 ) <p> While the Clean Water Act requires EPA to establish recommended national AWQC that are protective of public health , the meaning of the phrase " protective of public health " is question-begging. ( n67 ) The Clean Water Act does not define what levels of risk are protective in an absolute sense , much less identify which communities should represent the public . Therefore , if some risk is to be tolerated , that risk will be experienced differently across communities depending on fish consumption patterns , in addition to the sensitivities , vulnerabilities , and the relationship between a given community and its river or estuary resources. ( n68 ) <p> 2 . Current AWQC Management of Risk Distribution <p> In making these difficult policy and scientific decisions , courts have acknowledged EPA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ establish standards . Moreover , the courts have also sanctioned risk gradients across differently situated populations so long as all segments are " adequately protected . " In Dioxin/Organochlorine Center v. Clarke , ( n69 ) environmental and industry plaintiffs(n70) challenged EPA 's establishment of TMDLs for discharges of dioxin into the Columbia River. ( n71 ) The environmental groups , Dioxin/Organoclorine Center and Columbia River United ( DOC ) , claimed that the TMDLs established by EPA failed to conform to the state 's water quality standards , which permit no more than a one-in-a-million risk of cancer in the general population . DOC argued that because EPA based its TMDLs on the average American fish consumption rate of 6.5 grams of fish per day , ( n72 ) the Native American populations , who consume more than this amount , would not receive adequate protection. ( n73 ) <p> In response , EPA made two different arguments . First , EPA argued that because of the extremely conservative " potency estimates " ( the amount of contamination per fish ) used in the establishment of AWQC , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n74 ) Furthermore , EPA asserted that it was unlikely that each fish eaten would be fully contaminated . Thus , based on the conservative estimates underlying the TMDLs , the Agency argued that there was no reason to believe that Native Americans would have a higher risk of cancer than the general population . <p> Second , even assuming that Native Americans consumed the 150 grams of fish per day asserted by DOC , and that the fish eaten were fully contaminated , EPA argued that the risk level would be only twenty-three excess deaths per million for the Native American population . While higher than the one in a million level set for the general population , EPA posited that the " risk level mandated by the state water quality standards for the general population does not necessarily reflect state legislative intent to provide the highest level of protection for all sub-populations but could reasonably be construed to allow for lower yet adequate protection of specific subpopulations. " ( n75 ) The Ninth Circuit upheld EPA 's position , finding that the " ambient dioxin concentrations can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect of dioxin on human sub-populations , nor was the decision based on an unreasonable interpretation of state water standards . " ( n76 ) The Ninth Circuit deferred to EPA 's expertise and adopted the " lower yet adequate " protection standard for the fish consuming Native American populations. ( n77 ) <p> In Natural Resources Defense Council v. EPA , ( n78 ) the Fourth Circuit also considered claims that subsistence fishing communities would be injured because of the low fish consumption values underlying AWQCs . In a ruling similar to Dioxin/Organochlorine Center , the Fourth Circuit found that " it must give due weight to EPA 's interpretation and administration of this highly complex statute , particularly when its determination appears to be reasonable and is supported by substantial evidence in the administrative record . " ( n79 ) The court elaborated , explaining that its role is Merely to " ensure that the underlying criteria ... are scientifically defensible and are protective of the designated uses . " ( n80 ) Thus , the Fourth and Ninth Circuits both have evinced an acceptance of the " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to EPA 's scientific analysis . <p> 3 . Towards Establishment of AWQS from the Perspective of the Affected Community <p> EPA has recognized the equity issues associated with variations among different populations. ( n81 ) The agency has also improved its understanding of the way water pollution enters the food stream . With improved scientific techniques , a more accurate understanding of fish consumption patterns , and a recognition of the underlying risk distribution issues , EPA is revisiting the national AWQC. ( n82 ) <p> Based on data from a new fish consumption study , EPA has proposed raising the default fish consumption rate almost threefold , to 17.80 grams per day. ( n83 ) This value represents the 90th percentile for consumption of freshwater and estuarine fish by the general population. ( n84 ) In addition , EPA has also proposed a new default fish consumption rate of 86.30 grams per day for " subsistence fishers/minority anglers , " in recognition of variations among populations. ( n85 ) This value represents the ninety-ninth percentile for consumption of freshwater and estuarine fish by the general population. ( n86 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ variations among communities , EPA 's draft AWQC urges states and tribes " to use a fish intake level derived from local data on fish consumption in place of these default values when deriving AWQC , ensuring that the fish intake level chosen be protective of highly exposed individuals in the population . " ( n87 ) To this end , EPA suggests the use of data follow this four-tier hierarchy of preferences : ( 1 ) local data ; ( 2 ) data reflecting similar geographic/population groups ; ( 3 ) data from national surveys ; and ( 4 ) proposed default intake rates . By looking to circumstances within specific communities and developing standards based on the actual relationship between the use of natural resources and the community , all communities can receive protection according to their needs . <p> While EPA has not deviated from the " lower but adequate " position adopted in Dioxin/Organochlorine Center v. Clarke , ( n88 ) its proposed recommendations recognize the presence of populations composed of other than the " average American . " It also presents a framework for addressing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tribes to set water quality standards on tribal lands , ( n89 ) the proposed AWQC points the way for increased health in subsistence and other communities and the resources they depend upon . B. National Environmental Policy Act <p> Federal agencies are increasingly attentive to the differences among communities ' experiences , cultures , and vulnerabilities when conducting reviews under the National Environmental Policy Act. ( n90 ) The result of the government 's attention to these differences , as specifically required under NEPA and emphasized in the President 's Memorandum accompanying the Environmental Justice Executive Order , is that residents of low-income or minority communities and their environments are better protected and understood by decisionmakers . <p> NEPA mandates that for every proposed major federal action significantly affecting human health or the environment , government decisionmakers must consider the " environmental impact ... , any adverse environmental effects which can not be avoided ... , alternatives , and any irreversible and irretrievable commitments of resources which would be involved in the proposed action should it be implemented . " ( n91 ) These requirements accommodate easily the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities which , in part , define how environmental burdens will be distributed . By considering these issues , NEPA can serve as a window into the effects that a government action will have on a community 's environment and provide an opportunity to mitigate or avoid adverse consequences . Moreover , if an agency fails to consider the social , economic , and environmental impacts on minority or low-income communities , decisionmakers may not be able to accurately conduct the limited balancing of costs and benefits required under NEPA . <p> 1 . Consideration of the Human Environment <p> Observers have long commented on the breadth(n92) of NEPA 's scope and upon the opportunities(n93) it provides to consider and address adverse impacts on affected communities. ( n94 ) However , many , including some environmental justice advocates. ( n95 ) have criticized the federal government 's record of considering socio-economic effects that may not be felt equally among communities and populations. ( n96 ) The issuance of the Environmental Justice Executive Order and the response of the federal departments and agencies gives reason to believe , however , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoiding , or mitigating disproportionate impacts . <p> The President 's Memorandum accompanying the Environmental Justice Executive Order(n97) directly addresses the environmental justice community 's criticism of NEPA 's implementation . The President 's Memorandum directs federal agencies to undertake four specific actions : <p> ( 1 ) analyze environmental effects , including human health , economic , and social effects of federal actions , including effects on minority communities and low-income communities , when such analysis is required by NEPA ; ( n98 ) <p> ( 2 ) develop mitigation measures outlined or analyzed in Enviromnental Assessments ( EA ) , ( n99 ) Environmental Impact Statements ( EIS ) , ( n100 ) or records of decisions , whenever feasible , which address significant and adverse environmental effects of proposed federal actions on minority and low-income communities ; ( n101 ) <p> ( 3 ) provide opportunities for community input in the NEPA process , including identifying potential effects and mitigation measures in consultation with effected communities and improving accessibility of public meetings , official documents , and notices to affected communities ; ( n102 ) and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President under its authority pursuant to section 309 of the Clean Air Act , ( n103 ) must " ensure that the involved agency has fully analyzed environmental effects on minority communities and low-income communities . " ( n104 ) <p> The President 's Council on Environmental Quality issued guidance to implement the Executive Order. ( n105 ) While the guidance , by its own terms , is not supposed to be used as a formula , the following four principles stand out . The guidance provides that federal departments and agencies should determine : <p> ( 1 ) whether there are vulnerable populations present in the affected area , and , if so , whether there may be disproportionately high and adverse effects on those populations ; ( n106 ) <p> ( 2 ) whether there is the potential for multiple or cumulative exposure to human health or environmental hazards ; ( n107 ) <p> ( 3 ) whether there are inter-related cultural , social , occupational , historical , or economic factors that may amplify the physical environmental effects of the proposed action ; ( n108 ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ representation in the process , and develop effective public participation strategies. ( n109 ) <p> These principles direct federal agencies to take into consideration the context , values , experience , practices , and vulnerabilities of the subject populations and their relationships with the environment . Thus , from the perspective of the community , federal agencies can take actions that maintain the natural and environmental resources upon which communities depend . <p> 2 . Administrative Litigation : Environmental Justice in the NEPA Context <p> The Environmental Justice Executive Order does not " create a right of judicial review against the United States . " ( n110 ) Therefore , no federal court has remanded a federal action based upon an agency 's failure to consider disproportionate impacts in the NEPA process. ( n111 ) However , at least two administrative tribunals have held that agency actions must adequately consider environmental justice issues , pursuant to the Executive Order and as part of the agency 's NEPA analysis. ( n112 ) In these cases , the agency tribunals expressed a willingness to review agency NEPA analyses for disproportionate impacts. ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tribunals looked only to the nexus between the community and the environment , and the way ' in which the government action affects that relationship. ( n114 ) The tribunals have not examined allegations of outright discrimination on the part of the state or local regulatory agency responsible for approving a facility 's siting . <p> a . Nuclear Regulatory Commission <p> For example , a panel of three Nuclear Regulatory Commissioners , sitting as an appellate body , reviewed an Atomic Safety and Licensing Board 's ( " Board " ) determination that an EIS for a uranium enrichment facility failed to adequately consider disproportionate socio-economic impacts on a low-income , minority community. ( n115 ) The preferred alternative placed the facility on a 70-acre parcel of land located on a larger 442-acre woodland area and between two unincorporated African-American communities in Louisiana. ( n116 ) The EIS alluded to a number of environmental impacts to surface and groundwater , and to air quality. ( n117 ) However , before the Board and the Nuclear Regulatory Commissioners , the project proponents and petitioners were most concerned with issues relating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commissioners found a link between social and economic impacts and environmental quality issues . Specifically , the Commissioners found : <p> Necessarily ... agencies frequently do consider proposed project 's social and economic effects , even if only to a limited extent , given that NEPA generally calls for at least a broad and informal balancing of environmental costs of a project against its technical , economic or other public benefits . Misleading information on the economic cost of a project , therefore , could skew an agency 's overall assessment of a project 's costs and benefits , and potentially result in approval of a project that otherwise would not have been approved because of its adverse environmental effects. ( n118 ) <p> Without consideration of impacts that especially affect low-income or minority communities , the impacts might be permitted where , in truth , the total costs of the project outweigh the benefits . The Commissioners also found that because " adverse impacts that fall heavily on minority and impoverished citizens call for particular close scrutiny , " such issues must be included within NEPA 's ambit. ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that issues of disproportionate impact needed to be addressed . <p> Concurring with the Board that the EIS failed to adequately consider issues of disproportionate impacts , the Commissioners paid close attention to the impact of a road closing ( called for in the proposal ) on the social and economic fiber of the two minority communities . The Commissioners found that by not analyzing the impact of the transportation corridor 's closure on pedestrian traffic , the EIS failed to adequately consider the indirect impact of the facility on the communities ' social , cultural , and economic life . The Commissioners noted that while a road closing might be only a minor inconvenience for people who drive , the closing would create significant life issues for approximately one-third of the local African-American population who did not own automobiles , as well as for the " old , ill or otherwise infirm . " ( n120 ) Without understanding the effect of the closing from the communities ' perspective , the Commissioners , like the Board , found that a reasoned decision based on the environmental impacts of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Commissioners did not uphold the Board 's order for additional investigation with respect to allegations of racial discrimination in the siting process. ( n122 ) Although they did not find the Board 's analysis with respect to the claims of discrimination to be necessarily flawed , the Commissioners recognized that NEPA is designed to review impacts associated with projects , not the underlying motives of the action . Therefore , examination of possible discriminatory intent within the context of NEPA was not appropriate. ( n123 ) <p> b . Bureau of Land Management <p> The Department of the Interior , like the Nuclear Regulatory Commission , reviews NEPA analysis for consideration of disproportionate impacts on minority and low-income communities both under the policy established by the Executive Order and as a matter of course. ( n124 ) In Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance ( SUSA ) , ( n125 ) the Department of the Interior Board of Land Appeals ( IBLA ) reviewed and remanded a Bureau of Land Management ( BLM ) decision to construct a visitor station at Kane Gulch on the Grand Gulch Plateau , Utah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nation , among others , objected to BLM 's decision to construct a visitor center in Utah 's canyon country because of possible harm to cultural and natural resources . Specifically , the appellants objected to BLM 's failure to consider , in an EA prepared for the facility , the possible harm to natural and cultural resources caused by the potential increase in the number of visitors to the area. ( n126 ) <p> Degradation from increased use has caused significant impacts to substantial portions of Utah 's canyon lands . According to local accounts : <p> The confluence and narrows are being hammered by too much use .... Sandbars , or benches , which offer the only place to camp above the river bed , suffer the most impact . Campers erode trails across vegetated areas , leave messy ' cat holes ' with toilet paper sticking out , and build rings for illegal campfires. ( n127 ) <p> The loss of desert habitat is of special concern to local tribes who " gather pinyon nuts from the canyons for food and collect herbs indigenous only to Cedar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n128 ) <p> Preparing the NEPA analysis for the visitor center , BLM identified potential impacts to resources as a concern and entered into a dialogue with local tribes. ( n129 ) However , BLM expressly decided not to address the possibility that " new facilities would increase visitor use , because it assumed that visitor use would increase with or without construction of the facility . " ( n130 ) Therefore , BLM did not consider the facility 's potential impact on cultural values caused by possible increased use and damage to natural resources . Consistent with this understanding , " BLM also declined to address environmental justice concerns , stating that a ' new visitor contact station would have no adverse impacts to minority or low income populations ' . " ( n131 ) Further , because it concluded that the facility would not injure any natural or cultural resources , BLM decided to respond to issues on a continuing basis and as the need arose rather than completing consultation with the tribes. ( n132 ) <p> Noting that BLM had described the proposed visitor center as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mesa ' outdoor museum ' " and planned to provide potable water in the high desert canyon land , ( n133 ) IBLA found that the EA should have determined whether the facility would , in fact , attract more visitors . Perhaps presupposing an answer , IBLA expressed concern that the EA did not consider the direct effect or indirect effects on cultural resources of the increased number of visitors. ( n134 ) Moreover , IBLA was " troubled by BLM 's treatment of Native concerns , since it expressly declined to address these issues and effectively acknowledged that , as of the issuance of the decision to go ahead , it had not fully resolved those concerns , but that it would do so in the future . " ( n135 ) Remanding the decision to BLM , IBLA ordered BLM to complete the dialogue entered into with the tribes , consider the effect of increased visitors to the area , and identify vulnerable cultural resources likely to be impacted by increased use of the area. ( n136 ) Thus , if BLM constructs the visitor center , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the perspective of the local community . <p> Both the IBLA and the NRC have recognized that the Environmental Justice Executive Order carries no third party rights of action in federal court . However , the ) , found that executive branch agencies were bound by the President 's Executive Order . Moreover , as SUWA makes clear , where an action 's impact to a natural resource creates an adverse social or cultural change to a distinct community , those impacts must be examined from the communities ' point of view . By examining and avoiding those impacts , both the community and the natural resources upon which the community depends may be maintained . C. Resource Specific Analysis <p> Regulation of specific natural or environmental resources(n137) can act to protect ecosystems and the people whose lives are intertwined with them. ( n138 ) Federal regulation of place-based resources typically limits use , not only to activities that are protective of human health and the environment , but also to those uses of natural resources that are found to be in the public interest. ( n139 ) Based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as stated in the Environmental Justice Executive Order , this public interest requirement may either limit or require examination of activities that disproportionately impact minority and low-income communities . Thus , the public interest determination requirement , imbedded in most place-based or resource-based acts , can give substance to the impacts identified through NEPA 's procedural requirements. ( n141 ) <p> 1 . Environmental Justice and Public Interest Considerations in Issuance of Section 404 Permits to Dredge and Fill Wetlands -- A Case Study <p> Planning for expected regional growth , the City of Newport News and a group of counties and cities in Virginia 's lower peninsula formed the Regional Raw Water Study Group ( RRWSG ) ( n142 ) to develop a municipal water source that would satisfy the predicted demand for water through 2040 . Projecting a 39.8 million gallon per day water supply deficit , ( n143 ) the RRWSG proposed a 1,526-acre impoundment on Cohoke Creek -- the King William Reservoir . The site was selected , in part , because of the deeply incised valley through which the Cohoke Creek , a tributary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ geologic suitability of the river valley for impoundment purposes , the apparent availability of supplemental raw water ( 75 million gallons per day ) from the nearby Mattaponi River(n144) made the location desirable from an engineering perspective. ( n145 ) <p> The King William Reservoir would have a substantial effect on regional ecological resources. ( n146 ) The impoundment would create a 1,526-acre lake(n147) and result in a loss of a total of 437-acres of highly diverse wetlands and uplands. ( n148 ) In fact , the Army Corps of Engineers ( Corps ) found that the project ranks as the largest single destruction of wetlands and their associated habitat ever evaluated in the Norfolk District. ( n149 ) <p> Animal and plant species would be significantly impacted by the project as well . The Department of the Interior 's Fish and Wildlife Service found that the Small Whorled Pogonia(n150) and Sensitive Joint-Vetch , ( n151 ) both listed as " threatened " under the ESA , are located in and around the project area. ( n152 ) Further , the project may have the potential to impact the local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seriously , from the indirect effects. ( n153 ) " The significance of these impacts is amplified by the alarming rate of habitat loss , particularly of wetland resources , in the Chesapeake Bay area , " ( n154 ) where the proposed reservoir would be located . <p> Two Native American tribes recognized by the State of Virginia , ( n155 ) the Mattaponi and Pamunkey , would also be impacted. ( n156 ) Members of the Mattaponi have subsisted on a 150-acre reservation on the banks of the Mattaponi River(n157) since entering into a treaty with the then colony of Virginia in 1677. ( n158 ) The Mattaponi are decedents of Chief Powhatan , father of Pocahontas and ruler of large portions of what is now tidewater Virginia. ( n159 ) <p> The river for which the Mattaponi tribe is named , ( n160 ) as well as the surrounding land , have special meaning to the tribe , at levels cultural , spiritual , and physical . The Mattaponi " have fished , farmed , hunted , gathered , and worshiped in this area for hundreds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Tribe . " ( n161 ) Moreover , the potentially impacted area contains archaeological sites potentially eligible for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places. ( n162 ) Among other spiritual and cultural resources , the Mattaponi revealed that the area includes a sacred site , which the Corps found to be of extreme archaeologic and anthropologic importance. ( n163 ) <p> The Mattaponi perceived the proposed project as having the potential to cause a catastrophic impact on its way of life . The Corps characterized the tribe 's view of the project , as follows : <p> The reservoir would destroy their way of life through the loss of hunting , gathering and fishing habitat , by changing the rural setting from increased residential growth around their reservations , and by severing ties to their ancestors .... Also , the Mattaponi people believe that their subsistence shad fishery and hatchery operation will be lost or irreparably harmed by changes in salinity and impacts to shad eggs and fry associated with the raw water intake on the Mattaponi River. ( n164 ) <p> Because the Mattaponi are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adversely affecting the natural resources surrounding them would also adversely impact the tribe . <p> 2 . Review of the Environmental Impact Statement for the Proposed Permit <p> The Corps issued the Final EIS on January 24 , 1997. ( n165 ) The document , which recommended the preferred alternative of the RRWGS , would have permitted the construction of the reservoir. ( n166 ) In July 1997 , the Corps accepted comments submitted by , among others , the Mattaponi , ( n167 ) a number of environmental and natural resources organizations , ( n168 ) an environmental law clinic , ( n169 ) and EPA Region III , which filed comments pursuant to Section 309 of the Clean Air Act. ( n170 ) The environmental and natural resources advocate organizations submitted studies that called into question the assumptions that the project proponents used in deriving the anticipated future demand for water. ( n171 ) Additionally , the groups raised many concerns relating to the proposed project 's impacts to the ecology of the watershed and its indirect effects on the Mattaponi . <p> While noting the concerns raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ water needs , EPA Region III deferred to the technical expertise of the Corps. ( n172 ) Rather than focusing on the predicted availability and demand for water , EPA analyzed the project 's direct and indirect effects on cultural , ( n173 ) water quality , ( n174 ) hydrology , ( n175 ) fisheries , ( n176 ) and wetland resources. ( n177 ) Moreover , in its comments , EPA extensively addressed the intricate relationship between the local ecology and the Mattaponi under the rubric of environmental justice. ( n178 ) On this issue , EPA found that the Environmental Justice Executive Order and the accompanying memorandum " sets up a clear mandate for the Army Corps of Engineers to look seriously at this issue within the context of the ... NEPA document . " ( n179 ) While the project proponents had made a good faith effort to achieve some of the stated principles , EPA found that " key components of identifying and addressing concerns , in consultation with the affected communities have yet to be completed . " ( n180 ) <p> Significantly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the EIS addressing unresolved questions relating to the impact the ecological modifications on the affected Native American communities . In anticipated preparation of this additional analysis , EPA urged the Corps " to work directly with the affected communities as well as seek professional assistance in this matter as they would any other environmental issue . " ( n181 ) In particular , EPA recommended examination of the following : <p> ( a ) impacts or possible violation of a community 's customs or religious practices ; <p> ( b ) impacts to cultural and historic properties and areas , the degree to which the effects of the actions can be absorbed by the affected population without harm to its cohesiveness ; <p> ( c ) impacts to fish and wildlife on which a minority population or low-income population depends , cultural differences in environmental expectations ( endangered species vs. traditional hunting or ceremonial use ) ; <p> ( d ) impacts on the health and sustainability of ecosystem or watershed within which a population is located ( e.g. religious use of natural resources ) ; and <p> ( e @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Response to Comments on the FEIS <p> In response to comments received , the Corps prepared supplemental studies(n183) and conducted additional public outreach. ( n184 ) In addition , the deciding official of the Corps met with the Mattaponi and Pamunkey tribes in person to hear the concerns of the tribes and visited the cultural sites identified by the impacted communities. ( n185 ) The Corps also used the services of its research arm , the Institute for Water Resources ( " Institute " ) , to evaluate the need for and alternatives to the proposed reservoir. ( n186 ) <p> The Institute concluded that the consortium " significantly overestimated future demand and that the stated need is not supported by their data . " ( n187 ) Rather than the 39.8 million gallon per day deficit predicted by the consortium , the Institute found that the RRSWG only convincingly demonstrated a need for an additional 17 million gallons per day in 2040. ( n188 ) According to the Institute 's measures , that level of deficit corresponds roughly to the amount of water the consortium estimated that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million gallons per day ) and the amount that could be developed from fresh and brackish ground water supplies ( 10.1 million gallons per day ) . ( n189 ) <p> 4 . Position to Deny <p> On June 4 , 1999 , Colonel Allan B. Carroll of the Corps stated the Corps ' position to deny the consortium 's request for permits to construct the proposed reservoir. ( n190 ) The Corps issued the position to deny based on regulations governing wetlands and information compiled as part of the NEPA review process. ( n191 ) Specifically , it considered " the lack of a demonstrated need to destroy 437 acres of wetlands as well as the cumulative adverse environmental impacts of the project , particularly the potential for a disproportionately high and adverse effect to an American Indian minority population . " ( n192 ) <p> For such projects , two broad findings must be met before the Corps will issue a federal permit to dredge and fill a wetland . The regulations implementing Section 404 of the Clean Water Act provide that the Corps must determine : ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less adverse impact on the environment ; ( n193 ) and ( 2 ) whether the project is in the public interest. ( n194 ) Factors that the Corps must consider under the public interest determination include , among other things , " conservation , economics , aesthetics , general environmental concerns , wetlands , historic properties , fish and wildlife values , flood hazards , flood plain values , land use .... recreation , water supply and conservation , water quality , ... considerations of property ownership , and , in general , the needs and welfare of people . " ( n195 ) <p> The Corps , which based its position to deny the permit on the Institute 's analysis of future water demand and supplemental cultural studies , found that the consortium had overstated the projected need by more than a factor of two. ( n196 ) Moreover , the Corps found that conservation and " non-reservoir sources would meet the 2040 deficit . " ( n197 ) Consequently , the Corps found that there " does not appear to be a supportable , demonstrated need for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perform . " ( n198 ) <p> Furthermore , the Corps found that the reservoir would not be in the public interest. ( n199 ) First , the Corps position to deny enumerated the ecological and cultural impacts of the proposed reservoir project. ( n200 ) Next , the Corps addressed these resources from the tribes ' perspective , and found that : <p> The project has the potential to impact a sacred site , traditional hunting , gathering and religious practice , subsistence fisheries , and the way of the Mattaponi .... Because the proposed reservoir is located between Virginia 's only two American Indian Reservations , and the proposed intake is located upstream of the Mattaponi Reservation , the project has the potential to result in disproportionately high and adverse environmental effects to minority populations as described in Executive Order 12898. ( n201 ) <p> The legal weight given to the Environmental Justice Executive Order by the Corps is debatable . For example , it is not entirely clear whether the Corps interpreted the Executive Order as creating a policy finding that disproportionate impacts are necessarily or presumptively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act . However , their decision was clearly based on the principle that actions that disproportionately impact the resources of minority or low-income communities are against the public interest. ( n202 ) In the case of the Mattaponi , the Corps clearly found environmental justice concerns to have a great bearing on the public interest determination under Section 404 of the Clean Water Act. ( n203 ) CONCLUSION <p> These examples do not define the universe of environmental statutes that have environmental justice implications on natural resources . To the contrary , the point is that all environmental laws have environmental justice implications imbedded within them . The only question is how we will use them . If statutes are applied using broad , generic averages , as the EAB points out , minority or low-income populations may well be excluded and environmental injustices will occur . However , if regulators view the environmental and natural resources services from the communities ' point of view , the health of both the residents and the resources will be maintained . <p> The examples are also not meant to imply that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The opposite is true . In most cases , protective environmental laws , regulations , and policies , if they are appropriately and fairly applied and equally enforced , do protect all people , including minority and low-income populations . What is new , however , is the increasing awareness of federal agencies that inattention to issues faced by minority or low-income populations can lead to disproportionate exposure to environmental harms and risks . As a consequence of that awareness , the environmental and natural resources of those populations are beginning to benefit . <p>
@@4009141 The current special education literature reflects a vigorous debate regarding the ethics of using aversive and intrusive procedures to reduce or eliminate severe behavior problems . Included in this debate is an extensive discussion of the procedural safeguards for use in special education settings in the rare instances when these interventions are implemented . <p> Corporal punishment is an aversive intervention that is sometimes used with regular and special education students . However , the historical precedent for using corporal punishment in America 's schools has not led to the development or implementation of comprehensive procedural safeguards . <p> While the empirical support for corporal punishment as an effective behavior reduction strategy has not been established , it appears that segments of the lay public and professional educators view corporal punishment as a viable intervention procedure , and may continue to resist abolishment . Therefore , it is proposed that when corporal punishment is to be considered for arty student , comprehensive procedural safeguards be implemented . Applying the suggested procedural safeguards should provide assurances that whenever corporal punishment is anticipated for use in the mainstream , it will be systematically implemented and evaluated , and provide an empirical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ punishment . <p> The use of nonaversive interventions as opposed to aversive interventions ( e.g. noxious aromas , spraying a water mist in a student 's face , electrical shocks ) is a topic currently receiving considerable attention in the special education literature . This literature reflects an emphasis on the moral , legal , ethical and empirical issues relating to the use of these techniques ( Alberto &; Troutman , 1990 ; Center , 1989 ; Cooper , Heron &; Howard , 1987 ; Morgan &; Jenson , 1988 ; Repp &; Singh , 1990 ; Rusch , Rose &; Greenwood , 1988 ) . The specific procedures for professional accountability when an aversive technique is being considered , are comprehensive and well documented . More specifically , the current special education literature is replete with decision-making models and assessment procedures recommended for use by special educators when selecting even a mild aversive intervention ( Beaten , Simpson , Rosell &; Reilly , 1988 ; CCBD , 1990 ; Center , . 1989 ; Cooper , Heron &; Heward , 1987 ; Pyles &; Bailey , 1990 ; Walker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the appropriateness of aversive techniques has escalated dramatically during the past decade ( Skiba &; Deno , 1990 ) . Numerous special education professionals have communicated that there are alternatives which are more effective and ethical than aversive interventions . Various advocacy organizations have called for the cessation of the use of aversives ( Mulick , 1990 ) . The intensity of the call for the elimination of the use of aversives may be illustrated by the following statement , " To argue the merits of using severe punishment or aversives with any person with developmental disabilities , who exhibits self-injurious behavior or behavior that is a danger to others , is immoral and unethical " ( Freagon , 1990 , p. 154 ) . <p> Conversely , there are special education professionals that view the total abandonment of aversive therapy as an overreaction . Paisey , Whitney and Hilsop ( 1990 ) state : <p> " Claims that aversives are used indiscriminately are without current foundation . Subject to appropriate oversight , there is a recognized need for their application in certain instances . Since contemporary regulations and professional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence for prohibition ? " ( p. 193 ) . <p> In a comprehensive discussion regarding the use of aversive interventions for individuals with mental retardation , Mulick ( 1990 ) indicates that aversive interventions may be appropriate in certain instances , and that the application of best practices requires that the selection of any aversive procedure should occur only if the proper procedural safeguards have been implemented . Additionally , i ! was indicated that if these procedures are followed , it would be possible to determine the effectiveness of the intervention and provide a research base on the undesirable side effects . <p> While the technical , moral , legal , and ethical use of aversive stimuli has received considerable attention in the current special education literature , corporal punishment receives relatively little attention . The discussion of corporal punishment often focuses on the negative aspects of the procedure as well as the ethical , legal and moral implications ( CCBD , 1990 ; McFadden , 1987 ) . Perhaps due to the lack of support for its use , technical or procedural aspects of implementing corporal punishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Schools <p> Yell ( 1990 ) reported that 19 states have outlawed corporal punishment and that it is still legal to paddle children in 31 states . Some local school districts have outlawed corporal punishment or have delineated stringent guidelines ( Morgan &; Jensen , 1988 ) . Child abuse laws may also inhibit the use of corporal punishment . Despite the above mentioned bans and deterrents , corporal punishment still remains a legal option in a majority of the nation 's schools . Educators , in some instances are given a tremendous amount of latitude in making the decision to use corporal punishment . For example , if a teacher believes that a student has violated a rule , the teacher often has the right to initiate corporal punishment or refer the student to the principal 's office where most students receive their corporal punishment ( Rose , 1989 ) . The typical school procedure for the application of corporal punishment is quite simple ; the teacher or individual administering corporal punishment must have another adult present . <p> How frequently is corporal punishment utilized in schools ? According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sample from 16,000 schools districts ( n = 3,510 ) from the 50 states and the District of Columbia , professed that there were 1,332,317 instances of the use of corporal punishment . In addition , Rose ( 1989 ) conducted a national survey of principals selected from the nine census regions and concluded that " Results indicated widespread use of corporal punishment with handicapped students at every grade level in the majority of regions in the United States . " ( p. 43 ) . Corporal Punishment , Society and the Courts <p> Society not only views corporal punishment as an acceptable approach to dealing with inappropriate behaviors , but as a constitutional right ( Ingraham v. Wright , 1977 ) . In this Supreme Court ruling , paddling a student on the buttocks in the presence of witnesses was not considered to be cruel and unusual punishment . The U.S. Supreme Court refused to give a ruling on a petition for a seriously emotionally disturbed student in the case of Fee v. Herndon ( 1991 ) . In reviewing this case , The Special Educator ( 1991 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , ' paddling laws ' must now only meet a standard of reasonableness , even when applied to students with disabilities " ( p. 132 ) . Apparently the courts believe that the decision to use or not use corporal punishment with any student , regardless of their educational status , is within the purview of professional educators . <p> It appears that corporal punishment is viewed as a viable option and is used frequently . Consequently , the frequency of the use of corporal punishment and the lack of comprehensive procedural safeguards are indicative of the fact that society views corporal punishment as an appropriate and effective intervention . This perception seems to be more a function of society 's prejudice regarding corporal punishment , rather than being based on empirical evidence of its effectiveness . Therefore , it is critical that educators go beyond the current minimal standards and develop comprehensive procedures for the application and evaluation of corporal punishment . Aversive Interventions , CorporalPunishment and Special Education <p> The special education literature is replete with debates about the use of aversive forms of interventions . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ procedures , technical , legal and ethical considerations , as well as the result of negative side-effects when using any aversive procedure . <p> Special education teacher training programs often communicate to the prospective teacher that aversive procedures should never be used unless : 1 ) non-aversive procedures have failed ; 2 ) the behavior to be eliminated is considered to be seriously detrimental to the individual and/or other individuals in that student 's environment ; 3 ) there are objective data to suggest the need for the procedure ; 4 ) the risks and benefits of the procedure are evaluated ; and 5 ) a multidisciplinary committee obtains the informed consent from the parents . <p> Preservice teachers are frequently instructed that the milder punishment procedures ( e.g. , response cost , time out procedures ) are appropriate interventions when various less intrusive techniques have been implemented and failed . The use of corporal punishment with exceptional students is likely to create more problems than it eliminates . An examination of several of the major special education textbooks ( i.e. , Alberto &; Troutman , 1990 ; Bos &; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jenson , 1988 ; Morgan &; Reinhart , 1991 ; Paul &; Epanchin , 1991 ; Rusch , Rose &; Greenwood , 1988 ; Shea &; Bauer , 1987 ; Walker &; Shea , 1991 ) which have sections on behavioral reduction strategies provides support for these statements . These textbooks strongly advocate the implementation of nonaversive strategies . Punishment procedures , especially corporal punishment , are either not discussed , not presented as a viable option , or may be an option in select instances , if the proper procedural safeguards are implemented . In the recent special education literature there have been articles which advocate the use of behavioral reduction strategies that focus on non-aversive or less intrusive procedures that have documented empirical merit ( Frimian , 1990 ; Spooner , Test , &; Jolly , 1990 ) . <p> While society may view corporal punishment as a viable option , the special education literature obviously reflects a very different viewpoint . For example , Braaten , Simpson , Rosell &; Reilly ( 1988 ) divided punishment procedures into two major categories : traditional and nontraditional . According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional punishment procedures range from planned ignoring to response cost and restitution . They identified the more intrusive and aversive procedures as nontraditional punishment which ranges from time-out exclusion to aversive conditioning . In identifying the traditional and nontraditional punishment procedures they did not include corporal punishment in either category . <p> When special educators are contemplating the use of a procedure which is considered to be aversive in any way , the proper procedural safeguards are required . For example , if the parents and the other members of a special education student 's Individualized Education Program ( IEP ) committee believe that repeated head banging by the student may cause permanent injury , they may consider an aversive strategy such as spraying a mist of water into the student 's face contingent upon head banging . However , the committee would have selected a set of established procedural safeguards ( see Alberto &; Troutman , 1990 ; Center . 1989 ; Morgan &; Jensen , 1988 ; Cooper , Heron , &; Heward , 1987 ; Walker &; Shea , 1991 ) . Corporal Punishment in the Mainstream @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next door to the IEP committee meeting described above observes a student who disrupts a class while using offensive language . The teacher may decide that the student needs to receive corporal punishment . This teacher may either refer the student to the principal or simply ask another teacher to view the procedure of having the student bend over and be struck on the buttocks with a paddle . Whether or not the teacher had eliminated the disruptive behavior , the procedure was not implemented as part of a systematic behavioral reduction program which applied procedural safeguards . In addition , the procedure could be administered at the discretion of one individual , and neither the student nor the student 's parents had an opportunity to avail themselves of the protection offered by procedural safeguards . Procedural Safeguards in the Mainstream <p> There is a major difference between the decision to spray a child in the face with a mist of water to reduce head banging and a teacher who decides to use corporal punishment to eliminate disruptive behavior and offensive language by a student . The decision to spray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IEP committee which included the student 's parents . The objective was to protect the child from permanent injury . In the second example , the teacher has the option to make a unilateral decision to use corporal punishment to eliminate a disruptive behavior . Regardless of the effectiveness of either of the procedures in eliminating the inappropriate behavior , there is a conspicuous absence of a systematic decision making process and a systematic evaluation of the efficacy of the selected intervention when corporal punishment is being utilized . <p> Most professionals involved in the reduction of severe mal-adaptive behaviors such as self-injurious behavior have either decided that any aversive procedure is unethical ( Freagon , 1990 ) , or that they will only use aversive interventions when specific procedural safeguards are followed . However , one individual teacher can make the unilateral decision to strike a student on the bunocks with a paddle . The question that must be addressed is whether any one individual can be allowed to act unilaterally when implementing an aversive procedure , especially one that lacks empirical validation ? <p> The administration of corporal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systematic implementation of any punishment procedure . Punishment is to be administered immediately and contingent upon the occurrence of each instance of the inappropriate behavior . Rose ( 1989 ) found that during a five year time period , the time delay had increased between the occurrence of misbehavior and the administration of corporal punishment . Fifty percent of the principals he surveyed indicated that this time delay was more than twenty minutes . Rose ( I 989 ) also indicated that the lack of operational definitions of what constitutes a punishable offense is a contributing factor which may result in corporal punishment not being administered in a systematic fashion . <p> Corporal punishment can be one of the most aversive forms of punishment used by educators . In fact , one can make the argument that it is as aversive , or may be more aversive , than the use of electric shock . For example , an electric shock could make a student cry , but the duration of the painful sensation is designed to be of relatively brief duration . Corporal punishment on the other hand can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , can be very humiliating , and the painful sensation may last well beyond the administration of corporal punishment . Recommendations and Conclusions <p> Given that there is much debate on the use or non-use of aversive stimuli with exceptional students , even in cases where their behavior constitutes a danger to themselves or others , it is critical to expand the debate to include the issue of corporal punishment . It is even more critical at this point in time because approximately 68% of the exceptional student population currently receives most of their education in the regular classroom ( USDE , 1990 ) . It probably will be very difficult to convince the general public , including the professionals that administer corporal punishment , to abolish it . The historical and religious background regarding the use of corporal punishment has been ingrained in the consciousness of a significant proportion of society ( Haeuser , 1990 ; McFadden , 1987 ) . This reality has been supported by the Supreme Court decision in Ingraham v. Wright(1977) . <p> The procedural safeguards that are being suggested are not intended to encourage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to assist in ensuring that if corporal punishment is going to be utilized then it will be implemented in a systematic and professional manner . Consequently , schools will be protecting the rights of special and regular education students and minimizing the possibilities of abuse . <p> The following procedural guidelines are being suggested for schools to implement . The behaviors which are subject to corporal punishment should be operationally defined , and the conditions identified under which corporal punishment will be administered . The school should identify a committee which will be responsible for the implementation and monitoring of corporal punishment . The committee members should receive supervision and training in the use of corporal punishment . <p> The committee is then responsible for determining that nonpunitive interventions have been tried and failed , establishing procedures for keeping accurate records of the current and post intervention level of the behavior . The committee should conduct periodic reviews to evaluate whether the corporal punishment procedure should be continued or discontinued . This decision should be based on data regarding the reduction of the target behavior and the presence of any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and procedures for implementing corporal punishment , the committee is responsible for obtaining the written consent from the student 's parents or guardians . The process of obtaining parental consent should include the following steps : 1 ) Providing the parents with all relevant information which includes the rationale for using corporal punishment , how corporal punishment will be administered and the procedures for evaluation . Communication should be in the parent 's or guardian 's native language and free of professional jargon ; 2 ) Parental consent should be in writing and should include the description of how corporal punishment will be administered and evaluated , as well as information that permission is voluntary and can be revoked at any time . <p> In conclusion , applying the procedural safeguards suggested above should provide assurances that corporal punishment will be systematically implemented and evaluated , and provide an empirical base to evaluate the effects and side effects of corporal punishment . This empirical base would make it possible to determine whether there is a linkage between corporal punishment and the number of suspensions , expulsions , drop outs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would aid in determining whether corporal punishment leads to the reduction of inappropriate behavior or to the degeneration of students ' ability to cope in their educational programs . <p>
@@4009241 Educators have developed strategies to improve education based on constructivism . With a common emphasis on the improvement of intellectual development , a variety of educational approaches are emerging from the genetic epistemology of Piaget . Constructivism in education has become an appealing alternative to traditional educational practices , but its meanings as a cognitive science and an educational movement do not coincide . This article addresses the issues that relate to the potential effectiveness of constructivism as an educational movement by reemphasizing its original assumptions . The authors review the work of Piaget and focus on the relationship of Piaget 's constructivism and more recent developments in biofunctional cognition and how these aspects may be relevant in the classroom . Introduction <p> Reacting to a decade of criticism and topdown school reform efforts , educators have begun to develop their own tactics to improve education based on the inherent content of schooling : authentic learning , critical thinking , knowledge creation and ownership by the student , new roles for teachers , and the school as a caring community- ( Elmore , 1991a ; Lip-man , 1991 ; Murphy , 1991 ; Lieberman , Darling-Hammond , &; Zukerman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : and Pechman 1992 ) . These developments have diverse origins , share a common emphasis on students ' intellectual development , and tend to be considered under the increasingly popular term constructivism . Constmctivism is greatly influenced by Piagetian epistemology ( Duckworth , 1987 ; Confrey , 1990 ; von Glaserfeld , 1984 ; Kamii , 1985 ) . Duckworth ( 1987 ) defined constructivism succinctly : " Meaning is not given to us in our encounters , but it is given by us , constructed by us , each in our own way , according to how our understanding is currently organized " ( p. 112 ) . Psychologist and educators are embracing a new view of learning that rejects reductionist theories of the past According to Resnick ( 1987b ) , " We are in the midst of a major convergence of psychological theories ... today , cognitive scientists generally share the assumption that knowledge is constructed by learners " ( p. 19 ) . <p> In education constructivism has become an appealing alternative to traditional process-product educational practices because it seems to address the criticisms of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ levels of literacy , multiple forms of literacy , self-reliance , cooperation , problem-solving skills , and satisfaction with school . Constructivism implies a new kind of pedagogy where the emphasis will be more on what students do than what teachers do , and where there will be performance assessment of student learning rather than standardized achievement testing ( Elmore , 1991b ; Resnick &; Klopfer , 1989 ; Weinberg , 1989 ) . <p> In cognitive theories constructivism has many forms . It is a specific theory of cognitive development ( Piaget , 1970 ) , an information processing theory of knowledge ( Neisser , 1967 ) , a way of thinking about human cognitive functioning in real-world contexts ( Barlett , 1932 ) , a perspective on biofunctional cognition ( Iran-Nejad , Marsh , &; Clements , 1992 ) , and an elaboration on one or more of these views ( Weinberg , 1989 ; Resnick , 1987a ; Steinberg , 1982 ) . <p> When other views are incorporated with the theories of Piaget ( 1970 ) , such as the popular writings of Weinberg ( 1989 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Gardner ( 1985 ) , among others , there are contrasting theoretical and practical perspectives on how children learn , the nature of higher-order thinking skills , and how teachers should engage pupils . Therefore , constructivist theory in education is much less clearly developed than it is as any specific psychological theory . <p> This article addresses issues that relate to the potential effectiveness of constructivism as an educational movement by reemphasizing its original assumptions in Piagetian theory . In particular , we focus on the relationship of Piaget 's constmctivism and more recent developments in biofuncfional cognition and how these relate to constructivism as an educational movement . Bringing Constructivism into The Classroom <p> In theory , constructivism in education means that teachers will embrace a holistic way of thinking about the nature of learning , something quite apart from the methodology of direct instruction . Rather than viewing learning as decontextualized , in constructivism it is assumed that learning occurs in while experiences and that part experiences must be learned only within the context of whole experiences . Constmctivism holds that knowledge does not have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not exist in some complete form outside the learner and be internalized , stored , and reproduced at some later time . <p> Constructivism in the classroom encounters obstacles from deeply entrenched educational theory and practice : ( a ) autonomy of knowledge as a separate produce and ( b ) simplification by isolation ( Iran-Nejad , McKeachie , &; Berlinere , 1990 ; Iran-Nejad &; Ortony , 1984 ) . Both assumptions are antithetical to constructivism . Information processing theories ( e.g. Neisser , 1967 ; Rumelhart , 1980 ) and behaviorism have formed the bedrock of popular educational theory , and they justify the process-product curriculum for direct instruction . In principle , learning has been viewed as essentially a matter of storing information for later recall . The typical school curriculum is based on a structure where important knowledge is identified for the student to acquire , often expressed in the form of task analyses and behavioral objectives . Within this framework , teachers impart such knowledge by breaking it down ( simplification ) into manageable pieces for easy internalization by students . <p> Alternatives to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the works of functionalists such as Dewey ( 1896 ) , Angell ( 1904 ) , and Bartlett ( 1932 ) . The functionalist research view ( a ) rejects the assumption of simplification by isolation , ( b ) focuses on how nervous systems have evolved to function in real-world contexts , and ( c ) objects to the view of learning as the long-term storage of knowledge . In particular , Bartlett ( 1932 ) noted the dangers associated with the assumption of simplification by isolation and the benefits of the method of simplification by integration ( see Iran-Nejad , McKeachie , &; Berliner , 1990 ) . <p> In the typical classroom the predominant teaching model is direct instruction , meaning that the teacher 's central role in the classroom is to transmit knowledge to learners and students must directly absorb information presented by the teacher ( Rosenshine &; Stevens , 1986 ; Good &; Brophy , 1991 ) . This process has been based on information processing theory ( Rumelhart , 1980 ) . The student 's role is reception and compliance ( Ausubel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's performance in front of students is critical , and in many school districts teachers are evaluated for their ability to establish " effective " eye contact , use different kinds of questions , pause in explanations to allow pupil reflection , use of a variety of concepts , and redirect student question , and so forth-a process of disassembling knowledge into small bits for students to comprehend . <p> Presumably in the constructivist classroom it should be much different , where students , instead of the-teacher , organize information , explore the learning environment , conduct learning activities , and monitor their own learning . Constructivism requires teachers to focus on depth of understanding and to assume a supporting or " reflective " role while students construct meaning for themselves and engage in critical thinking and problem solving . <p> Much of the impetus for constructivism as an educational movement stems from a reaction to the over-reliance in classrooms on rote memorization which is regarded as a serious problem in education ( Lipman , 1991 ) . Many critics of education insist the most important goal of school should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Some school curricula have been based on learner-centered constructivism to promote students who can function successfully in real-world contexts ( e.g. , Anderson &; Roth , 1989 ; Roth , 1989 ) . Recognizing that students master only those activities they actually practice ( Anderson &; Roth , 1989 ) , an assumption in line with con-structivism as well as with rote learning and drill-and-practice philosophy , some constructivists are intent on teaching pupils to use scientific knowledge in the same way as scientifically literate adults . <p> While it is true that Piaget compared children to naive scientists , his focus was actually on how children 's thinking is different from adults . Piaget proposed that at all levels-the developing organism , the mind , and society-the whole affects the parts . It is the relationship between parts and the whole that creates organization . Thus , the evolving mind of the child and the progress of scientific inquiry travel parallel paths . Teaching adult-like thinking skills to children is not Piagetian , although it may be Piagetian constructivism as he has been reinterpreted . <p> Many critics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complex questions and solve problems are unable to explain the underlying reasons or methods they use to reach their conclusions ( Staver , 1989 ; Swamy , 1987 ) . This is also an annual complaint when results of national testing programs are announced , such as the national Assessment of Educational Progress . However , any successful application of this idea requires an understanding of why those who can truly solve problems at various levels fail to provide reasonable explanations of the " thinking processes " that led them to their solutions . For teachers to " improve thinking " implies a thorough understanding of internal mental development , external forces , and the constantly changing relationship between internal and external states . <p> Changing students ' thinking presents a unique obstacle in education . According to Walberg ( 1991 ) : ... " Students ' reasoning is often mistaken but logically consistent , confidently held , and difficult to change " ( Walberg , 1991 , p. 55 ) . Kamiloff-Smith and Inhelder ( 1975 ) reported that children are highly resistant to changing theories , even in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implies that a detailed understanding of constructivism is essential for successfully promoting genuine change in student thinking , but if we are to influence thinking processes directly , we must first know how they develop . <p> In attempts to develop computerized expert systems and artificial intelligence , human experts in various fields are typically incapable of explaining to computer programmers how they reach their conclusions . Their reasoning is not evident , even to themselves , leaving others the difficult task of observing and asking questions to reveal their secrets . This seemingly paradoxical implication of constructivism makes its application to education more difficult than it seems . <p> There are other challenges that require delving much more deeply into constructivism than is generally considered in education . How do we find the correct mixture of teacher control and student freedom in learning ? What kind of learning environment provides students with a sense of ownership of their own learning ? Constructivism does not relinquish teacher control of the classroom , as is frequently implied , and neither does a sense of ownership mean collecting students ' ideas and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focus on the product , which is much more akin to traditional methods . For example , Yager ( 1991 ) recommends using students ' own questions or ideas to guide the teacher 's lesson : using students ' thinking , experiences , and interest to drive classroom activities ; posing open-ended questions ; encouraging elaboration on their questions and responses ; asking for explanations of events and situations , prediction of consequences ; and encouraging students to practice self-analysis , the collection of evidence to support ideas , and reformulation of ideas . Although these may be regarded as constructivist teaching behaviors , they leave intact many of the same strategies inherent in the traditional process-product and direct instruction models ( Rosenshine &; Stevens , 1986 ; Good &; Brophy , 1991 ) . Constructivism : Piaget 's Theory of Cognitive Development <p> Piaget 's theory is constructivist because it implies the process of building , creating , or making mental structures instead of merely absorbing or reproducing products . To Piaget , the child 's mind is serf-organized by a constant antagonism between internal , subjective mental state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ objective ontological reality . According to this view , knowledge does not exist as a separate product ready to be unloaded in the classroom and consumed by the student . Knowledge is representative of existing reality for each individual . <p> Knowledge is not known by organisms simply by means of obvious acquisition , but all knowledge is self-created . As human intelligence emerges , correspondence between " reality " and individual constructions of reality progress to a level of distinction between subjective and objective experiences , and is ultimately capable of dealing with the nature of physical relationships to form an objective world view that is consistently refined by experience . This progression occurs because of the reciprocal effects of assimilation the accommodation , constantly forced to attain an equilibrium between subjective and objective states . <p> Piaget used constructivism to explain and not merely describe cognitive development ( Flannagan , 1991 ) . He concluded that children engage in qualitatively different kinds of thinking as they pass through various stages of development , meaning they do not learn by practicing adult knowledge . Piaget discounted the relative importance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as children discarded previous ways of thinking for new ones . Intellectual growth results from attempts of the child to solve problems , which , in turn , causes the child to continually reconstruct the external world through personal experience as internal representations . <p> Contructivism is described throughout Piagetian investigations , including investigations with class inclusion , physical causality , language , and the various applications of his classical tests to investigate concrete and formal thought . Although the tasks required of children by Piaget were very clearly arranged like a scientific investigation , children were free to respond in any manner . Piaget was intent on discovering the differences in a child 's thinking and what the child can or can not do without adult assistance or instruction at any stage of development . But unlike the eager parent or teacher wanting a child to understand , dialogues of Piaget 's interactions with children reveal a continual probing , an interrogation with no feedback . Therefore , we have little guidance from Piaget about instructional matters , but if constructivism to be useful in directing theories of learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Although learning environments can stimulate knowledge construction they can not have a direct influence on such structures . As Piaget ( 1959 ) commented , " these influences do not imprint themselves upon the child as on a photographic plate ; they are ' assimilated , ' i.e. , deformed by the living being who comes under their sway , and they are incorporated into his own substance " ( p. 256 ) . Piaget ( 1969 ) explained , " according to this view , the organizing activity of the subject must be considered just as important as the connections inherent in the external stimuli , for the subject becomes aware of these connections only to the degree that he can assimilate them by means of his existing structures " ( p. 5 ) . Adult rules , standards , criteria , and many kinds of memorization required of students are simply imposed , nor can they necessarily be regarded as part of a child 's own knowledge . <p> If children construct but do not internalize knowledge , how does this occur ? Piaget used the concepts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the child constructs knowledge through the interplay of egocentric encounters with intervening reality . However , in Piaget 's theory the processes that control knowledge creation are unclear . As presented by Piaget , assimilation and accommodation are vague and insufficient to explain learning ; they do not expose the processes or relate them to the sources that regulate them , although it is clear from Piaget 's writings that both the context and the child 's reactions to it cause disturbances of the mental processes toward construction . In many conversations with children recorded by Piaget , there are important clues that may explain what processes stimulate and accompany the construction of knowledge . For example , children often preferred certain activities over others . Interest , curiosity , and surprise played an important role , but these circumstances typically received no elaboration by Piaget who , as an interrogator , observer , and recorder , ignored such reaction , but they are of intense interest to the teacher . <p> As we have indicated , Piaget 's notions of assimilation and accommodation must not be equated with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , assimilation is an active response to a minor perturbation , and accommodation is an active response to a major perturbation of the child 's existing representations of the world , when new experiences do not conform to internal expectations , when the child is confused or astonished by something at variance with personal expectations or beliefs about how reality ought to be . <p> Under the influence of the computer-inspired information processing theory ( Niesser , 1967 ) , it has been fashionable in education to describe construction as breaking down externally available knowledge into pieces , often known as features , and piecing them back together by connections ( Rumelhart , 1977 ) . This model seems to be consistent with common approaches to disassembling knowledge for effective teaching ( Rosenshine &; Stevens , 1986 ; Good &; Brophy , 1991 ) , using task analysis and behavioral objectives , and developing lesson plans . This type of constructive internalization is said to occur and continue consciously until the connections among features become strong and automatic through repetitions ( Anderson , 1990 ) . The **30;583;TOOLONG view of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although this is the theoretical basis for most school learning . <p> In all levels ( cell , organism , species ) , there are no isolated parts or elements , everything is dependent upon the whole that pervades it . Rather than the parts determining the whole , or the whole existing without regard for the parts , the whole and the parts form a reciprocal system that sustains the viability of all . Piaget 's terminology may be vague but his views based on genetic epistemology may be vague but his views based on genetic epistemology are consistent with organismic biological functioning . Thus , we can clarify Piaget 's concept without altering his theory significantly . The Brain 's Biofunctional Structures and Processes <p> Recent research on biofunctional cognition has led to the conclusion that learning ought to be viewed as reorganization rather than internalization of knowledge ( Iran-Nejad , 1990 ) . Piaget 's developmental theory of assimilation and accommodation may be reinterpreted as involving reorganizational learning processes . Assimilation occurs when children reorganize external information to bring it in line with their internal knowledge , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gain new insights into their prior understanding of the external world . This interpretation of Piaget 's notion of constructivism as assimiliation and accommodation , as opposed to knowledge internalization , coasts anew light on this other developmental concepts such as conservation and adaptation . It is compatible with his notion of developmental stages , and extend this theory without significantly changing it . <p> Piaget used schema in his writings , a term that has caused considerable confusion in the educational literature . We propose construction as the gradual development of thematic knowledge ( Iran-Nejad , 1989 ) , which may be related to but not equal to " schema " or mental structures of constructivism . An important qualification , in line with Piaget 's theory , is that schemes are not program-like , long-term memory structures of modern information processing theory . From a biofunctional viewpoint , the brain continually retains live representations or constructions under active ( intentional ) and dynamic ( spontaneous ) self-regulation ( Iran-Neja , 1989 , 1990 ) . <p> There is direct and live awareness of ongoing constructions through executive self-regulation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulates the activity of its own components , as in problem-solving , and through nonexecutive self-regulation , which occurs dynamically when components of the system regulate their activity spontaneously according to biological principles of organization . Dynamic activity is much more extensive than conscious , intentional activity . This is evident in the preponderance of Piagetian research that reveals that children are often unaware of underlying reasoning and have great difficulty describing their thoughts when asked to explain their decisions , similar to the difficulty of experts mentioned above . Children can sing but do not generate a theory of music ; they speak but do not list the rules of grammar ; they can solve problems but are unable to specify their underlying reasoning . <p> We have reinterpreted Piaget 's concepts of assimilation and accommodation as involving reorganizational learning processes , and his notion of schemas as ongoing themes . We can give a more elaborate reinterpretation of the learner-centered aspect of Piaget 's theory in terms of biofunctional cognition . To understand learning from the learner 's perspective , we must understand biofunctional self-regulation . The main @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulated . Sources of Self-Regulation <p> Reorganization results from the sources of self-regulation that influence knowledge construction : external ( or stimulation-regulated ) , dynamic ( or subsystem-regulated ) , and active ( or person-regulated ) . Changes in external figures , grounds , or their relationships ( external control ) initiate corresponding changes in the form of assimilation or accommodation as defined here , in the relationships of internal structures , a process which the two internal control sources ( dynamic and active ) join to regulate . In keeping with Piagetian theory , we presume that all biological structures tend toward increasingly complex equilibrations of organization . <p> Construction of knowledge is a process of self-regulation that surpasses simple memory explanations ( Palmer &; Goetz , 1988 ; Schmeck , 1988 ; Weinstein , Goetz , &; Alexander , 1988 ; Zimmerman &; Schunk , 1989 ) . The biofunctional model asserts that knowledge is thematic live awareness an evolving and indivisible product of ongoing brain functioning . In this perspective , the central nervous system is capable of engaging in higher-level functions ( those under executive or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not actively involved in monitoring and controlling thousands of processes . This permits extensive control-free or attention-free constructive activity . Instead of allocating attention to every detail , the central nervous system delegates , so to speak , attention or responsibility for learning to the subsystems of the nervous system ( Iran-Nejad , 1990 ) , which operate dynamically ( or spontaneously ) . <p> Constructivism is dynamic intelligence , the parts organize in a coordinated system which work together to solve a problem when the individual is interested , challenged , or goal directed , but no necessarily aware of the details of the ongoing processes . Because knowledge is created dynamically , any change in one part has spontaneous ( context-determined , as opposed to connection-determined ) implications for the functioning of other parts , a central feature of Piagetian theory considered as part-to-whole interactions . Every combination of the parts is a new combination and not just an algorithm , switched-on program , or information retrieval . All information is constantly live , although not always conscious , and even combinations that repeat the past exactly ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past but does not copy it . Constructivism and Memory <p> The individual reconstructs the past idio-syncratically . It is possible that intervening knowledge acquired since an event will alter the reconstruction of the original event , such as recalling things that never happened . This could not occur firecall were connection determined and program-like . Schwartz and Reisberg ( 1991 ) note : " ... it appears that the true , objective past is not what is remembered . Instead , what is preserved is the past-as-under-stood , with no advantage for the exact event as it actually unfolded ( p. 345 ) . " The " past as understood " may encompass a variety of factors , including such aspects as motivation , interest , or state of receptivity at the time that permit incorporation of new knowledge and give meaning or " understanding " to an event . <p> An assumption underlying most educational and psychological theories is that the brain is principally a memory system . Confer ( 1990 ) has called for more research on the issues of memory and reflective abstraction in constructivism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memory has been useful , Confer points out that it has not explained why certain conceptions of children are so persistent and how reconstruction , rather than retrieval , occurs . <p> Intelligence probably did not evolve as the nervous system 's solution to memory requirements but as a response to problems of survival in a natural environment ( Marsh &; Iran-Nejad , 1992 ) . If memory occurs in constructivism , it is because it is constructed for some internal , personal reason . As Piaget noted , memories are contorted as they are assimilated by the child to meet immediate needs . Piaget ( 1969 ) discounts the importance of memory in learn-may play some part , and he said that not all conservation of the past is memory : " All schemas continue to function independently of ' memory ' " ( p. 81 ) . This is consistent wit the biofunctional model . <p> The human nervous system and its processes evolved to solve survival problems in a natural environment , a major concern for most human beings over the last 50,000 years than . Memory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not explicit memory processes , as proposed by long-term storage metaphors of modern information processing theory ( e.g. , Rumelhart , 1980 ) or by network metaphors of parallel distributed processing connectionism ( Rumelhart , Smolensky , McClelland , &; Hinton , 1986 ) . Human intelligence did not evolve principally as the nervous system 's solution to memory requirements ( study , reading , writing , and so forth ) but through responses to problems in a natural environment . The very relationship an organism holds on an ongoing basis with its environment is the context for knowledge creation , not compartmentalized and dissociated . Ong ( 1982 ) clarifies this point : <p> " Human beings in primary oral cultures , those untouched by writing in any form , learn a great deal and possess and practice great wisdom , but they do not ' study . ' ... They learn by apprenticeship -hunting with experienced hunters , for example - by discipleship , which is a kind of apprenticeship , by listening , by repeating what they hear , by mastering proverbs and ways of combining and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participation in a kind of corporate retrospection - not by study in the strict sense " ( p. 9 ) . <p> In traditional classroom instruction the words of the teacher , words in print , and other activities , including required memorization , are the major vehicles for " carrying information " to pupils . Children who do not remember well what the teacher said or the content of books may be considered to have memory and learning problems . But memorizing the knowledge others have created is often not successful because knowledge is not a ready-made , transferable product but , rather , a product of the learner 's thinking created in a multisource context . Learning in Context <p> The child gradually acquires a set of themes that represent the world reliably for most purposes . The learning of abstract knowledge contained in textbooks requires the same processes as those required in learning the concrete world surrounding the newborn . What changes is the influence of the three sources of self-regulation and the nature of the internal context where sources of self-regulation interact . <p> Any organism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Internal events may require great attention although external self-regulation is not apparent . To attract a child 's attention and stimulate interest , the school can influence a child in many ways ( films , games , social interactions , and reinforcement ) . For dynamic learning to occur , alert attention must arise within the child under internal controls . For learning to follow a natural ( authentic ) course , curiosity must replace teacher directed questions , reflection must replace prescriptive resources , and simultaneous construction must replace piecemeal construction . Thematic knowledge must prevail , not merely the typical categorical knowledge creation expected in classrooms . <p> We use thematic knowledge to build an internal context to support ongoing sources of self-regulation . But children usually have no direct experience with the content of school subjects to which they listen or read that is sufficient to build internal contexts . Such information is irrelevant and does not provoke assimilation and accommodation . Initially , they often lack the experience , and thus internal structures to support the isolated concepts to which they are exposed . Subsequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making it impossible to alter their views , add to the knowledge , or to reorganize it . Learning that is relegated strictly to external control of list-like memorization is easily forgotten and not meaningfully related to internal themes . Learning occurs best if it is related to authentic interest , as implied in dynamic learning . In fact , " good " students usually memorize information to satisfy school evaluation requirements . This is one reason that performance assessment is advocated instead of factual testing ( Weinberg , 1989 ) . In authentic learning , when a process is replicated , it does so more effectively than before through organic , flexible learning , similar to equilibration states that support the assimilation and accommodation described by Piaget . The system works by integration and self-regulation of parts , changing with each reconstruction as new environmental challenges are encountered . <p> In classroom activities where the teacher talks most of the time , the learner is required to exert a great deal of attention ( a difficult task ) , comprehend terms the teacher uses ( a more difficult task @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information ( an often impossible task ) , make judgements about the quality and significance of the information ( an unrealistic task ) , attempt to write down as much as possible ( a torturous task ) , and memorize for later reproduction the information presumed to be important ( for most students , the only conceivable task ) . The student must also sit in uncomfortable chairs and do this continually five to six hours a day , five days a week . There is little opportunity , beyond memorization , to create and act upon new knowledge . <p> Classroom " learning " is unnatural and something that does not occur in the early years of life when a child learns a language , and something most adults avoid after they have escaped formal education . The implications of constructivism , and of our elaborations on it , are to argue that children must have access to the same natural learning processes they employ before the enter school , and later , outside traditional classroom environments where interest and dynamic functions operate . In the unnatural classroom environment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ survival needs or for any reason at all . A child who develop interest in butterflies or baseball comes to " know " things about them for personal reasons , just as our distant ancestors came to know about scavenging , hunting , and gathering , or our more recent ancestors came to know about building cathedrals . Repetitions of experiences with objects or ideas in the environment form the cognitive structures of the intellect that , always active , can themselves be interrelated internally through multiple sources . Thus , one-to-one correspondence or formal operational though are not external realities but are serf-constructed knowledge for a purpose . Implications for Teaching <p> Confrey ( 1990 ) described how the work of Piaget influenced the development of curricula in various disciplines that sought to weave organizing concepts into the curriculum beginning in the early grades , but less attention was placed on the fact that children have idiographic ways of understanding that may differ or conflict with beliefs held by experts . What was ignored , according to Confrey , was that a child " develops certain perspectives and beliefs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may or may not correspond well with the views of disciplinary experts " ( p. 8 ) . On the other hand , although Piaget avoided making recommendations about how to teach children , this statement provides insight to his thoughts on the matter : <p> As for those new methods of education that have had the most durable success , and which without doubt constitute the foundation of tomorrow 's active school , they all more or less draw their inspiration from a doctrine of the golden mean , allowing room both for internal structural maturation and also for the influences of experience and of the social and physical environment . As opposed to the traditional school , which denies the existence of the first of these factors by identifying the child with the adult from the outset , these methods take the stages of mental development into account ; but , as opposed to those theories based on the idea of purely hereditary maturation , they also believe in the possibility of influencing that development . ( Piaget &; Inhelder , 1970 , pp. 169-170 . <p> Piaget @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but evidently he thought is possible . His closet collaborator , Inhelder , apparently believed in this possibility . Karmiloff-Smith and Inhelder ( 1975 ) employed three active strategies ( instruction ) in a research project to investigate the effects of instruction on changing children 's thinking during activities . <p> Teachers want to know exactly what to do to influence development . Thus , schools have eagerly seized the stages of mental development in an attempt to define the school curriculum and make a cookbook of teaching strategies . Taking the chronological ages defining Piagetian stages , activities have been developed to teach children , directly , the tasks used by Piaget in assessing mental development . However , this is not a curriculum . If educators have been dissatisfied they should not blame Piaget , for his theory has been altered beyond its original intent . <p> Many educators and psychologists have interpreted Piagetian theories variously as rigid developmental stages or phases that could be " speeded up " developmentally by a proper curriculum , or as milestones indicating what king of subject matter to teach . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can finally understand like an adult . Piaget and Inhelder ( 1958 ) concluded that the adolescent can begin to build " systems " or " theories , " but the child can not build systems and " never thinks about his own thought " ( p. 339 ) . This is discouraging to those who would directly influence the childs thought . <p> A more comprehensive way of influencing experience may be to account for the stages by establishing methods that stimulate mental development more naturally . In a natural environment , unlike a classroom learning is multisource in nature . This occurs because divers sources ( or factors with diverse origins ) are simultaneously available but never when some of the sources are unavailable . In the artificial classroom , the multisource hypothesis implies that little learning occurs during isolated part-experiences because they are removed from dynamic experience . <p> The brain is best considered in terms of its natural exteroceptive sensory interaction with the world , or the relationship between experience and behavior that Piaget explored , rather than in terms of hypothetical non-biological systems . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Survival needs and interest are important because they are responsible for stimulating problem-solving behaviors . The capability for interest and subsequent problem-solving behavior may have been important in the evolution of the species , and it is evident in dynamic learning . Dynamic learning is also more efficient . Active or deliberate learning requires executive control and concentration on a certain set of information . Dynamic learning entails spontaneous delegation of responsibility to processes other than executive control ; all processes , however , work simultaneously , which is compatible with Piagetian constructs of assimilation and accommodation as reorganization of internal knowledge . <p> In authentic real-world learning , children can use various sources to contribute to learning , but they are greatly limited by less-than authentic school contexts . As children grow older , their learning becomes increasingly intentional , analytic , and potentially very sequential because of the academic contexts . This is why , departing from the natural dynamism of the brain , the child engages in learning activities that are uninteresting . Traditional academic tasks are not generated by the learner . Information is presented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isolated experiences , academic tasks differ significantly from authentic learning . <p> In the dynamic perspective , the learner is naturally attuned to multiple sources of control . Consider the following learning processes : attention , inquiry , closure , combination , knowledge creation , and metacognition ( Iran-Nejad , 1989 ) . These learning processes are highly versatile regarding the sources that regulate them . They can operate under the control of external stimulation , as in reactive attention , surprise , orientation , component independent functioning , categorical knowledge creation , and piecemeal metacognition . They can operate under deliberate ( intentional ) control of the individual learner as in paying deliberate attention , self-questioning , prediction , sequential combination , propositional knowledge creation , and procedural metacognition . And they can operate dynamically as in alert attention , curiosity , postdiction ( understanding with the benefit of hindsight ) , simultaneous combination , thematic knowledge creation , and reflective metacognition . <p> We propose that the very same processes are responsible for learning by the newborn child and the expert alike , because what varies from one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changing equilibrium , are the internal sources of control that regulate the operation of these processes . In the traditional classroom the child is not permitted to use whole-experiences or to learn dynamically but is usually limited to narrow " active " processes : concentrating in order to pay attention , posing self-questions or creating mnemonics . It may be true that experts engage in self-questioning or create mnemonics also , but more often this is because of metacognition that fits into a comprehensive strategy directed by internal knowledge structures . In a dynamic mode , holding a child 's attention means controlling the internal structures or external sources of input that stimulate high interest . Paying attention is an active process that may be forced upon the child by the environment or the teacher . It may also be considered as part of the leaner 's intention to master some information . <p> Considering traditional teaching from the child 's point of view , classroom learning is mysterious , confusing , and arbitrary . As Pechman ( 1992 ) notes : " schools try to teach children to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dictionaries , scientific procedures-but many children find few opportunities outside of school to practice what they are taught . The resulting in authenticity of classroom activity makes it difficult for children to see how school learning applies to their lives " ( p. 33 ) . <p> The challenge for education is to conduct research and to devise classroom learning activities that coincide with constructive or dynamic principles . Such activities must permit multiple sources of control to interact with the natural learning processes that create knowledge . Attention must be directed and controlled by the individual , as an outgrowth of interest and problem-solving behavior , not controlled by the environment or forced by the teacher . Curiosity must be stimulated for intrinsic learning . <p> Many learning activities in classrooms are directed by prediction , pre-reading questions , and study skills . These serve to focus attention of the learner on what should be remembered or memorized , or what the teacher or the author thinks is important . Postdiction is a more authentic strategy because it causes the learner to reevaluate , reinterpret , and reorganize internal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) noted : <p> An assimilatory schema becomes anticipatory in relation to the comparisons which lie in the future when it has undergone a sufficient degree of remoulding and readaptation in the light of hindsight ... The interplay of hindsight and anticipation is what lies behind the most remarkable feature of these observations : the fact that our subjects can abstract qualifies which are common to quite a large number of elements . ( p. 246 ) . <p> The information incorporated and reshaped ( reorganized ) by the learner should be thematic in structure , not sequential and mnemonic . Propositional and categorical knowledge rely on algorithms and rote but not judgment . High-er-order thinking skills emerge from the natural brain activity of the learner who has learned to use knowledge , connect old and new knowledge , and derive conclusions based on personal experiences . But this kind of knowledge may be very difficult to assess and certainly difficult for the learner to explain in terms of a cognitive development and to " listen to and mine what kinds of mental operations are used is something rarely attempted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requires different training than that which is now provided in teacher education or alternative certification programs . Conclusions <p> Advances in the ability to influence cognitive development can be made through research in the learning processes ( attention , inquiry , closure , combination , knowledge creation , and metacognition ) and their sources of control ( external , deliberate , and dynamic ) . While considerable attention in psychology and education has been devoted to the learning processes , much of it guided by Piagetian constructivism , little research has focused on the interaction of processes and the sources that regulate them in a dynamic system . Constructivism , as a force in education , should proceed as a process of continuing research about how natural brains engage in authentic learning . It should also unfold as a process of continuing research into the factors that turn classrooms into inviting , multisource environments . Thus far , however , constructivism has no clear models to reveal how logical knowledge is constructed by processes of reflection and abstraction in classrooms <p> For the teacher , constructivism requires the role of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keen observations , guessing , and hunches about how to create a proper setting for students to construct knowledge for themselves . Reflective teachers refrain from giving answers directly but may use prompting questions that encourage further thought and exploration , based on intuition about the students ' internal states . <p> Equally important and little understood is the role of the classroom social environment . Piaget contended that both logical and social knowledge are created because of conflict and arguments with peers , and very little because of questioning and explanations . As Piaget and other have pointed out , the peer group causes cognitive disequilibrium . Children can motivate , challenge , and stimulate knowledge creation , apparently much better than adults . It is also clear from Piaget 's early interests and his later writings that he regarded intellectual development of the child as a component within a social system . <p> Although much of a child 's thinking is egocentric and communications are not socialized ( Piaget , 1955 ) , it is important to recognize that " the fact of being or not being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought from the outside , but is a constitutive feature of profound significance for the shape and structure which reasoning may assume " ( p. 67 ) . The child must learn communication because of external forces making it necessary to be communication because of external forces making it necessary to be communicate and to be understood . Piaget suggested that it may be through quarreling " that children first come to feel the need for making themselves understood " ( p. 83 ) , a point of view highly regarded by others , such as Frey and Lupart ( 1987 ) and Liben ( 1987 ) . It is at these junctures where the interactions of the child with adult models and other children can shed light on the potential impact of instruction , perhaps as dynamic contexts that stimulate the child to action , as in wanting to be understood or to prevail in an argument or a point of view . <p> While some research has focused on how children learn in specific disciplines , particularly mathematics , and science , constructivist educational theory lacks answers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ content interesting to a child and attract and sustain attention , intrinsically rather than by relying on extrinsic reinforcement schedules or the Premack principle ? What steps or procedures attract attention , hold attention , and lead to self-directed attention to the school 's subject matter ? What events , behaviors , and types of environments or interactions stimulate curiosity ? How does curiosity lead to self-questioning ? What external events in the environment can be intentionally introduced-as attention catching and surprising-to invoke interest ? What can we learn from the home environment and children 's play , or the successful entertainment industry that eclipse the classroom in driving student interest and motivation ? Call examination of these contexts lead to implications for a classroom environment ? How can school activities be developed that use simultaneity and produce thematic knowledge ? How do we find the correct mixture of teacher control and student freedom in learning ? What kind of learning environment provides students with a sense of ownership of their own learning ? How can we foster basic and higher-order thinking skills simultaneously and not sequentially ? How do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Carpenter ( 1986 ) have red , we know much more about how children learn mathematics and other disciplines than we know about how to use such knowledge for instruction . We need to know how to apply such knowledge to teaching . Confer ( 1990 ) has also noted that , although there should be integration of teaching and learning perspectives , knowledge about how to teach children to develop conceptions is lacking . Knowing the child 's cognition will be essential but insufficient for teaching . <p> The problem of instruction is captured by Kindsbetter , Wilen , and Ishler ( 1989 ) : <p> To the extent that teachers operate primarily on the basis of personal experience , they perform analogously to the tribal medicine man . Through his use of both mystique and proficiency with primitive medicines , he may actually perform a valuable service to his fellow tribespeople . His practice , however , lacks a rationally developed base . Little change occurs in his practice from generation to generation because there is essentially no understanding of the causes , and instead simply a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> For education to progress on a rational basis , we believe it will arise with research that accepts the natural brain as the context for study in a natural learning environment . While constructivism already provides a solid direction toward answers to many questions , we still must learn how to implement " constructivist teaching . " We may achieve classroom environments where children ask questions , erect theories , pursue solutions , engage in collaborative work , and simultaneously enjoy school while they learn . But constructivism must not be some kind of program added to the curriculum , a revision of direct teaching , or merely a way of teaching higher-order thinking skills . We have argued that it must draw upon the sources of control we have described above . It is here that we are more likely to find answers to questions about learning and rational instruction , and only then can we begin to organize classroom contexts compatible with the natural brain . <p> Constructivism may be the basis for reforming education and improving " thinking " skills . However , there is no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we answer some important questions . As Lipman ( 1991 ) said : <p> If we fail to come to grips with the practice - the ways in which reflective education can actually take place in the classroom - we will be just as likely to fall prey to misunderstanding as those lives are filled with practice and devoid of theory ( p. 15 ) . <p> Another problem is that direct instruction , which has been based on several decades of process-product research , has been rated in most teacher training curricula , state educational standards , and even legislation . The " effective " teaching methods derived from this research tradition have been summarized and recommended as generalizable methods to be applied in any classroom , regardless of content . A fundamental assumption in direct instruction , owing to both reductionist influences of behaviorism and process-product research , is that knowledge exist as a separate entity that can be decontextualized and broken into small pieces to be learned . Research in constructivism , particularly domain specific research , is incompatible with direct instruction , philosophically and structurally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not consonant with standardized test criteria . <p> The changing environment of education can create complications , such as reconciling constructivism with such trends as outcomes-based education-which is founded on the intention to define , design , deliver , and document instruction and assessment in terms of intended outcomes . Outcomes can apparently be intermediate or minimal competencies ( mastery ) and developmental outcomes ( integrated products ) . Thus , the emphasis is on mastery , which contrasts sharply with constructivism . Out-comes-based education is employed to change schools , hold them accountable , and monitor them based on expressed outcomes . Standards , even if documented in " real-world " ways , can be antagonistic to constructivism , depending upon the structure developed by the school curriculum . Alternative or authentic assessment ( portfolio being one example ) is not necessarily congruent with constructivism if the curriculum is based on outcomes-based education or other models for accountability . <p> For knowledge to be considered more than information and for children to become constructive in the classroom , the curriculum must be changed and we must develop methods of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is little evidence that we know how to capture the interests of children or to affect goal-directed behavior . If constructivism is to succeed as a method of classroom learning , there is much to learn about the ways to make learning appealing , interesting , goal directed , and relevant-in other words more natural . <p> Perhaps almost everyone can agree we should teach children to think , but we need to be certain that we agree on what we mean by thinking and know how to teach it . While students ' needs can not " be fulfilled merely by raising educational standards and requiring teachers to administer increasingly complex curricula developed out of context " ( Black &; Ammon , 1992 , p. 333 ) , we need carefully conceived models to replace what now exists . Obviously , constructivism in the traditional classroom will encounter significant obstacles which , without considerable redesign of the entire process , sets up an attempt to resolve competing philosophies that may result in a corruption of both approaches to learning . If the death knell sounds for constructivism in education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past that were hurried into classrooms by enthusiastic teachers and charismatic leaders , it may fail either because it was misunderstood or we did not know enough to implement if effectively . <p>
@@4009341 The supervisor of interns in the public schools needs to be a caring person who has excellent human relations skills . He/she needs to have carefully chosen objectives to implement in providing the best of experiences for interns . The intern of today needs to be a professional who will soon be a teacher of America 's most precious heritage -- our children . <p> Interns and cooperating teachers , working as a team , need assistance from the university supervisor so that the former develops into becoming a professional teacher . I have supervised interns for approximately thirty years and find that there are something like ten principles of learning that are very worthwhile for supervisory purposes . Interns do need to be given guidance and guidelines to perform at the highest level possible . These guidelines might well be called principles of learning , devised from the psychology of education ( Ediger , 1994 ) . Principles of Learning and the Intern <p> First , the intern needs to be given assistance to provide meaningful learning opportunities for pupils in the public schools . To possess meaning , pupils should be able to say in their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pupils indicate that they understand what has been learned . Perhaps , the indicator here should also stress other than verbal ways to reveal what has been learned . Howard Gardner ( 1993 ) has identified nine intelligences , also called Multiple Intelligences ( MI ) . Thus there are the following ways that interns should realize that pupils may indicate learning that have been acquired . These intelligences are : verbal/linguistic , logical/mathematical , visual/spatial , musical , bodily/kinesthetic , nature and the natural world , the human condition , interpersonal , and intrapersonal . For example , pupils taught might reveal learnings through any of these nine intelligences . Thus instead of showing learnings through interpersonal means ( committee work ) , the pupil may wish to work alone ( intrapersonal approaches ) . Or , instead of indicating what has been learned through oral approaches ( verbal/linguistic ) , the learner might wish to reveal what has been learned through an art project ( visual , spatial ) . The method chosen by pupils to reveal learnings acquired might well depend upon a preferred intelligence , from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a meaningful way for a pupil to show what has been achieved . <p> Second , the intern needs to provide interesting learning opportunities to pupils . These learning opportunities capture the interests of students . Attention is then given to the activity/experience provided by the intern . Interest in learning is a powerful factor in having pupils achieve as well as possible . With careful planning , the intern might well capture pupil attention through interesting activities being presented , the pupil and the curriculum have then become one , not separate entities . With interest in learning , the pupil can better concentrate on the presentations being offered by the intern . A variety of learning opportunities has a better chance of obtaining learner interests as compared to a single or a few activities ( Ediger , Elementary Education , 1996 ) . <p> Third , the intern needs to guide pupils to perceive purpose in learning . With purpose , reasons are accepted by the pupil for participating in ongoing activities . The accepted reasons for participating in the curriculum make for active involvement in learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the middle , and the end of each unit of study . If pupils are not attending to the lesson and unit being taught , they should be reminded of the purposes involved in learning at different intervals in the unit of study . <p> Fourth , quality sequence should be in the offing for pupils in ongoing lessons and units of study . With good sequence , previously acquired knowledge and skills provide readiness for new goals to be achieved . The sequence experienced by pupils makes for new goals to be achieved . The sequence experienced by pupils makes for increasingly more complex learnings for each pupil . Learners individually should experience optimum growth and achievement . In a logical sequence , the intern/cooperating teacher determine the order of objectives for pupil attainment . In a psychological sequence , the pupil orders his/her own experiences such as in individualized reading . Usually , there will be both logical as well as psychological experiences for pupils in the classroom setting . <p> If the new objective is excessively difficult to attain , frustration on the part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sequential objective is too easy to achieve , boredom might well set in on the part of the learner . By observing and learning as much as possible about each learner in the classroom , the intern might well provide better sequence in learning . <p> Fifth , problem solving skills need to be developed by pupils . Problem solving is important presently in school as well as in society . With problem solving stressed in all curriculum areas , the intern must set the stage for this type of learning . Thus , pupils perceive a need for problem identification . A problem is then developed by the learner individually or within a collaborative setting . The problem needs to possess clarity so solutions can be found . After the problem is clear to learners , information should be found in terms of securing answers . A variety of reading and audiovisual aids needs to be used as information sources . Also , it is vital for pupils to use modern technology in information gathering . The answer to the problem is tentative , not final , The tentative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> Problem solving certainly emphasizes higher levels of cognition as a skill . This is a challenging kind of learning experience for which pupils put forth mush effort since they identified the problem and went through the flexible steps with intern/cooperating teacher assistance . Generally with interest and purpose in a problem area identified , pupils will carry out the tasks to completion , even though difficulties are involved ( Smith , 1996 ) . <p> Sixth , critical thinking is important to emphasize in ongoing lessons and units of study . With critical thought , pupils are encouraged to make comparisons and contrasts in information obtained . Pupils should also analyze fact from opinion , accurate from inaccurate statements as well as reality from fantasy . Critical thinking is important for learners in many ways . Here , the pupil sorts out what is good , true , and beautiful from that which tends to be the opposite , such as drug abuse , alcoholism , physical abuse among other forms of abuse , and unwholesome sexual relations . Worthy contributions to the self without self destructive behavior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good of all . <p> Seventh , pupils need assistance by the intern/cooperating teacher to stress pupils engaging in creative thinking . With creative thought , pupils come up with novel ideas , unique to the self . These ideas are attempts to close gaps in knowledge and skills possessed . Improvements certainly do come about due to creative minds and endeavors . When changes are made from what is to what should be , someone or some group has been creative in thinking to close gaps . Originality of thought , not conformity , emphasizes creativity . <p> Eighth , The intern not only should develop interests of learners in a new unit of study , but also maintain involved interests . Many interns find it difficult to assist pupils to maintain interests in the learning opportunities provided . The best bet here is for the intern to provide a variety of learning activities for pupils . There are many opportunities for pupils to learn from . These include incorporating diverse reading materials , computers , internet , E-mail , videotapes , filmstrips , slides , cassettes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> With a variety of learning opportunities used in each unit of study taught , pupils may find those which assist in providing for individual talents , interests , and abilities . Each pupil should be assisted to achieve as optimally as possible . Interpersonal and intrapersonal development are equally important . Pupils individually should achieve well in the academic , social , emotional , and physical arenas . These area of growth need to be reflected in the different learning opportunities provided for pupils . <p> Ninth , the intern should assist pupils to use the community in learning . There are excellent learning opportunities in using excursions to link the school and the community . School and community should not be isolated from each other . Pupils are in school presently and later on will be working in a work place . It is good presently to stress pupils being an integral part of society . Pupils also need to become worthy members of and contribute in the societal arenas . Organizations such as 4H , Girls Scouts , Boy Scouts , Campfire Girls , among other wholesome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , increasingly so , as they progress through the sequential levels of schooling ( Ediger , Journal of Instructional Psychology , 1996 . <p> Tenth , pupils need to become responsible individuals . The home and school need to work together for the good of the pupil to achieve more optimally . Which are selected areas of responsibility for pupils to achieve in ? Homework assignments made by the intern/cooperating teacher need to be completed by pupils . If pupils do not understand what to do in homework assignments , they should ask questions so that responsible behavior is in evidence . An appropriate place to study should be in the offing . The home and the school should have conferences frequently so that the pupil may build on past experiences and attain relevant objectives . In the home setting , there are numerous responsibilities for pupils to be involved in such as keeping their own rooms neat , clean and tidy . Conclusion <p> It is important for interns to use desired principles of learning from the psychology of education . These guidelines provide direction and guidance in selecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should achieve more optimally as a result . <p> Interns/cooperating teachers who are well prepared for each lesson and unit taught should fare well in the instructional arena . Pupils who do not do well should have their work diagnosed to determine the cause(s) for a lack of progress . Specific reasons for a lack of pupil progress are then noticed . A new strategy of instruction should be in the offing . Learners need to be challenged to attain as much as individual abilities permit ( See Ediger , 1997 ) . <p>
@@4009441 A determined middle school principal succeeded in gaining nearly unanimous parental support for implementing a voluntary uniform program to make her at-risk school a safer and more positive place to learn . The article concisely describes the program and explains how she communicated program strengths achieving parental consensus , cooperation from the business community , and school board approval . <p> Research has consistently recognized a strong relationship between economic disadvantage and low norm-referenced test scores . Many schools with low academic achievement scores , low attendance rates , and high transiency percentages have high rates of students eligible for free or reduced lunches which researchers frequently use as a poverty indicator . Similarly , studies have found that the strongest predictor of school crime is the nature of the surrounding community , i.e. , communities with high levels of poverty and crime tend to have schools with high levels of crime ( Gottfredson and Gottfredson , 1985 ) . <p> In the Washoe County Schools , which include the cities of Reno , Sparks , and a portion of Lake Tahoe , one of the middle schools fitting the above socioeconomic profile has been working , not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ excellence . Led by Principal Debbie Feemster , the faculty , staff , and students at Traner Middle School have already improved reading scores on the norm-referenced TerraNova examinations . According to a school performance report ( 1999-2000 ) , truancy rates and the number of school suspensions have also declined with the implementation of a peer mediation program , family liaisons , and a family focus center . <p> In an effort to further enhance academic and social goals , the school 's parent/teacher organization discussed , researched , and voted to pilot a school uniform program commencing November 2000 . School officials used a variety of research studies and a manual published by the U.S. Department of Education which noted that " A safe and disciplined learning environment is the first requirement of a good school " ( 1998 ) . The manual stresses the importance of parental support and states that in recent years the strongest push for school uniforms has been initiated by parent groups-such as Traner's-seeking improved school safety . <p> Often school uniforms are less expensive than the clothing that students typically wear to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may be a burden on some families . Districts planning to institute a uniform policy should address this issue prior to implementation . Grants of assistance have been available from federal or state agencies and from private sources , and graduates typically donate their uniforms to the school . <p> The many perceived benefits of adopting a school uniform policy are summarized in the following eclectic listing : School safety . <p> -- Decreased violence and theft . <p> <p> -- The identification of nonstudent intruders . <p> <p> -- Prevention of gang attire . School attendance . <p> -- Less embarrassment over clothing could increase attendance . <p> <p> -- The safer the school , the more likely students will attend . Academic performance . <p> -- Increased attention on academics ( less on clothing ) . <p> <p> -- Higher expectations from teachers . Social benefits . <p> -- Uniforms may promote a sense of community and camaraderie . <p> <p> -- School uniforms lessen the difference between rich and poor . <p> <p> -- Less fashion-conscious school environment . <p> <p> -- Reduction in clothing-related peer conflict @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepare students for work world where expectations are greater . <p> <p> -- Uniforms create a sense of " teamwork . " <p> <p> -- Students are more likely to have a businesslike attitude . School administrator benefits . <p> -- More time spent on instructional leadership . <p> <p> -- Less time spent on clothing-related conflicts . Parental benefits . <p> -- Eliminating the discussion over what to wear to school . <p> <p> -- Uniforms promote efficiency and organization . <p> <p> -- Less pressure from children to purchase trendy , high-priced clothing . <p> School leaders and other stakeholders must decide whether to have a voluntary or mandatory school uniform policy . Voluntary policies are usually implemented by parental consensus through local PTAs or PTOs . Parents are not required to dress their children in uniforms , despite the fact that the policy recommends them . Under voluntary programs , schools are not required to buy uniforms for students whose parents can not afford them but most opt to do so . If children do not wear uniforms , they will not be reprimanded . A voluntary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usually implemented by a board of education or a similar administrative authority . Students are required to wear uniforms , although some exceptions-usually involving religious reasons-can be made . When parents can not afford uniforms , most schools supply them . According to the general counsel of the National Association of Secondary School Principals , " Clothing requirements are not considered a violation of their freedom of expression if there 's a valid educational reason for imposing them " ( Wingert , 1999 ) . <p> To gain firsthand experience and knowledge , Traner 's principal visited a successful mandatory school uniform program in Long Beach , California , which reportedly had achieved a 70% reduction in student discipline incidents . <p> Officials at Traner gained the support of over 90% of the parents and nearly the entire school population for a voluntary uniform program with the following goals : <p> <p> -- Increase school safety <p> <p> -- Increase attendance <p> <p> -- Identify non-students more readily <p> <p> -- Decrease the theft of clothing <p> <p> -- Prevent gang-related attire <p> The school district did not officially endorse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faced with working out such details as locating a low-priced uniform that would be popular with students and finding a source of funding to purchase uniforms for students who could not afford them . <p> Students were given the opportunity to participate in the uniform selection process , choosing tops in either of their school colors ( red or white ) and khaki-colored pants , skorts , or shorts . The school benefitted when a large discount store offered to individually size each student and order the uniforms-and at a greatly discounted rate . For example , students were able to purchase pants retailing for $20 for $12.50 . Tops and lined windbreakers with the school logo were sold for $14.00 and $22.00 , respectively . For the initial year of the pilot program , students were allowed to choose their own footwear , with white basketball shoes being recommended . Fridays were designated " casual days " when students could dress in regular attire . <p> The fund for purchasing uniforms for students who could n't afford them was quickly established with monetary gifts from a number of unsolicited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purchased washers and dryers so students could do their own laundry and received a grant to transport students staying late for homework or laundry duties . <p> According to the principal , when Traner 's uniform policy began implementation in November , the majority of students and about 70% of the faculty and staff wore uniforms , but as the school year ended seven months later , voluntary participation by students had dropped to about 50% . Although many of the goals of the uniform policy were at least partially successful , Ms. Feemster 's recommendation was the official adoption by the school board of a mandatory program . <p> Research regarding the effectiveness of school uniform implementation remains inconclusive . Supported by studies which indicate that school uniforms have little influence in reducing delinquency or gang activity , parents of a few students in districts with mandatory school uniform dress codes have challenged such policies in court ( ETS , 1998 ) . Schools which have adopted policies with the stated purpose of improving the quality of education have thus far prevailed as courts are apparently willing to permit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at providing a " safe and disciplined learning environment " ( Canady v. Bossier , 2001 ) . <p>
@@4009541 Section : Speaking Out <p> An issue that will continue to confront educators in the 1990s involves reshaping the curriculum to meet the interests and abilities of students as they move through this new decade . Examining this issue thoroughly can not but force educators to reevaluate their thinking about schools and schooling . Although I am not suggesting a revolutionary restructuring of education , I am proposing a change that may be revolutionary in any given school . Indeed , this change may make a difference in the dropout rate and the literacy level of any school population . The fact is that when students are in class , they are working with a curriculum that is simply outdated . <p> We need to change how we view our curriculum . I was interested in an article by Sam Crowell in Educational Leadership ( 1989 ) . He suggests that we move from a point of view of fragmentation to one of integration as we seek curriculum change . We must see the school as less of a place to study parts of a curriculum and more of a place to interact with specific subject matter as it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world . We must make major connections between content and process . We can no longer view these as separate topics . Our schools " have separate subjects , separate skills , separate objectives , separate evaluations , segmented continuums , linear methods , behavioral techniques , and isolated classrooms . Moreover , these practices convey to students a world of knowledge unrelated to meaning and a world in which outcome is independent of process " ( 61 ) . <p> What do we do ? There must be more cooperation in and among departments . Students must cooperate and collaborate with each other to solve problems found in and outside the classrooms and must draw on knowledge and processes that can come from social studies , science , English , and the rest of the traditional curriculum . The hue and cry of many folks in and out of education is that schools must teach students to think -- critically and creatively . My concern is that we give students nothing of substance to think about . Robert Sternberg ( 1985 ) offers a similar view : " Solving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequential problems of life " ( 198 ) . We are still feeding our secondary students pablum when they ought to have graduated to meat and potatoes ! Through this integration paradigm , the isolated elements of the school begin to disappear , and in their place surface more interdisciplinary teaching and learning . When this happens , relationships among and across disciplines increase , and knowledge and the processes by which that knowledge is attained have stronger and more direct meaning for students . They begin to see their education as much more relevant and meaningful . Now , I take the " quantum leap " and suggest that , as a result of this change , students will have more of an interest and a need to stay in school to learn the critical skills for survival . The following areas deserve attention . The Teaching of Writing <p> We have made great strides in the teaching of writing in schools . We must continue with this effort . Research is very clear when it relates writing and thinking . If young people are to face the challenges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking must be emphasized in our classrooms . Writing provides the vehicle for that thinking to take place . Through prewriting , revision , and even the act of writing itself , students are called upon to relate , connect , predict , associate , analyze , synthesize , and evaluate . By using the writing sequence , students sharpen their ability to think . <p> In the future , English/language arts teachers will need to do even better if this writing emphasis is going to make a difference . They must break away from the hold that grammar teaching has on them . Again , the research clearly and emphatically states that there is no relationship between the isolated teaching of grammar and the ability to write effectively . The 1986 report of the National Assessment of Writing states that , even with the emphasis on writing since the mid-seventies , " most students , majority and minority alike , are unable to write adequately except in response to the simplest of tasks " ( Applebee , Langer , and Mullis 1986 , 9 ) . I believe we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than just add on the writing emphasis . We must change the curriculum by removing the isolated drills in grammar study and include the study of language structure as students write and read . I am appalled when I see in schools ( mostly middle and junior high ) the time wasted trying to identify nouns , verbs , and other parts of speech from dummy sentences found in the grammar book . Weeks go by without writing . If we do n't follow the research and make these changes , we will continue to read the same results in the 1996 and 2006 national assessment reports . <p> **29;0;TOOLONG programs also hold considerable promise . Again , if we pursue my goal -- the integration of skills within and among disciplines -- writing in the content classes can add much to the learning process . Lynn Steen ( 1989 ) has written that " there is no better way to learn mathematics than by working in groups , by teaching mathematics to one another , by arguing about strategies , and by expressing arguments carefully in written form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , before having students read about a concept , teachers can find out what students already know about the subject by having them write for a short time . I 've seen a teacher introduce the concept of acid rain to students in an interdisciplinary study of the environment . Before introducing the material , students wrote about what they knew ; they then shared that with a partner , wrote again , and then shared again . By the time the teacher gave the students the material to read , they were already aware of many of the characteristics of acid rain . Their motivation to learn more about the subject was heightened tremendously . Writing to learn/writing across the curriculum offers much for the schools of the future . The English teacher and other content teachers must integrate writing first into the content currently found in the curriculum and then into newly created interdisciplinary units . The Teaching of Literature <p> We must continue to foster a positive attitude toward literature , so that students will read voluntarily rather than regard reading as a task to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to abstract models of correction to teaching writing by having students use their own voices , we need to continue to move away from the emphasis on literary criticism to the emphasis on the literature itself and the students ' response to it . We 've accomplished a great deal with this shift of teaching methodology . <p> Our challenge for the period ahead lies , therefore , in the area of content . One of the greatest assets the English teacher and other content teachers have is the young adult novel . Widely used as supplemental reading , the young adult novel unfortunately has yet to nudge the more standard , traditional ( sometimes classical ) literature from the curriculum . This traditional literature -- I call it " safe " literature -- offers no controversy -- no conflict with peers or parents , no conflict with the community , and , too often , no substance that the student feels is worth reading about . We do not need to remove all classics from the curriculum , but I am suggesting that there are many students in all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ These works offer very little that students find rewarding or that convinces the students that reading is worth the effort it takes . <p> The contemporary young adult novel , besides being good literature in itself , can serve purposes that no heavy adult classic can . It can give to students works of literature that they will find satisfying and exciting . It can also challenge their ideas about life and its meaning , but on terms that they can understand and accept . Equally important , these novels provide literature that most students can read successful day understand with reasonable ease , and talk about with other students . If we are interested in using literature to teach thinking skills to make connection with universal themes , to respond to important ideas , and to experience good writing , we must provide them with material that they can get excited about reading . really good young adult novels like Bette Green 's Summer of My German Soldier , Sue Ellen Bridgers ' All Together Now , Larry Bogard 's The Kolokol Papers , Richard Peck 's Are You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gentlehands , and Fran Arrick 's Chernowitz consider the same serious problems of humanity as the classics do , but they explore these issues in a way that young students find rewarding and meaningful . <p> Again , research in this area should give us pause . It is evident that the majority of adults do not read . When asked a question about their reading habits , most adults indicate they have read no books in the last year . Educators ought to ask why . Does it relate at all to the kind of literature program we offer our students ? Are we providing a curriculum that ultimately stops many adults from reading ? <p> I think the young adult novel may be very useful in another way . As transitional literature , the young adult novel may help the younger student move from the concern-for-oneself stage of reading appreciation to the aesthetic , creative stage of reading development . Used in this way , young adult literature serves as a bridge between childhood reading and the more mature reading of the high school junior or senior . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the elementary grades directly to the classics . If the classics are to be used at all they should be left to the more sophisticated reader , the type of student usually found on the upper high school level . <p> Now , how might the young adult novel be used outside the English class ? Whether the curriculum emphasizes the specific traditional disciplines or is comprised of multidisciplinary units , young adult novels and short stories can be incorporated either as supplemental reading or as regular classroom reading . A few examples will suffice : Madeline L. Engle 's and Jean Craughead George 's works may be used by the science teacher ; books by John Tunis , James Summers , Robert Lipsyte , and Chris Crutcher may be useful to the physical education teacher ; the social studies teacher would want to consider James and Christopher Collier 's The Bloody Country and My Brother Sam Is Dead , Bette Green 's Summer of My German Soldier , Anne Frank 's The Diary of a Young Girl , Sue Ellen Bridgers ' Notes for Another Life , M. E. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thunder Hear My Cry . Interdisciplinary Learning <p> There are strong forces that may inhibit quick changes in curriculum design . Most teachers at the middle and secondary level like the security of their content area within the single classroom . Also , with the clamor for accountability , most will not venture forth with something that does not fit or emphasize a traditional base curriculum . I believe this thinking must change . While these traditional methods may have worked in the past , and may in the present , although I doubt it , they certainly will not be effective in the future . As learning how to live in our constantly changing world becomes a primary survival skill , our present school curriculum -- teacher centered , fact oriented , textbook dominated , and presented in isolated periods of time with no connections among the various subject areas -- is not a realistic curriculum for the future . We must make a change . <p> I was impressed with a conference in which I participated m Boulder , Colorado ( 13-16June 1989 ) . The Interdisciplinary Learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought together educators from across the disciplines and from across the country to interact with each other about learning and teaching among disciplines . I was pleasantly surprised by the willingness of those that I met to integrate content in a multidisciplinary approach . Sure , there were the sceptics , but most of the people at the conference were either already doing some of it or were ready to go back to their schools to give it a try . While l accept that most people attending the conference were , perhaps , members of a unique group -- already committed to change -- it was exciting to hear what they saw as their mission when they returned to their districts . <p> Perhaps the challenge for English/language arts teachers is to take the initiative and leadership role with this curriculum change . Many of these teachers have been involved in similar curriculum arrangements for some time now . Elementary teachers for the most part are working with the whole-language approach , which certainly is an integrated curriculum within the language arts area but also across the other disciplines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thematic unit as the curriculum design . Teachers choose literature , language , writing , and oral activities around a central social or linguistic theme . This concept could easily be enlarged to include the content and skills found in social studies , math , science , foreign language , and other disciplines . Why not arrange the high school curriculum or a portion of it around a theme that would be of interest to students and still meet the academic responsibilities of the content field ? ? Investigations that center on the environment for example , certainly could involve all disciplines . A course called " American customs " would involve everyone , too . Students could explore communication , social , political , and religious customs . Although every lesson might not meet the interest of every student , it seems to me that we have a better chance of success if we move in this direction . Students at risk might be caught up in this theme as they compared their contemporary customs -- dress , travel , communication -- with the customs of the past . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are the systems -- social , political , mathematical , religious , biological , physical , communication -- that the nation ( or the world ) follows ? To tie the subject matter of the world to the school must be one of our new goals in education . <p> There have been a few well-known programs that follow this interdisciplinary approach . The Foxfire program in Georgia comes to mind , as does Project Wild and Project Learning Tree in Colorado and the innovations in the Fremont County School District in Wyoming . There are many others : some in which the whole school is involved ; others , on a much smaller scale , in which two departments join to create a unit . <p> Well , what will happen as we move through the 1990s ? I believe it can be a successful time in education if we follow what we have learned from research and experience : provide for a meaningful learning experience . Add to that the concept that the student is the center of the learning process , and we will have a good @ @ @ @ @ @ @
@@4009641 In discussing his method of doing research , Robert Coles ( 1990 ) describes several of his asssumptions : <p> .... we as human beings possess awareness or consciousness , and through language , we try to understand the world around us and convey what we have learned to others . I have also assumed that if I talked to people who were willing to share thoughts and feelings , express ideas , then I would feel a bit more informed . I stop well short of large-scale generalizations .... ( 22 ) <p> We share Coles 's assumptions . Students in a class taught by the first author are required to engage in dialogue regarding a values issue that is important to them . The values issue discussed here is the relationship between science and aesthetics . We make no generalizations from the dialogue . Rather , like Coles ( 1990 ) , we want " to learn from young people their exquisitely private sense of things . . . " ( 37 ) . Even though this was our modest intent , we also learned something about the art/science of teaching , which we share in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an edited dialogue between the teacher and juniors in a high school chemistry class , tape recorded with the students ' permission . The " I " of the conversation is the second author . Aesthetics and High School Chemistry <p> I have taught chemistry for several years at the high-school level . I am also interested in art . When I share these two interests with students , they often reply that I must feel divided , like two persons in one body . I have come to realize that many students view the sciences and the humanities as being mutually exclusive areas of human interest and inquiry . <p> I asked my chemistry class if they perceived science and aesthetics as mutually exclusive or as symbiotic , supportive concerns . <p> The response was a collective , " Huh ? " <p> I did not want to provide too much of a glimpse of my personal perspective by over-explaining what I meant . Instead , I read them a paragraph from a book by a bongo-playing , Nobel Prize-winning physicist , Richard Feynman , whom one student had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she had ever encountered . I had read excerpts from other physicists before , in the hope of convincing my students that scientists come in a plethora of shapes and sizes and are not limited to the mail-order , pocket-protector , Coke-bottle-glasses variety . <p> The following , from Feynman ( 1988 ) , is what I read : <p> I have a friend who 's an artist , and he sometimes takes a view which I do n't agree with . He 'll hold up a flower and say , " Look how beautiful it is , " and I 'll agree . But then he 'll say , " I , as an artist , can see how beautiful a flower is . But you , as a scientist , take it all apart and it becomes dull . " I think he 's kind of nutty . <p> . . . Although I might not be quite as refined aesthetically as he is , I can appreciate the beauty of a flower . But , at the same time , I see much more in the flower @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and other processes . There are all kinds of interesting questions that come from a knowledge of science , which only adds to the excitement and mystery and awe of a flower . It only adds . I do n't understand how it subtracts. ( 27-28 ) <p> I told the students that both Richard and the artist could be right and that I wanted to know how they felt . <p> One student spoke up . " Well , ever since you told us why the sky is blue , whenever I walk around outside and see the sky , it seems better , prettier because I know why now . " <p> " You know , " said another , " I hated science before chemistry . " <p> Someone in the back of the room muttered , " I still hate science . But now , wherever I look , I think about class -- what we talk about and stuff like that . " <p> " What do you mean by that ? " I asked . <p> Another student responded for him . " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world more interesting . You know , now when I take a bath , since I know how soap works , I think how interesting it is that there is a reason why soap cleans up dirt . Before , I would just take a bath and not even think about anything . It did n't seem special . Now it seems , well , you know , unique . Knowing that there are reasons for things makes me wonder about other things . Chemistry makes the world come alive for me . " <p> Another student , one who consistently scored 100 percent on tests , disagreed . " Oh , well , science certainly makes you appreciate the world more . That I agree with . But it does n't make it more beautiful . " <p> " Why ? " I asked . <p> " When I was little and looked at a rainbow , I used to think how beautiful that rainbow was -- how exciting it was that there was a pot of gold at the end . It was magical . Now all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of refracted light . Whoopee , " she stated somewhat dejectedly . <p> " So , what you 're saying is that science diminishes beauty , " I continued . <p> She responded , " It does n't necessarily diminish it . You just look less at what something looks like and more at why it is . I know that sounds silly . " <p> " It is n't silly , " I responded . " You know , there 's something to be said for simplicity , and when you start looking at things scientifically , you do n't see the beauty as much . " <p> Another student entered the discussion . " Science complicates things so much that you are no longer able to see the beauty in things . I agree with the artist . When my mother points to a flower and mentions how beautiful it is , all I can think of are the different names for the different parts of the plant , all the stuff I had to memorize for tests . " <p> I asked him if there was anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or interesting to him . <p> " No , I ca n't think of anything , " he answered . <p> " Nothing at all ? " I inquired . <p> " Hm , " he started . " I suppose that I liked learning about the gas laws . You know , why food takes longer to cook in the mountains and stuff like that . I told my mom how a pressure cooker cooks the beans so fast . That was interesting . She told me to buy her one . " <p> The discussion continued for some time with the slant of perspectives shifting back and forth . Probably , because of the subtle , yet manipulative , game I play as teacher , more of the students tended to believe that science and aesthetics are compatible with one another . The final consensus was that whether science does or does not make the world more beautiful , it certainly helps a person appreciate it more . A Dialogue With Chemistry <p> Another device to help students " see " the aesthetic side of science is to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If chemistry could speak , what would it say of itself ? " The students in our classes discovered that taking some time even to write down a page or two of dialogue led them to insights about science , especially regarding its holistic nature . As one student said , " Chemistry class is not only about chemistry . It is about the way things are , about the whole of things . " This is what we call an aesthetic aspect of chemistry . What follows is a dialogue with " chemistry " that one student wrote . <p> CHEMISTRY : often feel little understood . It seems students do n't especially like me -- that , for most students , chemistry is the mere repetition of facts filled in by a few experiments . <p> STUDENT : It sounds like you are hurt and sad . <p> CHEMISTRY : Yes . In fact , did you know that some people are talking about me as they do my friend mathematics ? They think I 'm a mental disorder , a phobia of some kind . <p> STUDENT @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ source of anxiety for many students ? <p> CHEMISTRY : It 's sad that you think difficulty is related to anxiety . Are n't things which are difficult , which are new , worth doing ? Literature , who is really my brother and sister , is difficult for many students to learn . But , I 've never heard of anyone talking about literature phobia , as they do about mathematics and me . <p> STUDENT : That 's a good point . But , why do you say literature is your brother and sister ? Are n't you and literature completely different ? I mean you deal with facts and experiments , and literature deals with characters , plots , etc . <p> CHEMISTRY : Well , I look at literature and myself as games . In literature , it 's sometimes hide and seek , trying to find the thread that connects events in the story . Are n't games fun ? They may be difficult to learn , but the fun and cooperation one finds through many games make their pursuit worthwhile . <p> STUDENT : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CHEMISTRY : YOU do n't mean to tell me your teacher has you do me alone , in private , do you ? I 'm more like dancing than jogging . And partners are needed for dancing . <p> STUDENT : How are you like dancing ? <p> CHEMISTRY : I have a rhythm , that is , I relate to all that is . I 'm like the waves of an ocean , belonging to the vast sea , able to be separated from it when someone watches a single wave , as when a student concentrates on a particular chemical , but always going back into the vast expanse of sea . I 'm a part of everything , like numbers and shapes . I constitute all that is . I create harmony and integration and feel saddened that that which is a part of me , some students do n't appreciate . Are people afraid of the waves ? No . They might be frightened by the sea , but not when they approach the sea wave by wave . The same with me . If students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but can see and appreciate me in everything , in their daily lives , how I help people , like watching the wave calms people down , maybe they will begin to see me as a friend , too . <p> STUDENT : Thanks , Chemistry . I 'll share our little talk with the class . You sure gave me a different view of you than I previously had . I 'll be talking to you again , soon . <p> CHEMISTRY : I 'll look forward to it . <p> As the class discussed the various dialogues , we all became aware of apparently hidden dimensions of chemistry , especially aesthetic dimensions like " appreciation , " " harmony , " and " integration . " This exercise left many of us with a new wonder and excitement about chemistry . Reflection <p> Coles ( 1990 ) notes that even though he attempts to let students discuss a particular issue or concept without evaluating , " . . . yet even so , I , the listening physician , anxious to order things , grabbed for conclusions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . Perhaps this is the occupational hazard of ethnographic researchers . Yet , the intent of the above types of dialogue ( as with Coles 's research ) is to be a learner among learners . Through the above dialogues , we see that students develop values perspectives , especially aesthetic values , in chemistry class . There is more going on than the learning of content . <p> We also realized that the teacher may find it difficult , if not impossible , to avoid manipulating a class discussion . But , if teachers are aware of their influence ( in a values sense of science versus aesthetics ) , they can choose either to consciously share their values perspectives or to minimize their hidden , often subtle , agendas . The issue , then , is : How do teachers avoid manipulating students ? How do teachers provide students with the opportunity for self-reflection and values discovery and disclosure ? <p> The teaching style that avoids manipulation ( as much as this is possible to avoid ) we call " the art of being consciously nonaggressive . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Students feel confident enough to speak openly about issues . Amazingly enough , however , something about this conscious nonaggression forces the student to internal self-reflection without being judged by the teacher . In other words , conscious nonaggression makes the students feel comfortable about discussing issues in class , but , at the same time , something about the method makes students reflect upon their answers and recognize when their answers are less than fully formed . All this occurs without creating either fear or a negative sense of self . <p> One could still ask , " What is the value of the above sorts of dialogue ? No generalizable conclusions were reached . " Coles ( 1990 ) notes that children ask " the eternal questions ... more intensely , unremittingly , and subtly than we sometimes imagine " ( 37 ) . The above kind of exchange affords students the opportunity to ask such questions in a legitimate , dialogical environment . To not offer such an opportunity may be to make an idol out of content . As John Dewey ( 1944 ) argued , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than facts and information . Education embraces processes for integrating and broadening subject matter . <p> Likewise , many teachers wonder about the kind of " real " influence that they have on students , especially on those depressing days when nothing seems to go right . As Robert Fulgrum ( 1988 ) notes , wisdom is not a high priority even in graduate school . To us , wisdom is , among other things , the ability to examine , cognitively and affectively , the relationship , if any , between science and aesthetics . That is , wisdom consists of perceiving value interrelationships -- seeing the subject differently , as from another point of view . Perhaps if wisdom ( interrelating disciplines , for example ) were pursued more in public schools , it would become a part of the graduate school agenda . <p> The most important aspect of the above sorts of dialogue is self-knowledge . Our students were encouraged to express their opinions without criticism . The teacher acted as a guide , a facilitator : a questioner among questioners . Education is a life-long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ integration -- discovering parts of oneself one did not know existed . <p> The students in the chemistry class all had opinions about the relationship between science and aesthetics , but we wonder if they all knew they did . And , we wonder what they learned about themselves when they clarified the question . Perhaps some learned that the artist and the scientist are on similar quests . Perhaps others learned that there was an aesthetic , appreciative side to themselves that they hardly knew they valued . Perhaps still others learned that they could appreciate themselves ( as they could appreciate the flower ) without overly analyzing themselves . And perhaps other students realized the need to look at themselves through analytical lenses . <p> Coles ( 1990 ) refers to education as a " march through life " ( 335 ) : <p> So it is we connect with one another , move in and out of another 's lives , teach , heal , and affirm one another , across space and time -- all of us wanderers , adventurers , stragglers and ramblers , sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then pilgrims .... Yet how young we are when we start wondering about it all . ( 335 ) <p> Dialogues like the above make pilgrims and wonderers out of us all . Such journeys bring revelations , in cognitive , affective , and values senses . Yet a journey demands taking steps . The destination needs to be somewhere . We suggest " conscious nonaggression " as a framework by which to permit the trip . The rest of the adventure will be , willingly , freely , taken by the students . Is this art or science ? The reader needs to journey , too . <p>
@@4009941 Electronic Chicken Soup for Reluctant ESL Writers <p> Key words : ESL ; reading ; journals ; media literacy ; writing <p> Key words : ESL ; reading ; journals ; media literacy ; writing <p> Semester after semester in the first meeting of my undergraduate English as a Second Language ( ESL ) classes , the same scenario played out : I announce required weekly journals , and students roll their eyes while their body language shouts , " Oh no ! Not journals again ! " The signal was consistently dear that they disliked journal writing , and the first set of journals always reflected their dislike . With few exceptions , their journals were short , uninteresting , and written for the teacher in exchange for a grade or in compliance with the syllabus . Their entries were not critical ; they reflected no connection to the real world , no connection to their feelings , no connection to their lives . Instead , I found myself reading a string of superficial thoughts in a minimum number of sentences , sometimes as few as three or four . Several students expressed their frustration at not being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not see how the journals were helping them learn the target language . Students perceived journal writing as an isolated activity relevant only to their final grade , not an integrated part of their ESL learning experience . <p> The experience was equally frustrating for me as a language instructor because I expected the journal requirement to help students to write more readily and to increase their fluency , but that was not happening . The disconnect was obvious and formidable . Over time however , I learned that the problem was understandable and , best of all , resolvable . <p> The literature on learning and on writing contains much to explain why such a popular strategy as journal writing was not working in my classroom . Mayher ( 1990 ) , for example , explains the need for students to connect with what they write so that it is meaningful to them : <p> The motivation for performing the tasks which will lead to the learning has to be a sense of personal meaningfulness for the learner .... Human beings are active meaning makers who are continually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own purposes . This idea of personal knowledge ... provides a radical challenge to the student 's personal connections to the material being learned and of his individual reasons to be learning it . ( 78,104 ) <p> In her text exploring the uses of journal writing for second language learners , Mlynarczyk ( 1998 ) agrees with Mayher and explores the implications of his stance : <p> One of the reasons why school writing feels so alien to many people is the stated or unstated injunction not to express feelings or emotions about the topic . Yet if Mayher is correct , this prohibition is based on a false assumption . Our feelings are always intertwined with our thoughts , and we would probably be better thinkers and writers if we were allowed or even encouraged to admit this . ( 30 ) <p> As it turns out , I learned that it was that lack of personal meaning that was undermining my journal assignments . In her book Finding Freedom In The Classroom , Hinchey ( 2001 ) reinforces the point : " Everything about traditional methodology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to such methodology largely because of its focus on texts ( the ' subject matter ' of the course ) and its parallel disregard of students ' humanity . In opposition , she argued that if students were to learn anything of use in the literature classroom , their own experience and background had to be the central concern in any effective pedagogy " ( 76 ) . <p> When my curiosity led me to ask students to write about their experiences with journals , most of them related negative experiences that clearly lacked the kind of personal connection to writing that many theorists stress is essential to learning . Among the reasons the students mentioned for their resistance to journals were lack of interest in assigned topics ( usually on abortion , alcohol , crime , or drug abuse ) ; running out of words or thoughts ; writer 's block ; being unable to " get into " what they read ; dislike of reading , and lack of enthusiasm for related writing -- a litany that all language instructors have heard many times . In addition , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their ideas . Hearing such student complaints , I understood why they had rolled their eyes . <p> Still , I strongly believed that weekly journal writing could help my students develop their writing skills , and so I began experimenting with different strategies to engage the students with their writing . I tried linking their journal entries to class discussions on a certain topic or to a reading done in class . Another strategy I tried was to give them such prompts as : " I 'll never forget when ... a or " I 'll always remember the first time that .... " Those strategies worked for some students , but many others continued to find it difficult to express themselves in their journal entries . <p> As their instructor , my frustration continued to grow . Every semester , I encountered several problems with the journals -- they were too short , difficult to read , and difficult to understand . Some students copied their journals from roommates or friends in previous courses ( probably thinking they had nothing original or authentic to write about ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engaging short stories , but aside from the fact that it took time to find good stories that would appeal to the group , the strategy raised two new hurdles . I could not infringe on copyright law , and I had a low monthly quota for photocopying even if I could navigate around copyright issues . I tried recycling stories used in previous years , but that only fomented the plagiarizing of previous students ' journals . When I shared my frustration with a colleague , she admitted that her students also showed apathy toward journal writing . This worried me , but I refused to stop searching for new ways to make journal writing a meaningful experience . I firmly believed that if students would engage with journal writing , they would become better writers . Like so many classroom colleagues , who suffer similar frustrations , I was determined not to abandon a worthwhile learning strategy until I had found a way to make it work for my students . <p> The answer eventually came from a professional development seminar in a motivational session on self-esteem . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the desk , crossed her legs , and began reading a story to participants . I found her behavior unusual but soon forgot its strangeness because the story was so beautiful . The speaker captivated her audience ; when she asked if we wanted another story , everyone agreed . She read two more stories , with the effect that total strangers in the audience sitting next to each other were soon laughing and finding things to share with one another . It was dear that everyone loved the stories . They were short and very interesting . They sparked discussion , laughter , tears , motivation -- all types of emotions . When the conference concluded , I asked the speaker for the source of the stories . She showed me the book Chicken Soup for the Woman 's Soul ( 1996 ) , by Mark Victor Hansen and Jack Canfield , one of several books in the Chicken Soup series . <p> I realize that many readers may have a negative reaction to a book that comes from the widely disparaged self-help genre . I believe , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may find them . I wanted to give my students the experience of immediate engagement that I had witnessed at the seminar . After I purchased the book , I read it in two nights , stopping often to share the stories and my emotional reactions with my husband . If only , I thought , my ESL students could read the stories , they also would have comments to share with each other . This could be an opportunity to provide my students with a variety of short stories -- but how could I make it work ? <p> I could not ask them to buy an additional book that was not even a textbook . Again I faced the hurdle of copyright law ; I could not photocopy the stories and hand them out . So , I continued buying books in the series and reading the stories , marking several stories that I thought might interest my students . When I began reading those stories to the class and having the students write reactions in class , I saw a stark contrast to their regular journal writing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different from the brief and stilted journal entries . They were not writing for me ; they were speaking to themselves and reflecting on the story they had heard . I found the results amazing because the activity itself was so simple . Excited by their response , I decided to read them a story every week . They began looking forward to the activity and produced consistently superior writing -- longer pieces with a much wider range of vocabulary . Even more encouraging to me , they began without prompting to bring their bilingual dictionaries and to ask for translations to English , the better to express their thoughts . I liked what was happening but still wanted them to tackle the stories themselves and to practice reading in English with the new enthusiasm they had for their writing . The key to that expansion came when I learned that Chicken Soup stories are available online -- an example of computers significantly expanding educational resources , just as technology enthusiasts so often claim and classroom educators too rarely experience . I learned that free Chicken Soup for the Soul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , only on weekends ) by e-mail to anyone who registers at < www.chickensoup.com> . I seized the opportunity to get this engaging reading material to my students . <p> Were there problems with start up ? Of course . Not all students had access to a computer , and most of them did not have an e-mail account . Also , I needed to do some tinkering to figure out the best way to incorporate the short stories into the class . I eventually decided to open each class with a five-to-ten minute discussion of the material , which encouraged students who had not done the reading to be better prepared for subsequent classes . Many of the discussions produced ideas that students then explored at length in their journals . Students ' Response to the Activity <p> I have routinely asked students for their recommendations about this activity , in large part to be sure I was not the only one thinking it was such a great thing . Other educators have been surprised to find student reaction to a class activity is far less positive than theirs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about his experience using Robert Frost 's " Stopping By Woods on a Snowy Evening , " which he selected because he liked it and understood it . He could not , however , get a discussion going in his class . Eventually , he realized that what he " assumed would be easy and accessible was exotic and opaque " to his California students who had never seen snow ( 5 ) . Indeed , students ' background and experiences do matter . An instructor 's judgment is not necessarily more reliable with pop culture than it is with the canon . As Alvermann , Moon , and Hagood ( 1999 ) point out , <p> Teachers who use popular culture texts in their classrooms may not assume anything about their students ' knowledge and taste . The practical implication to be gleaned from this is that any informed decision about selecting curriculum materials or popular culture texts for literacy lessons must be made in collaboration with the students . ( 44 ) <p> Understanding what my students thought about their learning with the activity was more important to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> My students ' feedback indicates that the activity not only met my initial goals of getting them more engaged with reading and writing to gain fluency in the language , but it also yielded several other benefits . A short list of the learning opportunities they valued and enjoyed included learning to use the computer ( e-mail , Internet , and interactive class ) ; sharing their writing with each other ; learning new vocabulary ; increasing their reading speed ; and enjoying reading for pleasure . <p> Because the stories deal with real-life situations , students often could use their own life experiences to assess a character 's choices . In their evaluations , many mentioned that the stories gave them something to ponder and reported that they often went over and over the stories , thinking through which one they most wanted to write about . Sometimes they wrote about two of the readings because it was so difficult to choose one . In these entries , they wrote about fear , courage , love , life , death , hope , and their experiences . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to " take advantage of the student 's experience ... establish an ' intimate ' connection between knowledge considered basic to any school curriculum and knowledge that is the fruit of the lived experience of these students as individuals " ( 1998,36 ) . In their journal entries , the students talked to themselves and asked questions about what they had read and about their own realities . <p> Moreover , the students also pointed out that they actually looked forward to reading a new online story every day . The enjoyment of getting something new by e-mail every day helped them view reading as a pleasurable activity . Smith ( 1997 ) anticipated that outcome : <p> Why will people read online ? For precisely the same reasons that they already read-for pleasure , information , identification , and experience .... The new possibilities could well result in even more reading , both obligatory and voluntary . Reading is addictive to many people , computers are addictive to many people , and the combination of reading and computers prove irresistible , just as many people are already addicted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ musing esoterically among the entrails of computers themselves . ( 143-44 ) <p> Having developed that addiction , my students displayed their newfound interest in reading in interesting and exciting ways . <p> Several of the more advanced students informed me that they had registered for a literature class the following semester because they were no longer afraid of reading and wanted something more challenging , such as English or British literature and perhaps later Shakespeare or Mythology . Other students bought copies of Chicken Soup for the Soul to read , and some purchased them in Spanish as gifts for their parents , siblings , friends , or loved ones . For the first time , they were reading for pleasure and feeling the desire to share that new experience with others , especially those closest to them . A couple of students brought their books to class and proudly told me how quickly they had read them and that they were interested in exchanging them with students who had other Chicken Soup titles . Not surprisingly , because we know the benefits of active engagement with processing language @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find the reading in other courses easier . <p> The students ' interest in thinking about and discussing the stories also helped them engage in critical thinking . The online stories stimulated the students ' curiosity ; they wanted to read a new story everyday , compare and contrast it with others they had read , consider it in the light of their own experience , define their own stance , and explore their point of view with their peers . Because of the high level of interest , the whole class engaged in discussing the stories at the beginning of the class , so that they were improving their verbal skills as well . The informal discussions began as soon as a few students arrived in the classroom , even if I was not there . <p> I was particularly gratified at the transformation in the students ' attitude toward writing and the improvement evident in their writing . Even though students wrote about the same story , each journal was unique because of the writer 's experiences , beliefs , and expectations . They also became interested readers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact , the class changed from a group of reluctant learners to a community of readers and writers . I found the students comforting each other , congratulating themselves , and laughing among themselves at experiences that they shared about childhood or adolescence . As I watched them grow together as a group and share their experiences of the world , I realized that the class was not about English but about life , with the English language being an instrument to move them ahead to reach their goals . <p> Their writing skills improved significantly . They used richer vocabulary , probably because they were searching for words to explain their emotions and experiences in situations similar to those in the stories . They also exhibited much greater fluency . I remember reading several papers in which the students apologized for the length of their writing , which they wrote because they had something important to say . The length per entry increased from four or five sentences to two or three pages . Short choppy sentences with little or no transitions from early in the semester grew to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked to make the relationships between their ideas clear in their writing . One memorable example of the enormous growth came from a young woman who wrote about her several years ' struggle with anorexia and bulimia and the suffering that she and her family experienced . Her fourteen-page effort allowed her some relief from an issue that had haunted her for years , and it was a compelling story . When journal writing became a way to explore , analyze , and discuss issues important in their own lives , my students became less fearful of writing and began to view it as a tool for articulating their own humanity . <p> Given those benefits and accomplishments , I found the students ' problems with the process manageable . Some students still felt the need for the scaffolding of traditional prompts ( What do you think about this story ? How can you relate to the reading ? What would you have done ? Did you like/dislike the reading ? Do you agree or disagree with what happened ? Does it have to be that way or can something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is easily addressed by providing prompts and making them an optional starting point . <p> More serious was the problem of access . An annoying , but still fairly easy to solve , problem was that local university computer accounts did not allow for the type of e-mail activity my students were conducting , so students needed to turn to such providers as Hotmail , Yahoo , and AOL . Still , not all students had computers at home , and on-campus computer centers were often not available because of scheduled classes in the labs . However , those hurdles can be overcome by an instructor 's flexibility in assignment scheduling and due dates . Implications <p> From my experience of working with this resource for three semesters and having shared it with a colleague , who was also successful , I am persuaded that the activity can be of great use to instructors -- especially second language instructors -- struggling to engage students in reading texts and responding to them verbally and in writing . Moreover , such engagement has proven authentic , a far cry from writing for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a grade . <p> In Pedagogy of Freedom ( 1998 ) , Freire says : <p> I 've never been an ingenous lover of technology ; I do not deify it nor demonize it . For that reason I 've always felt at ease in dealing with it . I 've no doubt about the enormous potential for technology to motivate and challenge children and adolescents of the less-favored social classes . ( 82 ) <p> He explains further that technology stimulates curiosity . Although " I wonder what today 's story will be about ... " may not be exactly the kind of curiosity he had in mind , in my class the materials I provided to my students through technology and the curiosity sparked by the regular e-mail delivery have indeed shown " enormous potential ... to motivate and challenge " my students . <p> Educators who are open to the possibility that my experience might point to an interesting direction , who can accept that pop culture might spark useful dialogue and attitudes , who already understand the appeal of e-mail to students , might consider visiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can develop students ' necessary prerequisite interest and confidence in reading and writing . The strategy sets students on the long journey to becoming accomplished and critical readers of print and nonprint texts . <p> <p>
@@4010041 An increased supply of interactive videodisc programs , coupled with the push to integrate technology within the education curriculum , compels educators to examine the components and effects of interactive videodisc technology . A search of the literature reveals a proliferation of articles dealing with the perceived benefits of interactive videodisc instruction as well as a number of research-based studies and reviews . Reports of studies which have been conducted exhibit the focus of researchers primarily on the following questions : ( 1 ) Is learner performance improved through the use of videodisc instruction ? ( 2 ) What are learner attitudes toward the use of interactive videodisc instruction : and ( 3 ) Is learning time reduced through the use of interactive videodisc instruction systems ? This article examines the three areas ( learner performance , learner attitude and learning time ) through a review of the empirical studies conducted by researchers in the military , education , and business sectors . <p> Business , industry , and the military have employed interactive videodisc as an instructional strategy for over a decade with reportedly positive results ( Debloois &; Woolley , 1981 ; Gibbons , Olsen , &; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the supply of programs available for the K-12 curriculum is still considered inadequate , vendors are developing new programs aimed at that market in growing numbers ( Phillipo , 1988 ) . The increased supply of interactive videodisc programs , coupled with the push to integrate technology within the public school curriculum , compels the educational community to examine the components and effects of interactive videodisc technology . <p> A search of the literature reveals a proliferation of articles dealing with the perceived benefits of interactive videodisc instruction ( IVI ) as well as a number of research-based studies and reviews . Reports of studies which have been conducted exhibit the focus of researchers primarily on the following questions : ( 1 ) Is learner performance improved through the use of videodisc instruction ? ( 2 ) What are learner attitudes toward the use of interactive videodisc instruction ? and ( 3 ) Is reaming time reduced through the use of interactive videodisc instructional systems ? This article examines the three areas , reamer performance , learner attitude and learning time , through a review of empirical studies conducted by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Researchers have investigated interactive videodisc instruction comparing it to traditional instruction as well as comparing selected IVI program components : the effects of added simulations , varying degrees of feedback , methodology , and program content . The early studies were conducted as evaluation segments of military projects . <p> As early as 1979 , Holmgren , Dyer Hilligos , and Heller reported on an experimental pilot study of the effectiveness of interactive videodisc on learner performance . This study of 298 military personnel compared the performance results of three groups on Army Training Extension lessons . The control group , receiving traditional instruction , scored significantly higher than the two videodisc groups at the .05 level . However , as is true of many of the early IVI studies , this one has been criticized for the poor quality of the videodisc programs themselves . Additionally , the subjects were not randomly selected nor was a pretest administered ( DeBloois , Maki , &; Hall , 1984 ) . <p> A military training program was again used in an experimental study ( Gibbons et al. , 1982 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control group ( n = 16 ) received traditional classroom instruction . One treatment group ( n = 10 ) used the HAWK Training System lessons on IVI ; the other ( n=20 ) used the same IVI course with an added simulation component . A posttest consisting of one test question revealed that only 25% of the subjects in the control group were able to solve the test question in contrast to 100% of the subjects in the two treatment groups . Moreover , the subjects who received the lessons with the simulation component solved the problem in half the time of the lesson-only group . Based on these results , the researchers concluded that the simulation component has the effect of improving students ' efficiency at problem solving . However , there is some concern that using a posttest containing only one question is not a sufficient indication of IVI 's instructional effectiveness . <p> Students from the U.S. Air Force Academy participated in a study ( Verano , 1987 ) employing the use of a beginning Spanish instructional videodisc , " Zarabanda . " The study focused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interaction on reaming performance . Subjects ( n=92 ) were randomly assigned to three treatment groups and a control group . <p> Each of the three treatment groups received instruction using the interactive videodisc with a varying degree of feedback : ( 1 ) passive viewing of the videodisc ; ( 2 ) viewing with minimal feedback ; and ( 3 ) an interactive viewing mode . The control group viewed a videodisc in English totally unrelated to the material shown the other groups . Scores on posttests for the third interactive instruction group ( with increased feedback ) were significantly higher ( p < .01 ) than all other groups . The researcher concluded that interaction is most likely the factor that accounted for the superior achievement of this group and that the results support the learning theory research on the importance of involving the student in the reaming process . <p> Although the military sector was the first to attempt to measure the effectiveness of IVI , many studies have been conducted by educators in such areas as foreign language , nursing , biology , reading and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Williams , Quin &; Gale , 1983 ) . These studies involved college and public school students in many disciplines . <p> The use of interactive videodisc instruction in foreign languages was investigated at Brigham Young University by Williams , Quin , and Gale ( 1983 ) . Three groups were established : ( 1 ) a control group which viewed the Spanish videotape " Micario " and received a 50-minute lecture ; ( 2 ) a control group which viewed the " Micario " film as many times as they wanted but received no instruction ; and , ( 3 ) a treatment group which viewed the same material in an interactive form . A 100-item pretest determined that the groups were equivalent ; however , the interactive treatment group outperformed the control groups on the posttest of concepts . The researchers concluded that the use of interactive videodisc was an effective instructional strategy for teaching Spanish . <p> Branch , Ledford , Robertson and Robison ( 1986 ) concluded that the use of interactive was effective when compared to traditional techniques in their study involving 87 first-year veterinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ utilized random assignment of students and a pretest determining that the two groups did not vary significantly . The control group was exposed to audio heart sound recordings as done traditionally ; however , the experimental group was exposed to a videodisc . A multivariate analysis indicated that there was no significant difference ( p > .05 ) between the treatment and control groups ; both forms of instruction , traditional and interactive , were effective . <p> Lawrence and Price ( 1985 ) used videodisc instruction to teach preservice elementary education students the Language Experience Approach ( LEA ) to teaching reading . This study featured random assignment of students to a control group ( n = 18 ) utilizing traditional instruction and IVI treatment group ( n = 18 ) . The Nelson Denny vocabulary and comprehension test was administered revealing no differences in participants ' reading abilities . A teacher-prepared test of 50 recall questions was also administered as a pre- and posttest . The posttest scores indicated no significant difference ( p , .05 ) could be observed between the two groups . The traditional and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LEA approach to reading . <p> A number of studies have been conducted employing public school students as subjects and IVI as the instructional strategy . Williams , Quin and Gale ( 1983 ) report on an experimental study involving two classes of high school students using Spanish videodisc instruction . Students were randomly assigned 10 one of three treatments : ( 1 ) an interactive video group in which the students worked individually ; ( 2 ) classroom interactive video in which the students as a group viewed the interactive video ; and ( 3 ) a traditional classroom approach . <p> Students were pretested using the Spanish Modem Language Association ( MLA ) test with no significant group differences found . The posttest consisted of a Spanish listening comprehension exam . Results showed that both of the interactive videodisc groups scored higher on the outcome test than the traditional group ( p < .01 ) . The researchers concluded that interactive videodisc was an effective means of teaching Spanish for this grade level and noted that this medium is also effectively employed as a group teaching strategy . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Hofmeister , Engelmann , and Carnine ( 1985 ) who utilized the Mastering Fractions program for teaching basic fractions . The study involved 40 students ( 12 fourth-grade students and 28 remedial and special education students ) . The total instructional time was the same for both the control and treatment groups ; the program did differ in the delivery medium ( one group with videodisc and the other with textbook ) . <p> Students were given pre- , post- and maintenance tests on basic fractions skills with a significant difference found between treatments on the post- and maintenance tests . An interesting aspect of this study was that data were also collected on the percent of six-second intervals during which students were on task . The results , averaged across five sessions , were 96 percent on-task for the interactive videodisc group , and 84 percent on-task for the basal group . <p> The interactive videodisc program , Mastering Fractions , was also the focus of a research study in the Nashville public schools ( Hasselbring , 1986 ) . This two-part study examined the effectiveness of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the use of IVI in a variety of settings . <p> Part 1 , examining the program methodology , compared three treatments : ( 1 ) a teacher replication of the Mastering Fractions program using all of the materials but not the videodisc itself ; ( 2 ) the Mastering Fractions videodisc ; and ( 3 ) a traditional teacher presentation using the current fractions curriculum . <p> All students were administered a 69-item pre-post test ; an analysis of covariance showed that the overall gains from pretest to posttest were greater for the Mastering Fractions students and that these students scored higher than did the control group who used the current fractions curriculum . Findings suggested that gains from the use of the Mastering Fractions program can be attributed to instructional content and methodology and not to the novelty effect of the videodisc medium ; further , the Mastering Fractions program was more effective than the existing fractions curriculum . <p> The second part of this evaluation involved examining the effect of the Mastering Fractions videodisc program on student learning in a variety of settings . Participants included 78 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students , and 25 eighth grade students . All the students were given the 69-item pretest developed for the experimental study , mastery tests after every five lessons , and the posttest . Teachers were instructed to use the Mastering Fractions program as outlined in the instructor 's manual and to keep a log describing their use in class . While all students made significant gains in the pre-post analysis , the researchers noted that the largest pre-post gains and percent correct on the posttest were found in classes where all of the 15 Mastering Fractions lessons and tests were completed within an eight-week period . In classes where the use of the program was spread over a longer period of time , the pre-post gains and percent correct on the posttest were much lower . The researchers stated that it is the videodisc medium utilizing sound instructional content and methodology which was effective in producing student gains and not the medium itself . <p> The early studies , which have been criticized for the quality of programs and equipment utilized , did not consistently report interactive videodisc instruction to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ studies have either shown significant gains for students using IVI or reported that although there is not a significant difference between the instructional modes , interactive videodisc is an effective instructional strategy . Learner performance has been the focus of many empirical studies ; however , when evaluating an instruction medium , reamer attitude toward that medium is also a critical assessment component . Effects on Learner Attitude <p> Many of the studies involving IVI examine the attitudes of learners toward the technology itself and enlist learner evaluation of the medium . Learners ' attitudes toward this medium of instruction are usually quite favorable and perhaps the strongest supporting reason for using interactive videodisc instruction ( Andriessen &; Kroon , 1980 ; DeBloois &; Woolley , 1981 ; Gibbons , et al. , 1982 ) . <p> Feedback from reamers was elicited as a component of an early military study ( Gibbons , et al. , 1982 ) . The most popular features cited by the subjects were the self-pacing , clarity and understandability of the material , the inherent interest in the system , and the realism of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audio and high degree of reading ; moreover , some of the subjects complained about the quality of the display . However , these dislikes would appear to be more a product of the program itself and not the instructional system . <p> Lawrence and Price ( 1985 ) in their study of the videodisc instruction of the Language Experience Approach to reading reported the favorable attitudes of the students toward the videodisc . Students stated that they enjoyed the feeling of control coupled with the ability to review material at will and return if needed at their own convenience . <p> The Mastering Fractions evaluation studies ( Hasselbring , 1986 ) provided for interviews of participating students and teachers . Teachers reported the positive aspects of the videodisc as a medium which allowed interesting presentation of material , reinforcement , and effectiveness in keeping students on task . <p> When questioned about the negative aspects , teachers felt that students were bored with copying problems from the video screen , the lessons were too long , and the program did not emphasize simplification . When asked how the students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liked the program more at the beginning than at the end of the study . However , the teachers indicated that the students now wanted to know when they could use the disc players again . A typical comment which characterized how the teachers felt was : <p> I loved being able to access a disc . The fractions program was well thought out and used sound teaching concepts . The problem is that we " human-type teachers . like to do things our way and we are all different . l would prefer to integrate the use of the disc in with my regular program and not use it in a canned approach ( p.30 ) . <p> The student interviews included comments about such positive aspects as the benefits of clear program instructions , good illustrations and animation , and ease of understanding . Negative remarks included comments about there being too many reviews and quizzes . When asked which they prefer as a choice to learn fractions , three-fourths said they would use the Mastering Fractions interactive videodisc program and the remaining said they would like to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a teacher . Again , as in other surveys , the overall responses were quite positive . <p> There are other descriptive studies which focused primarily on learner attitude toward interactive videodisc instruction . One of the earliest was conducted by Andriessen and Kroon ( 1980 ) . Twelve subjects , who spend an average of 55 minutes interacting with a videodisc lesson ( Work of the Heart ) , were observed . The range of time spend on the lessons was 26 minutes to two hours . The subjects were then given a post interview that revealed what they enjoyed about the instructional system : ( I ) the personal control of the materials , ( 2 ) the ability to repeat segments , ( 3 ) jumping through the material , and ( 4 ) easy rewinding . A negative comment by several subjects was that they missed the social interaction provided by other students and/or a teacher . <p> Nursing students ( n = 96 ) in a study conducted by Lynnes ( 1987 ) identified favorable and unfavorable aspects of the IVI medium . Favorable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 90% ) , self-pacing qualities ( 59% ) , and the ability to review and practice ( 57% ) . Unfavorable responses included : the medium was sometimes frustrating ( 38% ) , faults were detected too precisely ( 27% ) , and preference fore live instructor ( 25% ) . <p> An observational study ( Merlin , 1987 ) investigated the use of a prototype interactive videodisc , " Seeing the Unseen , " using a group of 116 middleschool students . Three groups used the videodisc for instruction in whole-class sessions ( n = 86 ) , pairs ( n = 18 ) , and individually ( n = 12 ) . Five instruments were used : observation data sheets , post-use interviews , lesson interviews , student and teacher questionnaires . <p> The students reported that the disc was easy to use , and they welcomed the high level of participation . They emphasized their enjoyment of the TV-like qualities of the medium and the control they had over their reaming . Students found the experience to be beneficial since they could replay segments of the videodisc @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interrupting the teacher 's presentation . The students ( 71% ) stated that videodisc was similar to television but more participatory ; the interactive capability not only encouraged them to pay attention but also helped them learn . When comparing the videodisc to books , 33% of these students mentioned similarities between the two media based on their ability to enjoy a self-paced reaming experience . Additionally , the students preferred working in pairs . <p> Mellin 's study ( 1987 ) also viewed the teacher 's perception of this medium . Teachers indicated that the technology encouraged them to act as guides or facilitators ; however , many had difficulty actually assuming that role . <p> Although teachers and reamers report that there are some negative aspects associated with interactive videodisc instruction , the overwhelming attitude toward the medium is a positive one . Learners miss the personal attention of a teacher and are sometimes frustrated with the technological aspects of the medium ; but , they are enthusiastic about the ability to control reaming at their pace , receive immediate feedback and participate in active reamer involvement . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is lessened when using the interactive videodisc mode . Effects on Learning Time <p> Research studies have utilized the time factor as an IVI evaluation criterion . Lawrence and Price ( 1985 ) noted the time differential in their study of a traditional classroom approach to teaching the Language Experience Method of reading and the videodisc approach . The interactive videodisc group completed the lesson in 40 minutes while the traditional classroom lecture group required a 90-minute lesson . Additionally , the researchers cited the time advantage realized by using the videodisc as a means of reteaching as well as for initial instruction . Significantly less reaming time required for videodisc learner groups compared to traditional classroom instruction was reported by Bunderson ( 1984 ) . It was estimated that there was a 30 to 40 percent time savings with videodisc instruction in comparing the two groups on the variables of presentation time , outside study time , and total reaming time . The author concluded that the time savings involved in using the videodisc instructional strategy should be taken into consideration when evaluating the medium . <p> The Digital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Interactive Video Information System ) . A study was undertaken ( May , 1984 ) to determine if the videodisc medium would take less time than a self-paced instruction course and if it would be more motivating than traditional courses . The control group of 48 engineers completed the courses using a self-paced instruction program . The treatment group of 51 engineers received instruction using the IVIS program . The data analysis indicated that the average time students needed to complete the IVIS courses was 23.1 % to 46.5% less . Using t-tests , these differences were significant at the .01 level for two of the courses and at the .05 level . successfully . The time factor involved in instruction is of particular importance to those in the business field but not dealt with as often by the educational community . Conclusion <p> The literature reveals that researchers in the military , business and education sectors have focused on three areas in evaluating the effectiveness of this technological medium : learner achievement , learner attitude , and instruction time . These three measures have provided a blueprint upon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fact that interactive videodisc instruction can be used effectively as an instructional medium for many disciplines and in varied settings . In many cases , researchers indicate that it was more effective than the traditional lecture method . <p> Since learner attitude has been shown to be very positive , this is a further stimulus for the study and use of this technological medium . The reamer controls the teaming time and is able to be actively involved . This appeals to most reamers and was cited by many of the subjects of research studies as the medium 's most favorable feature . This positive reamer attitude toward interactive videodisc is true of all age levels and content areas investigated in this research review . This attitude is further heightened by the appeal of the television screen and computer capabilities of interactive videodisc technology . <p> All of the studies of interactive videodisc instruction involved with examining the time it takes to complete instruction as an effectiveness factor concluded that less time ( to varying degrees ) is involved in learning when compared to more traditional intructional strategies . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used as a teaching strategy . As with any teaching strategy , it should be used with the abilities of the reamer and the content of the program in mind . The self-pacing and interactivity features of the medium make it especially beneficial to reamers . <p>
@@4010241 Studies have been performed to assess stress levels of students enrolled at universities across the United States ( Jemmott and Magloire , 1988 ; Whitman et al . 1984 ) . However , very few studies have been performed to assess stress levels of graduate students , and to our knowledge , there have been no such studies conducted on fisheries science graduate students . Students within the field of fisheries are often required to obtain an advanced degree , especially a Master of Science or Master of Arts , in order to obtain employment in their chosen field . Therefore , the pressure to be successful in obtaining this degree is a factor that could possibly be stressful for these students . The objective of this study was to determine those facets of the fisheries graduate program of study at Tennessee Technological University which may be perceived as stressful to fisheries graduate students . In performing this study , an assumption was that fisheries graduate programs at other universities may be similar with respect to these facets . Methods <p> All sixteen graduate students with a specialization in fisheries science in the Tennessee Technological University Biology Department volunteered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through their programs of study . Of the students interviewed , 13 were males and 3 were females . All students had been in the program from 1 to 2.5 years . <p> Interviews were conducted privately and individually either in the student 's office or in the Counseling Center at Tennessee Technological University . All interviews were performed by the Director of the Counseling Center , a licensed psychologist with no direct organizational connection to the Biology Department . Prior to questioning , all students were asked to sign a voluntary consent form . Eighteen questions were asked of each student . All questions were designed to be of an unobtrusive nature and to cover all aspects of their graduate program ( Table 1 ) . Results <p> There was general consensus among the graduate students interviewed that their primary considerations for selecting Tennessee Technological University for their Master of Science were : a ) a good reputation among professionals in the field , b ) the ability to work under certain major professors that had been recommended to the student , c ) availability of financial assistance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students indicated that they realized an advanced degree was essential for them to be employed and to progress professionally in their selected field . <p> When students were asked whether their graduate studies were stressful to them , most responded that they were . However , those same students reported expecting some stress when they entered the graduate program . They also felt that the level of stress was manageable . At times , however , they reported feeling higher levels of stress . This perception was particularly evident when demands of course work , field work , and research deadlines were required concurrently . Particular times when high levels of stress were indicated included seminar presentations , defense of their thesis , and the demands of one particular course ( e.g. an advanced statistics course ) . These students also indicated that time management and finding a balance in their life so that other personally important aspects could be fit into their schedules ( e.g. exercise , fishing , family , and hobbies ) were two most important aspects of coping with these stressors .. <p> As mentioned above @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most stressful for the students interviewed . Reasons given for this response were based on the subject matter of the course and the newness of the material covered . Another course mentioned as stressful was Graduate Seminar . Reasons given for perceptions of stress related to Graduate Seminar centered around the probing nature of questions asked concerning the subject matter of the presentations , public speaking for the first time in front of a large audience , and concerns about making errors in presentations that they might be reprimanded for publicly . Some respondents indicated that they felt as if some of the issues would be better received and less stressful if they were presented privately . <p> The students interviewed offered ideas for stress management for those presenting their graduate seminar . These ideas included discussing the presentation with their graduate advisor prior to making the presentation , rehearsing the presentation with their advisor as well as their peers , listening to others present their seminar before presenting themselves , giving a presentation to another audience ( e.g. professional meetings ) before presenting their seminar , and having an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public response . By utilizing these stress management techniques , the students felt they would be much less stressed when presenting their thesis research before the faculty . <p> Although the students expressed concerns with the manner used by faculty in dealing with the Graduate Seminar , all students felt that the graduate faculty in the Biology Department were helpful and considerate of student 's needs . In this regard , the relationship with their major professor was considered to be of utmost importance . All of the students interviewed felt a close relationship with their major professor both as a mentor and guide through the rigorous demands of their program of study . <p> When asked whether they received enough faculty support with their independent research , the answer was uniformly positive . The students felt that this helped to lower stress levels when they conducted independent research . Most of the students reported not feeling stressed about performing independent research . Those that did perceive the task as stressful indicated that this was due to independent research being a new task that had not been performed previously . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having poor writing skills , and concerns over whether their research was significant and publishable . Those that found independent research not to be stressful felt well prepared to conduct their research because they had performed research as an undergraduate and had strong guidance from their major professor throughout this learning process . <p> Almost all of the students reported moderate to high levels of stress concerning the writing of their thesis . The predominant reason provided for these feelings was that this was a new and notably important experience for them . Additional concerns included : criticisms encountered when their thesis was edited , the process of defending their thesis , the fact that the defense was an unfamiliar experience , perceived special pressures to perform , the tremendous amount of material that they were responsible for , questions often asked in a public venue , performance required in front of professors , and realization that their degree was contingent on their performance . To handle stress related to their thesis defense , the students overwhelmingly stated they felt that preparation was essential in terms of knowing their topic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ topics with peers and with their major professor , and thinking carefully before responding to questions . <p> Even though stressors were identified by these students , all reported that they were receiving an excellent education . They indicated that their professors were knowledgeable , and that they would not hesitate to recommend the fisheries graduate program to others or to re-enroll themselves to experience their programs again . The stress levels that they encountered were considered manageable and were not considered beyond what they expected when they began their programs . However , in recommending improvements , students indicated that orientation programs for new students include expectations of the faculty , more contact with the major professor , an established system for support , and inclusion of stress and time management workshops . Summary <p> All of the participants reported feeling very positive about their fisheries graduate program . The perceived stressors fell within expected limits as reported by the participants . All students interviewed felt there was a good balance between learning and faculty support , particularly from their faculty advisor . Collegiality among students was high and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group . Open communication and support with both peers and faculty was considered one of the keys to their success . Even though students reported particular stresses during their seminar and through their thesis writing and defense , all felt that the challenge of obtaining the degree , which stress was considered to be a part of , was within expected and tolerable limits . All students expressed that the education and benefits derived from obtaining their M.S. degree was worth the effort . In this regard , all students felt that they would pursue this degree again if the opportunity was available , and would recommend such a pursuit to others interested in a professional career in fisheries . <p> Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr. Peter L. Kranz , Director , Counseling Center : Box 5094 , Tennessee Technological University , Cookeville , TN 38505-0001 . Table 1 Graduate student survey Why did you decide to seek a graduate degree in Biology at Tennessee Tech ? How long have you been a graduate student at Tennessee Tech ? Do you feel that graduate studies in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you feel stressed in the classes that you take for your degree objective ? Do you feel threatened by members of the graduate faculty ? Why ? Do you expect to feel stressed , or were you stressed , during your graduate seminar ? Do you feel that other graduate students are stressed during their graduate seminar ? If the answers to questions 6 or 7 were yes , what aspect(s) of the graduate seminar do you think result in these feelings ? Do you feel stressed about conducting independent research ? Is this the first time that you have conducted independent research ? If the answer to question 9 is yes , why do you feel this way ? Do you feel that graduate faculty assist you enough with your research ? Does this result in any stress for you ? Do you feel stressed about writing a thesis concerning your research ? How do you plan to handle this stress ? Do you feel that graduate faculty should encourage graduate students to publish the results of their research ? Would this be stressful for you ? Why ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oral defense at the end of your graduate program ? Are there specific aspects of the defense that seem stressful to you ? If the answer to question 14 is yes , how do you plan to handle this stress ? If graduate school is stressful to you , would you recommend that other students pursue a graduate degree in Biology at Tennessee Tech ? What things could be done to reduce the level of stress in Biology graduate students at Tennessee Tech ? Do you feel that Tennessee Tech Biology graduate students are under an abnormal amount of stress as compared to Biology graduate students at other schools , and why ? What do you know of students from other Biology graduate programs , as it relates to stress levels ? Knowing what you do now , would you have applied to become a Biology graduate student at Tennessee Tech if you had the chance to do it again ? <p>
@@4010341 This study examined the utilization of counseling services by international students at a major university in Texas . Five hundred and sixteen international students visited the university counseling center during the academic years of 1992 and 1998 . Their demographic characteristics , referral resources , types of services sought , as well as their self reported presenting concerns , were examined . Those students who used the counseling center for career counseling were more likely to be younger , female , and of undergraduate status . Those students who used the counseling center for personal problems were more likely to be older , male , and graduate students . " Academics/Grades , " " Anxiety , " and " Depression " were the top three concerns for undergraduate students while " Depression , " " Time Management , " and " Relationship with Romantic Partner " were the top three " extremely worried " concerns for graduate students . Culturally responsive programming , implications for counseling , limitations of this study , and suggestions for future study are discussed . <p> Between the 1999-2000 and 2000-2001 academic years , the number of international students attending colleges and universities in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 547,867 ( Institute for International Education , 2002 ) . The Open Doors Report on International Exchange published by the Higher Education Resources Group , a division of the Institute of International Education , provides annual statistical data on students coming to the United States , as well as U.S. students studying abroad . According to this report , the 6.4% increase in international enrollment in U.S. colleges and universities is the largest increase in the past twenty years . While the impact of the September 11 tragedy on international ex change is yet to be empirically examined , the expectation is that the number of international students in the U.S. will continue to increase in the future ( Lin &; Yi , 1997 ; Mori , 2000 ; Sandhu &; Asrabadi , 1994 ) . University personnel and mental health professionals face the challenge of providing appropriate counseling services to this large and growing population . It is important to examine international students ' unique experiences and concerns , including the impact of terrorism and anti-terror policies on these students . A better understanding of the issues of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foster an environment more conducive to direct interaction between students of different cultures . ( Lin &; Yi , 1997 ; Mori , 2000 ; Sandhu &; Asrabadi , 1994 ) . <p> Over the years , many studies have examined international students ' counseling concerns and needs . These concerns and needs can be broadly divided into five interrelated categories : academic , physical health , financial , vocational , and personal/social . Academically , international students straggle with completing essay examinations , taking notes during lectures due to limited language proficiency ( Deressa &; Beavers , 1988 ; Parr , Bradley &; Bingi , 1992 ) , and the difficulties of studying effectively in a new educational system ( Mau &; Jepsen , 1990 ) . Second , concerning physical health , many international students indicate that they have difficulty interacting with U.S. healthcare providers due to language barriers or a lack of knowledge of the healthcare system ( Prieto , 1995 ) . Third , some international students face financial hardships during the years of their study due to immigration regulations that generally prohibit international students from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , international students ' unique vocational concerns/needs are related to the geographic location of their future employment . Upon the completion of their studies , it is difficult for them to decide whether to seek employment in the U.S. or in their countries of origin ( Wehrly , 1986 ) . Lastly , the most commonly reported personal/social concerns of international students involve social isolation , loneliness , homesickness , irritability , and tiredness ( Das , Chow &; Rutherford , 1986 ; Wehrly , 1986 ) . For example , one study suggests that international students ' psychological distress is related to a profound sense of loss , a sense of inferiority , a sense of uncertainty , communication problems , culture shock , and the loss of the social support systems they had in their countries of origin ( Sandhu , 1995 ) . Such concerns can lead to life-disrupting stress . <p> Another area that previous studies have focused on is the help-seeking behaviors of international students . One study states that international and U.S. students frequently list parents , older friends , and student friends as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1986 ) . Although one of the potentially significant sources of support for international students is mental health professionals , research suggests that international students generally do not seek services from counseling centers on campus ( Mau et al. , 1990 ) . For example , due to the stigma of mental health , many students from Asian countries do not seek professional psycho logical help unless they have exhausted their support system . Thus , they are likely to be in subjective crisis when they do reach out to the counselors ( Lin , 1996 ) . <p> Although previous studies provided useful insights into the needs , concerns and behaviors of international students , several aspects still remain unexamined . To better understand the complexity of their experiences and differences related to their country of origin , there is a need to focus on subgroup differences among international students . In addition , although prior studies emphasized the need of university personnel and counselors to be proactive in providing emotional support for international students ( Angelopoulos &; Catano , 1993 ; Sandhu , 1995 ) , few culturally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actively encourage international students ' use of mental health professionals have been published ( Lin , 2000 ) . <p> The purpose of this study was to examine the utilization of counseling services by international students at a major university in Texas . We wish to understand who seeks counseling , how they go about doing so , and why they sought it . We examined the demographic characteristics and subgroup differences of the international students ( who ) , their referral resources ( how ) , types of services sought , and their self-reported concerns ( why ) . Utilization is defined as " a help-seeking behavior in which the services of the mental health system are used " ( Sue , Zane , &; Young , 1994 ) . This study examined several significant elements . First , we contribute to the limited knowledge about international students ' utilization of counseling services by focusing on the international students ' help-seeking behaviors . Secondly , a description of international students can provide useful background information for counselors to develop culturally-responsive programs that operate within the existing values of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a basis for evaluating existing counseling programs and assisting the development and implementation of new programs to meet the needs of international students . Method <p> This study examined the existing data of self-identified international students who visited the counseling center at a major university in Texas over a six-year period ( 1992-1998 ) . A total of 562 international students visited the counseling center during the six years . Included in this sample were 46 international students who came to the institution to attend language classes . Although counseling services were available for them , international students were not enrolled as regular admissions status students at this university . Hence , they were excluded from analysis . The international students were asked to complete questionnaires before their counseling appointments . The questionnaires were developed by the counseling center . Questionnaire items were designed to collect information on demographic factors , referral sources , reasons for seeking counseling , and self-reported problems and concerns . The SPSS statistical analysis system ( version 10.0 ) was used to analyze the data . Tests of group differences were based on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county of origin , living status , marital status ) and on the t test and analysis of variance for continuous variables ( e.g. , age , GPA ) . Results <p> Table I summarizes selected characteristics of the study participants . Asian students comprised over one-half ( 59% ) of all international students who used the counseling center . They were followed by students from Central and South America ( 24.1% ) , and Europe ( 10.2% ) . Of the Asian countries , China was the leading place of origin for international students ( n=65 ) , followed by India ( n=54 ) , Japan ( n=51 ) , Taiwan ( n=27 ) , and Korea ( n=21 ) . More than one half ( 56.6% ) of the samples were undergraduate students . The mean GPA among students was 2.8 , with the range being from 0.8 to 4.0 . The mean age of the students was 23.9 years old , with ages ranging from 17 to 53 years . In general , undergraduate students were more likely to be younger and have a lower GPA than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ M=2.6 , SD=0.62 ) of the undergraduate students was significantly ( p<0.01 , t=-7.534 ) lower than the mean GPA ( M=3.1 , SD=0.61 ) of the graduate students . As expected , undergraduate students ( M=20.0 , SD=5.31 ) were significantly ( p<0.01 , t=-10.865 ) younger than graduate students ( M=28.4 , SD= 6.75 ) . Among all the participants , less than one-third ( 27.5% ) of students lived in on-campus housing . Those students living on campus ( M=3.0 , SD= 0.76 ) had a significantly ( p=0.005 , t=-2.826 ) higher GPA than those living off campus ( M=2.7 , SD=0.62 ) . Those students living on campus ( M=21.6 , SD=8.1 ) were also significantly ( p=0.03 , t=2.243 ) younger than those living off campus ( M=24.6 , SD=6.5 ) . <p> For the variable representing reasons for visit , respondents were classified into three groups : " academic " ( n=99 ; 22.0% ) , " career " ( n=40 ; 8.9% ) , and " personal " ( n=233 ; 51.8% ) . About 13% of students reported using counseling services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gender , age , and GPA were significantly relined to reasons for visits . Of those who sought career counseling , more than one-half ( 62.5% ) were female students . Those students who sought career counseling services were significantly ( p=0.008 , F=4.851 ) younger than those who needed academic counseling . For example , the mean age ( M=21.3 , SD=-4.82 ) of the students seeking career counseling services was less than the mean age of those students seeking academic ( M=23.3 , SD=8.3 ) or personal ( M=24.8 , SD=7.0 ) counseling . There was a significant ( X=15.236 , df ( 3 ) , p=0.002 ) ) difference between class and reasons for visit . Of those who sought career counseling , more than two-thirds ( 81.6% ) were undergraduate students compare to less than one-fifth ( 18.4% ) being graduate students . The mean GPA ( M=2.7 , SD=0.65 ) of the students seeking academic counseling services was lower than the mean GPA of those students seeking career ( M=3.0 , SD=-0.60 ) or personal ( M=3.0 , SD=0.65 ) counseling . Of those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were male students compared to 37.3% being female students . <p> For the variable representing how students were referred to counseling services , respondents were classified into four groups : " Advisor/staff " ( n=102 ; 22.1% ) , " Friends/ Relatives " ( n=60 ; 13% ) , " Self " ( n=266 ; 57.6% ) , and " Faculty " ( n=25 ; 5.4% ) . The majority ( 57.6% ) of students were self-referred to the counseling center . Only 17.8% of students heard about the counseling center from campus advertisements ( e.g. , flyers , the web ) . The mean GPA of international students who were referred by faculty/advisor/staff ( M=2.7 , SD=0.7 ) was lower than that of those referred by friends/ relatives ( M=3.0 , SD=0.7 ) or by self ( M=3.1 , SD=0.6 ) . Undergraduate students were more likely to be referred by faculty/advisor/staff than graduate students . Nearly 70% of the undergraduate students reported that they were referred by faculty/advisor/staff com pared to 32.4% of graduate students . <p> In general , those students who used the counseling center for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and of undergraduate status . Those students who used the counseling center for personal problems were more likely to be older , male , and graduate students . The relationships between referral sources and gender and age were not significant . There was no significant relationship between country of origin ( Asia/ South and Central America/Other countries ) and reasons for visit , referral sources , or how they heard about the counseling center . <p> Table 2 summarizes the top ten problems students said they were " extremely worried " about . The table is divided into " All Students , " " Undergraduate Students " and " Graduate Students . " " Academics/ Course Work Grades " was the most common concern for both the undergraduate and graduate students . A majority ( 82% ) reported that they were " extremely worried " or " worried " about their academic-related problems . " Academics/Grades , " " Anxiety , " and " Depression " were the top three concerns for undergraduate students while " Depression , " " Time Management , " and " Relationship with Romantic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns for graduate students . <p> Combining the " extremely worried " and " worried " self-reported problems/issues , international students in this study reported that they were " extremely worried/worded " about " Anxiety/Fear/Nervousness " ( 82.7% ) , " Depression " ( 74.2% ) , " Self-esteem " ( 70.1% ) , " Confusion about beliefs/values future life " ( 69.5% ) , and " Loneliness " ( 62.3% ) . " Academic/course work grades " was a " worry " of 82.0% of students . Nearly one half of students reported that they were " worded/extremely worried " about " Employment after graduation " ( 47.1% ) . Discussion <p> The results of this study are consistent with the literature in areas of international students ' concerns . " Academics/Course work grades , " " depression , " and " anxiety " were the major concerns of the international students in this study . Furthermore , undergraduate students worried about their academic grades more than graduate students . Literature suggested that English proficiencies could play an important role in the academic problems of international students . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undergraduate students , and it is possible that undergraduate students have more difficulties with English than graduate students . <p> While both groups ( undergraduates and graduates ) had relationship concerns such as breakup/loss of relationship , graduate international students were more likely to report relationship problems with their romantic partners . It should be noted that graduate students are more likely to be married and that their spouses are unable to work due to immigration regulation . Their spouses tended to stay at home with their younger children . While there is an increasing awareness of the needs of international students in counseling programs ( Lin and Yi , 1997 ) , more attention should be paid to programs for international students ' spouses and families . <p> We did not examine the causes of the students ' expressed concerns and problems . However , one can speculate that reported concerns such as academic and relationship difficulties , confusion about the future , feelings of loneliness , and low self-esteem could contribute to anxiety and depression . Thus , it is important for academic and career counselors to assess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presenting concerns may not be personal issues . For many international students , it might be more culturally acceptable to seek help in improving their grades or choosing an esteemed career than to seek personal counseling for anxiety or depression . <p> Nearly 70% of international students in the study reported that they were extremely worried or worried about their future lives . Future studies need to explore why they are confused about their future lives . For example , are they worried about where they should work ? Are they having difficulties making career decisions because they must strike a balance between what they want to do and the expectations of their family ? <p> The study provided baseline information on the needs and concerns identified by international students . This information could address current gaps in the literature on providing culturally-specific proactive programming for international students . For example , stress management or time management workshops focusing on how to balance home life and school or how to have healthy relationships could be helpful . It will be important to educate international students about the symptoms of anxiety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counseling centers may also educate students on helpful resources and when and how to seek help . <p> This study showed that more than half of the students were self-referred to the counseling center . Previously , it was believed that due to the stigma of mental problems , international students are not likely to refer themselves for psychological help ( Lin , 1996 ) . Although many of these students did use the personal counseling services , the personal counseling services in this institution offered a culturally specific psycho-educational group . In the year that this group was implemented , 46% of the international students who came to the counseling center attended that counseling group ( Lin and Roberts , 1999 ) . Thus , whether students would refer themselves to seek psychological help remains a research question . <p> It is important to note that special efforts were made at this institution to help international students be more aware of the counseling services . For example , the counseling center hired a counselor who had expertise with international students to coordinate international student counseling programs and services . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In addition , the counselor served as a mentor to international students and an advisor to international student organizations . The counselor also served as a liaison to both the campus community and the local community of the international students . Reaching out to the community may have increased the students ' awareness of the counseling services and may have also helped to build up the credibility of the counseling center ( Lin , 2000 ) . Future studies should examine how many international students self-refer for personal counseling at a university that does not offer culturally responsive outreach or programs . There is a lack of literature offering concrete ways for institutions to increase utilization of counseling centers by international students . Although many researchers point to the need for university personnel and counselors to be proactive in providing emotional support for international students ( Angelopoulos &; Catano , 1993 ) , little has been published on specific ways institutions can actively encourage international students to utilize university counseling centers . This study suggests the need to devise effective marketing strategies for counseling center services . The findings from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marketing programs for the promotion of counseling centers . Only 17.8% of the participants heard about the counseling center through campus advertisements ( flyers , web , etc . ) . Future studies should explore what medium is especially attractive for international students as a source of information and identify culturally appropriate outreach strategies for international students . <p> Several limitations to this study should be addressed . First , the data analysis of the current study was based on the counseling center 's archival data . More specifically , the information was initially gathered by the university counseling center for counseling intervention purposes . The researchers did not have direct access to the participants in this study during the data collection or analysis stage . The researchers , therefore , could not ask the students to clarify or elaborate on particular items of interest . If the researchers had access to the students , more detailed information regarding the students ' counseling center use could have been obtained . <p> Even though the present research can be added to the current knowledge of international students ' utilization of counseling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students in the United States . Two characteristics in particular limit the external validity of the results . First , the data was collected from international students who visited the counseling center for services . Since some studies suggest that international students generally hesitate to seek psychological services ( Prieto , 1995 ) , it is possible that the participants under-represent the international student population nationwide . Thus , the data presented in this study may not apply to international students who do not seek professional support from the counseling center . Second , the unique characteristics of the university at which the data was obtained may interfere with the reliability and validity of this study . The university is located in a small town in the southern part of the U.S. and is historically known for its educational emphasis on agriculture and engineering . It is possible that students with different majors are likely to possess different personality traits that may affect their help-seeking behaviors . Although not all participants in this study were agriculture or engineering majors , the results can not be generalized to international students at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regard to the reasons for visiting the counseling center , the analysis was based on responses given by the students when they first visited the counseling center . The students provided the responses prior to establishing rapport and trust with the center . It is possible , therefore , that the responses were influenced by social acceptability and cautious attitudes on the students ' part ( Murphy &; Dillon 1998 ) . For example , a student who was depressed may have indicated on the initial intake form that he or she seeks services for vocational purposes , a more socially acceptable response . In other words , it is possible that a discrepancy exists between the students ' stated purpose of visit and the actual focus of the counseling work . <p> The current study leaves topics to be further explored in future studies . First , in order to identify international students who may require extra guidance and encouragement to nudge them into utilizing counseling services , future studies need to examine attitudes and characteristics of students who have not sought counseling services but are in need of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the factors that cause the possible discrepancy between stated purpose and actual focus of counseling , the students ' acculturation levels , and the levels of English fluency to further understand the stigma associated with seeking psychological counseling services and attitudes toward help-seeking . Third , the therapeutic alliances , the difficulties encountered during counseling such as language and cultural barriers between counselors and clients , counselor characteristics , and perceived helpfulness could be other interesting areas of investigation . Finally , there is also a need to examine the long-term developmental changes of the needs and help-seeking attitudes of international students ( Prieto , 1995 ) . Anew way to assess these developmental changes needs to be developed . <p> To conclude , this study contributes to the current knowledge of the international students ' utilization of counseling services , their demographic characteristics , their concerns , referral resources , and the types of services sought . Culturally responsive counseling services should be intentional , flexible and accessible , and counseling centers should examine their service delivery systems to ensure that their programs meet these requirements . Counseling centers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incorporate student and community leaders in the programming and the evaluation of counseling services . By examining a few years of counseling data concerning international students at a major Texas university , this study contributes to our understanding oft he unique counseling needs of international students . Counsel ors can use this knowledge to design culturally appropriate counseling services and programs , which could lead to increased utilization of counseling services . Finally , with increasing internationalization and globalization and the post-9/11 rise of tensions toward international students , counselors should pay close attention to the increasing needs of the international student community and take on multiple helping roles to reach out to the community . Table 1 Participant characteristics ( n=516 ) PREFORMATTED TABLE Table 2 Summary of top ten self-reported problems/issues by degree of concern and classification . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4010441 ABSTRACT <p> Educational competence in students is an outcome of interrelationships among student characteristics and complex factors in the school setting and the home and family environment . Ratings on nine educationally relevant aspects of the home environment were summed ; differences in the home score among three categories of mildly handicapped students ( EMR , LD , EBD ) and nonhandicapped ( NH ) students were examined using analysis of covariance . Differences in home environments , independent of SES level , were found . Home environments for LD and NH students were rated significantly higher than home environments for EBD students . The need to support and work with families to increase the effectiveness of home learning environments is discussed . <p> Of the more than 39 million young people enrolled in public schools , it has been estimated that some 20 to 30% , or over seven million students , are having difficulty acquiring academic skills and making adequate school adjustment ( Will , 1986 ) . During the past 2 decades , there has been a proliferation of legislation and federally funded " special , " " compensatory , " and " remedial " education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failing to thrive from usual educational practice . Along with these developments has been the generation of a substantial body of research on effective teaching and the instructional practices that best facilitate the acquisition of academic skills by students with different learning characteristics ( Brophy &; Good , 1986 ; Rosenshine &; Stevens , 1986 ) . There has been a recognition that academic achievement is determined by a range of variables , including student characteristics , the instructional environment , home and family factors , and the relationships among these single domains . Accordingly , research and assessment practices have become more ecological in perspective and more responsive to the complex interaction of factors within a student 's total learning environment as determinants of academic achievement ( Christenson , Abery , &; Weinberg , 1986 ; Christenson &; Ysseldyke , 1989 ) . <p> From the middle 1960s , research has shown that the school performance of children is strongly influenced by their home background , which traditionally has been defined in terms of global social status variables ( e.g. , parental income , education , occupation ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order ) . Although the relationship of school performance to global social status variables and family structural characteristics is one of the most robust in social science research ( Coleman , 1966 ) , it has not been particularly useful for educational policy development ( Bensen , 1980 ) or for the development of strategies that families might use to support or facilitate the educational development of their children . <p> The trend in environmental research has been away from crude measures of socioeconomic variables and global IQ toward more subtle intra-family and interpersonal process variables and more specific child outcomes . Wolf ( 1964 ) examined 13 process variables in three categories ( press for achievement motivation , press for language development , and provision for general learning ) and concluded that family process variables accounted for 50% of the variance in children 's IQs . In subsequent research , Marjoribanks ( 1979 ) examined relationships between children 's intellectual abilities and the social-psychological characteristics of the home environment , including degree of press for achievement , activeness , intellectuality , independence , and language stimulation . He concluded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's mental ability scores than are gross , structural indicators such as family size , socioeconomic status , and birth order . <p> Consistent with the shift in focus toward more psychosocial , process aspects of home and family life as correlates of children 's school performance , researchers have focused on those variables that are potentially manipulable by families and school personnel . The positive effects of parental support for their children 's academic success ( e.g. , encouraging schoolwork , listening to children read , participating in learning activities at home , providing rewards for improvements on daily in-class assignments , providing opportunity and supplies for learning at home ) on children 's academic achievement have been documented in several studies ( Epstein , 1988a ; Tizard , Schofield , &; Hewison , 1982 ; Witt , Hannafin , &; Martens , 1983 ) . <p> Considerable empirical evidence exists to support the idea that the interrelated environments of the family and school have an impact on the development of the child . The importance of the family 's influence in academic , behavioral , and emotional problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect of home problems on school learning ( Esterson , Feldman , &; Krigsman , 1976 ) , and the identification of a school problem as relevant to the home situation and vice versa ( Green &; Fine , 1980 ) have been studied . on the other hand , it has been suggested that school-related crises ( e.g. , a child being labeled as a handicapped learner ) may adversely affect the family system ( Rist &; Harrell , 1982 ; Turnbull &; Turnbull , 1978 ) . Samuels ( 1986 ) has described conditions in a child 's learning environment that place the child at risk for academic failure ; among these are characteristics of the home environment , such as degree of support for school efforts and the moral standards and values fostered by family members . Student achievement is higher when the mesosystem of home and school is collaborative ( Bronfenbrenner , 1979 ) , family and school rules are congruent ( Hansen , 1986 ) , parents are involved in the educational life of their children ( Henderson , 1988 ) , and the authoritative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . A framework for describing critical parallel home and school structures that promote student achievement and motivation has been developed by Epstein ( 1987 ) . <p> There is a growing body of research on familial patterns associated with learning and behavior problems . Much of this work has involved comparisons of families of educationally handicapped and normal learners , and has focused on both structural and psychosocial process variables . For example , the family structural variable of paternal absence is associated with children 's learning difficulties ( Shine , 1978 ) . Educationally handicapped children have been found to live in less well-organized and less emotionally stable families than academically successful children ( Owen , Adams , Forest , Stolz , &; Fisher , 1971 ) . Ackerman , Elardo , and Dykman ( 1979 ) found that parents of both learning disabled and hyperactive children expected less achievement from their children than did parents of normal children . <p> Libitz and Johnson ( 1975 ) compared referred and nonreferred children and their families . Based on home observations , they found that referred children showed significantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that their parents emitted more negative and commanding behavior than parents of nonreferred children . Parental attitudes were dramatically different for the two groups , leading the authors to conclude that child behavior is not the only variable in referral and that assessment procedures for child and family are necessary . Patterson ( 1982 ) identified characteristics of family interaction that contribute to the development of aggressiveness in children , and Walker , Reaves , Rhode , and Jenson ( 1985 ) argued that parental involvement is essential for preparing emotionally disturbed/behaviorally disordered youth for transition to less restrictive educational programs . <p> The importance of home/family influence on student achievement and performance in school should not be underestimated . Individuals have recommended that information about home influences and environments be collected during assessment ( Anderson , 1983 ; Lombard , 1979 ) , family and school resources be coordinated to promote student learning ( Conoley , 1987a ; Tucker &; Dyson , 1976 ) , and educators working with handicapped children be sensitive to specific issues of family functioning ( Turnbull &; Turnbull , 1986 ) . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ venture , that several family variables have been identified as important correlates of academic and behavioral performance , and that little data are available on home influences for students with different handicaps , the purpose of this study was to examine specific , educationally relevant aspects of the home environments of students with mild handicaps , and to determine whether these home environmental influences differ from those of nonhandicapped students . The primary question addressed in this research was , " To what extent are there differences in home environments for different categories of mildly handicapped students and nonhandicapped students ? " METHOD Subjects <p> This study was conducted during the second year of an investigation of factors contributing to the academic engaged time of students with mild handicaps . During the first year , differences in the quantitative and qualitative nature of academic instruction were examined for students in 11 elementary schools in one urban and one suburban school district who were classified as learning disabled -- LD ( n = 30 ) , emotionally/behaviorally disturbed -- EBD ( n = 32 ) , educable mentally retarded -- EMR @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n = 30 ) . During the second year , alternative explanations for students ' academic performance were examined ; in particular , differences in other school-related influences ( e.g. , home , teacher ) were investigated for a subsample of the original 122 students . <p> The 92 students with handicaps in the original sample were randomly selected from special education teachers ' caseloads . In the participating districts , LD students were identified by either an ability-achievement discrepancy or a greater than 2-year below grade achievement score using curriculum-based measures and local norms . EBD students were described as students who have chronic task incompletion problems , acting out , behavior difficulties , or social interaction difficulties severe enough to impede academic performance . EMR students were described as students who are functionally academically retarded in all four basic skill areas ; these students received their basic skill instruction within special education settings . Nonhandicapped students were considered " average ; " these students received no extra service , such as tutoring , Chapter I , or enrichment . <p> Subjects for the home environment study were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n = 20 ) , EBD ( n = 17 ) , EMR ( n = 17 ) , and NH ( n = 14 ) . They were a subsample of the 122 students who participated in the alternative explanations phase of the research . Only those students who displayed comparable rates of academic engaged time , but statistically significant reading or math achievement differences with a same category peer , were included in the alternative explanations phase . Eighty-one subjects met the established criteria , eight parents did not want to participate , and five subjects were eliminated from data analyses because of missing social status information . <p> Information about participating students is provided in Table 1 . Percentages of males and females within student categories were similar except for the EBD group , which had a higher percentage of males . For all groups , the majority of the subjects were nonminority ; the nonhandicapped group had the smallest percentage of minority students . Minority students were classified as Black , Asian , Native American , or other ( i.e. , undetermined minority race/ethnicity ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fairly consistent across categories ; the LD and EMR groups each had one student in grade 2 . The mean age for all subjects was 119 months ; the range was from 98 to 130 months . The EMR students were slightly older than the LD and EBD students . <p> The four factor index of social status developed by Hollingshead ( 1975 ) was used to determine the socioeconomic status of subjects ' families . For all groups , the majority were classified as middle or upper class . Each category of handicap was represented within the lower socioeconomic level , with the EMR group having the highest percentage of low SES families . No nonhandicapped students were in the low SES bracket . The majority of students in the LD and NH groups lived with both parents , whereas most of the students in the EBD group lived in single parent homes . Four children lived in a separate residence ( e.g. , with grandparents ) . The majority of children in all groups had 1 to 2 siblings . Families of LD children tended to be somewhat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children . Most of the students in all groups had attended between 2 and 3 different schools , with the EMR students having had the greatest number of school changes . The average number of total moves for all handicap groups was greater than the average for the nonhandicapped group . overall there were fewer moves for all students the year before the home interview . Measures <p> The Home Rating Scale ( HRS ) , developed from a literature review on family factors correlated with successful school performance , and from modification of interviews developed by Marjoribanks ( 1979 ) , Egeland ( personal communication , 1985 ) and Garmezy ( personal communication , 1985 ) , was used to obtain information on educationally relevant aspects of students ' home environments . A semi-structured home interview , which was comprised of 27 questions , provided information in three broad areas : weekly routine and use of out of school time , homework practices and family attitude toward the child 's education , and the nature and extent of stressful events or changes in the family . Examples of interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the interview was used to rate nine home factors on the HRS . Home factors , which are described in Table 3 , were rated on a 4-point Likert scale , with " 1 " indicating " not at all like the child 's home environment , " " 2 " indicating " not like the child 's home environment , " " 3 " indicating " like the child 's home environment , " and " 4 " indicating " very much like the child 's home environment . " Ratings were obtained on the extent to which the child 's home was characterized by ( a ) predictable routine , ( b ) a safe , orderly , physical environment , ( c ) lack of stress , ( d ) adequate security , ( e ) opportunities for the child to develop responsibility , ( f ) realistic parental expectations , ( g ) valuing of education by family members , ( h ) support for completion of academic work , and ( i ) support for school policies . Alpha reliability coefficient for the total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consistency for the nine home ratings . Procedures <p> Permission for home interviews was obtained from parents by written correspondence and follow-up phone calls . Parents were told that the purpose of the interview was to understand their perceptions of education and to obtain their perspective about their child 's school performance . Four advanced graduate students conducted the interviews in the subjects ' homes ; interviews lasted approximately 1 hour for all groups ( range = 20-105 min ) . Graduate students were not informed of the students ' classification , nor did they know the purpose of the study . In some interviews , reference to the students ' special education services or classification was made . Parents were paid $15 for their participation in the interview . For all groups , the child 's mother was interviewed most often ; for three children in each group both parents were interviewed . The guardian ( i.e. , grandmother ) of one student in the EMR group was interviewed . The nine home factors were rated immediately after the home interview . <p> Training for the home interviews was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had developed the interview . Interviews were conducted in a conversational , comfortable fashion . The trainer conducted the home interview while the trainee observed ; following the interview , ratings were completed independently and compared . The trainee conducted a second home interview while the trainer observed , and independent home ratings were completed and compared . Training continued until both members of the pair were confident that the trainee was ready to interview independently and inter-rater agreement met a minimal predetermined standard . Interrater agreement was calculated in two ways : adjacent category and exact agreement . For adjacent category agreement , ratings of " 1 " and " 2 " and ratings of " 3 and " 4 " were combined . The minimal predetermined standard for adjacent category agreement between the two interviewers was 7 out of 9 items , or 78% . Exact agreement occurred when both interviewers coded the exact same rating on the 4-point scale . The predetermined standard for exact agreement was 6 out of 9 items , or 67% . After trainees ' competence had been established , they trained two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ average interrater adjacent category agreement was 91.3% ; average exact agreement was 70.6% . Data Analysis <p> Due to the reliability of the Home Rating Scale ( r = .85 ) , ratings for the nine home factors were summed and divided by nine to yield a home score for each student . Two demographic characteristics , parental absence and socioeconomic status ( SES ) , were not evenly distributed for this school-identified sample of students , particularly for students classified as EMR and EBD . Hollingshead 's four factor index of social status was used to control for the confounding effect of SES level ; one of the factors used to describe SES with this index is number of parents in the home . Analysis of covariance ( ANCOVA ) on the home score by student category ( LD , EBD , EMR , NH ) with SES as the covariate was conducted . Bonferroni procedures were used to run the ANCOVA follow-up tests . A .01 level of significance was adopted for all analyses . RESULTS <p> Controlling for pre-existing differences in SES level for this school-identified sample @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " To what extent are there differences in home environments for different categories of mildly handicapped students and nonhandicapped students ? " The assumptions for conducting analysis of covariance ( ANCOVA ) on the home score by category with SES as the covariate were met . First , homogeneity of slopes was tested using multivariate analysis of variance ( MANCOVA ) , and found to be nonsignificant , F(3,67) = .87 , p = .464 . The slopes for the home ratings for SES level and student category were homogeneous . Second , there was a significant difference on the home score for the four categories prior to adjusting for the covariate ( SES ) , F(3,67) = 5.23 , p < .003 . Third , the covariate ( SES ) was significantly different for the four student groups , F(3,67) = 4.453 , p < .007 . <p> The unadjusted and adjusted home scores , on the average , for each student category are presented in Table 4 . The home scores were lowest for EBD students and highest for NH and LD students . The results of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controlling for the effect of SES level , f(3,67) = 4.468 , p < .007 . <p> Results of the follow-up tests are presented in Table 5. of six pairwise comparisons , two significant differences among student groups were found . The home score for LD students was significantly higher than the home score for EBD students , t(1,16) = 3.03 , p < .01 . And , the home score for NH students was significantly higher than the home score for EBD students , t(1,16) = 3.03 , p < .01 . There were no differences on the home score for the comparisons between LD and EMR students , LD and NH students , EBD and EMR students , and EMR and NH students . DISCUSSION <p> The purpose of this study was to describe differences in educationally relevant aspects of home environments for three groups of elementary students with handicaps , and to compare home environments of students with handicaps to students without handicaps . Categorical differences emerged in the total home score on the Home Rating Scale after controlling for pre-existing effects due to socioeconomic status of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ratings , two differences , one involving two handicapped groups , the other involving a handicapped group and the nonhandicapped group , were found . The home score was significantly higher for LD students than for EBD students , and for NH students than for EBD students . Differences in home environments were found only for EBD students , where the home environment was rated lower than the home environment for LD and NH students . No differences were found in home environments for EMR students when compared to home environments for LD , EBD , or NH students . In addition , no differences were found in the home environments of LD students compared to the home environments of NH students . Based on these findings , it seems possible to conclude that a critical factor in discussing differences in the home environments of students with handicaps in comparison to their nonhandicapped peers is type of handicap condition . Home ratings for LD and NH students not only were significantly higher than home ratings for EBD students , but were not significantly different from each other . Findings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1985 ) about the importance of working with parents of EBD students . <p> Although some categorical differences in home ratings were found , recognize that the home scores , on the average , for all student groups were characteristic of the rating " like the student 's home environment . " This would seem to indicate that home environments for all students , regardless of categorical designation , are characterized by some ( not all ) aspects that are conducive to fostering student performance in school . Previous research has indicated that all parents , regardless of educational or SES levels , want their children to be successful in school , but do not necessarily know how to help their children with school work or how to create a positive attitude toward learning ( Epstein , 1983 , in press ) . Furthermore , there is ample evidence that parents wait to be directed by educators ( Epstein , 1986 ) . The findings of this study support school psychologists working with parents to increase the educational competence of students , a role advocated by others ( Anderson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lombard , 1979 ) . The logical nature and importance of working with parents is stated cogently by Conoley ( 1989 ) in her description of the kind of school psychologist needed to implement prevention programs . She states , " This psychologist is an expert about children : who they are , where they live , what they need , and what can go wrong . He or she is a family and school systems expert because to fail to know families and schools is to fail to know children " ( 1989 , p. 556 ) . <p> Potential misuse and abuse of the finding of higher home scores for LD and NH students than for EBD students warrants examination . The lower home ratings for EBD students found in this study confirm many practitioners ' clinical and daily experience with parents of EBD students . Homes of some EBD students are described informally by educators as chaotic , dysfunctional , coercive , pathological , or unsupportive of school efforts . Use of findings from this study to identify home environments as the source of students ' problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Any interpretation of the family as the cause of students ' classification or problems in school is unwarranted . This was a descriptive study , and an accurate interpretation of the data requires the qualification that home ratings for both handicapped and nonhandicapped students were rated fairly good ( not excellent ) on many variables shown to promote educational success at school , and the finding that home ratings for EBD students were significantly lower than those for LD and NH students . An appropriate interpretation is that improvement in creating positive home learning environments for students can be made , and the greatest amount of improvement may be needed for EBD students . <p> Another misinterpretation of these data would be that school problems create family stress , resulting in less overall support for the school 's efforts and emphasis on learning in the home . While this may be the case , the current study did not address directional influences between home and school . It is impossible to tease out from these data whether the home environment is causing students ' learning or behavior problems at school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are causing the family to respond differently about schooling variables at home . Most importantly , searching for causes leads to pointing the " finger of blame , " a point Seeley ( 1985 ) has discussed articulately in his discussion of the effect of home or school factors on student learning outcomes . He contends that researchers too often treat school and home factors as if they were independent . He states , " this has obscured what successful educators have always known and what sensitive analysis again confirms : the crucial issue in successful learning is not home or school -- teacher or student -- but the relationship between them . Learning takes place where there is a productive learning relationship " ( 1985 , p. 11 ) . <p> The additional pressures and demands that a child with poor school performance places upon a family need to be acknowledged by educators . In their article , " The Home Environment in the Assessment of Learning Disabilities , " Freund , Bradley , and Caldwell ( 1979 ) discussed in detail reciprocal influences and the direction of effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the home environments of learning disabled children is a reaction to , as well as a determinant of , the children 's behavior " ( p. 48 ) points to the need for psychologists to increase the sensitivity of educators to stressors associated with raising a child who is identified by the school as handicapped . In this sample , many single mothers were raising boys who had been classified as EBD . An important issue is whether home environmental influences for EBD students could be changed by establishing the kind of productive home-school relationship Seeley ( 1985 ) described . <p> Perhaps the most important implication for school psychology practice that can be drawn from the findings of this investigation is the need to support and work with families to increase the effectiveness of home learning environments . The Home Rating Scale used in this study measured qualitative aspects of the home environment that have been shown to influence school performance . Using this rating scale , differences in home environments , independent of SES level , were found . Most areas measured were considered " alterable " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consultation with parents . Resources are available to assist school psychologists in working with families to create supportive home learning environments . A model for empowering families to resolve concerns ( Dunst , Trivette , &; Deal , 1988 ) , reviews of parent involvement strategies , approaches and programs ( Conoley , 1987a ; Epstein , 1988b ; Henderson , 1988 ; National Coalition for Parent Involvement in Education ; Rich , 1988 ) , and counseling approaches ( Carlson , 1987 ; Conoley , 1987b ; Fewell &; Vadasy , 1986 ; Valentine , 1988 ) are examples of some resources . <p> There was much talk about educational restructuring in the past decade , a trend expected to continue during the 90s . A necessary ( but not sufficient ) part of the restructuring is to work with parents so they are partners in the educational process for their children . Restructuring means action , not description . Without action , problems may persist and become more resistant to change ( Amatea &; Sherrard , 1989 ; Molnar , 1986 ) . Many parents need information and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role to teach parents about the process of schooling , learning , and development , and to provide a nontraditional form of parent education , that is , information about ways to increase students ' success in school . Without consultation and support to parents about ways to increase the effectiveness of the home learning environment , one could argue that home environments contribute to differentiating students who are less successful from students who are more successful . <p> Due to the inclusion of school-identified students with handicaps and the small sample size , the generalizability of findings from this investigation is limited . This research was conducted as part of a broader investigation using school-identified handicapped students . Specific descriptors for students classified as LD , EBD , EMR , and NH were provided so that readers could address any differences in categorical determination of students served in their districts . The sample size for this exploratory study was respectable , but small . Additional research is needed to confirm categorical differences in students ' home environments and to understand how differences in students ' home environments influence school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a supportive home learning environment on student achievement ( Henderson , 1988 ) and young adults ' educational and occupational attainments ( Marjoribanks , 1988 ) lends credence to school psychologists working with parents of all children , especially parents whose children are handicapped . TABLE 1 Student Demographic Dataa PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 2 Examples of Home Interview Questions PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 3 Description of Factors on the Home Rating Scale PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 4 Home Scores by Student Categorya PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 5 Pairwise Comparisons for Adjusted Meansa PREFORMATTED TABLE <p>
@@4010541 Abstract : Temperament provides clinicians with a framework for appreciating and supporting the individual differences of children while prompting ways to handle skillfully their behavior . The science of temperament and its application also assists clinicians in exploring and improving the transactional patterns that occur between children and their environment at school and within their families . This article explores the science and art of temperament-based intervention and offers guidelines for practice and research . <p> The variety of individual responses that children demonstrate in response to treatments or techniques provides convincing clinical evidence that one way of intervening is not equally effective for every child . Many clinicians , who have observed in their practice the individual response patterns of children , find temperament theory a compelling conceptualization on which to interpret these variations . Temperament theory asserts that individuals have particular behavioral styles that they demonstrate across a variety of settings and circumstances , especially those that involve stress ( McClowry , 1992 ) . The purpose of this article is to review the art and science of using the construct of temperament as the basis for intervention . The conceptualization supporting the clinical application of temperament @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clinicians in planning their interventions . Finally , some of the challenges encountered by clinicians and researchers who conduct temperament-based intervention are explored . The Science and Art of Temperament-Based Interventions <p> Temperament is intuitively appealing to clinicians because it lends itself toward the development of innovative individualized interventions with children that can be recommended to parents and other caregivers such as teachers and other professionals . Conducting temperament-based intervention , however , demands a marriage of science and clinical art . Empirical investigations of the construct form the scientific foundation . Temperament studies range from sophisticated randomized clinical trials testing the effectiveness of a temperament-based interventions , to descriptive observational research conducted in laboratories , to investigations into the physiological factors which underscore the biology of temperament . <p> Developing theory-based interventions , however , requires more than understanding the scientific foundation . Applying the results of research studies to real-life situations is an art blending creativity , intuition , and clinical expertise . Complex studies and theoretical constructs must be synthesized and then presented so that they are understandable and applicable to particular clients . Manageable outcomes must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ achieved also should occur . <p> Clinical creativity , however , should be tempered with scientific restraint . Bates ( 1989 ) cautioned clinicians that many temperament self-report questionnaires have not received adequate development to be used as a clinical screening device . Likewise , the factors that contribute toward various child outcomes are still under investigation . But , clinicians can not wait until basic researchers have resolved all of the conceptual issues that plague the temperament field . Pressing clinical questions arise daily demanding immediate attention and resolution . An alternative iterative approach is proposed . Temperament theory , as it currently exists , should be applied first by clinicians in their practice , then tested through research . The results are likely to inform theory , improve clinical practice , and prompt further research . <p> Interest in the clinical application of temperament is conspicuous in the literature . More than half of the temperament publications address clinically related issues ( Bates , 1989 ) . Suggestions for integrating temperament into practice have existed for decades and were embedded in the clinical work of psychiatrists Chess and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NYLS ) ( Thomas , Chess , Birch , Hertzig , &; Korn , 1963 ) . In recent years , clinicians from a variety of disciplines have published examples of their temperament-based interventions . Kurcinka ( 1991 ) , an educator , framed child temperament in a way that helps parents recognize the strengths of their children . She then offered practical suggestions for managing common behavioral problems . Turecki ( Turecki &; Tonner , 1985 ) , a psychiatrist , used temperament to assist parents who perceive their children as difficult to become more competent in managing their behavior . Carey ( Carey &; Jablow , 1997 ) , a pediatrician , devoted many years to advising parents and professionals about how temperament is related to health and illness . He also has coedited two books with his psychologist colleague , McDevitt , ( Carey &; McDevitt , 1989 , 1994 ) , which present their strategies and those of other expert clinicians for the application of temperament constructs in educational and community settings . Melvin and McClowry ( 1995 ) coedited a journal issue which presented interventions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and those challenged by illness and disabilities . <p> Although a burgeoning interest in the clinical application of temperament exists , few studies have examined the effectiveness of temperament-based intervention . This critique of the literature is ironic given the history of temperament research . Temperament-based guidance about behavioral issues was provided to the participants of the NYLS ( Chess &; Thomas , 1996 ) . Sixty-six percent of the families responded positively to the guidance . Parents whose school-age children had temperaments that were low in task persistence were presented the most challenging scenarios for improvement in the upper-middle class families who participated in the study . <p> For more than 10 years -- as part of their primary care services -- Kaiser Permanente HMO in Northern California has incorporated a temperament educational program for their client-members ( Rosen , Cameron , &; Rice , 1996 ) . Beginning when a child is 4 months old , parents can receive written materials describing their child 's temperament with related anticipatory guidance . Additional support is offered to parents whose child is exhibiting temperament-related behavioral problems . The cost effectiveness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are high in activity and negative mood . Parents of such infants who received the educational materials versus those in a control group initiated fewer visits to their primary care provider . Recently , the Kaiser group has expanded their educational program beyond Northern California . They also have produced videotapes and now provide Internet access to their information. 1 <p> Another innovative program , Temperament Talk , comes from the Center for Human Development in rural LaGrande , Oregon ( B. Zukin , personal communication , January 20 , 1998 ) . After screening by a mental health professional to assure that the participants are not addressing psychiatric problems , temperament-based parental guidance is delivered in weekly sessions by trained parents . Ninety-six percent of the parents who completed the program reported an improvement in their child 's behavior . All of the parents found the weekly guidance to be helpful . <p> Formalized clinical trials are just beginning . Sheeber and Johnson ( 1994 ) compared 21 mothers who received a 9-week temperament-focused parent training program based upon Turecki and Tonner ( 1985 ) with 19 in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , middle-class mothers of 3- to 5-year-old children , who , based on an initial assessment , exhibited minor behavioral problems . After the intervention and at a two-month follow-up , the experimental mothers demonstrated increased satisfaction in their parent-child relationships , higher perceived parental competence , and improved affect . Fewer child behavior problems and disruptions in family life-style also were reported . <p> Funded by the National Institute of Nursing Research , Melvin ( 1995 ) has recently completed a randomized clinical trial testing the effectiveness of TIPS , Temperament Intervention for Parents. 2 More than 300 mostly middle-class parents of preschoolers participated in the study . Families were randomly assigned to three groups : control , information only , and a nurse intervention group in which the parents received four to six individualized sessions . During the intervention , the nurses taught the parents basic temperament concepts and then guided them in applying the material to their specific parent-child interactional patterns . Handouts relevant to the child 's temperament reinforced the management strategies that were discussed with the parents who were expected to practice the techniques between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Obviously , more empirical investigations are needed to determine the effectiveness of temperament-based intervention . Still , the limited number of existing investigations need not dissuade clinicians from applying the theory in their practice . By adapting a broader conceptual perspective , clinicians will find a rigorous scientific foundation on which to base their interventions . Conceptualization Supporting Intervention <p> The conceptualization for temperament-based intervention is derived from three bodies of literature that explain child behavior from different perspectives : temperament , parenting , and the school environment . While temperament theory emphasizes the contribution of children to their social environment , the parenting literature focuses on parental , particularly maternal , effects upon the child . The school environment literature emphasizes the role of teachers and other caregivers who have the potential to influence child development . Combined , these literatures and the methods of intervention derived from them provide a powerful conceptualization for temperament-based intervention aimed at reducing child behavior problems while simultaneously fostering prosocial skills and diminishing parental and other caregiver distress . <p> As discussed , temperament theory asserts that children have a particular behavioral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social environment . Biological factors strongly influence the expression of temperament . Physiological studies have demonstrated that temperament is a self-organizing system that serves as a filter to regulate attention and behavior which is further strengthened through the progressive sculpting of neural networks ( Derryberry &; Reed , 1994 ) . Consequently , the child whose temperament is high in negative reactivity is likely to attend to negative information about him- or herself and about others . <p> But within the temperament perspective , the environment also plays an active part . Many children 's behavioral problems , according to temperament theory , could be averted if the environment provides goodness-of-fit , which is achieved when demands , expectations , and opportunities are consonant with the child 's temperament ( Chess &; Thomas , 1984 ) . Parents and other caregivers of children with challenging temperaments are often relieved to learn that some children require considerably more effort to rear than others . Once this insight is achieved , self-blame is reduced and caregivers can redirect their energies to resolving the conflict the child has with his or her social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . <p> While the emphasis in the temperament literature is on the child 's contribution to his or her own development , the focus switches in the parenting literature to the parents themselves . An assortment of labels and configurations are evident in the parenting literature to identify two major conceptual components ( Maccoby &; Martin , 1983 ) . In most cases , the labels can be categorized as an affective or an instrumental component , described respectively as warmth and control ( Halverson &; Wampler , 1997 ; Maccoby &; Martin , 1983 ) . Warmth is the acceptance or responsiveness vs. the rejection that parents relay to their children . Control refers to the demands that parents exert on their children vs. the autonomy that they encourage . <p> The significance of discipline , or how parents exert their authority , is critical . Parental inconsistency is a major factor in the development of children 's conduct disorders ( Brand , Crouse , &; Hanehom , 1990 ) . Ineffective parental discipline is counterproductive . Patterson ( 1982 ) and Patterson &; Reid ( 1970 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exhibited antisocial behavior . Instead of ignoring minor coercive episodes or engaging in a directed disciplinary action , the mothers in such families behaved ineptly by nagging or irritably scolding which often escalated the child 's disruptive behavior . Likewise , Baden and Howe ( 1992 ) found that parents of conduct-disordered children regarded their children 's misbehavior as intentional and beyond parental control . <p> Yet , even the most effective parents are challenged because various parenting styles have differential effects , depending on the child 's developmental stage and temperament ( Bugental &; Shennum , 1984 ; Cameron , 1978 ; Davies , McMahon , Flessati , &; Tiedemann , 1984 ) . As early as toddlerhood , effective parental control shifts from physical to verbal modalities . Parental control involves more negotiation as the child 's language becomes more sophisticated ( Kuczynski , Kochanska , Radke-Yarrow , &; Girnius-Brown , 1987 ) . Effective parents alter their directives as children get older to foster their independence ( Gralinski &; Kopp , 1993 ) . Conversely , parents who use aversive , vague , and physical instructions with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dumas &; Lechowicz , 1989 ) . <p> Parenting is further complicated by variations in children 's temperament . Temperament studies explain why some siblings within a family develop behavioral problems while others do not . Children with particular temperament characteristics may be at risk for developing behavioral problems . High negative reactivity ( Brody , Stoneman , &; Burke , 1987 , 1988 ; Chess &; Thomas , 1984 ; Kashani , Ezpeleta , Dandoy , Doi , &; Reid , 1991 ; Maziade et al. , 1990 ; McClowry et al. , 1994 ; Pullis , 1985 ; Terestman , 1980 ) , high activity level ( Brody et al. , 1988 ; Rende &; Plomin , 1992 ) , low approach ( Rende &; Plomin , 1992 ) , and low task persistence ( McClowry et al. , 1994 ; Prior , Sanson , &; Oberklaid , 1989 ; Pullis , 1985 ) have been associated with behavioral problems . Conversely , low activity level , high approach , and high task persistence have been associated with positive self-perception ( Klein , 1992 ) . In another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to resiliency and other competencies ( Smith &; Prior , 1995 ) . <p> The interactive effects of parenting styles with various child temperaments are just beginning to be identified ( Rothbart &; Bates , 1998 ) . Again , parental warmth and control was shown to influence children 's development . Mothers who perceived their children as having difficult temperaments compared to those who viewed their children as easy were more directive and disapproving of them during problem-solving activities ( Gauvain &; Fagot , 1995 ) . Greater externalizing behavior developed among children whose temperament was resistant to control when their mothers were not restrictive than when they were ( Bates , Pettit , Dodge , &; Ridge , in press ) . Moreover , gentle , rather than forceful control , by mothers of fearful children supported their development of conscience ( Kochanska , 1991 ) . <p> Parents can be taught new ways of interacting with their children . Several parenting programs have shown effectiveness in reducing children 's behavioral problems , particularly for those who are conduct-disordered ( Moreland , Schwebel , Beck , &; Wells @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1974 ; Webster-Stratton , Hollinsworth , &; Kolpacoff , 1989 ) . But , often these programs present generic child management techniques as if they were applicable to all children . From a temperament perspective , various management strategies may not be optimal for all children . For example , time-out is generally regarded as an effective disciplinary tactic . For the child who is low in task persistence , however , time-out may reinforce his or her tendency to abandon activities midstream when they become difficult . Such a child may learn to act out when frustrated to get rewarded with a time-out from an activity that requires his or her concentration to be completed . A temperament-based strategy for a child who is low in task persistence is to have the adult caregiver structure the assigned task in appropriately small steps . The child should then receive positive reinforcement for making progress toward the completion of the assignment . <p> In a similar manner , a child whose temperament is high in negative reactivity has a tendency to react to even minor stressors in an intensely negative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circumstances is ineffective and likely to be counterproductive , causing the child to demonstrate even more vocal or physical distress . A temperament-based strategy is to selectively ignore the child 's initial negative comments or to respond in a neutral fashion while assisting the child to find more acceptable ways to deal with his or her distress . Children who are high in negative reactivity can learn to modulate their tone of voice and to discern under which circumstances they should express displeasure and when they should demonstrate greater restraint . <p> While temperament-based intervention is intended to relay acceptance to the child , the strategies that parents and other caregivers use often encourage the child to accept a challenge that can foster his or her development . For example , a mother who has a child who is cautious and slow to warm up may tell the child that although meeting new children at a birthday party may initially be uncomfortable , she is sure that the discomfort will only last a few minutes . To ease the child into the situation , the mother may offer to stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ names of children that he or she already knows . Conversely , a father whose child has a temperament that is social and eager to try new experiences will adopt other strategies . He will want to explain the importance of safety while still acknowledging to the child that his or her friendly nature is a positive and valued attribute . <p> Parents are not the only ones who influence children . The conceptualization for temperament-based intervention also acknowledges the potential positive contribution of teachers and other nonfamilial caregivers within the school environment . Adverse sociofamilial factors contribute toward the vulnerability of many children , compromising their personal and interpersonal development and academic achievement ( Institute of Medicine IOM , 1994 ) . But , the involvement of effective , caring adults enhances the resiliency of children , thereby , reducing the likelihood of their developing serious behavioral disorders ( Werner &; Smith , 1992 ) . <p> An orderly school environment is critical , but often difficult to maintain . Teachers report discipline problems in public schools as their major concern , second only to student drug use ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the model most frequently used to correct repetitive and disruptive student behaviors . Traditionally , most behavioral consultation has been based on behavior modification programs designed for a specific disruptive student ( Kazdin , 1994 ; Kratochwill , Elliott , &; Rotto , 1990 ) . Typically , the program is developed by a consultant who instructs the teacher to implement the plan to improve the child 's behavior . A metaanalysis of such programs demonstrates that they have moderate effectiveness in changing teacher behavior and attitudes , but lesser effectiveness on changing the behavior of the targeted children ( Batts , 1988 ) . Teacher directed behavioral interventions , however , which combine theory , demonstration , practice , and feedback are more effective than those that provide information only ( Bennett , 1988 ) . <p> Two trends are changing the disciplinary approaches used in schools . Behavioral consultants have been challenged to broaden their approach by engaging parents , teachers , and other caregivers in their intervention so that the child is viewed not in isolation but within the systems in which he or she interacts ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A less directed approach is encouraged so that all of the child 's caregivers are viewed not as passive recipients of a professional 's advice , but active participants in the planning . <p> A second trend engages clinicians in schools in another systems approach . Rather than focusing on just problem children , preventive approaches are emerging . Clinicians work together to develop strategies that create a more positive social environment which fosters responsible student behavior ( Lewis , 1997 ) . Temperament-Based Interventions <p> Once clinicians learn about temperament , they are likely to see how it applies to many of the situations that arise with school-age children . Clinicians may then wish to incorporate their knowledge of temperament concepts when giving guidance to parents and other caregivers . A more successful result is likely to occur if the parent and/or other caregivers are engaged in planning and implementing a temperament-based intervention . <p> In general , several steps are involved in temperament-based intervention . First , the clinician must determine if temperament is related to the identified concerns . If it is , the clinician can teach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the child 's behavior . Strategies to enhance child management and improve goodness-of-fit can then be collaboratively developed . Follow-up will be necessary to see whether the strategies have been adequately applied and to ascertain their effectiveness . Adjustments may be necessary if the intervention has not been successful . <p> Effective temperament-based interventions can result in a number of positive outcomes . If successful , caregivers will become more knowledgeable about child temperament and how it influences behavior . They also will become more deliberate , skillful , and positive in their interactions with their children . As a result , the children will exhibit fewer behavioral problems . The intervention also will impact on the caregivers . By better appreciating the uniqueness of each child , caregivers may experience more pleasure in their roles . Consequently , caregiver distress regarding child temperament and normative developmental issues will diminish . Likewise , as caregivers relay greater warmth , yet become more consistent and effective in their disciplinary strategies , the self-esteem of the children should be enhanced . Other positive child outcomes may include an enhancement of empathy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ &; Bates , 1998 ) . <p> Multiple types of temperament interventions are possible . The classification presented in this article is not intended to be hierarchical , but to provide clinicians with an operating schema to use when planning their own interventions and when evaluating their effectiveness . <p> But , first , a distinction needs to be made between interventions that are strictly educational and those that engage the participants interactively in implementing the content . In an educational intervention , parents and/or caregivers are provided with temperament content that they are then expected to apply independently . In an interactive program , a professional guides parents or other caregivers in systematically implementing the information by providing practice exercises , an opportunity to report the results and to make adjustments in the child management strategies . Both educational and interactive interventions activities can be delivered individually or within groups . In both cases , the targeted participants must be considered when designing the intervention . Classifications of Temperament-Based Intervention Programs <p> Three classifications of temperament-based intervention programs are possible : promotion , prevention , and treatment . Each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to their variations in focus and expected outcomes , recommended screening and referral procedures , required educational preparation of the providers , and suggested format including medium of delivery , number of sessions , and use of boosters , which are additional sessions used to reinforce the material once the formal program has ended . <p> Promotion . The purpose of promotion programs is to enhance competence , self-esteem , and sense of well-being ( IOM , 1994 ) . A temperament-based promotion program is intended for parents who are not in crisis regarding their parental role , but who are eager to promote their children 's development and to strengthen family harmony . <p> Prior to admission into a temperament-based promotion program , a screening of the child and the family system should be conducted . Appropriate child-related concerns for this type of intervention include issues related to temperament , poorness of fit , minor behavioral problems , or developmental concerns . More serious family problems , such as maternal depression or domestic violence , if identified during the prescreening or during the course of the intervention , should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see the parent(s) to determine whether adjunctive therapy is appropriate or whether the family should be removed from the intervention to first deal with their more serious problems . <p> If an adequate pre-screening is conducted to assure that the participants are appropriate for a promotion program , temperament advisors can deliver the intervention to parents . The educational preparation of the advisors should be , at a minimum , a bachelor 's degree . The temperament advisors need to be trained in the delivery of the intervention and should receive ongoing supervision by someone who has a professional advanced degree and licensure . <p> Temperament-based promotion programs can be delivered individually or in groups . Parents , typically , meet with a temperament advisor for 1 to 6 sessions . The child 's temperament is described and an assessment of goodness-of-fit is made . Specific solutions to problems resulting from a poor fit are developed . Parents are encouraged to use the advice and discuss the results in subsequent sessions , which continue until a better fit and more manageable behavior is achieved . <p> As an alternative approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group format . The advantage to group sessions is the support parents gain from each other as well as from the temperament advisor who serves as the facilitator . The disadvantage of a group format is that the content is less individualized . On the other hand , because the information is more general , parents learn to apply the material not only to their targeted child 's current problems , but to those that may emerge in the future . Such generalizability may be beneficial for addressing other relationships as well . <p> Another consideration is the cost of the chosen format . While individual sessions are likely to require less time from the parents , group sessions may be more cost effective because 10 to 12 parents can be facilitated at one time by the temperament advisor . Clinicians using the group format will need to determine how many sessions are necessary to relay the content . Six 2-hour weekly sessions are recommended . Parents can then practice the skills presented at home between sessions because it is unlikely that changes in family interactions will be maintained without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changes with the passage of time , class reunions can be scheduled to review content and to help parents address ever emerging child issues . Such booster sessions are appropriate for parents who received intervention individually or in a group format . <p> Prevention . Temperament-based preventive intervention is intended for children who are at risk for developing mental health disorders . To participate in a prevention program , the child and his or her parents should not have psychological problems which are at a DSM-IV diagnosable level . Instead , the purpose of preventive intervention is to reduce the occurrences of mental health disorders by decreasing risk factors and increasing protective ones ( IOM , 1994 ) . A number of sociofamilial factors contribute toward the development of child mental disorders , particularly conduct disorders . The risk of conduct disorders , in fact , increases proportionately when multiple aversive situations are experienced ( IOM , 1994 ) . Two factors , poverty ( Hawkins , Catalano , &; Miller , 1992 ) and living in a community with a high crime level ( Sampson , 1985 ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outcomes of a temperament-based prevention intervention are nearly the same as a promotion one , the participants and level of intensity differs . Because the participants of a prevention program are drawn from an at-risk population , greater life distress should be expected and will require a more intensive intervention . A temperament-based prevention intervention program is appropriately intended for parents whose children are at risk for developing conduct disorders or depression . The parents , themselves , also are at risk for depression and/or anxiety due to life stressors . <p> Lessons learned from the parenting literature provide direction for temperament-based preventive intervention . The effectiveness of parenting programs for children who are at risk for developing conduct disorders is compromised when multiple family problems exist as often happens with disadvantaged families ( Webster-Stratton , 1994 ) . Consequently , some parenting programs have added additional sessions to address other family deficits such as ineffective communication or ways to improve problem solving ( Webster-Stratton , 1994 ) . Another approach is to direct intervention not just at the parents but to other caregivers , such as teachers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children 's socialization ( Bloomquist , August , &; Ostrander , 1991 ; Weissberg , Caplan , &; Bennetto , 1988 ) . <p> To handle the more complex needs of at-risk populations , temperament-based preventive intervention should involve parallel programs for parents and the children 's teachers or child care providers to assure that consistent management strategies are used . The children also should be engaged . They can be taught to use temperament-related principles in their interactions with their peers , family members , and teachers-caregivers . <p> The timing of temperament-based prevention programs is critical for maximizing their effectiveness . The optimal time is before deviant behaviors are established . Because aggressive behavior crystallizes by 8 years of age ( Huesmann , Eron , Lefkowitz , &; Walder , 1984 ) , early intervention during the preschool years is the ideal . Yet , many parents of at-risk children do not recognize their child 's problems until after he or she has begun school . The early school-age years , then , become critical ones for halting the progression of child behavior problems . Unless adults intervene @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to higher levels of pathology and may lead to serious mental health problems ( Bates , 1989 ; Maziade et al. , 1990 ) . The vast majority of adults with serious antisocial behavior exhibited a conduct disorder during the school-age years ( Patterson , DeBaryshe , &; Ramsey , 1989 ) . Likewise , depression during middle childhood has been related to chronic depression later in life ( Kovacs , Feinberg , Crouse-Novak , Paulauskos , &; Finkelstein , 1984 ) . <p> Screening for prevention intervention should be more formalized than for promotion programs . In addition to observing the child and interviewing the parents , standardized instruments can aid the clinician in determining that while the family is at risk , identified problems are not at a diagnosable level . To formally assess the child , the Child Behavior Checklist ( CBCL ; Achenbach &; Edelbrock , 1983 ) or the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children ( DISC-IV ; Schwab-Stone et al. , 1996 ) can be used . The most relevant module for the DISC-IV is the Disruptive Disorder which includes Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity , Oppositional Disorder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be evaluated . Parental depression can be assessed on the Brief Symptom Inventory ( BSI ) which is a 53-item self-report of psychological symptomology ( Derogatis , 1993 ) or the Beck Depression Inventory ( Beck , Steer , &; Garbin , 1988 ) . Suicidal ideation or intent requires immediate treatment from a mental health professional . <p> Facilitators who deliver temperament-based preventive intervention will need adequate clinical skills to handle the more complex concurrent family situations which affect the child 's behavior and which influence parental distress . The clinical training of the facilitator should be at least a master 's degree in a social service field . Backup by a licensed professional is critical for supervision as well as for referral if family problems intensify during the course of intervention . As with promotion programs , a licensed mental health therapist should determine in such cases whether adjunctive therapy is appropriate or whether the family should first concentrate on their more pressing problems . <p> Temperament-based prevention programs can be delivered individually or in groups . The educational materials , however , should be geared for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the language used and the medium of delivery is appropriate for the intended audience . Reading materials should be used only to reinforce points made in discussion or through videotapes , not to relay new content . <p> For successful intervention to occur , a comprehensive intervention is necessary and will be time-intensive . Parallel programs for parents and teachers should consist of 10 weekly 2-hour sessions . Ten 1-hour weekly sessions for the children is appropriate . A universal classroom intervention is recommended so that targeted children and their peers are engaged in the same interpersonal skill building and problem solving activities . <p> Six or eight participants are recommended in both the parent and teacher programs to allow all participants ample time for discussion . But because attrition is likely to occur , over enrollment is appropriate . Boosters are critical to maintain the skills learned during the intervention . <p> The supportive nature of group intervention may provide an additional positive outcome for at-risk parents . The successful mastery of the complex concepts included in a temperament-based intervention may provide parents with the incentive to deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or community . <p> Treatment . Treatment is intended for child or parental problems which meet or are close to meeting a DSM-IV ( American Psychiatric Association , 1994 ) diagnosis ( IOM , 1994 ) . Before recommending temperament-based treatment , a licensed diagnostician should first evaluate the child and/or parents . Not all behavioral disturbances are related to child temperament . Some disorders such as schizophrenia , autism , and manic-depression are unrelated and , thus , are inappropriate for temperament-based treatment ( Chess &; Thomas , 1996 ) . <p> Temperament-based treatment is appropriate for diagnoses ( i.e. , conduct disorder , adjustment disorder , brain damage or child or parental depression ) when the identified symptoms are influenced or intensified by temperament related issues . The clinician can select between two approaches for temperament-based treatment ( Chess &; Thomas , 1996 ) . One approach is for therapy to be directed first at reducing the symptoms related to the diagnosis . Only when the symptoms are under control does the clinician introduce strategies to deal with the temperament related issues . <p> A different approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ related to the diagnosis contribute to the difficulties that the parent is having in handling the child or that the child is exhibiting in response to the parental pathology . In such cases , the clinician can first concentrate on offering practical suggestions to change the specific behaviors that the parent exhibits that contribute to maladaptive behavior in the child . Once the parent has corrected her or his mismanagement or unhealthy alliance with the child , the underlying intrapsychic issues should be explored . <p> The severity of the psychological problems of patients with a DSM-IV diagnosis who receive temperament-based intervention dictates that licensed mental health therapists should deliver the treatment . The intensity and individualized nature of the problems also necessitates that most temperament-based treatment should be delivered in individual sessions . The length of treatment will vary with the presenting problems . Followup is recommended after treatment . INSIGHTS <p> An example of a temperament-based intervention is INSIGHTS , a prevention program for parents , teachers , and their disadvantaged minority , inner-city , school-age children . The effectiveness of INSIGHTS is being tested in a five-year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 <p> The principles described in this article for temperament-based preventive intervention were used to design INSIGHTS . To qualify for the program , potential participants are screened using standardized instruments to assure that their level of distress is not at a DSM-IV diagnosable level . Then , master 's degree-level facilitators , under the direction of licensed mental health care clinicians , conduct INSIGHTS as a comprehensive program with three integrated components : a parenting program , a parallel one for teachers , and a universal classroom program for first and second grade children . Parents and teachers of the targeted children receive intervention in 10 separate weekly 2-hour sessions . Delivered to groups of 6 to 8 parents or teachers , the sessions include didactic content , videotaped vignettes , role-playing , discussion , and assignments . The children are engaged in their own program . Puppets and other drama therapy techniques relay related concepts to the targeted children and their classmates in their classrooms . Three booster sessions occur during the subsequent six months . Challenges for the Future of Temperament-Based Intervention <p> An assessment of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first acknowledging the creative clinicians who have been generous in disseminating their strategies , so that they can serve as launching points for others . Still , temperament-based intervention will not achieve credibility unless empirical investigations document its efficacy . Before positive outcomes can be substantiated , several challenges must be faced by clinicians and researchers alike as they plan their interventions . <p> Surely expert clinicians will continue to creatively apply the art of temperament intervention into their practice . A knowledge of the scientific foundation will assist them in developing innovative strategies . Research on temperament that can further assist clinicians is constantly being generated . Clinicians need to carefully critique research studies , sifting through to find those that are rigorous and applicable to practice . Currently , much of temperament research is not easily applied to clinical situations . Collaboration between clinicians and researchers is particularly recommended to further advance the art and science of temperament-based intervention . Clinician-researchers bear a particular responsibility for advancing the science of temperament based intervention . Randomized clinical trials testing the effectiveness of promotion , prevention , and treatment interventions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protocols , a task which is particularly challenging because much of temperament intervention is highly individualized . But a standardized approach is needed so that outcomes can be documented , results can be replicated , and dissemination can occur . <p> Cultural concerns are another challenge . Clinicians and researchers who are designing temperament-based intervention need to consider the race and/or ethnicity of the participants . The vast majority of child development studies , including those investigating parenting and temperament , have focused on white , middle income families . A notable exception involved a cross-cultural comparison of goodness-of-fit . Although the subjects in the NYLS ( Thomas et al. , 1963 ) were primarily white and from middle to upper-middle income families , a similar , but lesser known study was conducted with a working class Puerto Rican sample ( Hertzig , Birch , Thomas , &; Mendez , 1968 ) . Comparisons between these two groups led Chess and Thomas ( 1984 ) to conclude that goodness-of-fit always exists within a social context . Environmental constraints due to ethnic or socioeconomic factors contribute to what parents and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temperament-based management strategies . For example , suggesting that a child whose temperament is high in activity nm around the block would be unsafe in many inner city neighborhoods . <p> Clinician-researchers who wish to test the effectiveness of their intervention face methodological challenges . Selected instrumentation should be adequately developed to reliably capture the phenomenon of temperament as well as the measurement of the intended outcomes of the intervention . The task is particularly difficult for promotion and prevention programs because participants are recruited from nonclinical community samples . Measurement must be highly sensitive to reflect the subtle changes in behavior that occur in nonreferred samples . <p> Parental self-reports are , too often , the only source of measurement . The reliability of parental reports is often questioned ( Bates &; Bayles , 1984 ; Earls , 1981 ; Gibbs , Reeves , &; Cunningham , 1987 ) . Other techniques are available to minimize the potential distortion of reliance on one source of information and one type of measurement . Videotaped laboratory observations can be used to examine mother-child interactions . To control for parental social desirability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that highly correlates with observed maternal authoritative behavior ( Kochanska , Kuczynski , &; Radke-Yarrow , 1989 ) can be conducted . Another way to control for parental bias is to use the Parent Daily Report ( PDR ; Chamberlain &; Reid , 1987 ) , in which mothers are telephoned to inquire whether previously identified problem behaviors have occurred during the last 24 hours . The PDR correlates with direct observations on both clinical and nonclinical samples ( Chamberlain &; Reid , 1987 ; Webster-Stratton &; Spitzer , 1991 ) . Multisource , multimethod data from other informants such as teachers and clinicians also is recommended . Discrepancies among the various informants is inevitable and will need to be examined for its empirical and clinical meaning . <p> Statistical techniques which take into account the complexity of examining the effectiveness of temperament-based intervention are another methodological concern . The traditional repeated measures analysis of variance frequently used in clinical trials is likely to be inadequate , because multiple intervening variables will affect the response of families to intervention . Hierarchical linear modeling ( HLM ) ( Bryk &; Raudenbush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examining individual and group contextual variables simultaneously . However , HLM requires more subjects than is likely to be feasible for clinical trials . Covariates , exploratory data analysis , residual analysis , and other techniques can be used to examine how the competing contextual variables influence the achieved outcomes . <p> In the end , the most formidable challenge of conducting temperament-based intervention is designing an application that meets the needs of the particular clients for whom it is intended . While guidelines and strategies from others may assist , the clinician must take ownership of the intervention , adapting it to the needs of the setting and participants . Otherwise , the approach will not be compelling in its delivery . Developing or adapting temperament-based intervention is not a trivial task , but one that requires a considerable intellectual investment coupled with clinical expertise . Temperament-based intervention will be facilitated if a clinician has colleagues who share an interest and a commitment . Interdisciplinary collaboration within the setting is likely to lead to greater sophistication in the conceptualization and delivery of temperament-based interventions . Parental and other caregiver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is culturally appropriate and to ascertain whether it produces the intended outcomes . <p> The practice of temperament-based intervention is still in its formative development . The relative scarcity of clinicians who are using temperament-based interventions , coupled with their wide geographic dispersity , has complicated the advancement of the practice application . Dissemination of information regarding temperament-based intervention and networking among clinicians and clinician-researchers is critically needed . Publications , conferences , and informal networking with newsletters and list-serves are among the vehicles that should be used . <p> Temperament-based intervention holds the potential to mobilize psychologists , teachers , parents , and other caregivers to establish school and home environments that supports the individual needs of children . Simply put , temperament-based intervention recognizes child temperament , reframes adult perceptions , and assists caregivers in responding more effectively . A multiplicity of intervention variations on that theme are anticipated to evolve during the ensuing years , emanating from the creativity of expert clinicians . <p> Address all correspondence concerning this article to Sandra Graham McClowry , Associate Professor , Division of Nursing , 34 Stuyvesant Street , Barney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10003 . E-mail : sm6@is.nyu.edu . <p>
@@4010641 Historically , the school psychologist 's work in early education has been restricted primarily to providing services to young children with special education needs . A more contemporary model calls for an expanded role with a focus on school readiness and the provision of services to all young children and their families in a prevention-oriented approach that is likely to maximize efforts to improve educational and social outcomes . Guided by best practices in school psychology , school psychologists can assist parents and early educators in taking a deliberate and intentional role in facilitating child development . By acting as a liaison between the school system and early childhood settings , school psychologists can assist schools in preparing to meet the diverse needs of their youngest students and can assist early childhood educators in better preparing children for school entry ( Carlton &; Winsler , 1999 ) . The purpose of this article is to discuss an expanded role for school psychologists in early education within the context of school readiness and organized around the domains of assessment , consultation , and intervention . In addressing each of these domains , applications of best practices in school psychology are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlighted to illustrate the potential contributions of collaborative efforts of school psychology and early education . Finally , challenges to this contemporary model are discussed . <p> More than ever , children between birth and the age of 5 years are exposed to educational experiences before formal schooling in some type of structured setting ( Lombardi , 2003 ; National Institute for Early Education Research , 2003 ) . Historically , young children have participated in structured preschool experiences as a result of an identified disability ( e.g. , Part H now known as Part C of the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act , which has served roughly 5% of the preschool population since 1986 ) or as part of a compensatory program ( e.g. , Head Start , which has served roughly 50% of preschool-aged children living in poverty since 1965 ) . In 1999 , however , almost 65% of all children ages 3-5 years participated in some type of center-based preschool , with 46% of 3-year-olds , 69% of 4-year-olds , and 76% of 5-year-olds enrolled in programs ( National Center for Educational Statistics , 2000 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act have ensured continued delivery of services to infants , toddlers , and preschoolers with disabilities and renewal of Head Start funding has allowed for continued programming for children at risk and living in poverty . Other federal legislation , such as No Child Left Behind and Good Start Grow Smart : The Bush Administration 's Early Childhood Initiative ( 2002 ) , has recognized the need to include all young children in service delivery and promoted strengthening the quality of early childhood education services . State initiatives have promoted universal preschool , which " refers to the goal of making available to families of all 3- and 4-year-olds a program of services that provides high quality education for children and helps to prepare them for a successful entry to kindergarten " ( Bailey , 2002 , p. 3 ) . As of fiscal year 2000 , 32 states and the District of Columbia had state-funded preschool initiatives ( Gilliam &; Ripple , 2004 ) . <p> Although increasing numbers of children are accessing educational opportunities before kindergarten , there are tremendous differences in the types and qualities of preschool @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Human Development Study of Early Child Care , fewer than 20% of preschool centers offered care highly characteristic of positive caregiving ( National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network , 1996 ) . Across states providing preschool , program components such as teacher qualifications , in-service training requirements , technical assistance , and collaboration with other service providers vary ( Gilliam &; Ripple , 2004 ) , potentially affecting the quality of the services provided . Poor-quality early education has contributed to alarming numbers of children arriving at kindergarten without the academic and social skills needed for school success ( Shonkoff &; Phillips , 2000 ) . In addition , there is increasing concern that many schools may not be prepared to meet the diverse needs of the children and families they serve ( Adelman , 1996 ) , especially affecting children who enter school without the foundational skills needed for school success ( e.g. , children with special education or health care needs , linguistic and cultural differences , and those with risk factors ; Ramey , Ramey , &; Gaines Lanzi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who start formal schooling without sufficient academic and social skills is discouraging . As early as kindergarten , young children who experience poor social and learning experiences at school may engage in a negative cycle in which outcomes such as continued academic difficulties , antisocial behavior , and withdrawal from the school environment become increasingly likely ( Ladd &; Coleman , 1997 ) . Further , research indicates that differences in general cognitive competencies between children from high- and low-socioeconomic status backgrounds are apparent by 3 years of age , and that this gap increases through the preschool years ( Case , Griffin , &; Kelly , 1999 ; Stipek &; Ryan , 1997 ) . Finally , research suggests that school readiness at kindergarten entry has direct and indirect effects on first-grade schooling outcomes , and the link between early performance and later achievement also has been demonstrated across longer intervals of time , with prekindergarten performance being related to academic achievement through Grade 10 ( Stevenson &; Newman , 1986 ) . <p> Recently , a transactional perspective of school readiness , consistent with a focus on prevention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ population ( Fantuzzo , McWayne , &; Bulotksy , 2003 ; Power , 2003 ; Shapiro , 2000 ; Sheridan &; Gutkin , 2000 ) , has been advocated to address the diverse needs of children entering kindergarten ( Carlton &; Winsler , 1999 ) . This transactional model centers on the readiness of the child to enter school as well as the readiness of the school to receive the child and meet the child 's individual developmental needs , using dynamic models of assessment and working closely with parents and teachers to promote positive outcomes . The purpose of this article is to discuss an expanded role for the school psychologist in early education ( n1 ) within the context of school readiness and organized around the domains of assessment , consultation , and intervention . In addressing each of these domains , applications of best practices in school psychology are presented with modifications relevant to early childhood , and the skills and knowledge necessary to implement such practices are delineated . In addition , research is highlighted that illustrates the potential contributions of collaborative efforts between school psychology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> School psychologists can contribute to meaningful assessment and effective intervention in the context of school readiness by providing early educators with a scientific framework for interpreting rate of skill development relative to various criteria for growth and development . School psychologists can work with early educators to identify instructional foci and curricula that are well matched to children 's individualized needs and assist with assessment plans that are technically meaningful and family centered ( McWilliam , Maxwell , &; Sloper , 1999 ) . Whereas traditionally school psychologists ' involvement in early education has been restricted primarily to providing services to young children with special education needs , an expanded role with a focus on school readiness calls for the provision of services to all young children and their families in a prevention-oriented approach . Assessment <p> Best practices in school psychology promote assessment methods that facilitate the measurement of skill growth over time and contextual and functional approaches to skill development and behavior . Two major foci are general outcome measurement ( GOM ; Fuchs &; Deno , 1991 ; Shinn , 1989 ) and functional behavioral assessment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Both of these approaches extend assessment practices beyond traditional eligibility decision making , emphasizing a teach-test-teach model instead of a refer-test-place model ( Flanagan , Sainato , &; Genshaft , 1993 ) . Further , both GOM and FBA can be used in the context of school readiness to support children as they transition from early childhood settings to formal schooling . <p> A GOM approach to assessment is designed to determine child progress toward long-term goals by frequently monitoring skills that represent critical and valued goals of the educational or developmental process ( Fuchs &; Deno , 1991 ) . GOM generates data that can be used to monitor and evaluate the progress of individual children as well as groups of children . Many schools using GOM in K-12 settings ( e.g. , Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills ; Kaminski &; Good , 1996 ; curriculum-based measurement ; Deno , 1985 ) have sought out similar models for younger children to create a meaningful link between early education and formal schooling ( Missall , McConnell , &; Cadigan , 2006 ) . For example , early literacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Research Institute -- Measuring Growth and Development , 1998 , 2000 ) assess vocabulary , rhyming , and alliteration , three skills related to successful reading . Collecting GOM data on all children can facilitate the establishment of benchmarks , or set criteria , for success . School psychologists can assist early educators in using this information to inform instruction and intervention to accelerate the progress of those children who are struggling and assist them in meeting the criterion . Further , school psychologists can aid kindergarten teachers in using preschool GOM data to plan instruction to accommodate diverse learners as they enter kindergarten ( Fuchs &; Fuchs , 1998 ) . Evidence-based practice for the use of GOM and other alternative assessment models is growing ( see Bagnato , 2005 , for a detailed discussion ) . In this issue , Greenwood et al . ( 2006 ) describe the development of a GOM , or an IGDI for problem-solving in infants and toddlers . In a field-based application of GOMs , the utility and social validity of the early language and literacy IGDIs for monitoring the growth and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the use of the measures to evaluate the effects of intervention ( Phaneuf &; Silberglitt , 2003 ) . <p> Many of the skills that school psychologists employ in implementing GOM systems in the K-12 setting generalize to early education settings with some modification . In each setting , school psychologists need to be able to evaluate curricula , articulate the goals of instruction , and identify instructional targets related to the broad outcome measured by a GOM . In early education settings , it is particularly critical that school psychologists undertake this task in relation to the goals of formal schooling to specify measurement and instructional targets linked meaningfully to skills and knowledge needed for success in kindergarten . Knowledge of early education curricula can be gained primarily through a review of instructional materials , teacher interviews , and observations . Because a formal curriculum may not be used in all early education settings , specific knowledge of early development is necessary for the identification of target skills that are predictive of performance of important or valued behaviors at a different stage of development , or a different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development for infants and toddlers ( e.g. , Early Communication IGDI ) and preschoolers ( e.g. , Picture Naming IGDI ) focuses on early communication skills and expressive vocabulary , indicators related to the broader behaviors of cognition , social interaction , and reading . School psychologists must understand how target skills are represented in the curriculum , realized in everyday activities , and connected to long-term goals . <p> In addition , school psychologists must understand the conceptual foundation of GOM to effectively use the system in the context of school readiness . GOM could be used potentially for screening , identifying children in need of instructional assistance , designing interventions , and evaluating the effects of instruction and intervention , all essential components to improving outcomes for children that hold promise for use in a response to intervention system ( VanDerHeyden , 2005 ) . As school psychologists in early education typically have been limited to traditional eligibility assessment activities that have questionable instructional utility ( McConnell , 2000 ) , the challenge is to create a new role for assessment and school psychologists that is prevention oriented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ psychologists to collaborate with early educators to facilitate competency in key skill areas and promote school readiness for all children . Finally , one of the current significant limitations of GOM in early education is limited accessibility ( www.getgotgo.net ; www.igdi.ku.edu ) . Related to this issue is the need for more extensive documentation of the reliability , validity , and utility of GOM in early education . School psychologists can assist with further research efforts in these areas to increase the accessibility and use of GOM . School psychologists can also assist early educators in using more readily available curriculum-referenced measures ( e.g. , Assessment , Evaluation , and Programming System ; Bricker , 2002 ) to promote formative assessment and data-based decision making . <p> Whereas GOM is a measurement technology , FBA is a scientific framework to guide assessment , decision making or data interpretation , and intervention development ; hence , GOM may be used within FBA to inform those processes . Several studies have demonstrated the utility of functional assessment for young children with behavioral difficulties ( Boyajian , DuPaul , Handler , Eckert , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Lentini , &; Clarke , 2004 ; VanDerHeyden , Witt , &; Gatti , 2001 ) . Boyajian et al . ( 2001 ) demonstrated the use of brief functional analyses with preschoolers at risk for Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder . Procedures were effective in identifying conditions under which problem behavior occurred and developing interventions to reduce the problem behavior . In a group application , VanDerHeyden et al . ( 2001 ) used descriptive assessment to identify variables maintaining disruptive behavior in two early education classrooms . Based on the assessment , intervention procedures were developed that reduced problem behavior at a classroom level . <p> FBA can be used to promote school readiness by reducing problem behavior that interferes with a child 's ability to learn and interact with others . Replacement behaviors can be strategically selected to link to the instructional and social behavior that children need for school success , such as attending skills , following directions , engaging with materials , and participating in group activities . Because these self-regulatory behaviors , or learning-related social skills , are predictive of future difficulties ( McClelland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a prevention perspective these types of behaviors make ideal targets for intervention . Moreover , in survey studies kindergarten teachers have rated learning-related social skills as critical to successful adjustment in kindergarten ( Foulks &; Morrow , 1989 ) and have indicated that such behaviors are a problem for half or more of the children entering kindergarten ( Rimm-Kaufmann , Pianta , &; Cox , 2000 ) . <p> Although the conceptual structure of FBA generalizes easily across different populations , application of the procedures to early education may require some modifications . School psychologists may need to modify existing assessment methods to adequately capture environmental variables in home and early education settings as activities and routines are likely to be significantly different from those in school-based settings . For example , scatter plots used to examine the temporal relation between a child 's behavior and different contexts ( Touchette , MacDonald , &; Langer , 1985 ) may reflect caregiving routines as well as class activities ; interviews may have a similar focus ( e.g. , the Waking Day Interview ; Barnett , Bell , &; Carey , 1999 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( e.g. , the use of physical indicators showing children where to sit during large group activities ) ; and behavioral observations may focus on engagement in play or group participation as opposed to academic on-task behavior . General knowledge of child development assists in modifying procedures with a home-based focus while practical experience in early childhood settings contributes to the knowledge base necessary to modify procedures with a classroom focus . Finally , familiarity with the eco-behavioral early childhood literature ( Dunn , 1993 ; Kontos , Burchinal , Howes , Wisseh , &; Galinksy , 2002 ) and the environmental arrangements literature ( Lawry , Danko , &; Strain , 1999 ) can assist school psychologists in better understanding the complexity of early childhood settings and enable them to identify key variables in supporting children in the classroom . Consultation and Intervention <p> Working in partnership with parents and early educators , school psychologists can provide coaching and facilitate problem solving about classroom and individual child issues ( Donahue , Falk , &; Provet , 2000 ) . A number of studies have suggested the effectiveness of consultation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children ( Boyajian et al. , 2001 ; Duda et al. , 2004 ; LePage , Kratochwill , &; Elliott , 2004 ; McGoey , DuPaul , Eckert , Volpe , &; Van Brackle , 2005 ) . For example , in their study with two preschool-age children , Duda et al . ( 2004 ) used consultation procedures to develop a positive behavior support plan based on functional assessment procedures . Interventions were implemented in the children 's natural environment and resulted in decreases in problem behavior and increases in active engagement across settings . In an investigation of consultant outcomes , treatment effects , and consumer satisfaction with preschool consultation , LePage et al . ( 2004 ) reported improved outcomes ( e.g. , decreased aggression and tantrums and increased social interaction ) in the majority of cases , with most treatment goals being met in more than 70% of cases . Further , parents and educators indicated satisfaction with the consultation process . <p> Although behavioral issues often are the central focus of consultation in early education , instructional consultation is equally important when considering issues of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ providing children with key foundational early learning skills . Emerging evidence suggests its effectiveness in accelerating the development of children at program and individual child levels . For example , an evaluation of Pittsburgh 's early childhood initiative found that progress of high-risk children was associated with participation in programs that received ongoing collaborative consultation and mentoring ( Bagnato , Suen , Brickley , Smith-Jones , &; Dettore , 2003 ) . In just one example at the individual child level , consultation procedures were used to teach parents to use responsive interaction and incidental teaching skills , which resulted in an increase in children 's verbal behavior and parental maintenance of skills ( Peterson , Carta , &; Greenwood , 2005 ) . Given increasing evidence about the importance of early experiences in promoting educational outcomes ( Hart &; Risley , 1995 ; Shonkoff &; Phillips , 2000 ) , working with caregivers to increase their active engagement in their child 's learning is an essential and pivotal role for school psychologists in promoting school readiness ( Carlton &; Winsler , 1999 ) . School psychologists can assist parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in facilitating development by strategically planning learning experiences for young children . <p> In consulting with early educators and parents , school psychologists are likely to use a range of consultation models consistent with general training in consultation , such as behavioral , organizational , instructional , and mental health models . Most models likely will use a problem-solving approach to some extent that focuses on operationalizing the problem in behavioral terms and working collaboratively with educators and parents to address the problem . In terms of process and procedures of consultation , then , for the most part school psychologists can generalize their existing skills to providing services to early education settings with some modification . For example , school psychologists could facilitate consultee-centered groups to address classroom concerns ( Babinksi &; Rogers , 1998 ) , or at the organizational level , consult within an early education setting regarding implementation of screening for social emotional difficulties . <p> Flexible interpersonal skills may be necessary to best establish productive and effective collaborations . In early education settings , school psychologists may consult with teachers with limited formal training as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knowledge of physical , occupational , speech , and language therapies , and of medical issues . School psychologists in early education settings likely develop a style of interpersonal interactions through practical experience with multidisciplinary collaborations . These practical experiences afford school psychologists a better understanding of the unique culture of each early education program , which is essential to forming effective partnerships ( Donahue et al. , 2000 ) . They also allow school psychologists to make modifications to consultation procedures to best meet the needs of a particular setting . For example , because it may be more likely that professional service is provided directly in the early education classroom , consultative sessions might be conducted during classroom playtime on the floor with children , often by directly modeling proposed strategies . <p> Perhaps one of the more significant modifications that school psychologists make in providing consultative services in early education settings is an increased emphasis on working with families . Engaging families in their child 's education at the earliest point possible is particularly critical in early childhood , given parents ' role as the primary educator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view family services in terms of parent involvement and home school partnerships . Although home-school collaboration interventions ( e.g. , daily report cards , school-to-home notes ) have been demonstrated to be effective in improving academic and social outcomes ( Cox , 2005 ) , consistent with early intervention , school psychologists in early education settings need to go beyond this perspective and advocate for a more family-centered approach that emphasizes support to families as a goal in itself , not just as a way to directly influence the child 's educational functioning . That is , support to families is not solely to improve educational outcomes for the child , but to more broadly enhance families ' functioning in their role as caregivers . As such , in a family-centered approach , school psychologists can involve families as key decision makers and consider their needs beyond their child 's education ( McWilliam et al. , 1999 ) . Because young children are affected by family issues , meeting the needs of family members can indirectly , yet significantly , enhance a child 's educational functioning . Understanding familial , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their families , as well as cultural influences , facilitates a collaborative family-centered approach to planning and implementing interventions . <p> In terms of the content or focus of consultation with early educators and parents , school psychologists need to expand their role in intervention development and implementation beyond the traditional psychoeducational issues of the school setting . In developing interventions , school psychologists promote instruction and intervention that blend developmentally appropriate learning perspectives and expectations with intentional and strategic adult-guided learning and scaffolding to increase the child 's capacity to function in his or her environment ( Wolery , 2000 ) . Although more research is needed to identify effective intervention and instruction in early education settings , several sources focused on young children with disabilities provide strategies that can be used regardless of disability status ( see Cavallaro &; Haney , 1999 ; Pretti-Frontczak &; Bricker , 2004 ; Sandall &; Schwartz , 2002 ) . <p> Content-related knowledge about important developmental domains , target behaviors , and interventions related to school readiness is essential , particularly language and early literacy ( Barnett et al. , 1999 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be an effective means of increasing language and early literacy skills ( Crain-Thoreson &; Dale , 1999 ) . Research also indicates the need for school psychologists to give attention to interventions that promote early learning development in other important areas , such as mathematics . Starkey and Klein ( 2000 ) reported that a parent-child mathematics intervention with 59 Head Start families was effective in the development of more extensive mathematical knowledge . In addition to specific skill areas , school psychologists can assist in the implementation of strategies to facilitate active engagement and the development of learning-related social skills as these are indicators of classroom quality and predictive of later school success ( McClelland &; Morrison , 2003 ; McClelland et al. , 2000 ; Raspa , McWilliam , &; Ridley , 2001 ) . <p> To address behavior concerns , school psychologists in early education settings can be instrumental in promoting the use of a systematic approach to preventing and managing behavior problems . Although the positive behavior support systems literature typically has focused on its use with older children , the basic principles and procedures can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , &; Becker , 2005 , for a more detailed discussion ) . At the primary or universal level , school psychologists can assist early educators in identifying behaviors essential for school readiness and social competence , developing a plan to teach and reinforce those behaviors in the early education setting , and creating supportive environments through environmental arrangements . For example , a classroomwide intervention involving instruction in direction following , sharing , and problem solving was demonstrated to be effective in improving the adaptive behavior , social interaction , and attention of children in Head Start classrooms ( Serna , Nielsen , Lambros , &; Forness , 2000 ) . At the secondary or targeted level , school psychologists can provide direct service , perhaps by conducting social skills training for at-risk young children , or training and supporting early educators in providing social skills instruction ( Denham &; Burton , 1996 ; Guglielmo &; Tryon , 2001 ) . At the individualized level , school psychologists can use principles of applied behavior analysis ( e.g. , differential reinforcement ) with developmentally appropriate modifications as needed . For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provided more frequently and more immediately for younger children than for older children . Further , school psychologists may need to work closely with early educators to ensure that interventions are consistent with guiding philosophies common in early education settings . For example , timeout from a reinforcement procedure may not be permissible , or the use of tangible reinforcements may be discouraged in some settings . To promote social validity ( Wolf , 1978 ) of interventions , effective school psychologists will work to ensure that there is a connection between intervention strategies and goals of important stakeholders . Further , school psychologists may assist in achieving a balance between acceptable practice and effective practice as the two are not always synonymous , particularly in early education where perspectives about instruction and intervention may vary widely . Integral to this balance is the ability to adapt interventions to be more acceptable while maintaining effectiveness . <p> Although creating productive partnerships with families as well as educators may be important to successful implementation of all levels of positive behavior support ( Minke &; Anderson , 2005 ) , the principles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be extended to school psychologists ' work with families . Interventions at this level typically consist of FBA procedures and interventions documented to be effective with families with children with and without disabilities ( Lucyshyn , Dunlap , &; Albin , 2002 ) . Collaborating with families requires school psychologists to be familiar with interventions that focus on concerns beyond the classroom , such as challenging behaviors while transporting children , sleep , toileting issues , and other daily caregiving routines ( Barnett et al. , 1999 ) . In addition to addressing behavior issues in the home , school psychologists can actively promote skill generalization by helping parents understand the importance of consistency of interventions across settings and supporting parents in implementing school-based interventions in the home setting . Finally , to promote family-centered practices , it is particularly important for school psychologists to understand a family 's perspective of their own needs , values , and resources ( Bailey , 2004 ; Dunst , Trivette , &; Deal , 1988 ) as a starting point for consultation and intervention . <p> In general , school psychologists support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be individualized or provided in a group format through workshops or training opportunities . Although these activities may differ in terms of the intensity of services , both require collaborative efforts best developed through genuine and meaningful relationships ( Donahue et al. , 2000 ) and use research-based knowledge to ensure effective intervention development . For school psychologists to do this effectively , they need content-related knowledge of important domains in early development ( e.g. , early literacy , language , number sense , social competence ) and an understanding of principles of intervention in early education , specifically that interventions should be naturalistic , embedded , and activity based ( Bricker , 2002 ; Sandall , McLean , &; Smith , 2000 ) . Routinely accessing early childhood special education and early intervention research in publications such as the Journal of Early Intervention , Topics in Early Childhood Special Education , and Early Childhood Research Quarterly assists school psychologists in being informed about important developments in the field . In addition , resources such as Engaging Young Children in Mathematics ( Clements , Sarama , &; DiBiase , 2004 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Early Childhood Development ( Shonkoff &; Phillips , 2000 ) , and The Transition to Kindergarten ( Pianta &; Cox , 1999 ) can offer school psychologists important developmental information to inform intervention development . Challenges and Implications for Practice <p> Many of the skills that school psychologists need to work effectively in early education are part of the typical training in school psychology . With modifications , these skills can be used to promote positive outcomes for very young children in the context of school readiness . There are several issues , however , that must be considered if school psychologists are to collaborate effectively with early educators and take a more active role in early education . First , early education programs are diverse in terms of teacher preparation and certification requirements , organizational structures , funding sources , and program philosophy goals . These variations may have implications for the role of school psychologists in specific settings . For example , working more closely with families may be facilitated in Head Start 's model and may provide more of a challenge in settings in which family involvement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are required to contract with a mental health consultant , whereas publicly and privately funded preschools may not have access to such services . School psychologists ' roles and responsibilities must change according to the needs of each setting . Research with Head Start indicates that early educators and mental health consultants " need help in better observing and understanding the behaviors of children , understanding the role of trauma in their lives , and becoming more careful observers of child and family strengths and weaknesses " ( Knitzer , 2004 , p. 185 ) . Also , this research has shown that efforts to improve outcomes for young children should include the provision of " technical assistance that is more individualized , sustained , and ' hands-on ' regarding classroom incorporation of strong language and literacy programs and appropriate learning activities to maximize all children 's school readiness skills " ( Ramey &; Ramey , 2004 , p. 15 ) . It is likely that early educators in other settings would also benefit from consultative support in the same areas . Thus , despite programmatic differences , it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services school psychologists provide to early education programs , namely , collaborating to support children 's social and preacademic development in the context of school readiness , consistent with the paradigm shift ( Reschly &; Ysselyke , 2002 ) and general movement of the field of school psychology ( Dawson et al. , 2004 ) . <p> In addition to differences within early education , there are potential differences between the professional perspectives of early educators and school psychologists . Extrapolating from the differences between early childhood philosophies and special education philosophies ( Mowder &; Widestrom , 1986 ) , school psychologists and early educators may differ in their perspectives on degree of teacher direction and initiative in early learning , the need for intentional , structured , and individualized learning activities , or the use of classroom behavior management systems . Moreover , many school psychologists may have an overall behavioral orientation toward problem solving , which is a theoretical perspective and approach that may not be consistent with the perspective and approach of early educators . Potential consequences of disconnect include variations in expectations of services , goals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For example , school psychologists may take a very behavioral approach to assessment , focusing specifically on skill attainment , whereas early educators may take a more global perspective and consider children 's approach to learning or disposition . The assessment tools that each would use , then , varies , as does the expected outcomes of assessment and intervention . School psychologists need to be aware of areas of difference , identify common goals ( e.g. , prepare children for formal schooling ) , and work toward improving communication around assessment , consultation , and intervention issues . Perhaps as school psychologists begin to collaborate effectively with early educators in the context of school readiness , successful outcomes will generate a shared perspective that will in turn fuel greater collaboration . <p> Access to settings may be the most significant challenge for school psychologists wanting to extend their services to early education . Many early education programs simply may not have the resources for prevention-oriented school psychology services , and legislative mandates only require schools to provide services to children with special education needs , although this is changing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's educational and mental health model may preclude the use of school psychology services for preacademic or behavioral support . Resolving this issue requires a paradigm shift across the disciplines of school psychology and early education to a collaborative prevention model in which all children have access to services to promote positive outcomes . Part of this paradigm shift is a reconceptualization about what school psychologists can contribute to early education teams that is reflective of more contemporary practices ( e.g. , dynamic assessment , consultation , and intervention development ) . <p> To that end , Carlton and Winsler ( 1999 ) advocate for a comprehensive outreach program between school systems and area preschools to promote school readiness in which school psychologists would act as a liaison between the two . Such a system would assist in making kindergarten teachers aware of the needs of incoming children and planning appropriate instruction . It also would serve as an informational resource for preschool programs , assisting them to better prepare children for formal schooling . A model of education that focuses on quality experiences before kindergarten and promotes seamless service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that can benefit all children ( Karweit , 1994 ) . Such a model would include an integrated curriculum that links instructional goals from one setting and grade to another , assessment data documenting progress and response to intervention as children gain skills and transition between settings and grades , and an articulated teaching pedagogy reflective of best practices in related disciplines , such as school psychology and special education . Given the importance of early intervention and prevention and the increasing opportunities for school psychologists to contribute to efforts in this area represented by the sheer number of children in early education programs , the field of school psychology needs to explicitly and directly embrace a training and practice model that reaches beyond traditional K-12 boundaries with an emphasis on school readiness . Footnotes <p> ( n1 ) The term early education is used to refer to the range of services provided to children ages 3-5 , which may include but is not limited to Head Start , public preschools , private preschools , day care centers , and early childhood special education programs . Arguably , the term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth to age three population , although this is not an explicit focus of the article . <p>
@@4010741 The community college , at its best , can be a center for problem-solving in adult illiteracy or the education of the disabled . It can be a center for leadership training , too . It can also be the place where education and business leaders meet to talk about the problems of displaced workers . It can bring together agencies to strengthen services for minorities , working women , single parent heads of households , and unwed teenage parents . It can coordinate efforts to provide day care , transportation , and financial aid . The community college can take the lead in long-range planning for community development . And it can serve as the focal point for improving the quality of life in the inner city . <p> We are convinced that , as we move toward the year 2000 , strengthening connections beyond the college -- with schools , industry , business , social agencies , and policy groups -- will become a key strategy in the building of community . ( Boyer &; Peltason , 1988 , p. 41 ) <p> Perhaps no subject within the community college arena has sparked as much interest as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cross-indexed to the keywords community colleges and economic development in the ERIC database between 1982 and September , 1993 . Most presidential position descriptions specifically cite expertise in economic development as a qualification , and many community college mission statements formally include involvement in economic development as a priority . But what do we mean when we use the term economic development ? This ERIC review examines the role of community colleges in economic development and provides a general review of the literature . It specifically focuses on the roles of rural , suburban , and urban community colleges and examines three topic issues : technology transfer ; employment , training , and literacy programs ; and economic impact studies . Overview <p> The role of the community college in economic development is a subject of long-standing debate . This debate directly rises from strong disagreements extending over six decades on the vocational-technical function of the community college . Many critics have long held the view that overemphasizing vocationalism and tracking to terminal nontransfer degrees has injured students ( Brint &; Karabel , 1990 ) . The strong bias of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proper role of community colleges in the arena of economic development ( even though the dramatic increase in vocational transfers in states like California may prove to make this argument irelevant ) . Furthermore , most of the general literature on economic development strategies that drives political theory and policy -- be it of liberal or conservative bent -- is authored by economists , political scientists , and sociologists . Based at research universities and think tanks , these scholars typically have never attended or worked in a community college ; and they possess a relatively low understanding of the great diversity among the states in legally assigned missions . They do not have a working knowledge of the powerful internal culture of the institution ( for example , the strong bias toward involvement in " hard dollar " FTE-funded activities among community college business officers ) . <p> This reality clearly has significant policy implications ; any meaningful review of the literature of community colleges and economic development must start from this point . For community college practitioners to be active in influencing welfare reform and employment and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they have a sense of some of the key reports that are driving policy formation and implementation . These publications lie outside traditional community college publication outlets ; information on how to obtain them is specifically included in this ERIC review . <p> Within the world of community colleges , great variability exists among the states in terms of assigned missions , functions , and governance of community colleges ( Fountain &; Tollefson , 1989 ) , as well as methods of finance ( Honeyman , Williamson , &; Wattenbarger , 1991 ) . What is acceptable in one state may be prohibited or assigned to another institution or set of institutions elsewhere . Katsinas and Lacey ( 1989 ) distinguished between traditional and nontraditional economic development community college initiatives . They characterized traditional initiatives as the vocational and occupational curriculums at community colleges designed to produce technicians to support a largely manufacturing-based economy . ( These programs were terminal and nontransfer-based -- the very programs that critics of community colleges have castigated as tracking students from low socioeconomic backgrounds toward lesser careers and futures . ) Katsinas and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nature , typically aimed at the jobs of an information age . They found that community colleges were operating small business incubation centers , technology transfer training centers , office automation centers , demographic and economic research , customized training for business and industry , employment and training programs within inner cities , and programs to train business professionals to export to international markets . <p> Cohen and Brawer ( 1989 ) contended that most authorizing legislation at the state level for curricular functions usually included academic transfer preparation , vocational-technical education , continuing education , remedial education , and community service : " Every book written about the institution . . . has also articulated these elements " ( p. 16 ) . Katsinas and Lacey 's characterization of community college involvement in economic development initiatives included all of these curricular functions except the academic transfer preparation function . Traditional economic development initiatives are largely subsumed in the vocational-technical as well as remedial functions . <p> Nontraditional economic development activities are subsumed in the community services function and ( to a lesser extent ) in the continuing education and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is consistent with the view advocated in the Report of the Commission on the Future of Community Colleges ( Boyer &; Peltason , 1988 ) . Raymond J. Young noted that , <p> The community services dimension of the community college function derives its legitimacy as does the institution itself from its educational role . . . . Community services are legitimate only to the extent to which they represent an extension or expansion of the educational resources directed toward the economic , social , cultural , and civic needs of the people the college serves . The college can not always be a " prime mover " for change , and its role may often be a coordinative or supportive one . It will sometimes need to assume a " partnership " role in reference to personal and community development . . . . <p> The community services program , by drawing upon its role as college-community liaison and catalyst , can provide the impetus needed for the college to focus on institutional redirection , so part of its impact will be to make the community a better one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Literature Reviews <p> Two fairly extensive reviews of the literature would be of particular value to readers interested in learning more about the subject . Part Two of Katsinas and Lacey 's monograph ( 1989 , pp. 13-25 ) presents a review of the literature related to trends and forces motivating community college involvement in nontraditional economic development . A paper by Jim Palmer , former Vice President of Communications for the American Association of Community and Junior Colleges ( now the American Association of Community Colleges or AACC ) , presents a thorough content analysis of the many activities in which community colleges are involved in the economic development arena ( Palmer , 1990 ) . <p> It is important to note that much of the literature on economic development and community colleges consists of self-reported examples of successful institutional programs , which typically are written up as case studies . The case studies of community college efforts . to stabilize or diversify the economic base of their communities reported by Margaret Thomas in a study for the Midwest Research Institute ( 1989 ) were not self-reported , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Thomas presented 20 diverse examples of programs at suburban , urban , and rural community colleges from 16 different states across the nation . In the final section of their work , Katsinas and Lacey summarized factors that led to success in nontraditional economic development ; they noted that access to the chief executive officer was of particular importance ( 1989 ) . Palmer provided a 36-entry annotated bibliography of key issues as well as a listing of 25 selected doctoral dissertations on the subject ( 1990 ) . <p> Another general work of note , Economic Development : Strategies for Collaboration ( Ryan , 1993 ) , provides readers with a useful overview of practical problems that community colleges face in partnering with businesses and labor unions and in obtaining federal funding . The two-year college model programs cited in Productive America , a study sponsored by the National Council of Occupational Education ( NCOE ) and the AACC , also would be useful to practitioners contemplating new programs ( Martinez &; Smith , 1990 ) . The NCOE and AACC case studies include critical factors and barriers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Community Colleges and Economic Development <p> Rural economic development has long been of interest to policymakers at state and federal levels . Beyond the world of community colleges , the U.S. Department of Agriculture ( USDA ) has been involved formally in rural economic development for many decades . In more recent years , the USDA has supported four regional rural consortia based at university cooperative extension offices ( Northeast , North-Central , Southern , and Western ) that have provided newsletters , hosted annual regional conferences , and funded small grant programs on rural economic development . ( Mailings are free , and information can be obtained from the cooperative extension service attached to the college of agriculture at the land grant university in the relevant state ) . <p> The finest report this author has reviewed on the subject of rural economic development that can be applied to community colleges is Shadows in the Sunbelt : Development of the Rural South in an Era of Economic Change , written for the Southern Growth Policies Board ( Winter , 1986 , available through MDC , Inc. , P.O. Box @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Former Mississippi Governor William F. Winter , who served a term on the Board of Directors of the AACC , chaired this panel , which produced three key conclusions : The traditional sources of wealth in the rural South-such as extractive industries , agriculture , and textiles -- are in decline , and the South no longer enjoys a competitive advantage in selling " low wages " in a globally competitive market . Continued emphasis on industrial recruitment , the traditional southern economic development strategy , is inappropriate in the information age . " The great buffalo hunt is over , " the report said , noting that about 10,000 industrial development authorities were chasing after only 1,400 new plant sites each year ( p. 10-11 ) . Alternative strategies , including industrial retention and expansion of existing industries , workforce skill upgrading , workplace literacy and entrepreneurship , are more appropriate long-term growth strategies . <p> Other general research that focuses upon persistent rural poverty and the failure to account for rural needs in the development of federal and state policy includes two recently published books , Persistent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1993 ) and Forgotten Places : Uneven Development in Rural America ( Lyson &; Falk , 1993 ) . Additionally , a briefing paper by Mishel and Teixeira for the Economic Policy Institute discusses the myth of the coming labor shortage in rural areas ( 1991 ) . Much of the available research centers around barriers to economic development in rural areas . Robert B. Reich , now President Clinton 's Secretary of Labor , cited four key barriers to economic development : lack of access to transportation , communications , technology extension , and worker training and retraining ( Reich , 1988 ) . Reich 's views on policy were directly tied to practical suggestions for alternative rural economic development strategies , including entrepreneurship development and the promotion of small manufacturing enterprises as described in Shadows in the Sunbelt ( Winter , 1986 ) . <p> To provide a forum for discussing related institutional issues , the Commission on Small-Rural Colleges of the AACC was formed in 1979 . Their 1988 report , Small-Rural Community Colleges , included the results from a survey of about 600 small rural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or 200 institutions , responded ; half of those " allied themselves with the economic development efforts of their communities " ( p. 10 ) . Forty-six percent included economic development as part of their institutional mission statements . One striking result was that nearly 90% of the responding community colleges indicated they offered job-specific training to new or expanding industries ( p. 10 ) . This report also included a section on adult literacy , high school and community college partnerships , civic partnerships , and a very useful section on uses of technology that provided a compendium of noteworthy practice . The 1988 report was followed up by a 1993 compendium of effective practice reported under the four categories of entrepreneurship and new business development , technology deployment , industrial recruitment and retention , and partnerships with business and industry ( Esbeck , 1993 ) . <p> Readers interested in learning more about specific institutional practice are advised to consult Palmer 's report for the AACC ( 1990 ) , and Thomas 's report for the Midwest Policy Institute ( 1989 ) , as well as Katsinas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case studies of rural community college involvement in customized training at Lake Michigan College in Michigan , small business incubation at Pueblo Community College in Colorado , and technology transfer partnership at Gadsden State Community College in Alabama . Suburban Community Colleges and Economic Development <p> During the past twenty years , the suburban areas of the United States have seen the greatest population and job growth . Noted demographer and political scientist William Schneider wrote that the 1992 elections were the first in American history in which the majority of voters came from the suburbs ( Schneider , 1992 ) . It appears that the most prominent role suburban community colleges play is to provide continuing education and skill upgrading for workers currently employed , as opposed to providing training to bring new workers into the labor force for the first time or after long disassociation with the labor force . This is likely due to the higher educational attainment levels found among people living in the nation 's suburbs . Customized training , therefore , is probably the most important role suburban community colleges play . <p> Doucette @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Community College examined customized workforce training programs at community colleges . In surveying 1,042 community colleges , with a response rate of 73% , the survey found that nearly all of the responding institutions ( 96% ) were providing workforce training programs . Interestingly , nearly two-thirds were providing training for companies with fewer than 500 employees , the fastest growing part of the manufacturing sector . This report also included policy recommendations regarding workforce training for community college leaders as well as corporate executives ( Doucette , 1993 ) . <p> Katsinas and Lacey 's case study of customized training at Lake Michigan College also applies to community colleges contemplating the development of customized training programs , and a New Directions in Community Colleges monograph edited by Kopecek and Clarke ( 1984 ) provides good information on initiating customized training programs at community colleges . The directory of campus-business linkages in Part II of the Guide to Campus-Business Linkage Programs ( Fenwick , Giorgio , Kopecky , Lloyd , &; Myers , 1986 ) , also may be useful to practitioners . Urban Community Colleges and Economic Development <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional community college publications . Much of this literature centers around the role of the federal government in employment and training programs , as well as welfare policy . One of the more provocative works of the past 10 years has been William Julius Wilson 's The Truly Disadvantaged ( 1986 ) . Wilson served with First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton on the William T. Grant Foundation Commission on Work , Family and Citizenship . The Forgotten Half : Non-College Youth in America , an interim report on the school-to-work transition , proposed apprenticeship programs and other alternative efforts ( Howe , 1988 ) . <p> A number of publications within the community college literature have made a strong case for programming for non-college-bound youth at community colleges . Dale Parnell 's The Neglected Majority ( 1985 ) provides perhaps the strongest testimony . In 1989 , Who Cares About the Inner City ? The Community College Response to Urban America was published by the Commission on Urban Community Colleges of the AACC ( Weidenthal , 1989 ) . This report documented the efforts of 10 urban community college districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with governmental agencies including local welfare and housing departments , outreach programs for minorities , partnerships with the public schools and senior universities , and partnerships with business and industry . The listing of innovative programs is particularly useful to readers interested in replicating similar programs at their institutions . Weidenthal found that traditional credit programming and the financial burdens of serving inner city urban areas are " sizeable . . . and must be recognized and dealt with " ( p. 23 ) . Interestingly , Weidenthal concluded that , <p> The emerging mission and role of central city campuses continues to be misunderstood in their own communities . There is a sense of frustration concerning public understanding and acceptance of the social and educational roles of these colleges . Indeed , negative image and perception consistently plague central city campuses . . . . <p> There appears to be no national consensus on the multiple mission and roles of the central city campus and its special programs that reach out to the community . It appears that each campus and each district is dealing with urban issues in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large and complex institutions , urban community colleges are involved in a myriad of activities ; and , as Weidenthal points out , no consensus has been reached on which activities are appropriate for their involvement . A number of urban community colleges have established technology transfer centers as described below , while others have been involved in small business incubation centers , customized training for business and industry , and even research related to demographic and economic development . ( The AACC Urban Colleges Project publishes a newsletter entitled The Urban Report ; readers interested in subscribing should contact Bud Weidenthal , Director , AACC Urban Colleges Project , 4250 Richmond Road , Cleveland , Ohio , 44122 . ) Technology Transfer and Community Colleges <p> Many mainstream economists , including Robert Reich and Lester Thurow , believe that an important key to building wealth in the 1990s will be the relative success or failure of small to medium manufacturers ( SMEs ) . Doug Ross , writing policy suggestions for the incoming Clinton Administration in January of 1993 noted that , " Many of the nation 's 360,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having great difficulty keeping up with the pace of technological change on their own " ( 1993 , p. 75 ) . <p> The role of community colleges in technology transfer was recognized by the Southern Growth Policies Board ( SGPB ) when it created the Southern Technology Council ( STC ) in December of 1984 . The STC served as a forum to show southern states how to get beyond traditional industrial recruitment strategies for economic development ( Southern Technology Council , 1987 ) . Readers interested in initiating their own technology transfer centers are well advised to consult the work of Stuart Rosenfeld , perhaps the leading author in this field . Rosenfeld 's 1992 book , Competitive Manufacturing -- New Strategies for Regional Development , provides an excellent contextual overview of his decade of work as director of the STC and his current activities as president of Regional Technology Strategies ( RTS ) , a nonprofit firm located in Chapel Hill , North Carolina . Rosenfeld has long advocated developing " renaissance technicians " at community colleges as a key component to economic development in the southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appalachian Resource Commission and Tennessee Valley Authority , the Southern Technology Center hosted numerous regional , state , and local conferences to develop cooperative , collaborative efforts to support small to medium manufacturers . Today these efforts appear to be bearing fruit . ( Firm Connections , the newsletter of RTS , is available by writing P. O. Box 9005 , Chapel Hill , North Carolina , 27514 ) . <p> That technology transfer is catching on is evidenced through the high priority assigned to tech-prep programs within the Carl Perkins Vocational Education and Advanced Technology Act , as well as the existence of the National Coalition of Advanced Technology Centers , a group of some 72 community colleges interested in technology transfer . The National Coalition , an AACC-affiliated council , is administered by the Center for Occupational Research and Development ( CORD ) , a nonprofit public service organization that assists educators and industry in addressing the training and retraining needs of workers . Many community college practitioners will be familiar with Don Hull , CORD 's president , as co-author of Tech Prep Associate Degree : A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ &; Parnell , 1991 ) . Given the high cost associated with developing technology transfer programs , community college leaders should " look before leaping . " The Coalition publications , the Rosenfeld book , and the case study on The Bevill Center for Advanced Manufacturing at Gadsden State Community College in Katsinas and Lacey 's monograph ( 1989 ) all deserve examination . ( Information on the National Coalition and CORD may be obtained by writing P. O. Box 21689 , Waco , TX 76702-1689 . ) Employment , Training , and Literacy Programs <p> The decade of the 1980s saw community colleges emerge as a major player in employment , training , and literacy programs . According to a 1989 study by NETWORK , a consortium of some 250 community colleges involved in training , literacy , and welfare-to-work programs based at Cuyahoga Community College in Cleveland , Ohio , 71% of the 384 responding community colleges participated in federally-funded Job Training Partnership Act ( JTPA ) programs financed by local PICs ( Visdos &; Malley , 1990 , p. 2 ) . The total dollar amount of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well over $250,000,000 nationwide ( p. 2 ) . <p> A 1993 study sponsored by the Southport Insititute for Policy Analysis found that the larger the community college in terms of enrollment , the more likely they were to participate in workplace education programs ( Dilcher , 1993 ) . Dilcher found that 44% of the colleges with enrollments of 1,000 and under were involved in workplace education programs , as compared to 81% with enrollments of 8,000 and above ( p. 6 ) . Practitioners interested in seeking good advice on how to administer performance-based cotnracts , the funding method used in many JTPA and Job Opportunities Basic Skills programs are advised to consult the work of Spence and Oliver ( 1989 ) . ( JOBS is the training component of Aid to Families with Dependent Children programs . ) Practitioners interested in additional information related to program funding and implementation , effective curriculum , and professional staff development in employment , training , and adult literacy programs at community colleges should contact the AACC-affiliated NETWORK Consortium ( Robert J. Visdos , President , NETWORK , Cuyahoga Community College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 44115 ) . <p> Zeiss ( 1991 ) described collaborative programs to promote workplace literacy and provided practical guidance on how to develop effective workplace literacy programs and promote effective partnerships between community colleges and private sector entities . A companion work reports the results of a survey of large- and medium-sized businesses in a 13-state area as to what they needed and expected from community colleges in terms of training and literacy ( Zeiss , 1989 ) . With the full implementation of regulations at the state level under the Family Support Act of 1988 , which specifically made postsecondary education an allowable activity for funding for the first time , a funding source to initiate more programs to serve the underclass has become available . This is likely to be an area of growing interest in the coming years , especially as states continue to reduce their funding of developmental education programs beyond the high school . For example , the state of Illinois assigned the responsiblity for administering the JOBS program to the Illinois Community College Board in July of 1993 . Economic Impact Studies and Community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made by community colleges on economic development . Most of these institutional studies build upon models that take the total college payroll , as well as all services and goods directly purchased by the institution , and then apply an economic multiplier to approximate the economic contribution of the community college to the community . It is this author 's view that these studies tend to be of very limited value in that they tend not to assess the value added by the institution . The value added by the institution through the expanded earning potential of its graduates ( by virtue of their being able to acquire and learn knowledge in an information age at ever faster rates ) is much more difficult to assess . Yet , it is precisely this information that is valuable to institutions and their external publics . <p> One of the most interesting economic impact studies in the literature was performed by Pueblo Community College as discussed by Katsinas and Lacey ( 1989 ) . This study assessed the impact of its small business incubation program ( the Myers Center for Small Business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president of Pueblo Community College ( 1985 to 1993 ) , indicated that this information dramatically and positively improved the positioning of the institution among its external constituencies , particularly within the Colorado Legislature . Seybert developed an economic impact study of Johnson County Community College on the Kansas City metropolitan area , which includes a good , brief methodology section that would inform readers on how to conduct a similar study ( 1991b ) Seybert also performed a study of the economic impact of all of the higher education institutions in the Kansas City metropolitan area for the Kansas City Regional Council for Higher Education ( 1991a ) . Conclusion <p> Many of the most valuable works in the economic development field are written by political scientists , economists , and sociologists and published in journals not regularly read by community college practitioners . Additionally , much of the research within community college publications consists of self-reported case studies , which sometimes border on anecdotal storytelling . Therefore , the most useful works are those that actually evaluate problems and barriers -- the practical problems associated with program replication @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of consensus regarding the proper economic development mission of urban community colleges among policymakers at both state and federal levels certainly applies to rural and suburban institutions as well . Given the federal budget deficits and the lack of funding for new , federally-financed programs , the locus of activity during the 1990s is likely to shift to the states . Effective community college practitioners must become informed about economic development beyond their own institutions and involved in policy formation at state and local levels . <p>
@@4010941 This presentation describes in some detail the gifted programme that has been in place for five years at a large comprehensive high school near Montreal . As a " school within a school " the Tags ( talented and gifted ) programme serves approximately 7% of the student body of 1700 students . Special classes , facilities , and opportunities highlight the benefits of belonging to the programme . A core group of teachers dedicate considerable extra time to the pursuits that interest these curious and intellectually astute students . Introduction <p> The Talented and Gifted Programme TaG at Centennial Regional High School in Greenfield Park , Quebec , excels as a " school within a school . " The 5-year experience is set up to encourage specialization as students become increasingly familiar and comfortable with their talents and their interests . Highly academic in its concentration , the programme telescopes certain courses according to the capacity and curiosity of the student concerned . In this way academically talented individuals escape the boredom so often associated with bright students . Each participant is encouraged to progress at a level of individual capability . As a result , most of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ science , can be completed by the end of Secondary IV ( Grade 10 ) . Then , during their final year in high school ( Secondary V ) , students are able to participate in Advanced Placement Courses at a local CEGEP ( junior college ) or to pursue individual enrichment opportunities according to their personal desires and expectations . A Pyramid <p> The entire programme is structured like a pyramid . Secondary I ( Grade 7 ) forms the foundation wherein students are introduced to the Tags philosophy of study , as they begin their concentrated programmes in mathematics and science . In the former discipline they cover all of the Secondary I and much of the Secondary II curriculum . Scientific studies include Physical Science and Ecology , which is linked with Geography . In Secondary II ( Grade 8 ) , Introduction to Physical Science and Biology provides the scientific fare , while math explores the remainder of the Grade 8 and all of the Grade 9 curriculum as it is defined by the Ministry of Education in Quebec . <p> In the meantime all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individual initiative and independent study . For those students who have earned self-enrichment time by showing their capability to do required class work and to meet evaluation requirements independently , classroom attendance becomes optional . Self-Enrichment <p> Those students who prefer to work on their own or in small groups are provided time , space , and supervision , whereby they can develop valuable study habits and explore areas of personal interest . <p> The space provided is a brightly lighted resource room equipped with Macintosh Plus computers and printers , as well as Apple IIe computers , with electric typewriters , spirit stencil machine , overhead projector , tape cassette decks , study areas , and resource books in a variety of fields . Students may also choose , at any time during the day , to work in the library , where access to an Apple IIe computer is also provided . opportunity for independent field trips is readily available to any individual or group wishing to carry on research outside the school building . <p> Supervision for such individualized study is provided by teachers who are assigned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instruction and guidance on project work . Expanded Opportunities <p> In each of the required subject areas , required course material is covered in considerably less time than is afforded to those courses within the regular stream of studies . The extra time that accumulates is readily utilized by expanded interest programmes within the school . Students can join the school band , pursue graphic arts enrichment , participate in the library 's " Reading is Fun " project , plan for participation in the school 's annual Science Fair or Geography Fair , develop skills in public speaking or debating , and write , produce , and direct school dramatic productions ( two such full scale productions have been undertaken by the TaG students since the programme began four years ago ) . <p> All of these opportunities are available because of the time that the students garner as they work at the leading edge of their intellectual and talent capabilities . Cycle II - The Pyramid Comes to a Point <p> As the TaG students move into Secondary III ( Grade 9 ) , specialization begins to take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chemistry I , as well as Functions in math . In Secondary IV they complete the high school regimen of Physics and Chemistry , as well as Maxi-functions and Vectors . Thus they have paved the way for Advanced Placement in Secondary V , their final year of high school . Some TaG students opt for a two year course in aviation that is being pioneered at the school because of many aviation-based industries situated in the Montreal area . <p> Increased specialization and clarification of desired goals takes place in Cycle II TaG ( Grades 9 , 10,11 ) . Students are urged to study seriously their occupational aspirations , with a view to fashioning their academic curriculum accordingly . Those who have little or no idea of future plans are encouraged to consider a broad spectrum of possibilities in order to keep many options open . To that end , they are urged to participate in the Guidance Department 's " Choices " Programme , which gives direction and clarification to otherwise scattered values and unsettled inclinations . <p> Those Secondary V students who do not participate in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a variety of enrichment classes . Beyond those mentioned earlier , these include computer technology , business law , and taxation . Staff <p> The core of teachers primarily responsible for the success and supervision of the TaG programme come from many backgrounds . They form a team that meets regularly to discuss field trips , projects , and student performance . Three of the staff have received their Diploma in the Psychology and Education of the Gifted from McGill University 's Faculty of Education . All team members are available at different times throughout the day to assist students in the Resource Room or on individualized project work . other faculty members assist by giving their individual expertise in specialized fields beyond the regular curriculum . <p> Because the students pursue their interests outside the traditional classroom setting , greater demands are placed upon the teachers in terms of supervision and evaluation . While every student must obviously meet the requirements of each course as set down by the Quebec Ministry of Education , each focus on some specific interest which might develop deeper and broader familiarity in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tool that the TaG teachers provide to the students and their parents comes as semi-annual reports in each subject area . These reports give individualized analyses of the student 's aptitude and progress . A copy of each report is kept in the students ' personal files in order to guide the pursuit of their most productive abilities and interests . These reports are considerably more helpful than the simple recorded grades , because students can analyze teachers ' perceptions and judge their applicability to individual performance . Mentors <p> The programme is in the process of gathering a core of interested people from the community to tutor gifted students in subjects or interests outside the regular curriculum . other professionals are being asked to allow interested students to shadow their activities in order to learn first hand the abilities and expectations associated with given professions . Multicultural Awareness Programme <p> After-school classes in modern languages broaden linguistic familiarity beyond the required French , English and Latin courses built into the programme . Italian , Spanish , Russian , Greek and Punjabi have drawn wide interest among students , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> Because Centennial Regional High School caters to a wide variety of ethnic groups who live on the South Shore of Montreal , the school heightens students ' awareness of the richness of its many cultural backgrounds through an annual cultural extravaganza . A particular ethnic group is highlighted each year , and a gala evening of dinner and entertainment focuses on the best that culture has to offer . <p> The TaG programme interfaces with this experience in a very involved way . Its students plan much of the decorative transformation of the cafeteria . They help with the preparation and service of the meal , and many are participants in the evening 's entertainment . " A Night in Rome , " " A Night on the Nile , " " A Night at the Taj Mahal , " and " The Night of the Dragon " have tested the creative genius of the fine arts , home economics , and drama departments to bring about a richly diverse experience not only for the members of each cultural group , but for all those interested in broadening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks of June , after the Cycle I students ( Grades 7 and 8 ) have completed their required curriculum , they participate in a Remedial and Enrichment Programme . The TaG students use this time to take specialized courses in philosophy , logic , psychology , and drama . These opportunities for enrichment offer the gifted students intensive exposure to three fields which can be of considerable assistance as they progress through the entire programme . <p> This June experience is intended to augment the dramatic endeavors undertaken during the school year . The students have taken their productions into the local elementary schools to entertain their former schoolmates and teachers , and to demonstrate some of the fun elements of the Talented and Gifted Programme . Identification of TaG Students <p> There are probably as many criteria identifying the talented as there are gifted programmes , searching for a more reliable and perfect vehicle of selection . At Centennial , several factors are considered in the identification process . Students in their final year of elementary school ( Grade 6 ) who are interested in the TaG programme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early February . This is the first step in the selection process . <p> Subsequently , parents are asked to complete an inventory of their child 's apparent interests and skills as evidenced around the home . The students themselves are asked to fill in a personal interest file , and , finally , the Grade 6 teachers are asked for a statement of student aptitude , talent expression and overall impressions . All this information is analyzed by a three-member admissions committee composed of the principal , academic vice-principal , and TaG department head . Approximately 30 students are then invited to become members the TaG programme , either as members of the enclosed class , or as participants in those specific academic areas where they show high aptitude . <p> During the year , all students in Secondary I and II take the Gates-McGinitie and the Canadian Test of Basic Skills . The TaG I students also take the WISC-R to complete their battery of standardized tests . From all of these results a well rounded picture of aptitude and performance is compiled . If any student in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the introductory year of high school , that individual is invited to consider entering into the TaG programme on either a part time basis ( specific classes ) or as a full time participant . Elitism <p> It seems that every specialized programme in education has to dodge the cruel darts of alleged elitism . If anyone wants to destroy a possible enrichment opportunity on any level , all that is necessary is to accuse it of elitism. our TaG programme does not cater to the pernicious platitudes of egalitarianism . We believe that the special talents of every student should be developed to the ultimate of which we are capable as concerned educators . Those talents are not doled out equally to every student . Therefore every student is not treated the same . We feel that the cultivation of a talented and gifted clientele is no more elitist than the encouragement and support of varsity athletic teams and their necessarily selective identification , nor the attention that is appropriately given to Special Education programmes . <p> We seek to provide the best opportunities for our student body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gifted Programme is only one of the many challenges to excellence that have helped to make our high school outstanding quality secondary education in the Montreal area . <p> By Cajetan J. Menke <p> <p> Cajetan J. Menke , a native of New York State , has taught in Canada for nearly 20 years . Currently the Department Head of the Talented and Gifted Programme at Centennial Regional High School in Greenfield Park , Quebec , a suburb of Montreal , he is very familiar with secondary gifted education , having set up a gifted programme at a large regional high school , and having taught gifted secondary students English , religious instruction , history , geography , Latin , philosophy and psychology . <p>
@@4011041 Section : Early Entrance to College <p> This article reviews research about how students who enter college early perform academically and socially . Research results suggest that early entrants continue to achieve at high levels in college . Also , most students make the adjustment to the social scene on campus easily and have friendships with typically aged college students . Research suggests that early entrants students tend to continue on to graduate school and use the time gained from early entrance for further academic opportunities . Future research should focus on studying underachievers and the early career productivity of early entrants . The decision to enter college early is one of matching a students needs and abilities to the appropriate environment . <p> Among the options for gifted students to obtain appropriately challenging instruction is early entrance to college . Entering college before the usual age has long been used by individual students to accommodate their learning needs . ( See Brody &; Stanley , 1991 for more history on early entrance to college . ) At present , most universities and colleges ( 87% ) will accept exceptionally promising young students without a high school diploma ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Callahan , Bassin &; Ramsay , 1991 ) and some ( 16% ) will admit students of pre-high school age . But only a few universities have instituted special early entrance programs to attract and support young talent . <p> There is a need for early entrance programs . The growth of programs for gifted elementary and high school students such as the regional talent searches have resulted in many gifted students taking advanced classes early and completing the high school curriculum prior to the twelfth grade . These gifted students need and desire early access to college level work . <p> The advanced courses that are available in high school may not be appropriate in level for very gifted students . In a study done at Northwestern University on talent search participants , it was found that projected high school SAT scores for students who had the lowest scores when they took the test in the seventh or eighth grade , would meet or exceed the average scores of high school students who completed AP courses in high school ( Olszewski-Kubilius , Mockros &; Wiley , 1990 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 400 on the SAT at seventh or eighth grade may be ready for AP courses earlier than their junior or senior year of high school , when students typically take them . <p> Cox , Daniel and Boston ( 1985 ) found that 28% of the school districts in their nation wide study of practices in gifted education allow students to graduate from high school early . In addition , some states ( i.e. Indiana , Wisconsin , Michigan , Ohio , see Talent Development , Spring , 1993 ) have or are preparing legislation to allow high school students to simultaneously enroll in college , i.e. dual enrollment . However , most put severe restrictions on the number of college courses a student can take and/or limit this option to primarily juniors and seniors . And many , students are not able to take advantage of these options because their families often have to pay part of the college tuition and they are not eligible for financial aid . Thus , the options that are available to very bright high school aged students for early access to college courses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ population . <p> Along with the increase in special early entrance programs and the number of early entrance students , is a body of research about the effects of early entrance . Many educators and parents are still leery of this practice as they are of other accelerative strategies ( Jones &; Southern , 1991 ) . The purpose of this article is to address some basic questions and issues about early entrance to college and to relate the research evidence regarding them . Early Entrance Programs <p> Early entrance programs are typically set up as special programs within an existing college or university . One exception to this is the Texas Academy of Mathematics and Science which is structured so that Texas students concurrently complete the last two years of high school and the first two years of college . Another is Simon 's Rock which is administratively tied to Bard College but is a separate community . Students earn an Associate of Arts degree after two years and elect either to continue at the college or transfer to another institution . <p> Early entrance programs vary on several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two years early while others admit students after completion of the seventh or eighth grade or after one year of high school . One program is exclusively for females . Some programs are residential while others , particularly those that admit students after elementary school , require students to commute . Usually early entrance programs have special support services available for students as part of the program . But the degree of support varies , with more support provided in programs that admit younger students . Support includes special residence halls , an assigned counselor , a designated student lounge , and special social events . <p> The programs that offer the most radical acceleration provide a transition program that prepares students academically for college and during which they take some college classes . Transition programs vary in duration from several months to a year . And , there are universities that have a reputation for accepting younger students and may have substantial numbers of them , but do not have special support services for them . <p> Entrance requirements for early entrance programs vary but generally include SAT or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students ' maturity , independence , general readiness for the college environment , and family support for the program . Typically , acceptance decisions are made after a substantial amount of information has been collected on the student and his/her family . <p> Early entrance programs have been in existence for varying amounts of time . The oldest and most established has been operating for 26 years , another for 16 years , and several have developed within the past eight to ten years . The age of the program will affect the degree to which selection procedures have been refined and the available evidence about the program . These and other program characteristics can affect research findings and will be pointed out as necessary in the review of the literature . Some Caveats <p> The students who enter college early are a highly selective group . They have exceptional intellectual abilities . In addition , the fact that students are aware of the possibility of early entrance and enter these programs suggests that they have unusually interested and supportive families or teachers . Early entrants may be outstanding in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of confidence and maturity . Researchers may eschew the research findings reported below because of the selectivity of the samples studied . It is probably true that if a random group of academically qualified high school students were put into an early entrance program , the results of these investigations would be different . But , as Benbow ( 1991 ) points out , accelerative strategies are not for every gifted child and it is appropriate that students self select themselves into these opportunities . Self selection really entails matching a child 's needs , personality and abilities to the characteristics of a program ( Benbow , 1991 ) . Early entrance programs , especially those that offer radical acceleration ( i.e. four years or more ) , have continuously refined their selection procedures based on experiences with students to ensure that participants can do college level work and adjust socially . They try to choose students who will succeed . As Southern and Jones ( 1991 ) point out , most accelerative options , including early admission , are administrative arrangements to accommodate students who have mastered material at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are usually very obviously different from other students and both positive and negative findings regarding early entrants are as likely attributable to these differences as to the early entrance experience itself ( Southern &; Jones , 1991 ) . This said , the research supports that early entrance to college is an appropriate option for some gifted students . How Do Early Entrance Students Perform Academically ? <p> Under the broad question of how early entrants to college perform academically are many secondary questions including the following : Do students admitted early live up to their potential or do they earn passing but mediocre grades ? Does their academic performance suffer due to skill gaps as a result of skipping years of high school ? Do students graduate and " on time " ? Do early entrants attend less selective colleges than they would if they did not go early ? There are research findings available on each of these issues . <p> In general , the academic performance of early entrants is impressive . Early entrants earn higher grade point averages than regular freshman ( Eisenberg &; George , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Noble , Robinson &; Gunderson , 1993 ) , typically in the B+ to A- range ( Stanley &; McGill , 1986 ; Swiatek &; Benbow , 1991 ) , and equal to those of a group of National Merit Scholars at the same university ( Janos , et al , 1986 ) . Compared to typical college students , they are more likely to complete college ( Pressy , 1967 ) , to complete college on time ( Brody , Assouline &; Stanley , 1990 ; Stanley &; McGill , 1986 ) , to earn general and departmental honors ( Stanley &; McGill , 1986 ; Brody et al , 1990 ) , to make the dean 's list ( Eisenberg &; George , 1979 ) , to have plans to enter graduate school ( Noble , Robinson &; Gunderson , 1993 ) , and to complete concurrent master 's degrees ( Brody , et al , 1990 ) . The majority of these results are based on students who entered a private , selective , academically prestigious university which did not have a special early entrance program , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a large state institution that admitted students immediately after the seventh or eighth grade into a year long transition program at the university . Thus , the demands of these experiences , either because of the academic reputation of the institution or the age of the student , were great , yet the early entrants were very successful . <p> Another early entrance program evaluated the progress of female students who entered college after completing at least one year of high school by administering the Iowa Tests of Educational Development subsequent to the students ' college freshman year . Most students earned scores above the 80th percentile and many above the 95th percentile , compared to 12th grade norms , on tests covering math , literature , social studies and the natural sciences ( Callahan , Cornell &; Lloyd , 1992 ) . Thus , the early entrants achievement was on par with that of typically aged college freshman as assessed by standardized achievement tests . <p> While the results regarding the academic performance of early entrants are overwhelmingly positive , it must be remembered that students who perform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in research studies . And , while the average performance level of early entrants is high , there is a range of performance among those who continue in the program . The number of underachieving students in programs is generally not reported . Janos et al . ( 1986 ) did study less successful students and specifically investigated the reasons for underachievement among a group of very young early entrants . These students entered college after the seventh or eighth grade and were part of a program that offers comprehensive support including counseling and a special year long transition program . Janos et al . ( 1986 ) identified 12 students out of 56 ( 21% ) who earned grade point averages that were more than 1.5 standard deviations below those of other early entrance students . Most of the underachievers had dropped out of college for at least one semester , but only two had returned to high school . They had twice as many withdrawals from courses and had received twice as many incompletes as other early entrants . The underachievers tended to alternate between successful and dismal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ability to succeed in college despite their age . Their dismal terms were attributed to their general immaturity . Underachieving males in the study were often preoccupied with fantasy games . Underachieving females had quite organized social lives but spent too much of their time involved in these social activities . The underachieving females eventually were able to juggle their social and academic lives and exhibit a consistent pattern of high achievement in the later years of college ( N. Robinson , personal communication , September 12th , 1993 ) . These underachieving students came from one of the earliest years of this program and the percentage of unsuccessful or less successful students is now considerably lower . <p> Another program that admits students two years early classified students as successful on the basis of GPA ( unsuccessful students had a GPA below 2.5 ) and behavior or adjustment problems ( Saylor , 1993 ) . The unsuccessful group also included students who dropped out of program . Forty five percent of the students admitted in the first three years of the program were judged unsuccessful , but many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were not serious . Lower ratings based on ' teachers ' recommendations solicited at the time of application best discriminated successful from unsuccessful males . The best discriminator of unsuccessful from successful females was SAT-M ; successful females had SAT-M scores that were an average of 24 points higher than unsuccessful females . Success was also associated with being from a larger family and participation in activities during high school although this varied by sex . Academic activities benefitted females while church and social ones did not ; Social and church activities benefitted males . For males , participation in social activities may have facilitated general maturity and ability to adjust to residential life . For females participation in high school academic activities may indicate seriousness of academic and educational pursuits . These results are interesting in light of Janos et al ( 1986 ) findings regarding factors associated with underachievement for males and females in a radical acceleration program . <p> Saylor ( 1993 ) also reported that of the students admitted in the first three years of the program , 9% of males had adjustment problems , 28% @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ females the percentages were , 18% adjustment , 23% academic , and 7% behavior . The actual attrition rate for students in the program was not reported but had declined significantly since the first year and was zero as of the fall semester of the fifth year . The percentage of students with academic problems was also cut by 50% ( Saylor , 1993 ) . These changes were attributed to the hiring of counseling staff and better training for residential staff and students . <p> Few other programs have reported their rates for under-achievement or attrition in published articles . An early entrance program for gifted females reported an attrition rate of 30% in the first year of the program . However , this was quickly reduced to 13% when selection procedures were modified and made more stringent . And , Noble , Robinson and Gunderson ( 1993 ) report that 5 to 10% of students who entered college after the seventh or eighth grade dropped out of the program or do poorly . These rates are quite low . <p> One study ( Brody et al , 1990 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early entrants to a private , selective eastern university . The only significant predictor was the number of Advanced Placement courses . It accounted for 16% of the variance in freshman GPA , 12% of the variance in cumulative GPA , 14% of the variance in making the Dean 's list , and 6% of the variance in honors earned by graduation . The authors reasoned that AP courses provided needed exposure to college level work , and helped students to learn advanced course content , gain confidence in their learning abilities , and develop study skills needed for success in college courses . While AP classes may help prepare students who enter one or two years early , students who enter three or four years early typically enter special transition programs to ease them into the college curriculum . Even with such programs , some of these students still report being unprepared for science study at the college level ( Janos , Robinson , &; Lunnenborg , 1989 ) . <p> One of the concerns about entering college early is that the student , because of a desire to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an institution that is not regarded as academically selective or prestigious . Early entrance students are likely to pursue graduate studies and so the reputation of their undergraduate institution is an important concern . In a longitudinal study of talent search participants , students who entered college early by at least one year were compared to students who entered at the usual time . Accelerants and non accelerants were matched on gender and ability as measured by SAT scores . Results showed that both groups entered academically prestigious colleges and universities ( Benbow &; Swiatek , 1991 ) . However , students who qualified to enter an early entrance program at a public university after the seventh or eighth grade but chose not to , eventually entered more academically selective institutions than those students who entered early ( Janos et al , 1989 ) . <p> At present , the number of colleges or universities with special early entrance programs is small and most of these are not selective institutions . However , almost all of these programs offer important support services to early entrants and may be the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immediately after completion of elementary school . Students and parents need to weigh the value of a degree from a very academically selective institution versus a degree earned at a more appropriate time in a gifted student 's life from a less prestigious institution . How Do Early Entrants Fare Socially and Emotionally ? <p> Probably the major concern of students who are considering early entrance to college is whether they will fit into the college social life . Will they make friends ? Will they make the adjustment to increased responsibility for oneself and self management ? In comparison to the body of research evidence that exists on the academic performance of early entrants , relatively little exists regarding these issues . One study investigated the friendship patterns of 68 early entrance students who entered a large state university immediately after the seventh or eighth grade ( Janos and Robinson , 1985 ; Janos , et al , 1988 ) . This university had a special support program for early entrants and students spend their entire first year in the transition school with other early entrants The students were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been in college for at least 2 years . Almost all of the students , 92% , reported having a best friend and 68% reported having at least five good friends . During the first year , the early entrants spent most of their time with other early entrants , but by their junior year , most of their companions were other typical age college juniors , i.e. two years older than the accelerants on average . Female early entrants acquired older friends more quickly than males . It is possible that the switch to primarily college student friends would have occurred earlier if the early entrants had not been in the transition school . It is also possible that the transition school may be a necessary precursor to friendships with older students , allowing students to mature and gain confidence . <p> Another study of students in this same program solicited comments about their early entrance experience . Results showed that most students perceived the other early entrants as a useful support group during their first few college years ( Noble &; Drummond , 1992 ) . With time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entrants and were generally treated well by other college students . The early entrants felt less socially adept at times compared to typically aged college students and less experienced sexually . Physical maturation helped them to blend in better by their sophomore year . Their age did hamper them in some ways -- they could not drive nor reside in the dormitories . But generally , students felt positive about their peer relationships in college . <p> Some research speaks to the issue of general adjustment to college for early entrance students . Cornell , Callahan and Lloyd ( 1991 ) studied the adjustment of 44 females who had left high school after at least one year of study and were enrolled in a residential program at a small liberal arts college . The students had a program of support including special counselors and lived together with other early entrants . On general adjustment measures such as the Jackson Personality Profile , early entrants were found to be better adjusted than high school and even college students . <p> Residential counselors who lived with the early entrants kept logs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any problems they were having . On the basis of these measures , more than half of the females showed signs of depression during their first year , 11% gave indications of suicidal thoughts , and 50% were referred for counseling . Thirty percent of the students left the program after the first year due to what the staff termed " stress-related " factors ( Cornell , Callahan , &; Lloyd , 1991 ) . Girls who made a better adjustment to the program were those who were found to be more responsible , had greater interpersonal interests , had more harmonious family relationships , especially with their mothers , and had structured family environments that emphasized active recreational activities and independence ( Callahan , Cornell &; Lloyd , 1992 ) . <p> Some of these findings may be disturbing but they may also be misleading and not generalizeable ( Stanley , 1991 ) . The study did not compare the early entrants to typical college freshman women . Without data on a comparison group , it is not clear if the percentage of early entrants in distress is unusual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the earliest groups of early entrants in this program , before selection procedures were well defined and studied . In fact , many of these girls had low IQ 's compared to students typically admitted into gifted programs and given the challenging nature of the program . It appears that many of the earliest participants were simply not prepared to do college level work . In fact , when selection procedures were refined , attrition declined by almost two thirds . It is not known whether the incidence of depression was similarly affected by these changes . <p> Robinson and Janos ( 1985 ) found that students who entered college four to five years early were more independent and unconventional , and less conforming as assessed by measures of personality , compared to students who were equally bright but opted to go to high school and a group of National Merit Scholarship finalists . The authors note that these characteristics may have accounted for these students ' unconventional choice to enter college early . <p> Some early entrants may experience a decrease in self-esteem during the first semester @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) but these changes are so small as to have no practical significance . Callahan et al . ( 1992 ) reported no changes in Self esteem for participants in an all girls early entrance program over the first year of the program . A decrement in self esteem or self confidence when gifted students enroll in a challenging academic program has been noted before and is usually small in magnitude and temporary in duration ( Olszewski-Kubilius , Kulieke &; Krasney , 1988 ) . <p> Noble and Drummond ( 1992 ) found that early entrants who went through a year long transition program at their university before starting college classes with typical college students , felt that they had matured intellectually and socially during this time and would not have done so if they had stayed in high school . They felt that their early entrance experience had many positive effects including enhancement of their emotional stability ( Noble , Robinson &; Gunderson , 1993 ) . Regrets About Entering Early ? <p> From the available evidence , it appears that few early entrants express regrets about their decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Ford Foundation program mentioned earlier were bored in high school and preferred the college environment despite some adjustment difficulties . However , the respondents in this study represent only a small subsample of the early entrants in this nationwide program . <p> Noble and Drummond ( 1992 ) found that 11 of the 24 students they surveyed who had entered college four to five years early , had no regrets about not attending high school . A few students felt some unhappiness about missing some of the social events and extra-curricular activities of high school and some thought that they might have been eligible for more scholarships if they had gone to high school . But these students also reported that they had been bored in high school and longed for the challenging college environment . <p> In a longitudinal followup of participants in this same early entrance program , Noble , Robinson and Gunderson ( 1993 ) asked three groups of students to indicate their feeling about their decision to accelerate ( or not accelerate ) their education . The three groups included early entrants , students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a group of National Merit Scholarship finalists who entered college at the typical age . Most of the students within each group were satisfied with the degree of acceleration they experienced and chose . Only 18% of 109 early entrants said that they wished they had accelerated less , citing social isolation and family stress primarily as reasons . However , among this small number of students with regrets , most were in the program prior to the creation of the year long transition school . The authors note that these students did not have the special support of adults connected with the program nor other early entrance students and this may have contributed to their feelings . <p> It is really not very surprising that few students regret leaving high school early . Most students who enter college early do so as a last resort . They have exhausted all the opportunities available to them for advanced coursework in high school , and , they do not perceive the social environment to be especially supportive . They view the college environment as more accepting ( Noble &; Drummond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feel out of place at college this is not very different than the way they feel in high school . And , at least their academic environment is more suitable . <p> The students most vulnerable for having regrets are those involved in varsity sports . Southern and Jones ( 1992 ) and Stanley ( 1992 ) caution that student athletes considering early entrance must weigh the possibility of not being able to play their sport . But students who enter college early or otherwise accelerate themselves tend not to participate in sports ( Brody &; Benbow , 1986 ) . What Happens After College ? <p> Questions of concern to parents and educators about students who enter college early include what happens to them after college . Are they too young to begin a career or enter some professional schools ? Do they burn out and opt out of further study ? Again the available research evidence is overwhelmingly positive . Much of this evidence is anecdotal reports about individual early entrants . These reports are largely provided by Dr. Julian Stanley ( Stanley , 1985 ) , founder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleagues ( Stanley &; Benbow ; 1983 ) , through which many eventual early entrants to college were initially identified . <p> Typically , these students finished college in less than four years and went on to graduate school . Many are pursuing doctorates and preparing for academic research careers . Some students studied abroad , accepted fellowships or pursued other educational opportunities . Most used the extra time they garnered by entering college early in very productive ways . Generally , the pattern among the early entrants was to continue quickly on with graduate study or in some educational program and not to pause or take time out for other pursuits . <p> There is little published evidence about the career productivity of early entrants ( although Stanley continues to track the lives of many of the early entrants he nurtured through the SMPY program ) nor about any discrimination experienced in graduate school or work due to being so young . However , one study ( Janos et al , 1989 ) found that students who had entered college early did experience frustration due to having to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early career counseling . Despite this difficulty , these same students said they would not have wanted to return to high school . <p> Noble , et al , ( 1993 ) , in their longitudinal follow up of students who had entered college four to five years early , found few differences between the early entrants and same aged students who chose not to enter the program and typically aged college students on measures of attitudes , beliefs , interests , and values . The authors suggest that this indicates that a program of radical acceleration was not harmful to students who were carefully selected for the program and chose to attend . One finding of this study was that the early entrants , as young adults , tended to describe themselves as more restrained , cautious , and introverted than students who chose to go to high school . This is interesting because students in this same program were found to be less conventional in similar comparisons at the start of the program . It can not be concluded that the early entrance experience accounted for the change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students and the pre and post program measures were not identical . However , it does raise the broader issue of how these experiences affect students ' personalities . Limitations of the Research <p> There are some general limitations to the research reviewed above although these are not specific to studies of early entrants alone . Generally , analyses do not include students who are unsuccessful in the program or can not adjust and drop out . Some results , therefore , may be biased in the positive direction . Also , sample sizes are sometimes small because programs only admit a few students at any one time and some of the research is on single , early cohorts of students , before sample sizes could appreciate . A finding of no difference may thus , be a result of lack of statistical power . And , follow up surveys often have response rates of less than 100% and it is likely that students ' with stronger feelings about the program were more willing to respond . <p> Researchers need to continue to study early entrance students and programs need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helpful if research reports would include attrition rates and rates of underachieving students . More research about the factors associated with underachievement could improve programs and selection procedures and might assist replication at other sites . Also , more research is needed to determine if early entrance affects students ' motivations , interests , and personalities in significant ways . Group studies of long term outcomes , for both early entrants and students who decide to stay in high school , regarding career and life choices and early career productivity are also needed . Conclusions <p> In summary , parents of students who are considering early entrance to college should be relieved as the available research evidence suggest little cause for worry . The decision about whether to enter college early comes down to whether it is a good match between an educational setting and a student 's needs and characteristics . Issues such as fitting into the college scene , and skill gaps as a result of missing high school course-work and missed high school activities can be exacerbated by the degree of acceleration . These are more problematic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students entering one or two years early . Southern and Jones ( 1992 ) and Brody and Stanley ( 1992 ) offer some useful guidelines for parents and students to use when making the decision about early entrance . These include making sure a student has had some college level work either through AP courses or college course prior to enrollment as a full time college student . Also , students scores on college entrance exams should equal those of typically aged college freshman despite their younger age . And , students and parents need to consider the ramifications of entering a less selective college if that is all that 's available , missing high school activities or sports and leaving friends . <p> Students can also prepare for the experience by obtaining early career counseling and by developing interests that will be the basis of new friendships . Most important , the decision to enter college early should be primarily the students but once made , families need to be supportive and to recognize that despite their child 's extreme ability , there will be challenges and disappointments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 An earlier version of this article appears in Talent Development , Spring , 1993 , 19-22 , Northwestern University . <p>
@@4011241 Go on from where you left off , said Mr. Magershon , not from where you began . Or are you like Darwin 's caterpillar ? ( n1 ) <p> Caterpillar logic provides the model for Samuel Beckett 's production , where series upon series go on from where they begin , where " going on " finally takes priority over all ends . And where Beckett leaves off , without having finished , we find Bruce Nauman(n2) revolving it all again , leaving us differently at the same spot somewhere in the middle , so that Nauman 's work agitates in the same way that the events at Mr. Knott 's agitate Watt : <p> What distressed Watt in this incident of the Galls father and son , and in subsequent similar incidents , was not so much that he did not know what had happened , for he did not care what had happened , as that nothing had happened , that a thing that was nothing had happened , with the utmost formal distinctness , and that it continued to happen , in his mind , he supposed , though he did not know exactly what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him , before him , about him , and so on , inexorably to unroll its phases , beginning with the first ( the knock that was not a knock ) and ending with the last ( the door closing that was not a door closing ) , and omitting none , uninvoked , at the most unexpected moments , and the most inopportune . ( Watt , p. 76 ) <p> Reading Nauman through Beckett , our discussion can only retrace these lines . Nonetheless , by revisiting " The old thing where it always was , back again " ( Watt , p. 44 ) , we find ourselves in hot pursuit of nothing , which is exactly where Beckett and Nauman wanted to place us . It 's a little too like running Lewis Carroll 's Caucus-race , and we can start and stop where we like ( since everybody wins by sheer virtue of having at some point run ) . As a matter of consistency , however , we could keep pace with Watt , whose first memory of the Galls coming to tune Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first ( the knock that was not a knock ) ... <p> Think of sound specifically , as the knock that begins an encounter , with Nauman 's single-channel video Wall-Floor Positions ( 1968 ) . The work can be seen ( without playing the tape ) in a succession of photographic stills to reveal Nauman , acting a bad version of the sideshow contortionist . In these closely cropped frames , Nauman assumes every position except for the vertical one , turning the entire body into a single part-object that refuses to produce symmetry . By themselves , the pictures initiate a certain discomfort through an insistence on horizontality . What can not be guessed without playing the tape , however , is that the crucial aspect of Wall-Floor Positions is the first moment , when Nauman enters the frame , falling into focus with a thud . Each subsequent pose is carried off with a similar slam of foot or hand . Each noise , in turn , cocoons itself within what seems an unendurable pause . Such passages " from silence to sound and from sound @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the incessantly recurring events of Watt 's memory , no less than our experience of Nauman 's looping videos or Beckett 's regressive plays . This passage of sound is what strikes first and hardest in Wall-Floor Positions , making similar impact in Beckett 's 1966 television play Eh Joe. ( n3 ) After moments of solitary quiet , paranoid Joe ventures toward the window of his bare room , suddenly drawing apart the curtains with a violent rattle . A lull follows , broken again when Joe approaches the second window and rips the drapes apart once more . The unexpected noise , jolting enough at first , becomes doubly alarming in its reiteration . For now , concentrate on this fact , that the sound must happen , in Beckett as in Nauman , always more than once . <p> In order for a knock to be a knock , which might be recognized as " someone at the door , " the sound must normally recur , the second proving that the first was not just the banging of a branch but the work of communication . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signals " that the uttered sounds do not represent a babble , but a senseful , semantic entity . " ( n4 ) What if , on the other hand , as Watt proposes , the knock is not simply a knock , in that it occurs not twice , but too many times ? What happens , for instance , when a word is repronounced until that senseful semantic entity collapses into a series of too-distinct phonemes ? The result is not simply babble . Rather , what the excess finally signals is its own presence . The sound then , not of someone at the door , but of knock-knock-knock-knock -- and this mechanism of repetition . ... in subsequent similar incidents ... <p> Jacques Derrida describes repetition not as posterior to the origin , but somehow simultaneous with it , " a trace which replaces a presence which has never been present . " ( n5 ) The notion of an autonomous origin , then , is a kind of lure , a fantasy : <p> The first book , the mythic book , the eve prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the center was sheltered from play : irreplaceable , withdrawn from metaphor and metonomy , a kind of invariable first name that could be invoked but not repeated . The center of the first book should not have been repeatable in its own representation . Once it lends itself a single time to such a representation -- that is to say , once it is written -- when one can read a book in the book , an origin in the origin , a center in the center , it is the abyss , is the bottomlessness of infinite redoubling ? ( n6 ) <p> Affirming , like Jakobson , that signs are born in their capacity to be repeated , Derrida goes on to venture that at the mystical center where there is no such play of origin , we find death . Repetition is thus conceived not as supplementary accumulation , but as an essential operation , as the " bottomlessness " that provides the very grounds for existence . It finds voice in Beckett 's and Nauman 's production , when a spoken phrase becomes a maddening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeming sameness . Through these repetitions , refusing an isolated origin , Beckett anti Nauman show being , so that one might have mentioned to the other , as did Estragon to Vladimir , " We always find something , eh , Didi , to give us the impression we exist " ( n7 ) <p> And this " something , " constantly rehearsed , is often precisely nothing . Nothing but the phrase " lip synch " whispered until the throat dries ( Nauman , Lip Synch 1968 ) , nothing but the strum of D , E , A , D on a violin until the arm tires ( Nauman , Violin Tuned D E A D 1969 ) , nothing but the sound of a woman 's relentless pacing across the stage ( Beckett , Footfalls 1976 ) . These exercises , however , consistently maintain themselves as failed affirmations , as finally only " impressions , " which in their patent actuality always ever return to the question " We exist ? " For this is also the function of repetition , to unmake the very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of model and copy , as Derrida describes : " We are faced then with mimicry imitating nothing ; faced , so to speak , with a double that doubles no simple , a double that nothing anticipates , nothing at least that is not itself already double . " ( n8 ) Rather than reaffirming the identity of the one , repetition inspires the rabid production of another , from which the one can not extricate itself , but with which it will never be identical . It is this relationship of nonidentity , somewhere between parasitic and symbiotic , which Beckett and Nauman force their characters to endure with every recurrence ? ( n9 ) <p> In Nauman 's video installation Clown Torture ( 1987 ) , four different clowns , one after another , tell the same joke while balancing on one leg : " It was a dark and stormy night . Three men were sitting around a campfire . One of the men said , ' Tell us a story , Jack , ' and Jack said , It was a dark and stormy night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the men said , " Tell us a story , Jack , " and Jack said , " It was a dark and stormy night ... ' .... On its own the joke enacts with marvelous economy the disruptive brand of repetition theorized by Derrida . Around the campfire is spun a tale of " infinite redoubling " in which no origin can be isolated . The joke exists without author and , under Nauman 's unfunny direction , is even robbed of its object . The only logic to the joke is one identified by Freud in his famous study , which observes that intrinsic to the " joke-work " is the process of its being told -- in other words , of its being repeated. ( n10 ) Through each recital , performed now by an Emmett Kelly clown , then by a French baroque type , now by a jester , then by a clown in polka dots and big shoes , the similar incident spins into a series of what Derrida would call differends , terms in which " difference inscribes itself without any decidable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( nll ) Creating a confusion between two clowns and then four ( without there ever having been one in the first place ) , Nauman 's Clown Torture enacts this doubling , proving that even in the face of infinite regress , ( n12 ) " It 's never going to be the same .... " ( n13 ) <p> Implicated in this specular mechanism is an elimination , partly of narrative and completely of eschatology . Take Nauman 's video Bouncing in the Corner ( 1968 ) . Despite dissimilarities among its beats , the stream of thumps produced as Nauman bounces his body into the corner of a studio still engages a continuity , a reassurance that the action is only minimally changing , only repeating . Nauman aptly describes the function of sound , here acting as if " to whistle down a dark space -- say cellar stairs -- and fill the void to make sure that nothing else is in there . " ( n14 ) Sound , in other words , assuring us of an absence , so that we can shut our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thud , be fairly certain that we have missed nothing . The experience , something like listening to the Weather Channel on TV while getting dressed in the morning . ... and that it continued to happen ... <p> In Clown Torture , no punchline , no denouement , just a shaggy-dog tale constantly rewound . As such , I could run the tape as I would run the Caucus-race , start and stop where I like . The order , while perhaps not irrelevant , is certainly changeable in the fashion of Watt 's narration : " As Watt told the beginning of his story , not first , but second , so not fourth , but third , now he told its end . Two , one , four , three , that was the order in which Watt told his story " ( Watt , p. 215 ) . Nauman names such a format " this circular kind of story . " It goes back , he says , <p> to Warhol films that really have no beginning or end . You could walk in at any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was still asleep , or whatever . The circularity is also a lot like La Monte Young 's idea about music . The music is always going on .... It 's a way of structuring something so that you do n't have to make a story , ( n15 ) <p> In order to understand what Nauman means by referring to a story that is n't a story , but more like circular music , we might first think of tempo . <p> In his introductory essay for Alain Robbe-Grillet 's pair of novels Jealousy and In the Labyrinth , Roland Barthes makes a distinction between two concepts of time. ( n16 ) The first one , classical , transforms with a reason , an ulterior motive : glory , decay , disappearance . Barthes contrasts this with Robbe-Grillet 's temporality , during which " an object , described for the first time at a certain moment in the novel 's progress , reappears later on , but with a barely perceptible difference . It is a difference of a situational or spatial order -- what was on the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " ( n17 ) Transformation here consists of permutation without decay , disappearance , or mystery : " time is never a corruption or even a catastrophe , but merely a change of place , a hideout for data . " ( n18 ) Nauman often refers to his work as data : " Lack of information input ( sensory deprivation ) .... Pieces of information which are in skew ' rather than clearly contradictory , i.e. , kinds of information which come from and go to unrelated response mechanism . " ( n19 ) Using information to take time , using time as a way of structuring information , Nauman 's work lends itself to the logic of videotape and television chatter . <p> Mary Ann Doane describes television as " the textual technology of information theory , " ( n20 ) whose effect is rigorous decontextualization and the abolition of narrative . The important distinction Doane makes , however , is that television does not merely transmit this flow of information in its fragmented , multiple form , but dramatizes it through catastrophic interruptions . These discontinuities veil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event , disguising machine time in the operations of classical time . Beckett and Nauman expose these theatrics , using them to insist precisely on the uneventful . Laying bare the structure of what Stanley Cavell calls television 's " undialectical " serial procedure , ( n21 ) Beckett and Nauman harp on noncatastrophic intrusions that fail utterly to destabilize a stable condition , returning always to the show " already in progress . " Understanding that TV flow is really " segmentation without closure , " ( n22 ) Beckett and Nauman make us watch as events cut through the series without ever successfully leaving their mark . <p> In Beckett 's color-television play , Quad I , four mimes pace around a square , " each following his particular course . " ( n23 ) Accompanied by a lively percussion , they walk feverishly , dropping in and out of the race in seemingly ordered sequence . To this fifteen-minute play Beckett wrote a five-minute sequel , Quad II . The action is essentially the same , but now with only two mimes , shot in black-and-white , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue pacing around the square . " Yes , " Beckett said , " marvelous , it 's 100,000 years later . " ( n24 ) Between Quad I and Quad H lies a space of one hundred thousand years , but nothing much has changed . Beckett 's time remains unperturbed by incident . As Barthes describes , " it is an unwonted time , a time for nothing . " ( n25 ) <p> In Nauman 's Violent Incident ( 1986 ) a drama is enacted twelve times simultaneously , in a bank of television monitors . Nauman 's proposal for the work is simple : woman pulls chair out from under man , she gooses him , exchange of epithets , scuffling , she gets shot , he gets shot. ( n26 ) The scene is replayed in several variations : between two men , between two women , roles reversed , in slow motion , as a rehearsal , using differing color schemes , and so on . In these multiple views , the installation mobilizes Cavell 's concept of television as a space of " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n27 ) The bank of screens , Cavell suggests , provides the best access to television , allowing for a " switching " from one instance to the next , conveniently , in case something were to happen . Necessary to the logic of television 's continuance , however , nothing ever does , and we are left in a state of perpetual suspense . The violent incident replays itself over and again , without death ever lending a point to the drama ; the gunshot proves to be not at all what we were waiting for . It was just another piece of information , like Beckett 's Quad , marking an " unwonted time . " <p> Or , to put it differently , in subjugating the event to a constant stream of simultaneity , Nauman has succeeded in mapping spatially what is characteristically conceived linearly , as time line . Jean-Luc Nancy describes the appropriateness of line for graphing " pure time " : " And so it is with good reason that the line representing it represents the static , unidimensional , nonspatial copresence of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : the limit where space becomes pure time , but where pure time annuls the event ) . " ( n28 ) Pure time annuls the event , in being marked not as a thing which itself takes place , which creates and destroys . Rather , pure time exists as a series of " at onces " : " It is the altered sameness of time -- the untimeliness of time -- and it is thus that it is spacing , or that it is insofar as it spaces itself ' out . " ( n29 ) Violent Incident produces this " altered sameness " : in one take the man shoots last , in another , the woman ( what was once on the right is now on the left ) . And , as Nancy argues , this undialectical procedure requires a separation , a displacement ; but now , instead of dashes on a line , Nauman ( and Beckett too ) will tick , like a clock . <p> As with Wall-Floor Positions , even when the viewer leaves the bank of screens , he/she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ describes the audio effect of a particular installation at Whitechapel : " Because it was in a separate room , the sound was baffled ; you only got the higher tones . So the main thing you heard throughout the museum was Asshole ! ' " ( n30 ) Imagine it , wandering through the exhibition , surrounded by normal , ambient noise , and then , every few minutes or so , a scream -- " 9 ! " -- reminding you of the fact that in spite of your absence , the incident continues to take place . Significantly , the scream recurs within spaces , between pockets of rest filled with every other sound , giving the false impression of somehow being over . A kind of rhythm is produced then , an oscillation that marks the persistence of goings-on intermittently , within blankets of white noise , punctuated by a high-pitched yell. ... ( the door closing that was not a door closing ) ... <p> Consider this rhythm during which , amplified along with the word " Asshole ! , " is all that comes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moves forward . It seems in cases to promise a kind of closure , and instead delivers a prolongation of suspense , " ... the perpetual suspense of a tear that can never be entirely formed nor fall .... " ( n31 ) Nauman and Beckett do nothing but point to this almost-shutting that is the sound of Wall-Floor Positions , where a slam is always re-marked by a reopening , a silence . The pause is empty , and noticeably so , in order to distinguish itself as trap , as that space wherein information , data , stuff , accumulates and reformulates irrepressibly . Through Mallarme , Derrida has theorized this blank : <p> A folding back , once more : the hymen , " a medium , a pure medium of fiction , " is located between the present acts that do n't take place . What takes place is only the entre , the place , the spacing , which is nothing , the ideality ( as nothingness ) of the idea . No act , then , is perpetrated ( " Hymen ... between perpetration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a crime ? ( n32 ) <p> A hymen , figured by the white crease between two pages of a book ( or fifteen minutes between two acts of a play ) . <p> Waiting for Godot contains an intermission . The curtained stage marks the space of possibility and anticipation , which make all the more resonant the maddening recurrences on the stage of Act 2 : " Next day . Same time . Same place , " and Vladimir 's first words to Estragon , " You again ! " ( Waiting for Godot , p. 430 ) . ( n33 ) What becomes painfully apparent then is that the play is precisely this curtained stage , this space of no-event and perpetual waiting . Boasting of their endurance in this place , Vladimir will remark to Estragon , " We are not saints , but we have kept our appointment " ( Waitingf0r Godot , p. 458 ) . Godot , however , will never keep his appointment , and the play brackets nothing but this missed encounter : a meeting that was presumed to occur never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Act 2 signals no end , but a lingering nonfinality , the suspense of a pause ( a tear ) hovering between . Not too much unlike the brief switch between monitors , or as a video loops back around to the beginning . Violent Incident is marked by such hiccups , disturbances that call attention to what seems like the substance , the point of the work . Again , what one finds is that switch and flicker are all of Violent Incident . No crime is committed , nothing is perpetrated . " Asshole ! " is only part of the ambient noise after all , signaling nothing , except perhaps an appointment . The incident , it turns out , is about monitoring , waiting in between acts . <p> At the 1997 Whitney Biennial , Nauman 's video installation was called End of the World , leading one to expect an apocalypse , only to be met with some sad song perpetually dying . A series of three projected videos replayed differing takes of the same man ( whose body is always cropped so you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( too many layers to know for sure ) , on a pedal steel guitar ( every one slightly altered from the last ) . The videos of each projection were segmented , stopping and starting in a kind of nonthematic orchestration , like entr'acte organ music . Certainly in this constant making and unmaking , there was no cataclysmic explosion then , only a lingering trace , a vestige , characterized by Nancy through " its infinite finishing ( or infinishing ) and not its finite perfection. ( n34 ) According to Nancy , art defines itself precisely through the vestigial , " infinishing , " nonessential : <p> The vestigial is not an essence -- and no doubt this is what puts us on the track of " the essence of art . " That art is today its own vestige , this is what opens us to it . It is not a degraded presentation of the Idea , nor the presentation of a degraded Idea ; it presents what is not " Idea " : motion , coming , passage , the going-on of coming-to-presence. ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have mentioned , which Nauman and Beckett both insist on , pointing always to the end , traversing it but never arriving there , a perpetual nonpenetration " without breaking the ice or the mirror . " ( n36 ) Steven Connor discusses this compulsive relishing of the ending 's immanence in Beckett , citing the last passage from Ill Seen , Ill Said : <p> Farewell to farewell . Then in that perfect dark foreknell darling sound pip for end begun . First last moment . Grant only enough remain to devour all . Moment by glutton moment . Sky earth the whole kit and boodle . Not another crumb of carrion left . Lick chops and basta . No . One moment more . One last . Grace to breathe that void . Know happiness. ( n37 ) <p> During End of the World , this is the promise of every silence that breaks the stream of steel-pedal guitar , the anticipation of " One moment more , " of the relishing of space within an " end begun , " so that end therefore resides at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ version of " The End of the World , " ( n39 ) Nancy , like Nauman , invokes not a dark apocalypse but a clarity of realization : that there is no " end " in the sense of determinable liquidation with its antipode of birth . In other words , no " once and for all , ' ... but the spacing of all onces. ' " ( n40 ) Brilliantly , Nauman and Beckett engender this finitude , folded within the structure of infinity , the uneventful displacements of " pure time . " And through this spacing , which enables a continual surging forth and retreat , enter End of the World , like Violent Incident , Quad , Footfalls , Wall-Floor Positions ... engaged in a rhythm . Nancy characterizes the perpetual progress ( not passage ) of the vestige 's infinite finishing in just such terms : <p> This rhythm comprises sequence and syncopation , trajectory and interruption , gait and gap , phase and spasm . It thereby cuts a figure , but this figure is not an image in the sense I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or the vestige , is its tracing , its spacing. ( n41 ) ... and though it seemed to be outside him , before him , about him ... <p> And what if this spacing were to consist in beating one 's entire body against the corner of a wall , as Nauman did in his video Bouncing in the Corner ( 1968 ) ? The knock would signify , once again not someone at the door , but a collision of body and matter . This impact resonates in Nauman and Beckett . Sound produces the difficulty of existing among things , of having sense . In Beckett 's 1957 radio play All That Fall , considerable airtime is given to grunting and groaning , as the heavyset and rickety couple Maddy and Dan Rooney maneuver into cars , tip stairs , down roads. ( n42 ) Again , what makes the performance exhausting to hear is this strained effort , figured in a rhythm painfully maintained , as the Rooneys inch their way back from the train station toward their home . And prototypically for Beckett , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> In Beckett 's 1976 stage play Footfalls , the disheveled , aged May speaks with or to an offstage voice accompanied by the sound of her own pacing , to and fro in the dark . While May paces , the single voice recites this schizophrenic narration : <p> The mother : What do you mean , May , not enough , what can you possibly mean , May , not enough ? May : I mean , Mother , that I must hear the feet , however faint they fall . The mother : The motion alone is not enough ? May : No , Mother , the motion alone is not enough , I must hear the feet , however faint they fall. ( n43 ) <p> Striking the ground , touching it is not enough . There must be an excess of sense , a vestige of movement which consists in this pulse , however faint , of pacing . Slightly different in dynamic , perhaps , from the slam of Wall-Floor Positions , the beat in both is never metronomic , but the irregular pulse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In describing the music of Schumann , Barthes describes such a rhythm , of pure violence , invested in the body that " speaks but says nothing . " ( n44 ) Of Schumann 's Kreisleriana , Barthes writes , " No , what I hear are blows : I hear what beats in the body , what beats the body , or better : I hear this body that beats . " ( n45 ) Beating the body into music without the relay of a signifier , this is the power of Schumann 's rhythm , which explodes and rages , but never expresses . Similarly , if in Nauman 's tightly cropped loops of tape , a torso is extracted , a head lopped off , if on Beckett 's darkened stage only a mouth emerges , a cowled figure scurrying , a hooded lump , what bears the body into presence is this beating ( shuffling , slamming , bouncing ) that is at once the sense of touching or hearing something outside the body , and the vestige that points to the sense of having touched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Schumann 's violent rhythm as madness . Incorporating this pulse , Nauman 's installation Learned Helplessness in Rats , Rock and Roll Drummer ( 1988 ) is a laboratory for just such destabilization , engaged here by the double accompaniment of a different sort of beat . On one wall , a video projection alternates , clicking regularly from shots of a rat in a Plexiglas maze , to live footage from a surveillance camera hovering in the room , to a recording of the drum session that produced the installation 's obnoxious sound track . Madness here , however , is not so much caused by the loudly pounding drum riffs , but by the tact that this noise , made somewhere and sometime else by the boy in the video , strikes the body immediately in this small room . What actually sets the viewer reeling is this constant shift , amplified by each mechanical click of the sequencer , switching the projection from prerecorded drummer/rat ( then ) to live surveillance footage ( now ) . With every shift Nauman strips away the moorings of past-present @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that tremble in between. ( n46 ) <p> Engaging this perpetual temporal implosion , Nauman pries apart the seam between now and then , the distance typically screened by the television set . Imposing a remote , other vision on a situated viewer , television creates what Samuel Weber refers to as " undecidability , " a condition that the screen itself simultaneously masks and marks. ( n47 ) Nauman wants to expose this " undecidability , " showing how television 's confusion of time also produces a confusion of substance , a sense of being -- as Weber notes -- " neither fully there , nor entirely here . " Appropriately then , while Nauman 's beat attacks before/after , it collapses inside/outside on the way . ... in his mind , he supposed , though he did not know exactly what that meant ... <p> In Beckett 's stage play Not I ( 1972 ) , a disembodied mouth , surrounded by black curtain , is slowly born into light , chattering faster and faster without skipping a beat , slowing only at the intermittent refrain of " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ! ... she ! " ( n48 ) In Not I , constant bafflement , about what comes from within the mouth ( mind ) and what : bombards from without . The mouth struggles to keep pace with its own thoughts ( which it can not be sure are its own ) . ( n49 ) Nauman 's sixty-minute black-and-white video Lip Synch ( 1968 ) uses the same bodiless orifice , this time suspended upside down by the camera . What is most disturbing about Nauman 's mouth is the tempo of repronounced words , " Liiiip ... Sin .... k , " which almost seem to come from it , pronounced according to Barthes 's definition , wherein pronunciation emerges " from the depths of the body 's cavities , " manifesting the materiality of signifier-sounds , rubbing against the message in a kind of perverted friction. ( n50 ) We hear and see this grating in Lip Synch when the mouth closes and swallows after a tiring string of speech , when the throat clears itself of accumulated saliva , when the microphone pops with every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ k/Most alarming about these sounds , however , is the fact that their synchronization with the mouth on-screen wavers , engendering a perpetual undecidability , as the embodied materiality of voice collides with the absence of a coherent body . <p> In Think ( 1993 ) , Nauman 's head bounces up and down on two television screens , one above the other , the camera tightly focused so that only the top of Nauman 's head comes into full view , with the occasional peep of mouth ostensibly chanting as he bounces , " Think ! Think ! Think ! " The laser-disc recordings are twinned , but once again not synchronized . The looped segments vary : a snowy image with sound distortion , " Think ! " punctuated by clashing cymbals , top screen upside down , bottom screen right side up , vice versa , and so on . What remains constantly clear is the initial impression : that it is difficult to match which voice to which bobbing head , that it is preposterous to follow the imperative " Think ! Think ! Think ! @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the echo that must , yet does not , seem to come from the on-screen/onstage fragment is a familiar discombobulating technique , one used in the romantic song : <p> ... what is suggested , what is here vocally put before us , is the anguish of something that threatens to divide , to separate , to dissociate , to dismember the body . The dark voice , voice of Evil or of Death , is a voice without site , a voice without origin : it resonates everywhere ... in every case , it no longer refers to the body , which is distanced in a kind of non-site. ( n51 ) <p> Nauman and Beckett are both expert in producing this voice without a site , afflicting a kind of sitelessness , described by Nauman in terms of an early corridor piece : <p> It had to do with going up the stairs in the dark , when you think there is one more step and you take the step , but you are already at the top ... or going down the stairs and expecting there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bottom . It seems that you always have that jolt and it really throws you off . I think that when these pieces work they do that too. ( n52 ) <p> Playing on an expectation , that the sound will be sutured to the on-screen image , that it will come from a body , Nauman produces a jolt . In Think , shock and frustration are doubly pronounced as Nauman confounds this aural dislocation with an explicit mental sitelessness , making ridiculous the Hegelian notion of thought as a realm of pure interiority : <p> Thinking , however , results in thought alone ; it evaporates the form of reality into the form of the pure Concept , and even if it grasps and apprehends real things in their particular character and real existence , it nevertheless lifts even this particular sphere into the element of the universal and ideal wherein alone thinking is at home with itself .... Thinking is only a reconciliation between reality and truth within thinking itself . But poetic creation and formation is a reconciliation in the form of a real phenomenon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( n53 ) <p> Nancy articulates an interruption in Hegel 's model , of art " conceived as the derived , external , and unseeing expression of the internal gaze of pure presence , " ( n54 ) and consequently of thinking , which could ever be alone " at home with itself . " Positing sense before signification , Nancy reverses the dialectic : " thought uses itself to touch ( to be touched by ) that which is not for it a " content " but its body : the space of this extension and opening in which and as which it exscribes itself , that is , lets itself be transformed into the concreteness or praxis of sense . " ( n55 ) For Nauman , like Nancy , to think touches on to jump , to crash cymbals , to scream , to hear . For Nancy , like Beckett , this process ( of thought touching its body ) is conceived as a step ( Footfalls , " Suspended Step " ) . <p> Trekking back to the mind/body problem , which Rosalind Krauss identifies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sound of Its Own Making ( 1961 ) , we recognize this same fracturing , whereby no substance is integral , whole . Morris 's Beckettian construction no doubt opens onto Nauman 's , also baffling the notion of founding origin , also tracing the closed circuit of consciousness everywhere to an outside line . The fiction of " internal discourse , " as attacked too by Derrida in 1969 ( " The Double Session " ) , is left perpetually under siege . Nonetheless , while mobilizing this estrangement , " exscription , " sitelessness , Beckett and Nauman still preserve the " concreteness " of sense , the specificities of situation . Their acoustic experiments have little to do with Artaud 's , as described by Denis Hollier . If Artaud would open theater to the noises of the street , " to leave the space of representation tot that , precisely of the event , " ( n56 ) by contrast Nauman and Beckett insist on the theatricality of their works , which only mimic events . For them , sound never breaks into an exterior world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edges of stage , screen , installation . Their works depend on a relentless specificity(n57) in line with Nancy 's , in which sense is not indiscriminately dispersed , but zoned , discrete . ... with the utmost formal distinctness ... <p> If film has been theorized as a visual art , menaced by what Hollis Frampton , for instance , would deem the synesthetic " monster " of sound , ( n58 ) Beckett 's directions for Film ( 1964 ) , consisting mostly of outlines and diagrams , are appropriately headed by the motto " Esse est percipi " ( n59 ) Originally titled The Eye , Film inflicts on Buster Keaton an " anguish of perceivedness " through successive camera angles from which Keaton , designated O ( the object ) , can not escape : " We 're trying to find a ... cinematic equivalent for visual appetite and visual distaste .. , a reluctant ... a disgusted vision O 's and a ferociously voracious one E's. " ( n60 ) As such , the film is silent , but not completely . There is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman turns to her companion , and " checks him with a gesture and soft sssh ! ' " film reverberates with this quiet exclamation echoing in silence , puncturing the circumference of film 's voracious eye with a gaping hole . <p> Addressing the attempt to stage a theater production of All That Fall , Beckett reacted harshly : <p> All That Fall is a specifically radio play , or rather radio text , for voices , not bodies . I have already refused to have it " staged " and I can not think of it in such terms .... It is no more theatre than End-Game is radio and to " act " it is to kill it . Even the reduced visual dimension it will receive from the simplest and most static of readings .. , will be destructive of whatever quality it may have and which depends on the whole thing 's coming out of the dark. ( n61 ) <p> When Beckett was proposed the transference of the stage play Act Without Words to film , he similarly replied , " If we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or extricate them from the confusion that has them where they are , we might as well go home and lie down . " ( n62 ) Ironically , however , the very means that Beckett uses in order to keep his genres " more or less distinct " rely on a technique of studied confrontation , if not confusion . Writing about All That Fall , Linda Ben-Zvi describes Beckett 's method , which constantly thwarts the medium of radio , giving anything but the impression of another world constituted by sound in its entirety . Instead , the listener remains in wondering frustration , as Beckett issues cryptic clues , pointing mercilessly to the fact that one is sitting in the dark and wants to see what 's going on . Beckett 's medium consciousness resides , then , not in forming clear lines of demarcation but in creating constant friction , always implicating " other zones of sensing " in the manner of Nancy 's toucher : <p> Sensing and the sensing-oneself-sense that makes for sensing itself consists always in sensing at the same time that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are other zones of sensing , overlooked by the zone that is sensing at this moment , or else on which this zone touches on all sides but only at the limit where it ceases being the zone that it is. ( n63 ) <p> Beckett 's work relentlessly pursues these limits , moving increasingly toward a degree of dissolution . His formalism , therefore , could never be characterized as reductive , but more properly as explosive . As such , Quad I and H do not produce a distillation , an essence of what it is to be a television play . Indeed , they border so closely on dance that Beckett must plug the spill with a proclamation : the cowled figures are " mimes , " he says , " not dancers . " ( n64 ) In creating this tenuous structure , however , Beckett does not deny the medium 's essence . Rather , to use Nancy 's terms again , he " entrances " it , seduces it , transverses it. ( n65 ) <p> Like Beckett 's Film , Nauman 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the black-and-whites from 1969 , Black Balls , Bouncing Balls , Gauze , and Pulling Mouth , are silent . Nauman will also agree that " films are about seeing , " and as such he too will produce an anguish , this time of perceiving , straining vision in his painfully decelerated slow-mos , shot at one thousand to four thousand frames per second . His videotapes , on the other hand , will not utilize this form of distortion , profiting instead from the initially accidental effects of a wild track that stretches and tightens , causing sound to go in and out of synch . Nauman himself , of course , will sound far more cavalier about his use of materials : <p> But it was simple in that in the ' 60s you did n't have to pick just one medium . There did n't seem to be any problem with using different kinds of materials , shifting from photographs to dance to performance to videotapes . It seemed very straightforward to use all those different ways of expressing ideas or presenting material . You could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you could make jokes about parts of the body or casting things , or whatever. ( n66 ) <p> Nauman thus refers to working in video , film , speaking as if it were a matter of convenience , not conviction . And his projects are undeniably invested in a kind of plurality without hierarchy : video , photograph , casting , neon sign , whatever . There is , nevertheless , in this seeming " anything goes " approach , an obsessively disciplined method , which recognizes as discrete " all those different ways of expressing . " As acutely as anyone , Nauman knows what it is to watch a screen , knows the expectations ( embodied voices , sutured sound-image ) , the rhythm ( repeated illusion of narrative ) , the circumstances ( somewhat private , somewhat not ) , the frustrations ( endless ) that attend a TV viewing . And Nauman , as madly as Beckett , will not desist in unraveling , in making and remaking , until the work resembles a Violent Incident : " I liked all this , keep taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) <p> Obviously , this method of dissection can never produce an autonomous body that one could frame and hang on the wall to look at , because it would be dripping , leaking . Neither , on the other hand , does it produce a space of nondifferentiation , of art in general . On this , Nancy writes , " However , there is no art ' in general : each one indicates the threshold by being itself also the threshold of another art . Each one touches the other without passing into it .... " ( n68 ) Art and sense still intact , defined by thresholds , by spacing . Art that knows itself by rubbing constantly , grating its surface against another " with the utmost formal distinctness . " <p> * Deepest thanks to Rosalind Krauss for enabling this text , and to Hal Foster , Benjamen Buchloh , and Thomas Salopek for their critical insights . <p> ( <p>
@@4011341 Winter concert season is usually a time of great excitement . The school year has barely begun when most music teachers find themselves preparing ensembles to " Deck the Halls " in the newest arrangement of holiday melodies ; Indian summer may be broiling the classrooms , but songs of sugarplums , snowflakes , and silver bells are echoing through the hallways . <p> Yet amid the gaiety of these preparations , a troubling question looms : How can we deal with Hanukkah ? The spirit of ecumenical equality forces teachers with the highest musical standards to sample Jewish music by offering up one more tired version of " Havah Nagilah " or the latest dreidel ditty . Winter vacation brings the weary music teacher not only a well-deserved respite but comfort in the knowledge that the next confrontation with Jewish music is a year away . <p> Is that all there is to Jewish music ? Of course not ! But most of us have no reason to think otherwise . Hebrew is a daunting and ( literally ) backward language foreign to most non-seminarians ; and even composers of Jewish origin ( what few there seem to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than seek a unique role as advocates of their special cultural heritage. -Why should the average teacher care to pursue Jewish music ? Addressing the issues <p> Let 's answer the question by reviewing the " facts " regarding Jewish music : <p> -- Jewish music is not a subject ordinarily discussed in collegiate music history surveys . <p> This statement can not be refuted . The typical music history survey begins with consideration of the Catholic Mass , discussing its musical development from Gregorian chant through Palestrina and the " polyphony crisis " and then progressing to the eventual birth of the contemporary Western musical era with the genius of Bach . But the Mass came from the Jewish rites of the Jerusalem Temple and the early synagogue . The first Christians were left-wing Jews whose musical and liturgical forms came not from the pagan Greek modes but from Jewish models . " A rose by any other name " was true long before Shakespeare 's day , and by his time the Hebrew " Kadosh , kadosh , kadosh " ( Holy , holy , holy ) had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sanctus , sanctus . " But that 's just the tip of the historical iceberg . A full treatment of the debt that Western European music ( both sacred and secular ) owes to Jewish musical tradition can be found in Eric Werner 's The Sacred Bridget " must " reading for any true music historian . <p> -- Even putting historical accuracy aside ( and ancient history at that ! ) , how can we begin to approach Jewish music when Hebrew is a truly foreign language ? <p> Granted , unfamiliar Hebrew characters , read from right to left , do not immediately invite a warm response -- nor do they fit well at all with Western music , which moves " correctly " from left to right . However , Hebrew can be , and usually is , transliterated into Roman characters . <p> Even Israeli musicians find their language a problem when it comes to reading music . In the heady-and somewhat fanatic -- early years of the state of Israel , many vocal scores were printed from right to left to accommodate the national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had no reason to reverse their reading practices ; so the pragmatic answer won out , and to this day many Israeli vocal parts -- even for a cappella chorus -- appear both in Hebrew and in transliteration . <p> Moreover , anyone who can properly enunciate the home of the fabled Scotch monster ( Loch Ness ) or the name of the famous Baroque contrapuntist ( J. S. Bach ) can handle Hebrew 's most " difficult " pronunciation . Besides , there is more to Jewish music than Hebrew . Many important folk and popular as well as classical works of Jewish music are written in Yiddish ( a hebraized variation of German ) , Ladino ( essentially fifteenth-century Castilian , with a sprinkling of Arabic and Hebrew for color ) , and even English . <p> -- Even if Jewish music , in whatever language , is pronounceable , how can we present it if even composers of Jewish origin do n't seem interested in Jewish music ? Is there good Jewish music to perform ? <p> The truth is that many important composers of both Jewish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the list is the multitalented Leonard Bernstein , whose Symphony No. 1 ( Jeremiah ) , No. 3 ( Kaddish ) , and even Mass have significant Jewish liturgical and/or musical content . In addition , Jacques Fromental Halevy ( La juive ) , Darius Milhaud ( Service sacre and Ani maamin , with libretto by Elie Wiesel ) , Aaron Copland ( Vitebsk ) , Ernest Bloch ( Israel symphony , Baal Shem Suite , Schelomo , and Sacred Service ) , Arnold Schonberg ( Moses und Aron , Die Jakobsleiter , and A Survivor from Warsaw ) , and Steve Reich ( Tehillim ) have explored and exploited their Jewish roots to enrich our concert repertory . Moreover , non-Jewish composers including Sergey Prokofiev ( Overture on Hebrew Themes ) , Max Bruch ( Kol Nidrei ) , Maurice Ravel ( Kaddisch and L'enigme Eternelle ) , and Franz Schubert ( Psalm 92 ) have been drawn to Hebrew texts and melodies -- and this list does not include a host of national Israeli composers . Advantages for study <p> But why , still , should we force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crowded with too many great works by great composers -- and too little time ? If the question is posed from this perspective , the answer is likely to be negative . But if , instead , we ask how a study of Jewish music can help us reach a variety of teaching goals , a number of positive responses will result . First and foremost , we strive to teach our students to value music , to appreciate the many forms in which it appears all around us , and to recognize the unique attributes of a particular type or style of composition . Our studies of anthropology tell us that all civilizations have produced some form of music . The American melting pot has benefited from the influx of many disparate influences , Jewish music among them . We fall short of our universalist goals if we fail to acknowledge the contributions of all kinds of music . While recognizing the " absolute " value of music , we know-and students enjoy discovering-the many manifestations of program music in the literature . Hollywood 's recent penchant for using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to music 's power to communicate not just consonance and form , but specific moods and story lines . Who among us has failed to recognize BolEro or Beethoven 's Fifth Symphony in movies like 10 and A Clockwork Orange ? How many generations have been delighted by Disney 's Fantasia ? Well , Jewish music , even without text , is by definition always program music . Its extramusical mission is to connect the listener to some plane of Jewish thought or identification . Without entering into lengthy ethnomusicological debate about what makes music Jewish , we can surely agree that it is only by virtue of its thematic content ( either musical or programmatic ) that instrumental music can lay claim to being Jewish at all . Bernstein 's Jeremiah symphony , for example , won critical acclaim and awards , albeit for its absolute content . The listener loses a great deal , though , by not becoming acquainted with its Jewish themes -- in this case , both musical and programmatic . Among the motivating forces to produce much of the greatest music literature of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationalism . Under the influence of their teacher , Nikolay Rimsky-Korsakov , a group of Jewish students studying in Saint Petersburg banded together to unearth , compose , publish , and promote their national music-Jewish music . In the same way that Dvorak 's New World symphony weaves authentic and composed " folk " melodies to paint a picture of Americana , the members of the Saint Petersburg Society for Jewish Folk Music devoted themselves to first arranging and finally creating new " Jewish " tunes . Joel Engel 's incidental score to the classic AnSki play Ha-Dybbuk uses both traditional and newly composed Jewish folk melodies ; it was at a performance of this play that Aaron Copland discovered the Hasidic melody he used for the theme of his through-composed 1929 trio , Vitebsk . Joseph Achron 's Hebrew Lullabye , often performed by violinists of all nationalities , is a setting of a generations-old folk tune well known throughout the villages of Eastern Europe , but was never notated until it was " discovered " by urban musicologists on expedition in search of their musical roots . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traces the birth of a genre and its evolution from folk to art songs , from the backwoods to the concert stage . All of us who search for material with which to teach the subtle differences between folk and art music , where " arrangements " of folk song fit in the spectrum , and recognition of " composed folk song " would do well to rediscover Jewish music from Saint Petersburg . A rich tradition <p> We have only touched the surface of Jewish music , in terms of both its definition and its place in our classrooms . There is much more to say about variant types of Eastern and Western Jewish modes and forms . <p> The cross-pollination of Jewish and non-Jewish sources has led to the creation of unique new amalgams . These include but are not at all limited to Sephardic songs of medieval Spain and the klezmer music that revolutionized much popular music of early twentieth-century America and that is now enjoying a renaissance in conservatory as well as in yeshiva circles . <p> It can be most enlightening to explore the effects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alternatives ) on a sacred tradition dispersed in a sea of disparate musical models . There is also much to discover and debate regarding the influence on music-makers themselves of a cultural heritage in which music is omnipresent . <p> Instead of limiting their efforts to Jewish settings and occasions , a host of Jewish composers and performers have contributed to our general musical culture , from Broadway to Burbank and back to Carnegie Hall . There should be no doubt that there is more to Jewish music than meets the ear at holiday concerts -- and that Jewish music deserves a year-round place in our classrooms and curricula . Some suggested sources <p> For more information , the reader is encouraged to consult the following books : <p> Idelsohn , A. Z. Jewish Music . New York : Schocken Books , 1967 . <p> Werner , Eric . The Sacred Bridge . NewYork : Schocken Books , 1970 . <p> Werner , Eric . A Voice Still Heard . University Park , Pennsylvania : Penn State University Press , 1976 . <p> In addition , the following recordings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ music mentioned above , have extensive notes on the Jewish program and/or ( musical ) thematic content in the selections : <p> Baal Shem Suite for Violin and Piano , Ernest Bloch . Vox Cure Laude VCL9065(D) . <p> Israel ( Symphony ) , for 5 Solo Voices &; Orchestra , Ernest Bloch ; Utah Symphony . Vanguard VCD-72031 . <p> Schelomo -- Hebrew Rhapsody for Cello and Orchestra , Ernest Bloch ; Orchestre National . Angel CDC-49307 . <p> Kol Nidrei , for Cello &; Orchestra , Max Bruch ; Vladimir Ashkenazy , Philharmonia Orchestra . London 410144-2 . <p> Overture on Hebrew Themes , Op. 34 , Sergey Prokofiev ; Vladimir Ashkenazy , Gabrieli String Quartet . 3-London 421274-4 . <p> Symphony No. 1 , Jeremiah , Leonard Bernstein ; Israel Philharmonic . Deutsche Grammophon 415964-2 . <p> Symphony No. 3 , Kaddish , Leonard Bernstein ; Israel Philharmonic ; Vienna Youth Choir , Vienna Choir Boys . Deutsche Grammophon 423582-2 . <p> Tehillim , for Winds , Strings , Percussion , and Voices , Steve Reich ; performed by the composer and ensemble . ECM 827411-2 . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Copland ; Western Arts Trio . Laurel 109 . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Children listening to a record playing . <p> ILLUSTRATION <p> by Marsha Bryan Edelman <p> <p> Marsha Bryan Edelman is associate professor of music at Gratz College in Melrose Park , Pennsylvania . <p> SOME PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS FOR TEACHING JEWISH MUSIC <p> A. Invite a local cantor to your classroom . He or she can illustrate the " leitmotives " that identify occasions of the Jewish calendar . Examples may include parallel settings of the same liturgical text as chanted on various holidays or samples of the modes used to chant from different biblical books . <p> B. Ask your theory or composition class to consider the problem -- and challenge of creating a song based on a " Jewish scale . " The best-known and most universal of the Jewish scales ( called Ahavah Rabbah in Hebrew and related to the Arabic Hidjaz and Greek Phrygian modes ) exploits the augmented second , lending a decidedly Eastern flavor to resulting compositions ( including the familiar " Havah Nagilah " ) : C @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Magen Avot , seems to behave like a major scale . However , it encompasses more than the traditional octave by having accidental alteration of pitches in different registers , giving a distinctive quality to the upper register : ( B ) C D E F G A B C D E. <p> C. Teach one or all -- of the songs suggested here . In addition to simply covering the words and pitches , discuss the following : " Ale Brider . " This song is set in a simple minor mode . " Minor " has been stereotyped as a trademark of Jewish music . Is this fair ? What nonJewish songs do we know that are in the minor mode ? Do they " sound Jewish " ? This song is in Yiddish ( a mix of German and Hebrew ) but " oy , oy , oy " has no meaning . The Hasidim ( a group of Eastern European Jews who gave special emphasis to music ) often inserted these " nonsense " syllables into songs or sang totally wordless melodies called nigunim , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even surpass that of words . What emotions do we feel when we sing this song ? The Hasidim would also experiment with a song , singing it very slowly , then gradually increasing the tempo . How does changing the speed change our impression of the song and its meaning ? " Hine Ma Toy . " The text of this song is among the most popular of psalm excerpts , probably because of its universal ( i.e. , nonsectarian ) appeal . The two versions offered here ( 1 and 2 ) are very different , though . Notice that <p> a . One is in triple meter , the other in duple . <p> b . One is sung slowly ( andante ) , the other more quickly ( allegretto ) . <p> c . One may be sung as a round while the other features built-in " echo . " <p> How do meter , tempo , and performance practice affect our feeling about the song ? How does this influence our understanding of the text ? Is there a " correct " way to set @ @ @ @
@@4011441 Section : CURRENT NEWS AND INFORMATION FOR MUSIC EDUCATORS National Standards Celebrated , Examined in Washington , D.C. <p> More than 300 music educators and other members of the arts community converged on Washington , D.C. , March 6-9 for a whirlwind of activities centered around the National Celebration of American School Music . <p> Activities included a national symposium on standards in the arts ; a showcase of student dance , theater , and choral performances ; and a day for MENC members to press the arts standards case with their local senators and congressmen on Capitol Hill . <p> A meeting of the National Committee on Standards in the Arts and meetings of the MENC National Executive Board and National Assembly took place at the same time but were not directly connected to the celebration . <p> " This was a historic event , " said MENC President Dorothy Straub . " National standards is the most significant development in music education since Lowell Mason introduced music into the curriculum of the Boston schools in 1838 . Music is now part of the national education agenda . The symposium spotlighted this development . The celebration showcased excellence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high standards nationwide . " <p> With performances by three prize-winning student ensembles the Plaza Middle School Concert Band from Virginia Beach , Virginia ; the Harmonaires from Dobbs Ferry , New York ; and the Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology Symphonic Orchestra , from Alexandria , Virginia the celebration showcased excellence in public school music . <p> A number of nationally known musicians joined the performers on stage , including baritone Robert Merrill , songwriter Julie Gold ( " From a Distance " ) , the Canadian Brass , composer Alan Menken ( Beauty and the Beast ) , and jazz vibraphone player Gary Burton . <p> Janie Ruth Hatton , National Association of Secondary School Principals/Met Life Principal of the Year , served as master of ceremonies . <p> Senator Barbara Boxer ( D-Calif. ) joined Secretary of Education Richard Riley , Alexander Bernstein ( son of Leonard Bernstein and manager of the Bernstein Education Through the Arts Fund ) , and other notables on stage in support of school music during the program . Riley , Congressmen get A 's for Efforts <p> Three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's new " A for Excellence " award during the National Celebration of American School Music . <p> Secretary of Education Richard Riley and Congressmen Robert Clement ( D-Tenn. ) and Dale Kildee ( D-Minn. ) were the firstever recipients of the award . The A for Excellence recognizes people outside the music education community for their contributions to school music . <p> Its design , incorporating a 440hertz " A " tuning fork , stands for high standards , said MENC President Dorothy Straub . " The tuning fork rings the A , the international standard for musical instruments , a symbol for the high expectations that national standards in the arts will provide , " she said . <p> Riley , as governor of South Carolina , championed education including the arts in his drive to pass the state 's Education Improvement Act of 1984 . Many credit the act with significant gains in South Carolina 's student achievement . <p> The presentation of the A for Excellence to Riley also recognizes " the substantive support for the arts in education in the Clinton administration , " Straub @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ music and the other arts since his arrival on Capitol Hill in 1988 . He served on the National Commission for Music Education and accepted the commission 's report , Growing Up Complete , on behalf of Congress . <p> Kildee , a former high school teacher , joined the House of Representatives in 1976 , sits on the House committee on education and labor , and chairs the subcommittee on elementary , secondary , and vocational education . Straub commended him for acting on his conviction that children must have a well-rounded education that includes music and the other arts . Arts ' Vital ' to Reform Efforts , Says Riley <p> Secretary of Education Richard Riley called arts education " a vital part of our effort " in a press statement released February 23 . <p> The National Coalition for Standards in the Arts applauded Riley 's words in a response two days later . <p> Riley stressed the department 's commitment to supporting arts education . " As we work to improve the quality of education for all children , " Riley said , " the arts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The arts -- including music , theater , dance , and visual arts -- are a unique medium for communicating what is common to all of us as human beings and what is special to each of us as creative individuals . <p> " The arts provide valuable opportunities for understanding our cultural heritage and that of all other civilizations . The arts also enhance our nation 's economic competitiveness by developing creative problem-solving skills , imagination , self-discipline , and attention to detail , " Riley continued . <p> The secretary 's statement demonstrates that the current administration is committed to making arts education a vital part of the U.S. educational agenda , according to the coalition . <p> " Secretary Riley deserves credit for recognizing the valuable role of music and the other arts in education , " said MENC Executive Director John J. Mahlmann . " It is more important than ever to have the chief educational leader of the U.S. support the inclusion of the arts in the curriculum for all children . " <p> Congressman Robert Clement ( D-Tenn. ) , long a supporter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was delighted to hear of Riley 's pledge . " I applaud Secretary Riley on his commitment to promote and implement education reform efforts that insure every child will have access to a high-quality education that includes the arts , " he said . <p> Larry Linkin , president of the National Association of Music Merchants ( NAMM ) , said administration support " will help us create the public awareness and involvement that will be needed for widespread implementation of the new arts education standards . " <p> When the administration reveals its arts policy , said National Academy of Recording Arts &; Sciences , Inc. , ( NARAS ) President and CEO Michael Greene , it will become " the seminal call to redeploy resources and insure.that the arts are a mandatory core curriculum . " The coalition is made up of MENC , NAMM , and NARAS . National Culture Hangs in the Balance Says NARAS ' Greene <p> Music can help restore a sense of pride that is dangerously missing in many young people , Michael Greene , president of the National Academy of Recording Arts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the 35th annual GrammyR awards broadcast on February 24 . <p> " I believe , when given an unencumbered , uncensored opportunity to do so , music can serve as that important pressure release for urban and racial tension and a marvelous healing force for our society , " Greene said . <p> " We gather here tonight just a few blocks from last year 's riots . Through the Academy 's work with the children of South Central Los Angeles , some of these marvelous kids are our guests here tonight . <p> " It 's quite clear that what is dangerously missing from their lives is a sense of hope and a source of pride . Music is their primary means of communication , " he said . <p> " When kids are given the opportunity to study the arts they stay in school . Children who are exposed to music do considerably better in both science and mathematics . And when America 's minority children are shown the beautiful tapestry Of the roots of American music they are handed the keys to their cultural heritage -- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and mothers . <p> " And that pride instills hope , and that , ladies and gentlemen , is what we are all about here tonight , " Greene said . <p> " You as parents , you as educators , students , and government officials , must let your voices be heard in order to return the arts to the children 's lives . The very culture of our country hangs literally in the balance . " New MENC Magazine Stresses the Practical <p> A new magazine of practical music teaching arrives in your mailbox this summer . <p> MENC 's newest periodical , Teaching Music , can be read Sunday night and used Monday morning . " There will be something for everybody in every issue , " says MENC president Dorothy Straub . <p> The new magazine will go to all MENC members . Members will now receive MENC publications year-round , beginning with a new summer MEJ in July . The two publications will be delivered in alternating months , with Teaching Music starting in August . <p> Teaching Music will focus on practical articles in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , advocacy resources , and tightly focused " how-to " articles in their specialty areas -- even an occasional lesson plan . MENC Soundpost ceases publication with its May issue . Music Representation High on NAEP Project <p> Music education has more than a dozen representatives involved in developing specifications for an arts component in the next National Assessment of Educational Progress ( NAEP ) . <p> When the 1996 NAEP , a regular measurement of student achievement in this country , takes place , it will look at student arts performance for the first time in two decades . <p> The project includes music performers , educators , advocates , and business representatives . <p> The steering committee sets test policy and gives guidance to the project . Its members represent groups with a stake in arts education . Music representatives are : Michael Greene , president , National Academy of Recording Arts &; Sciences , Inc . Samuel Hope , executive director , National Association of Schools of Music John Mahlmann , executive director , MENC <p> The planning committee is working to create the framework for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Jennifer Davidson , of the Oakland ( Michigan ) Public School System . She serves as the content leader for the music group Ellyn Berk , former co-director of the Arts Education Research Center at New York State University , now an independent consultant Michael Morgan , of the Chicago Symphony Orchestra Will Schmid , president-elect , MENC Scott Shuler , Connecticut Department of Education Ruth Ann Teague , Milton Elementary School , Indiana Jorja Turnipseed , Mississippi State University Willie Anthony Waters , New World School of the Arts , Florida People with interest in music are working throughout the project . The more notable include : A Graham Down , co-chair of the steering committee , is executive director of the Council for Basic Education . Down also chairs the National Committee for Standards in the Arts Paul Lehman , past president of MENC , serves as an adviser to both committees . Lehman also heads MENC 's task force for writing national standards for music education Carol Myford , a former music teacher , is the Educational Testing Service representative to the project Jon Quam , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Education , serves as a consultant to the process for the Council of Chief State School Officers ( CCSSO ) Ben Vereen , entertainer <p> This " national consensus project " is overseen by CCSSO , with the College Board and the Council for Basic Education as subcontractors . The $1.2 million project , funded by the Department of Education , will determine the content framework and specifications to be used in the writing of the NAEP arts segment . IN PRINT <p> From the Beginning : MENC 's newest book and videotape are designed to enhance music education in early childhood . The book , Music in Prekindergarten : Planning and Teaching , is for every professional -- day-care provider or music specialist -- who works with young children . Music in Prekindergarten provides a range of advice , tips , explanations , and activities designed to help children achieve their full musical potential . Edited by Mary Palmer and Wendy L. Sims . <p> In the video , Sing ! Move ! Listen ! Music and Young Children , noted early childhood specialists discuss music expectations and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's musical creativity and responses . It is aimed particularly at day-care providers . Sing/Move/ Listen/is based on an April 1992 symposium on music and young children . <p> Orchestra of Benefits : Both students and the community benefit from a school orchestra program , says MENC 's new brochure , Does Your School District Have an Orchestra Program ? The brochure explains that orchestra is a vital , basic , exciting , affordable , and easily implemented addition to any school music program regardless of size , demographics , or location . <p> To order these or any MENC publications write MENC , 1806 Robert Fulton Drive , Reston , VA 22091-4348 . Telephone 703-8604000 ; for credit card orders call toll free 800-828-0229 . THE LAST WORD PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> -- Felix Mendelssohn , quoted by Max Kaplan in The Best of MEJ : The Music Educator and Community Music , published by MENC . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : The Harmonaires , from Springhurst Elementary and Dobbs Ferry Middle School , Dobbs Ferry , New York , directed by George Swietlicki , sing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ begins . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Congressman Robert Clement ( D-Tenn. ) shows off the A for Excellence he earned from MENC for his consistent support of music in schools . <p> KEEPING TRACK <p> Do n't miss these important deadlines : Senior Researcher Award : August 1 . Nomination package due to Music Education Research Council Chair Cornelia Yarbrough . This award honors a lifetime of research . See the March MENC Soundpost for application details . School Music Program Evaluation : November 15 . ( For fall scoring . ) Evaluation forms due to MENC headquarters . With SMPE , school systems gain a factual basis for making decisions regarding the support of music programs . <p> For information on these programs contact MENC , 1806 Robert Fulton Drive , Reston , VA 22091-4348 ; telephone 703-860-4000 . <p> WE 'VE MOVED <p> Use the following address when writing MENC , Collegiate MENC , Tri-M , MIC , and the National Coalition for Music Education ( as of May 1 ) : <p> 1806 Robert Fulton Drive Reston , VA 22091-4348 <p>
@@4011641 Section : Special Focus : Music and the Brain <p> Four researchers in the field of music and the brain answer questions about their work and its larger implications . <p> This article presents the observations of a virtual panel of research experts who have conducted significant research on music and the brain . Their answers to questions posed by the moderator ( the author ) give unique insights into their findings and conclusions . This panel comprises real people who have given permission for their observations ( originally given in separate interviews with the author ) to be presented in this format . They include Andrea Halpern , a cognitive psychologist at Bucknell University in Lewisburg , Pennsylvania ; Larry Parsons , a cognitive neuroscientist at the University of Texas Health Science Center in San Antonio ; Ralph Spintge , a medical doctor and researcher at the Sportkrankenhaus in Ludenscheid , Germany ; and Sandra Trehub , a developmental psychologist at the University of Toronto in Toronto , Canada . <p> Moderator ( Donald Hodges ) : To begin this panel session , I 'm going to introduce the members of the panel and ask them to comment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far left , we have Dr. Lawrence Parsons , a cognitive neuroscientist at the Research Imaging Center at the University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio . He has collaborated with several colleagues on studies of brain imaging aimed at understanding the neural systems that support musical performance and comprehension . He is also attempting to better elucidate the effect of music on subsequent spatial task performance . Dr. Parsons , how would you characterize your principal findings ? <p> Larry Parsons : Our brain imaging study of the performance of a memorized piano piece for two hands gave us our first glimpse of whole-brain activity during pure musical performance. 1 By comparing this musical performance ( of Bach 's " Italian Concerto " ) to a performance of two-handed scales , we observed that certain brain areas are active specifically for music performance . These are the auditory association areas in the right temporal cortex , the left lateral cerebellum , and the right supplementary motor areas . Surprisingly , performing music caused many of the players ' other brain areas to be deactivated . Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ self-consciousness , judgment , goal setting , rationality , and so on . Their deactivation appears to be associated with a mental state of full conscious absorption during playing that musicians report to be related to superior performance . <p> Our brain imaging study of musicians ' comprehension of some of the principal components of music enabled us to isolate subsystems in the brain that specifically support melody , harmony , and rhythm. 2 University music professors were asked to detect errors in an instrumental performance of an unfamiliar Bach chorale as they read its score . For each brain scan , a different kind of melodic , harmonic , or rhythmic error had been implanted in the performance . To summarize , processes we observed in both cerebral hemispheres supported score-reading and listening for melody , rhythm , and harmony . Melody activated each hemisphere equally , whereas harmony and rhythm activated more of the left than the right hemisphere . We found that widely dispersed , interconnected parts of the brain were used during close selective attention to different aspects of a piece of music . Often , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same major brain area . Among other specific results , we found that an area in the right half of the brain interprets written notes and passages of notes . This area corresponds in location to the area in the left half of the brain known to interpret written letters and words . <p> Moderator : Thank you . We will return to your work on music and spatial reasoning a little bit later . Seated next to Dr. Parsons is Andrea Halpern , a cognitive psychologist at Bucknell University . One of her research interests has been how people of various ages and musical backgrounds perceive and remember music . She is also interested in which areas of the brain may be involved in musical processing , especially in auditory imagery . Dr. Halpern , how would you characterize the principal findings of your work ? <p> Andrea Halpern : In a series of studies with Robert Zatorre , I have found that many of the brain areas active when we perceive music are also active when we imagine music. 3 These include some areas of the brain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we can " hear " a song in our heads has physiological legitimacy to some extent . Of course , as we rarely confuse actual perceived music with imagined music , it is not surprising that imagery and perception are unique to some brain areas . For instance , the primary auditory receiving area is active only when music is actually heard . And some areas associated with memory structures are active only when the individual imagines music , because using one 's imagination typically puts more of a burden on memory than perception does . <p> Moderator : What can you tell us about the phenomenon of musicality in the human brain ? <p> Halpern : My physiological research has not specifically looked at people with greater and lesser degrees of musicality . However , I have looked at differences between nonmusicians and highly trained amateur musicians as they perform memory and perception tasks , as well differences that may occur in the context of cognitive aging . Musical training seems to increase one 's sensitivity to the musical idiom in basic ways , such as improving a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or mode between a just-heard melody and a similar comparison melody . However , even nonmusicians are attuned to basic musical regularities , and this sensitivity remains stable or can even grow during older adulthood at the same time that performance on some other types of memory tasks can show age-related declines . This suggests that the parts of the brain that learn about the regularities of one 's environment ( music being one of those regularities ) are relatively intact in healthy aging and can be used productively . <p> Moderator : Thank you . And now we turn to Sandra Trehub , a developmental psychologist at the University of Toronto . She has conducted numerous experiments on infants ' perception of music and on the role of music in infant care . Dr. Trehub , would you describe your work for us ? <p> Sandra Trehub : The findings of my research on infants ' perception of music are consistent with a biological basis for music listening and with the nature of music itself . On the whole , infants perceive melodies in much the same way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extended formal or informal exposure to the music of their culture . For example , adults and infants have robust memory for the pitch contours and rhythms of novel melodies but relatively poor memory for other details . Infants as well as adults readily remember melodic or harmonic intervals that are consonant ( tones related by small-integer frequency ratios ) but have difficulty remembering intervals that are dissonant ( tones related by large-integer ratios ) . Moreover , adults and infants have better memory for scales based on unequal steps ( such as the major scale ) than those based on equal steps ( such as division of the octave into seven equal steps ) . Interestingly , consonant intervals such as octaves , perfect fifths , and perfect fourths are universal or nearly universal , as are unequal-step scales . <p> My research findings indicate that singing to infants in the course of caregiving is universal . Moreover , there is a special genre of music for infants that consists of lullabies ( universal ) and play songs ( in some cultures , the singing of play songs begins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of musical styles across cultures , lullabies are recognizable as lullabies everywhere , even by naive listeners . And not only is there a distinct genre of music for infants ; there is also a distinct manner of singing to them . Finally , infants are especially responsive to infant songs and to the unique manner used to sing them . <p> Moderator : And what does this research tell us about music and the brain ? <p> Trehub : It leads me to believe that our music perception skills result in large part from the nature of the human auditory system , which obviously includes the auditory cortex . I believe that the structure of music across cultures also owes much to the nature of the human auditory system . In other words , the music of any culture is not merely a matter of convention ; nature makes important contributions . <p> Moderator : Seated next to Dr. Trehub is Ralph Spintge , who is a pain specialist , an anesthesiologist , and the executive director of the International Society for Music in Medicine . A physician in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effects of music on stress response , pain , and sleep on more than 120,000 surgical and pain patients . Dr. Spintge , what can you tell us of your major findings ? <p> Ralph Spintge : The main findings from clinical research and from treating our patients since 1977 are twofold . First , selected music significantly decreases the psychological and somatic stress response to acute stressors and acute pain in various medical settings such as surgery , dentistry , labor and childbirth , and intensive care . Second , specifically designed music significantly decreases chronic pain in patients suffering from syndromes such as musculoskeletal pain , low back pain , headache , and rheumatic pain . Listening to selected music mediates pain because music can stimulate the release of pain-controlling hormones such as endorphins and can enhance normal physiological rhythmicity . <p> By using music in these ways , we have observed a reduction of costs associated with the length of treatment in intensive care units ( ICUs ) and general hospital stays , a decrease in the quantity of drugs needed , and improved patient compliance in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audience consists of music educators , what should they know about music and the brain ? <p> Trehub : Perhaps music educators should know that , although some unlearning may occur , we 're born with implicit knowledge and general skills . Music educators can give us explicit knowledge ( such as the names of particular notes and intervals ) and teach specific skills relevant to our musical culture . <p> Halpern : Following from my previous comment about cognitive aging , I suggest that exposure to music and music training can be valuable to students of any age . We might consider encouraging senior citizens to study music more than we do now . Even if not every senior has the physical capacity to master the fine motor skills of instrument playing , those who have the interest can probably benefit from instruction in critical listening skills , theory , and history . <p> Moderator : Are all human beings neurologically engineered to be musical in the same sense that all of us are genetically predisposed to be linguistic ? <p> Parsons : Yes . Most of the relevant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and so on seems to support this hypothesis . <p> Spingte : Looking at our consistent results in patients whose ages range from the premature infant to the elderly , I would think that musicality is genetically determined . I am sure that music has a specific evolutionary significance insofar as societies can survive only with or through music . In my opinion , the social function of music can not be matched by any other cultural achievement in the history of mankind . <p> Trehub : I believe that all human beings are equipped by nature to be musical although , like other skills such as athletic or intellectual skills , the underlying substrate , or potential , is likely to be normally distributed . This means that a few individuals have extremely high or low levels of skills and that most people fall within a general intermediate level of skills . Thus , unlike some other scholars who argue that anyone can become a musical genius with appropriate training and diligence , I maintain that exceptional levels of skill require contributions from nature as well as nurture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considerably higher levels of musical skill than we currently see in the general population . <p> Moderator : If this is so , how would you account for human musicality from an evolutionary standpoint ? Why does music seem to be so prevalent in the human species ? <p> Trehub : Music is n't simply prevalent ; it 's as universal as language is . Nevertheless , its evolutionary advantage remains unclear . <p> Parsons : The biology of music is poorly understood . Among animals , only two species , songbirds and humpback whales , possess the capacity to recombine learned sounds into many different sequences and produce large repertoires of affective nonsymbolic songs . Recently , theorists in animal communication have compared these animals ' capacity to create sequenced sound with humans ' ability to create music. 4 Moreover , it has been suggested that this capacity resembles the combinatorial creativity that underlies language ability , which only humans possess . Because both music and language are apparently universal human capabilities , it is possible that music is an evolutionary precursor to language . This speculation about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confers an adaptive advantage by virtue of strengthening social bonds . <p> Moderator : Do you think that there are neural networks specifically devoted to music ? <p> Spingte : Our research on the autonomic system clearly shows that functional neural networks are the basic organizing structure of all vital brain activities . For instance , there is no " respiratory center " in the brain , only a neural network that can change size and localization . The governing principle is called " neurovegetative rhythmicity " and is also known as " autonomous nervous system rhythmicity . " I think it is exactly here that we can find the " missing link " between physiology and music -- it is rhythm . The functional rhythmic variability of physiological systems can be described through mathematical algorithms . ( As I understand it , mathematicians nowadays are on the way to describing music with algorithms derived from chaos theory and nonlinear mathematics . ) However , describing a subject and understanding a subject are two different things . I am sure that music itself can never be completely quantified , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and always will be . <p> Trehub : It is unclear whether there are neural systems specifically devoted to music or whether systems for auditory pattern processing can serve both speech and music processing . We often forget about prosodic ( intonation , stress , and pauses ) and paralinguistic ( pitch level , speaking rate , and vocal timbre ) aspects of speech , which carry information about the speaker 's attitude , feelings , and intentions . <p> Parsons : The current evidence from studying brain-damaged patients and individuals with healthy brains suggests that neural networks specifically devoted to music exist . However , determining whether a brain area supports only one activity such as music comprehension entails proving that an infinite number of other activities are not supported by that area . This issue is perhaps illustrated in comparing and contrasting the biology of music and the biology of language , which has been the most fruitful framework for the study of music and the brain . In general , the structure of music and our use of it are similar in key respects to the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biologies of music and language are important for understanding the biology of music and for understanding the biology of language. 5 By understanding where in the brain the separate aspects of music are represented , we can understand better which neural mechanisms are specific to music , which ones are specific to language , and which ones are common to both . Knowing that a neural mechanism can operate only on music , only on language , or on both imposes important constraints on how we explain the details of large-scale and small-scale neural circuitry . <p> Moderator : If there are neural networks devoted in whole or in part to music , is there a " music center " ? Or does music seem to be represented by a more widely distributed , locally specialized neural network ? <p> Halpern : I am conservative on the modularity issue . While it is true that musical processing has sometimes been shown to involve structures in the right hemisphere more than in other domains of processing , we also have to remember that many musical tasks use both sides of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in musical tasks , I believe it will be more profitable to analyze what particular characteristics of musical tasks may be important in activating an area rather than drawing conclusions about musical tasks in general . As a cognitive psychologist , my bias is to assume that brain specialization revolves more around processes than materials . For instance , it makes more sense to me that some part of the brain would specialize in pitch judgments , no matter whether that pitch information comes in via music ( as would often be the case ) , via language , or even via environmental sounds . <p> Parsons : All evidence from brain-damaged patients and brain-imaging studies of healthy persons strongly points toward the view that music is supported by a distributed set of brain areas , each performing elementary information processing operations . This prediction is consistent with the observation that some individuals are better at specific components of music , such as tone recognition , melodic structure , movement , the ability to play an instrument well , and the skill of dramatizing oneself and playing in public . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the widely held belief that , in general , complex human behaviors are enabled by interactions between multiple regional and local circuits , each of which supports a particular elementary cognitive computation. 6 Music is certainly a complex stimulus and can produce a complex cognitive , emotional , and perceptual motor state . Such a complex stimulus activity can be expected to rely on some mechanisms that may have originally evolved for other purposes . <p> Moderator : There are several examples in the literature that address morphological differences between the brains of musicians and nonmusicians . Do you think musicians are born this way , or do you think that these differences reflect the influence of musical training ? <p> Trehub : Current evidence does not permit a separation of the effects of innate factors and exposure , but there is considerable evidence of changes in the brain that result from various experiences , especially when they occur early in life . <p> Parsons : The reports of morphological differences , such as the larger left planum temporale in musicians , have been disputed by other scientific reports , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Furthermore , there is not enough evidence in hand to decide scientifically whether such possible morphological differences are hardwired or learned . In general , the most widely accepted account of such issues is that an individual 's variation in a specific faculty is initially hardwired into a neural structure , but it must be appropriately stimulated or trained to achieve its full potential . Based on this view , the morphological differences that have been reported appear to result from some combination of hardwiring and training . <p> Moderator : What differences are there in left and right hemispheric processing in general , and what implications do you think they have for music processing in particular ? <p> Parsons : The classic view of hemispheric specialization is that the left hemisphere specializes in language and analytical processing and dominates self-conscious awareness and that the right hemisphere specializes in processing intuition , spatial relations , music , emotion , and global aspects of perception . This view is being modified by recent findings indicating that the left side of the brain is characteristically more inventive and interpretative and that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view is that each hemisphere possesses complementary mechanisms for information processing , with the left hemisphere processing microstructure and the right hemisphere processing macrostructure. 8 New brain-imaging research in our laboratory indicates that deductive reasoning is supported primarily by right-hemisphere processes and that probabilistic reasoning is supported by left-hemispheric processes. 9 These findings modify the view that the right hemisphere is nonrational , and they are consistent with the new theory that the two hemispheres possess complementary information-processing mechanisms . Neuroimaging studies in music generally indicate that music performance and comprehension are supported by neural mechanisms distributed across both hemispheres . The elementary processing mechanisms that support the different components of music will need to be integrated into a coherent framework that will include the other new findings mentioned . <p> Moderator : There has been much coverage in the press lately stating that " music makes you smarter . " To what extent do you agree or disagree ? <p> Parsons : We have also studied the well-known " Mozart effect " in which passively listening to music appears to enhance individuals ' performance on spatial reasoning tasks that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of whether the enhancement of spatial ability is caused by music as a whole or if it is primarily due to one or more musical components ( tone , melody , or rhythm ) ; whether enhancement could be found using analogous components in other modalities , such as a rhythmically patterned visual stimulus ; and whether other kinds of spatial tasks were enhanced by such stimuli . We found that only rhythm , not melody or tone , produced enhancement . In addition , enhancement was found for the rhythmically patterned visual stimulus , suggesting that the effect is not limited to tonal stimuli . Finally , enhancement does not appear to affect all spatial abilities , only those that involve mental rotation , an operation that transforms spatial structure over time . <p> There is no scientific evidence I know of that indicates that performing or listening to music improves one 's overall intelligence . However , there is some evidence from Rauscher and colleagues and from our lab that passive listening to music may temporarily enhance performance on spatial ability tasks , specifically those involving mental rotation. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performance before puberty may be associated with permanent enhancements of verbal memory. 12 ( The period prior to the onset of puberty is also the critical period for language acquisition . ) These findings need to be able to stand up to independent replication and further inquiry . <p> Halpern : There has been an extraordinary and , in my experience , unique crossover of the music cognition world into the popular press world . Unfortunately , something has been lost in the translation . There is absolutely no evidence that " music makes you smarter " in any global sense of that word . A spate of researchers has recently examined the more circumscribed question of whether brief exposure to music can lead to short-term enhancement of certain spatial skills . These studies have been quite variable in quality , so it is hard to draw strong conclusions at this point . However , the most promising take on this literature is that short-term exposure to some kind of rhythmic pattern -- not necessarily music in general , nor Mozart in particular -- may temporarily enhance performance in certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enhancement and , if it is confirmed , to investigate plausible neural mechanisms for this association . <p> Trehub : Much of the " music makes you smarter " literature is scientifically unsound , particularly the " Mozart effect " in its various guises . I am particularly wary of studies pointing to temporary improvements in spatial-temporal reasoning that result from brief exposure to a Mozart piece . These studies , which have been widely reported in the popular press , have fueled a variety of commercial endeavors , such as the " Mozart effect ' recordings now being sold in record shops . Yes , compared to a period of listening to silence or a tape with minimalist music , listening to the Mozart sonata that produced the effect documented by Rauscher and her colleagues can lead to short-term performance enhancement on various mental paper-folding problems. 13 But , other researchers have shown that comparable enhancement can result from listening to other auditory materials , including a piece by Schubert or a recording of a Stephen King story. 14 The crucial factor is the listeners ' preference . Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story , and those who prefer music do the reverse . In short , the enhancement most likely stems from changes in mood or arousal , which arc known to influence cognitive processing . This bleak picture does not rule out the possibility that long-term effects in other realms , including academic skills , can result from some aspects of systematic musical training , but that 's another matter altogether . <p> Spingte : " Music makes you smarter " is an exaggeration that is disastrous to the field of music medicine , because this statement is perceived by the public as " just listen to music and you get smarter . " That is nonsense . However , music can enhance attention , focus , and motivation . In this sense , it can be part of a general educational concept . In Germany , music education is an integral part of schools at all levels . <p> Moderator : Our time is up , so we will have to stop . I want to thank all of you for sharing your expertise with us . It is obvious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn from neuromusical research . We will follow new discoveries with enormous interest as mysteries of music and the brain begin to unfold . <p>
@@4011741 A general elementary music teacher describes the steps involved in becoming a National Board Certified Teacher . <p> When I first heard of National Certification , I was confused by it all . I heard bits and pieces , but not the whole story . The idea was intriguing , though , so I began the process and became a National Board Certified Teacher , joining the ranks of more than thirty-two thousand teachers nationwide who have earned certification since it was first offered in 1994 . Certificates in music -- Early and Middle Childhood ( ages 3-12 ) and Early Adolescence through Young Adulthood ( ages 11-18+ ) -- first became available in 2002 . In the last two years , more than six hundred music teachers across the country have become certified . But what is the certification process really like ? Now that I am on the other side , I will give you my thoughts and advice in case you would like to try it yourself . <p> First , the downside : Becoming nationally certified takes money and time , as does an advanced degree . The $2,300 cost does seem steep , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards ( NBPTS ) , which administers the certification program . In my case , my school system reimbursed a portion of the cost . Do n't be discouraged -- there are monetary resources out there to help with the expenses . <p> Beyond loans and scholarships , each state has its own set of incentives , some giving a one-time bonus , others giving a pay raise . In my own case , both the local system and the state gave a percentage pay raise , and I am not required to take any staff-development courses for ten years . If , after reading this article , you are interested in pursuing National Certification , you should contact your school system for information on financial aid and reward incentives . <p> Time , though , is another matter . When I was working toward National Certification , I went to school early to spend quiet moments at my computer , organizing documents and writing commentaries . I stayed late many days too , revising what I had already written . I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schedule as necessary . But if you have family or other obligations , you will need to plan your time very carefully . For alternatives to becoming a National Board Certified Teacher , see the Alternatives to National Certification sidebar . Portfolio <p> Upon completing your registration , NBPTS will send you what teachers call " the box , " which contains instructions , forms , checklists , and other information needed to complete the portfolio section of the National Board Certification process . You need to save the box to return your completed portfolio for grading . The portfolio itself is divided into four entries , three of which address a specific phase of instruction : planning , delivering instruction , and demonstrating and developing musicianship . These entries require a videotaped lesson for the assessors to view as they read your written commentary about that lesson . The fourth entry , on the other hand , is used to document your accomplishments -- extra duties , peer collaboration , and community outreach -- as they relate to student achievement . <p> The step-by-step instruction book included in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ http : **47;7625;TOOLONG . The first half of the book is devoted to general tips and instructions , such as how to make a quality video and how to choose a topic or a class . Then , about twenty-five to thirty pages are devoted to each entry , with specific instructions . These pages describe the requirements of each entry in detail , from the length and focus of the video segment to the questions required in each section of the written commentary . By reading these pages carefully , I learned the parameters and expectations , and the tasks became less overwhelming . Since each entry assesses a different aspect of teaching , you must answer different questions in each commentary . By reading each set of questions several times , I was able to choose a lesson that would show those answers clearly in the video . <p> Entries 1-3 are classroom based , each one pertaining to a different aspect of teaching . I had to create a video for each entry , showing my teaching personality , my interaction with students , and my lesson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in writing the questions that were provided in the instruction book . <p> Entry 1 , Planning . This entry focuses on planning and implementing a unit . I needed to provide proof of sequential , age-appropriate instruction with modifications provided to meet the needs of special students . Because Entry 1 is based on a whole teaching unit , my written commentary included a one-page summary of my unit plan . The entry actually required two short video clips , one early in the unit and the other near the end , to show student progress . <p> My written commentary for this entry began with a page of instructional context , informing the assessors of class size , age , and grade . I let them know of any instructional challenges in the class , along with anything else that I thought might be relevant . For example , in one class , three students come straight from a speech class and are always late to music . It can not be helped . I wanted the assessors to know so they would understand why students were coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the class . In another class , I mentioned a boy with physical challenges who had no purposeful motion in his arms . <p> Questions for Entry 1 focused on the differences between video segments , how much progress was made , who had problems in the first segment , and how I worked with those students . For example , I noted that a certain student had problems playing a crossover bordun in the first video segment , but in the second video she had mastered it . Since the videos did not show my process of remediation , I wrote that I had worked one on one with her , moving her hands to the right note as she learned the feel . Another question asked about student improvement . A good unit , taught well , should show achievement . <p> What if the students did not achieve ? The final section of the commentary offers teachers a chance to reflect about the lesson . What could I do to make the unit better for future classes ? My video segments showed some individual improvement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was glad to know that I did not have to begin the entry again . I could answer honestly that a lot could be done to improve the unit . I mused that maybe the unit was too difficult for much of the class . I listed several possible improvements , including changing the goal to an easier one or even not using that unit again because of its many problems . <p> NBPTS is not looking for perfect teachers with perfect students in perfect classes . They are looking for teachers who know how to adapt to situations , who can provide for different learning styles , and who want to become better . The process gives teachers a chance to review their teaching practices and plan improvements , or even to pat themselves on the back , if warranted . <p> Entry 2 , Delivering Instruction . This entry has one longer video that deals with just one lesson . I read that the assessors would be looking for a well-paced lesson featuring sequential activities that were appropriate to the learners and good transitions between activities . I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all times . <p> I chose to use a kindergarten class because of the children 's wholehearted enthusiasm for every activity During my thirty-minute lesson , I reviewed a poem that describes high and low , had the students move their hands up and down to signify high and low , echoed some sirens to get their voices involved , had them slide their voices higher and lower to go with the words of the poem , and then introduced the xylophones . I had stacked books under the high end of the instruments to help the students visually . As I read the poem again , they could walk up the hill , tumble down the hill , swing high , slide low , and so on with their mallets . Every activity was about high/low , culminating in an exploration of xylophones . <p> In my written commentary , I explained why I chose these particular activities . I used them to review up and down before we played the pitched instruments for the first time and to remind them of the poem 's story . In answering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video as I instructed the students . I also referred to several students ' videotaped activities as they immersed themselves in the lesson . One question for Entry 2 asked about learning styles . I mentioned several activities that were shown on the video -- moving arms , moving bodies , speaking , singing , and playing -- that would appeal to different learning styles . <p> Entry 3 , Demonstrating and Developing Musicianship . For this entry , I was asked to show my musicianship in a way that would encourage my students ' skills . I chose a fifth-grade class and focused on syncopation . I wrote a poem about syncopation that had both straight rhythms and syncopations . The video showed us reading the poem together and discussing the rhythms . I underlined the syncopations and we clapped them . I let my students know that I wrote the poem and asked them to perform it several ways -- saying it , clapping it , saying the straight section and clapping the syncopations , and so forth . Then I moved to a xylophone and improvised the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which led to a discussion of the rhythm itself as well as the possibilities of perfection . Then groups of students improvised the rhythm on the xylophones . <p> Questions I answered in this written commentary included , How do your students respond to your modeling ? and , How do you assess their musicianship in this entry ? My students responded with enthusiasm and carried that over into their playing , as was evident in the video . Each group of players made the poem their own , adding stick clicks at the beginning or whispering the straight section instead of playing it . The whole lesson became uniquely theirs . And they truly understood the difference between straight rhythms and syncopations . <p> Entry 4 , Documented Accomplishments : Contributions to Student Learning . This final entry of the portfolio is very different . It does not require a video or any interaction with the students . This entry asked me to consider things I do outside of the classroom that help the students learn . It is divided into three areas : my own continuing education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and community involvement . Many things can be included here -- for example , musical programs , field trips , teaching a song at the request of a classroom teacher , and attending conferences . <p> I wrote about musical performances I had directed and written the music for , and as evidence I included a copy of the program or a thank-you note from the manager of a nursing home where my students had performed . I mentioned that performance opportunities allowed my students to gain confidence and stage presence , as well as a broader understanding of musical styles . I also wrote about attending my state 's music conference and described how I had used the activities I learned there in my classroom . I included a note from a second-grade teacher who had asked me to teach a song about simple machines . She was amazed that the students sang the song and understood the topic before she introduced it . I included a copy of my county 's newsletter , " Music Memos , " because I am the editor . <p> One thing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to student achievement . For example , I sometimes play in the orchestra for local theater productions . I enjoy it and am proud of it , but it does n't relate to my classroom instruction . On the other hand , during Music in Our Schools Month , I invite the parents to sit in on a music class . The students sing and play for their parents , then have the opportunity to teach their parents what they just did . That boosts the children 's pride in their musical accomplishments , and it communicates my classroom procedures to the parents . <p> That is the essence of the portfolio . Completing it forced me to take a good look at what I do in the classroom and beyond . I became more deliberate in my planning and more excited about the outcome of my teaching because my lessons were better . It was also exciting to review my accomplishments , noting how much music I had written for my classes , how often I had received a special note from a parent , and how much other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assessment Center Exercises <p> The Assessment Center Exercises are the written test portion of the certification process . For me , this part was much more intense than the portfolio , for two reasons : ( 1 ) time is limited to thirty minutes per question , and ( 2 ) this portion does not document how I teach , but rather what I know . I had not thought about some of the assessment topics since college . Most candidates I talked to felt the same way . <p> I did not begin studying for the assessment until I had packed my portfolio and mailed it back to NBPTS . Then I began reading the assessment topics and their descriptions , which can be found at http : **32;7674;TOOLONG . The topics included diagnostic skills , music history , theory/composition , instructional strategies , world music , and curricular applications . Besides the descriptions on the Web site , the elementary music series helped me review examples of world music . Also , many universities have begun to offer daylong review sessions . <p> Several of the questions involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . For example , in Exercise 1 , I heard a recording of a children 's choir . Using the score , I was instructed to point out problems with the performance , tell why the problems occurred , and explain how they could be fixed . Questions for Exercise 2 on music history and Exercise 5 on world music were also based on recordings . I had to explain the historical or geographic context of the music and give reasons for my answer . <p> Exercise 3 described a certain school situation , and I was instructed to write a short piece of music for it . Parameters for the composition were given . The situation and parameters are different for general music teachers than for orchestra , choral , or band teachers , so an elementary vocalist would not be asked to write a piece for high school jazz band . <p> Assessment Exercises 4 on instructional strategies and 6 on curricular applications are more familiar to general music teachers . Often while teaching a song , I will notice that it can be used to teach a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , whatever topic I am teaching , I try to find a variety of ways to teach it , which is what was asked for in Exercises 4 and 6 . And because of my years of experience , I felt very comfortable with these two questions . For more pointers on getting through the process , see the Tips for Your Journey sidebar . Conclusion <p> I feel that becoming a National Board Certified Teacher has made me a better teacher by forcing me to think about how I plan my lessons and how I react to those unforeseen little events that happen . I had to actively include all students and plan for everyone , not just for those who are in the middle . I learned that careful planning is better than a quick fix when something goes wrong . I learned how to think ahead and fix problems before they happened . I also learned to reflect and analyze any problems that do happen , and to correct them . On the other side of the coin , I realized just how much I have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confidence to step into leadership roles and to try new things . Alternatives to National Certification <p> National Certification is not for everyone . Many other options are available to teachers interested in furthering their education . The decision to pursue National Certification or one of these other options is a personal one . Some of the options below will result in a salary boost . Most can help you fulfill your state licensing requirements . <p> -- Get a graduate degree in music . Consider the courses offered , and think about how useful they would be in your professional development . Is the degree offered locally ? Research the cost to you and the salary benefit you will receive upon completing the degree . <p> -- Get a degree in administration . Consider your professional goals . Would you like to move into an administration position ? If not , this degree might not be as useful to you . Research the cost and the benefit . <p> -- Get a degree in another area of teaching . For example , many school systems in my state have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teach at the elementary level and have many beginning readers , this area interests me and might be useful in my classroom . <p> -- Attend music workshops and conferences . Workshops and conferences will allow you to choose from a variety of offerings based on your personal interests as well as your areas of need . These classes often offer Professional Development Units but usually do not result in a salary increase or degree . <p> -- Take various courses offered by your school system . Staff development courses are offered on a wide variety of topics , from American Sign Language to zoology . These courses may or may not be useful in the music classroom , but they can be used to renew your state teaching certificate . Tips for Your Journey <p> -- Find a mentor . Talking to teachers who have been through the process can be a big help . They can answer your questions , proofread your entries , and help calm your nerves . The MENC Web site keeps a list of National Board Certified Teachers , as does the NBPTS site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development courses , which can taken one step at a time , National Certification must be completed in six months . Check your hectic schedule , both at school and at home . You 'll need a lot of time to review your videos , analyze your teaching , and concentrate on your writing . I went to school early and stayed late to find quiet time to concentrate . <p> -- Read the instructions . Even before you apply , you can download the instruction booklet at http : **47;7708;TOOLONG . Read it carefully and often . Then follow the instructions in detail . <p> -- Know your students and teaching style . Each of the first three entries requires you to prove yourself in a different area of teaching . Think about your yearly plans for each grade and decide which ones will best show how you implement a unit , how you pace a lesson , and how you encourage musicianship . Then choose a class from that grade level to use for that entry . <p> -- Talk to the classroom teachers . To describe the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consult with the classroom teacher for specific data about the dynamics and demographics of the class . You will want the teacher to know when you plan to tape your lesson . The teachers at my school took extra pains to be on time that day and spoke to their students about the importance of good behavior . <p> -- Talk to the students . After you decide which classes to use , talk to the students about the process and its importance to you . Tell them how they can help you . Stress that they do n't have to be perfect on that day and that they do n't have to dress up . My students were proud that I had chosen their class over all the others . <p> -- Relax . Do n't be nervous in front of the video camera . Just be yourself . If necessary , videotape yourself several times before the actual taping date until you feel comfortable in front of the camera . <p> -- Collect artifacts . Entry 4 needs to be documented with programs , notes to parents , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your involvement within your school and around the community . <p> -- Work on one thing at a time . It 's difficult to concentrate on a portfolio and study for the assessment center exercises at the same time . Finish one , then begin the other , if possible . MENC Resources <p> The following MENC resources may be helpful to music educators considering National Board Certification . Visit the MENC Web site ( www.menc.org ) , call 800-828-0229 , or check with the reference librarian at your local college , university , or public library . <p> -- Lindeman , Carolynn A. " Standards for Music Teachers : National Board for Professional Teaching Standards ( NBPTS ) . " Teaching Music 6 , no. 3 ( 1998 ) : 38-39 , 53 . <p> -- Renfro , Lisa . " Teaching Out of the Box : For National Board Certification , Teachers Begin Formidable Task " Teaching Music II , no. 5 ( 2004 ) : 22-27 . <p> -- General information about certification and a list of MENC members who are National Board Certified Teachers are available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WHITE ) : Becoming a National Board Certified Teacher can lead to self-confidence and better classroom management . <p> By Kay Lovingood <p> <p> Kay Lovingood is a National Board Certified Teacher at Martinez Elementary School in Martinez , GA . She can be reached at kaylov@comcast.net . <p>
@@4011841 The Uruguayan coup of 1973 , like those of other countries in the Southern Cone , signified not only the interruption of the constitutional , liberal-democratic state , but also the total dislocation of national cultural life. 1 In previous decades , the humanist , Europeanized and anachronic official culture languished , confined to its role as referee ( in the final analysis , financial referee ) between the state 's ideological apparatus and other culture-disseminating institutions. 2 The autonomy of the State 's cultural policy had been reduced to the worn-out repetition of pompous rites established in other , prosperous times , so the State exercised its hegemony in collusion with and subordinate to the increasingly ( directly or indirectly ) foreign-controlled private mass media. 3 This connivance intensified the process of acculturation , understood -- in the well-established Latin American sense of the term , which rejects the very vague definition by Robert Redfield , Ralph Linton and Melville Herskovits -- 4as a compulsory cultural penetration , through the use of a more advanced technology , which imposes foreign models , erases heterogeneity , and deprives the subaltern culture of its distinctive traits. 5 <p> The intellectual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russian sense of the word , and not in Mannheim 's -- ' an authentic intelligentsia , which pervaded and regulated instruments such as the university , the theater , plastic arts and publishing companies. 7 This intelligentsia , in alliance with popular sectors and making use of the ruptures of the State , promoted very dynamic cultural manifestations which rivaled and entered into open conflict with fossilized official culture and the pervading mass media . This determined a highly explosive dual contradiction : 1 ) between the theoretically omnipotent political apparatus and its ( in- ) capacity to hegemonize culture ; and 2 ) between an officially blessed acculturizing mass culture and a politically driven popular culture rooted in folkloric traditions , intended as an alternative counterculture . <p> Although the term " popular culture " is extremely ambiguous and all definitions are deficient and limiting , it is necessary to make a distinction between popular culture , folklore , and mass culture . While all of them compete for the same public , they are produced ( emitted ) by different social classes and through very diverse means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ produced by the mass media , which are controlled by powerful corporations usually related to foreign capitals ; folklore -- or culture of the people -- originates among the consumers themselves ( use value ) ; 8 and popular culture is produced by professionals , generally pertaining or related to middle-class intellectuals ( establishment or intelligentsia ) , who premeditatedly choose and elaborate certain messages directed at molding the collective imaginary of those popular masses. 9 Of course , there are no clear-cut boundaries on this continuum between mass culture and folklore , and though popular culture can express very diverse ideological orientations , in the Uruguayan context it is possible to apply Mattelart 's definition : <p> Between mass culture and popular culture is the distance that separates the system whose legitimacy is founded upon the subjugation of conscience and a system in which the " masses " cease to be the submissive spectators of a representation contrary to their interests and become the active subject of cultural experience linked to their own project of liberation. 10 <p> Obviously linked to Gramsci 's concept of people-nation , 11 this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promoted by the intelligentsia during the ' 50s and ' 60s that contributed to the uprooting of the State 's foundations . <p> It is then that the military bursts onto the scene . Faced with the undermining of its superstructure and at the verge of political collapse , the State reacted through terrorism and the implementation of fascist-modelled cultural policy . The critical necessity of the military regime to silence all dissident manifestations was complemented by a strategy designed to manipulate and mold cultural standards according to its own ideological parameters , which , briefly stated , are : 1 ) an ultra-nationalist discourse articulated around the " Doctrina de la Orientalidad " Doctrine of Uruguayanism , at odds with the open sell-out of the country through the neo-liberal economic policies of the " Chicago boys " ; 2 ) the Armed Forces as the core and last resource of nationhood ; 3 ) the absolute hegemony of mass media and other channels of communication ; 4 ) a strict ideological-cultural verticality ; 5 ) the militarization of civil society ; 6 ) the National Security Doctrine as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationalism both as an unifying ideology and a smoke screen ) was implemented through totalitarian control over organizations disseminating information and culture , and by exiling or imprisoning numerous artists and intellectuals , which generated the virtual decapitation of the intelligentsia . At the same time , the regime carried out an ineffective campaign to recruit cadres of its own while it also regimented all levels of the educational system . Although mainly unsuccessful in modelling a new social imaginary , and in thus expanding its social base , the institutional rupture of 1973 led to the fragmentation of Uruguayan society into three groups : the imprisoned , the exiled , and the insiled . Insile -- or exile within the country 's borders -- refers to the relationship of the individual with a power legitimized through obedience and terror. 13 <p> Although the impact of prison experience would be made a social one after the amnesty of 1985 , during the years of state terrorism it could only be felt in a ghostly manner , as an implied , ever-present taboo in a divided reality . The other two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ generators of the period 's cultural production. 14 <p> The culture of exile , nurtured by well-known artistic and intellectual figures , would find itself struggling to survive amid nostalgia for the place ( home ) snatched from them , the violent contact ( permeation , assimilation ) with other cultures , and desolation in light of the catastrophic collapse of the ideomyths that had sustained an arcadian , Europeanized , civil state , that " model country " designed as a refined system for the absorption of social contradictions. 15 An imaginary Uruguay had exploded into pieces under the pressure of reality : the " Switzerland of America " had turned into a distant , poor , and dearly loved " little country . " 16 <p> In contrast to the culture of exile , the study of countercultural production from within the daily matrix of insile takes on particular relevance . Under the regime of terror 's asphyxiating machinery , the insiled dissociated him/herself both psychologically and socially and became adapted to an omniscient and omnipresent system of violation . State terrorism generates a " mysticism of fear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domination , since it shifts the thresholds of control beyond the point where power truly reaches . This is due to the involuntary complicity of the victim , who , surviving at " the limits of transgression , " becomes encapsulated and overwhelmed , and then feeds into his/her own alibis for being afraid. 17 <p> This is the climate in which the " generation of silence " develops . This generation , alienated by the culture of terror , cut off from models and teachers , deprived of the collective memory of arcadian Uruguay , will seek to find its own image in the interstices of unanimous silence . From this emerges the phenomenon of canto popular , the period 's richest cultural experience : <p> Canto popular presents itself as a music based on rural or urban folkloric roots , with high quality poetic texts , and as a search for unadulterated popular song , expressing itself above all through the singer of ballads . Its open stylistic linkage with the protest song of previous generations shows it to be a musical phenomenon still pertaining to an educated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the continental phenomenon of nueva cancion new song , 19 retains its own particular characteristics . According to Behague , the nueva cancion <p> tended generally toward the stylized , urban rendition of folk genres rather than the commercial , international pop styles fashionable in industrialized societies of the period . Song texts were meant to express and promote the ideology of the socialist political movement , involving primarily the expression of nationalist independence , populism , and the consequent criticism of foreign exploitation and domination. 26 <p> Canto popular , however , although sharing some of these features , and despite the efforts to highlight its continuity with the ' 60s classics ( a reverent mention , a coded allusion , as well as explicit intertextuality in repertoires and arrangements ) , 21 is a virtual orphan . It differs from the protest song in that it does not originate under the auspices of a popular political-cultural wave , 22 but rather under the most adverse conditions of repression and censorship which are naturalized by the everydayness of insile , " where living under a military dictatorship had stopped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ normal discomfort . A normal cancer . " 23 These factors determine not the registering of a rousing or propagandistic political message , but rather the formation of an agglutinative ( ideological and liturgical ) socio-cultural gathering for young people deliberately disintegrated and kept on the margins of historical process . From this develops canto popular 's main task : the creation of a new imaginary , an authentic counterculture , an alternative to the compulsory acculturation fomented by the military regime 's submission to foreign influence. 24 <p> The faltering and difficult beginnings of almost underground groups and concerts built up , step by step , a fair number of musicians and poets who would seek to open up spaces for communication , necessarily dysfunctional with respect to hegemonic culture , with a young , urban , middle-class public. 25 Nineteen seventy-seven , considered the " year of resurgence , " marked the launching of numerous concerts and shows combining both music and theater. 26 In the years following , new artists were constantly added , and concerts multiplied to the point of market saturation in 1979-80 , culminating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 27 that took shape as a sort of ritual exorcism of the discourse of power , a rite of initiation in the pathos of the masses . As a young spectator says : <p> There was a communication problem we were suffering from , and somehow , maybe not totally , it helped us socially to go out a little , to go out after listening in secret to a record in your house , maybe not with direct political lyrics , but that still insinuated something and all of that meant a lot in Canto Popular . . . and to a degree , too , everything that had to do with the fervor , the atmosphere all those people together creates in you , a certain spirit in common , you found it there and that 's all. 28 <p> As much musically as poetically , canto popular is an aesthetically heterogeneous and eclectic movement , 29 an experimental compendium of genres , where diverse variations of rural folklore , the urban sources of the tango , the candombe and the murga , vernacular jazz and rock , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even when the musical framework shows great creativity and vigor , the text is considered the principal axis of the song : " We have always been interpreters , vehicles for the projection of sung texts " . 31 The act of communication , the un-repeatable instance of utterance , is the distinctive feature of canto popular . Similarly , the movement operates as a heterogeneous unity , 32 organized in " work groups " in which artists participate on collective projects while each maintains his/her own individuality. 33 There is a permanent exchange of artists which makes each show or recording a unique product , and this underlines , in its very mode of production , canto popular 's nature as metaphor for class alliances that keep up resistance to the dictatorship . <p> But although canto popular 's main goal is , then , the reconstruction of the collective memory and , through it , of national identity , several strategies can be distinguished . This paper will introduce some of the most significant ones , through a brief examination of three hit songs . ( Complete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) " A redoblar " " Roll the Drums " : Remaking the Future34 <p> Of all the urban folkloric rhythms reclaimed by canto popular , those from carnival stand out , especially the candombe , of remote African origin , and the murga , which stems from the Cadiz carnival. 35 The murga is a group of twenty to thirty members who sing and dance , with a rudimentary but characteristic choreography , and who are accompanied by percussion instruments : drums , cymbals , and bass drum . The classic staging of a murga includes an introduction , songs , and farewell . By extension , such compositions , their rhythms and vocal harmonies constitute the genre . <p> Some of the most successful ' 60s protest songs were based on murga , but around 1980 a murga explosion occurred . Some reached recording studios and , thus , numerous murgas and " antimurgas " emerged but not as part of the commercial carnival circuit. 36 The murga 's success is due to its enormous aesthetic malleability . Indeed , it is an under-coded genre whose loose structure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , harmony , pitch , and choreography without diminishing its " murguistic " quality . Another factor in its success is carnival itself : <p> Carnival fascinates because of its unprejudiced , critical and satiric language and its permanent dynamic ( which brings together in itself almost all art forms ) and because it has been both a witness and a scourge for Montevideo 's conservative cultural system. 37 <p> The mere choice of murga as the mode of expression is a statement in and of itself . This is particularly noticeable in " A redoblar " by Mauricio Ubal and Ruben Olivera , which immediately after its 1980 release , became a hymn of resistance to the dictatorship . The song reflects traditional murga staging in its structure , that is : introduction , songs , and farewell . The introduction , written in the future tense , stresses the certainty of joy or , in other words , the proximity of a true carnival , in opposition to the present masquerade ( **33;204;TOOLONG cardboard ) . The songs are patterned in three stanzas that reiterate the title 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " This is a summons , an exhortation , a shout in an absolute present ( " tonight " ) projected onto the future . The verb " redoblar " has three possible -- and metaphorically interrelated -- meanings : to roll the drums , to redouble ( as in efforts ) , and to bend something over . The first stanza combines the meanings of rolling the drums and bending over ( their shadows , their astonishment ) , in order to banish present ( false ) reality . The second stanza concentrates on the beating of drums ( carnival drums , war drums ? ) but the trucks of the night allude to the nocturnal , political and clandestinely written graffiti as well as to the itinerary of the mourgas from one street stage to another , with the city itself forming the backdrop . In the third stanza the meaning is to redouble hope , accentuated in the beating of blood and heart , as drums in the city . So , the three meanings of " redoblar " oscillate and combine to empty out into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , two parts ( the introduction and the songs ) , and two tenses ( the denied past and a welcome future ) , converge and become superimposed , redoubling the meanings while , supposedly , the murga departs . " Brindis por Pierrot " " Toast by Pierrot " : Nostalgia for the Past38 <p> While " Roll the Drums " seeks , in a squandering of militant optimism , to reconstruct the collective imaginary in favor of the future , Jaime Roos 's song clings to the shreds of a mythified ( and mystified ) past . His work , arranged around the commonplace of ubi sunt , is an elegy for the absent , vanquished protagonists of a lost world . The song evokes characters , events , and places in the geography and mythology of carnival in manner reminiscent of the tango . It alludes bisemically to the exile and to the loss of referential norms in a disrupted society . Those who have left and those who keep on leaving for whom carnival evokes " this night for remembering " through its vicarious street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an arcadian Uruguay thai has left ( disappeared ) with them . <p> Thus , the text operates on the deep layers of a dormant collective memory , entrenched in minuscule events from the tabloids and obscure neighborhood characters . The song 's rendition by the murga " Falta y Resto " and soloist Canario Luna , whose voice pitch , diction , and inflections immediately immerse the audience in the carnival atmosphere , evokes the symbolic recuperation of life on carnival 's stages . <p> Roos , making use of the cyclical ritual of carnival and its popular urban mythology , proceeds to reconstruct a topos place . And even though he may not mean to propose this , this topos is projected onto an imaginary cronos time . Nostalgia ( of both exiled and insiled ) for their lost city implies the desire to regain a time and a society that refer to the utopic and uchronic " Switzerland of America . " Nostalgia , in this way , sets a trap that enervates historical conscience : <p> The past is revitalized and is more present than real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an isotope of " real " identity . Hope , prohibited for a future that no longer exists , is directed toward the reconstruction of the past , in whose phantasmagorical mythology , the significance of its own existence finds an echo. 39 " La leyenda de la metamorfosis perpetua del principe ogro " " The Legend of the Perpetual Metamorphoses of the Ogre Prince " : The Wheels of History40 <p> Leo Masliah , in a manner quite different from previously mentioned composers , does not build on folkloric patterns , but rather on unconventional poetic and musical ones . His scores flirt with atonalism and minimalism , while his " mesopoetry " fuses black humor , the absurd , the grotesque , and " concrete poetry . " Music and text , instead of blending together , work as a contradictory composite at once irritating and explosive in which ' noises " become messages . <p> In the text under analysis , the power of the State-ogre prince resides in its extraordinary capacity for mutation , permitting the adoption of the most diverse forms depending on historical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " presumed distiller of virtues " can " dye his aristocratic blue blood the color of the venom of the emerald serpent of South America " and return to his " original form of mean ogre . " Cyclical time that erases memory combines with a denunciation of social alienation to reveal the true nature of a State power that reiterates Latin American history by means of an intertextual allusion to Nicolas Guillen 's " Sensemaya . " The " Legend . . . " is thus an allegory of the State that presides over Uruguayan history , its partial accomplishments and endemic frustrations , which , in a " gattopardesque " exercise of power , yet again , " returning to his past " becomes the paladin of liberty , equality , and fraternity . The lure of a " return to normality " is , for Masliah , a Machiavellian transmutation which , under the supposed restoration of constitutional rule in 1985 , restores conformity to a structurally unmodified status quo . The hegemonic power of a plagued and discredited State disguises itself in resorting to the ideomyth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> The " Legend . . . " condenses the possibilities and limits of Masliah 's " mesopoetry . " The text 's density , its monotonous lexical accumulation , the syncopated rhythm , as well as Masliah 's metaphorical fireworks and irreverent use of chiche , clearly exceed the limits of the popular . The text 's images , although commonplace , are given new dimensions through their interweaving in a structure controlled by a highly intellectualized concept of history . <p> The fusion of music-lyrics is perfect , but in order to achieve this perfection Masliah has reduced the musical score to a minimum : an enervating rhythm and a chorus-commentary underline the irritating textual bombardment , while a stereophonic counterpoint multiplies the voices , creating an illusive and mobile dimension in which the listener wanders . Conclusions <p> In spite of their differences , these three songs ( strategies ) pertain to the same cultural phenomenon , are nurtured by the same socio-political climate , and aim for the same goals . They do not relate to any particular political discourse , but are extremely political nevertheless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they arose in the margins of culture as artistic expressions of resistance to hegemonic fascist discourse , and as such , as a counterculture . They performed a cohesive socio-ritual role among the new generations and , finally , they provided overlapping answers to the following questions : What is national culture ? If it exists at all , where are its roots ? What is the role of popular culture in sustaining collective memory and reshaping the social imaginary ? <p> " A redoblar " ( 1980 ) coincides with the high point of popular resistance , of which it became a hymn . It relies on carnival 's popular essences as a tool to dismantle the meshes of insile . ' " Brindis por Pierrot " ( 1985 ) expresses nostalgia for a mythified past -- a refuge from the present -- as a late expression of insile under the dictatorship . " La leyenda . . . " ( 1985 ) , projecting itself into the future implications of the present return to democratic rule , warns us of the lures of a collective memory destined to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that canto popular , born under severe socio-political constraints , starved to death with the return to liberal democracy . Its reason for being disappeared along with the military regime , precisely because canto popular was born to resist dictatorship , to embody counterculture , and to ritualize hope . In fact , democracy destroyed a movement that had endured and thrived under fascism . This paradox leads us to a final question : What are the paths of an alternative popular culture under democracy ? That , too , is another story . <p>
@@4011941 What are we going to do about contemporary African art ? At one level this is a general cocktail-party question ; at another , more immediate one , it sets expectation right in our professional laps . Quite certainly for many the hope is that it might just go away , rather as when a child who knows a monster is lurking in the closet pulls the sheets over his head , on the comforting thesis that what one does n't recognize is n't there . This attitude seemed fairly prevalent at last year 's Triennial Symposium in Washington , D.C. Notwithstanding the noble efforts of Janet Stanley and the indefatigable Jean Kennedy to open the question on their panels , the topic was considered at best marginal , at worst a regrettable intrusion of a tiresome product outside the concerns of serious scholars . But owing to the inherent creativity of African artists , the issue of contemporary art will not go away . <p> Why does the subject appear so resistant , or , equally accurate , why are we so resistant to the subject ? One explanation indicates a scholarly desire for purity , the spiritual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsequent modifications that make pronouncements suspect . This is partly the inheritance Africanists acquired from anthropologists who yearn to find that untouched Edenic group Upon such residual authenticity they can base pontification about the eternal primeval nature of people before scholars like themselves arrived to explain the reasons for their behavior . David Brokensha once commented how , in their search for the untouched primitive world , some anthropologists would angle their cameras to block out the background sights of market , school , and church . Never has this mood been better expressed than in a recent cartoon by Gary Larson : a " tribal " family , espying approaching anthropologists through the window of their house , busily set about concealing their telephone , TV , and VCR set . They know what they are expected to display , just as the Maasai know what postures are expected of them , even though on inquiry they will inform the incompetent tourist of the correct lens stops and shutter speeds for the local lighting so that their culture can be properly recorded . <p> We do n't like modern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disciplinary boundaries -- in fact it challenges them at the profoundest level . It requires us to make intellectual change , as when a professor discovers the disturbing news that , owing to more recent research that he personally has not gotten around to reading but knows about from his students ' bibliographies , he will have to make some amendments to his lecture notes that have lasted so well through recent decades . Certainly it is convenient to be assured that studies can organize all the known elements of a field and that there will not be later intrusions of material that may make nonsense of the most deliberate certainties . That is reason enough to avoid the flux of current artistic production -- at least Leonardo is n't going to paint something more , or , even worse , something different . <p> This attitude seems peculiarly consistent among Africanists . It is not apparently shared by those critics who gain reputation by presenting the latest artists from New York . In fact , among such cognoscenti , novelty is a bonus because it permits almost instantaneous expert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critic is the monocular pioneer creating simultaneously a career for himself and for the lucky artist his discovery applauds -- sink or swim together in the manner of that high priest Clement Greenberg , forever made memorable by Tom Wolfe in The Painted Word . The artist 's fame becomes the critic 's , to rise or fall depending whether the latter 's words or the former 's messy canvases attract the attention of those who happily relate convinced approval to a solid check . <p> This practice does n't seem to work for the African artist , perhaps because his critics are all but nonexistent Still , that fact does not answer the residual question of why . Surely , if things were nurtured , if the aesthetic garden were mulched and manured , there could be both profit and distinction in the role that has provided fame and fortune in the realm of European and American art . Is ignorance the reason , or are there perhaps sufficient opportunities already sustained by art journals that , unlike African Arts , continuously illustrate contemporary production ? <p> Few seem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be unproductive and , more crucially , unprofitable . What is missing is any conviction that there is any aesthetic basis for justifying a new product to the art community . None of the ready options are satisfactory The spectrum of the contemporary artist ranges from the recognizably African -- in design or subject -- to the decultured international style . These extremes partly match the distinction between locally trained ( often self-trained ) artists and those who have been educated at a European art school where emulation of the current mode makes for a gratifying reputation . At one end of the spectrum the local art merges with craft ( a distinction that in itself owes much to Eurocentric categorizing ) ; at the other the African antecedent is all but eliminated as the artist seeks his place in the pantheon of the modernists with all their deliberate contrivance of aberrant and trivial novelty . <p> There is both justification and audience for both extremes , but how can success be measured when outlets scarcely exist ? Much as our purists might object , artists do prefer to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Africa it is still the tourists and local diplomats who control sales . Only a valiant gallery or two , such as Nairobi 's Watatu , and the benevolence of cultural centers like the Goethe Institute provide a consistent opportunity for display . What can constitute a legitimate and logical appraisal of this ever-expanding world of new art from the African continent ? To some extent the question is artificial , since it is too rarely aired publicly to occasion speculation and debate . One likes to imagine we have advanced beyond the " amazing it comes from Africa " response . But there is still indifferent dismissal and , on the reverse side , patronizing praise . <p> The art form upon which this debate has most deliberately focused is the work of the Shona carvers in Zimbabwe , whose success owes so much to the intellectual and practical support of Frank McEwen and Tom Blomfield and the dedicated efforts of the galleries of Guthrie , Cook and Karg . Here was a true novelty : carving in stone that seemed to combine the visual inventiveness of pure form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African tradition . Being effectively sponsored by a range of entrepreneurs , mostly honorable , the work did receive appraisal in London . The Daily Telegraph 's opinion was that " of the leading ten sculptor-carvers in the world , perhaps five come from Zimbabwe . " Such is the dismal state of contemporary design , this might mean little more than that the result was better than battered metal incompetently welded that nowadays passes for distinction , but it raises other international standards that only London has persuasively argued . ( Of course , the comment has been lovingly repeated in this country in sales brochures that have displayed no work by the famous five , but have offered stone hippos at bargain prices . ) No other artists have achieved the standing of a cash evaluation . <p> Perhaps there are glimmers in the darkness . Marshall Mount 's seminal but dated study has been reprinted . Jean Kennedy 's long-promised tome is " in press . " PBS recently aired Carol Blue 's film on Nigerian art . Last year 's " Magicians de la Terre , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , though provocative to the point of exasperation , did show several African artists . It was revealing that they were all carefully selected to be as unlike those from Europe as was possible . " Quaint " and " native " works were preferred to those of the well-respected Senegalese artists working in Paris and perhaps only marginally distinguishable from other experimenters along the Left Bank . " Contemporary African Artists " opened at the Studio Museum in Harlem to fanfare but was not given the attention it deserved . One would have enjoyed more extensive critical critique of the deliberately varied cross-section of the continent that Grace Stanislaus attempted to display with such sympathetic awareness . Perhaps the event will provoke more reactions as it travels across the country to other venues , though as usual it is New York that has to be convinced . Ima Ebong promises that the contemporary art show planned for the Center for African Art in New York will be " a visually stunning and a landmark event . " <p> These events seem to suggest breakthroughs , though I have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of traditional exports from Africa , or the inflated costs of those which have already emigrated , will force collectors to replace them with contemporary substitutes . There may be a useful void . If only age determines the quality of traditional carvings , and a concept such as " contemporary tradition " is not permitted by those who control aesthetic evaluations and manage to pretend to themselves that they have no responsibility concerning financial evaluations , does this leave a vacancy for the admiration and purchase of " contemporary contemporary " ? <p> Future enterprises remain dependent on the incubation of a critical theory that will comprehend the varied efforts of so many able practitioners . This does not mean -- again to refer to The Painted Word -- that scholarship should precede creativity . That most dubious sequence of prior expectation has be disastrous for artistic invention . As a profession we ought to begin to develop some kind of conceptualization of what we expect from Africa and its artists , as the tradition , and the traditional art with which it is associated , disintegrates and adapts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes an African to Paris or London art schools ? How do we judge the results ? Do we admire his acquisition of international standards -- whatever they are -- or do we admire his resistance to them ? Do we regret the lost innocence that reflects neocolonial preference ? These lines conclude in medias res , which is a sure sign that no ready resolution is going to be provided from this source . But as the opening words queried , What are we going to do about contemporary African art ? If I knew , I would write with fewer question marks that expose my own doubts and anxieties . Lacking any more consequent conclusion , here is comment from another magazine editor . " The success we 've enjoyed demonstrates that we deliver what our readers really want .... In truth today 's magazine readers like ads . " We have reason to believe that . It is certainly far easier to prove than that our readers , and contributors , like contemporary African art . <p> Lena Williams has opened a door into a neglected , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happens , it is the living room door . In her article " Bringing the African Legacy into the American Home " ( The Living Arts section of the New York Times , April 19,1990 ) , Williams explores the development of the Afrocentric style in the interior design of the African-American home . She defines Afrocentric as a style that celebrates the mixed legacy of the diaspora , incorporating the arts of Africa , Brazil , the Caribbean , and African-Americans . In the Afrocentric style , kente cloth may be hung as art or used as a bedspread , tablecloth , or sofa throw ; a basket from Bolgatanga may grace a mantle or hold a plant ; a chiwara may sit on the glass top of an intricately carved coffee table from Haiti . On the walls , pictures of MLK and Malcolm X are likely to be joined by that of Nelson Mandela . I suppose a billion T.V. viewers are at least subliminally aware of this style from seeing the Cosby-Huxtable home with its " naive " paintings from Senegal and Haiti , and anti-apartheid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what must be grandest brownstone in Manhattan . <p> The contemporary roots of Afrocentric are clearly traceable to the black consciousness movement of the ' 60s , when dashikis and Afro hairstyles transformed personal adornment into political gesture . But the Afrocentrism of the ' 90s is likely to be less overtly political and more broadly cultural . By now everyone has read Flash of the Spirit . And even Nancy Reagan used a Bolgatanga basket as a designer piece in one or another of the presidential Berchtesgadens . But for the African Americans interviewed by Williams , Afrocentric is a personal , committed style . Appropriately enough , her article began with a survey of the eighteenth-century Atlanta townhouse of Richard Long , art historian , connoisseur , and founder of the Triennial Symposium on African Art . Referring to his carved coffee table , Long said , " She 's Haitian . " Each of those interviewed used similar personal references . Cheryl Riley , a furniture designer from San Francisco , creates Z-shaped polystyrene " Zulu " chairs that draw upon " the energy and drama that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaks of her Afrocentric creations in human terms . " They name themselves , " she says of her chairs . One of them calls itself Nefertiti . Charlayne Hunter-Gault , the PBS reporter , pointed to a green and gray marble Shona head on top of her bookcase and said , " This little lady over here is Mbuya Nehanda . She was like the Harriet Tubman of Zimbabwe . I put her up there because she is looking over us . " <p> At first glance , this attitude toward African art seems distant from that of either the scholars or the connoisseurs who we presume read this journal . Afrocentric places value on African art as sign . Concern for masterpieces is eclipsed by more generic interests in evocation and iconic resonance . For African Americans these cultural and social concerns with the arts of Africa and the diaspora are self-explanatory . But what explains the interest of Euro-American professors , cosmopolitan dealers , and readers of African Arts who are likely to grace their own bookcases or nightstands with an ibeji or akuaba ? <p> I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breast-beating manner of Sally Price or Marianna Torgovnick , whose recent monographs ( Primitive Art in Public Places , Gone Primitive ) proclaim their authors ' path-breaking discovery of unconscious motivations in the Euro-American ( but not African or Oceanic ) mind . And their revelation that the Euro-American mind objectifies the Other , and sees in it only the qualities it desires or fears . So what else is new ? Freud 's been dead for fifty-one years . Sure , people read their nightmares and ecstasies into other peoples ' cultures . And they probably make private reads of their own cultures too . ( What , one wonders , do Price or Torgovnick make of Roy Orbison , Roseanne Barr , the Remington bronzes , or Keane paintings ? ) <p> Given that all cultural interests beyond the most trivial are rooted in the unconscious , I wonder what the current boom in African art in non-African-American home decoration signifies ? What are the semiotics of such displays ? It was easy enough in the old days ( i.e. , before 1970 or ' 75 ) to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relatively cheap way to build an impressive collection . Roger Fry satisfied his acute but impoverished aesthetic longings in this way . And Levi-Strauss has admitted that one of the charms of living in New York in the 1940s was the ready availability of North American Indian art masterpieces in the offbeat shops and galleries of Manhattan . Those days of gaining a chance masterpiece on the cheap are gone , as the interesting research of Jules-Rosette and Steiner ( inter altos ) has made clear . So too is the thrill of the unknown . Whatever Picasso may or may not have learned from the African masks at the Trocadero , the MOMA show surely put the historical cap on " primitivism " as an inspiration for Western art . <p> I suspect it is another artistic impulse that explains the current vogue for African art as decor , the impulse James Clifford calls Ethnographic Surrealism . In the time between the Wars , French scholars , intellectuals , and flaneurs drawn to surrealism roamed the Parisian flea markets for African objets d'art . Not for their inherent excellence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ineffable Other . They were seeking strangeness . The delights of cultural impurity and disturbing syncretisms . Pieces of African art became objets trouves in a new aesthetic that defined beauty as " the chance encounter on a dissecting table of a sewing machine and an umbrella " ( Lautreamont ) . Or , mutatis mutandis , the chance encounter of Dogon granary ladders and to guna ( carved posts from men 's lodges ) with kigango commemorative sculpture from the Gohu of southeast Kenya and the decidedly Rothkoesque paintings of Ryu Okabayashi . <p> That last curious assemblage constituted " The Canon of Verticality " show ( June 1990 ) at the Ernie Wolfe Gallery in West L.A. The gallery itself is located around the corner from the Nuart , a retro movie house with a superb neon sign ( where I saw Yeelen a couple of years ago ) , and down from Gianfranco 's , a trattoria that looks and tastes as though it were lifted from the Trastevere . The Wolfe Gallery , then , and his adjacent Turkana Gallery , function as elements in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first gallery visit a few months earlier , when Ernie hosted a reception for the UCLA opening of " Art/Artifact . " That Center for African Art exhibit limited itself to a comparative history of public representations , leaving the social dimensions of exported African art to observant guests at the gallery The anteroom of the Turkana was filled with garish papier-mache heads from Guinea Bissau -- leering deformity masks perched at angles in front of monitors playing videos of last year 's Carnival . One wondered what sort of living room could accommodate these huge random objects . <p> The inside room of the gallery offered clues . A collection of tables was surrounded by African twig chairs decorated with the elan of an Onitsha sign painter . Red chairs with white polka dots . Turquoise chairs with leopard-print seat pads . And on the table , animal-print napkins a la the Nairobi tourist market were set by Franciscan dinner plates . Pre-Victorian alabaster plant holders said to have stood outside a Raja 's palace now stood by the tables as wine buckets . Over this crazed picnic scene @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pet gopher snake , Mr. Snake . And on the walls hung the sign paintings of Nairobi artist Joseph Bertiers , whose best work resembles that of Cheri Samba , and whose worst , that of Onisco , a commercial artist I knew in Samaru who specialized in plywood portraits of Bruce Lee . Bertiers has a special fixation with the odd pastime of painting live cats . Several signs warned against such cruelty while aquamarine felines in agony raced across the painted scenes . Ernie was planning to present Bertiers ' work more formally at a chili feed on Good Friday . Lautreamont would , I think , have been intrigued . <p> I am probably stacking the deck by discussing the social use of African art in a city as unreal as Los Angeles . But then , the country has been duly warned that what L.A. is , the rest of it will become . African art enters the vocabulary of the postmodern , or whatever it is you wish to call this age when the strange is next door and the familiar at the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too is Afrosurreal . A celebration of Africa as a vibrant counter in world culture . Decontextualized certainly ( the way that the West is decontextualized in Africa ) , but made part of an emerging composite in which Los Angeles , New York , Lagos , Kinshasa , and Nairobi are all part of a funky continuum . As David Byrne sings in his cumbia " Independence Day " : <p> The compass points in two directions And North and South are both the same We 'll look forward to the good fumes Come our Independence Day ... <p> This is one hell of an optimistic assessment , which naively , I suppose , does not pay attention to who 's getting paid and who 's not . But somehow Bertiers ' signs hanging at the Turkana are related to King Sunny Ade playing at the Hollywood Palladium and Nelson Mandela speaking to 100,000 intense admirers at the L.A. Coliseum . After such a long , tough decade here and in Africa , these intrusions are reasons to celebrate . <p> By John F. Povey and Donald J. Cosentino @
@@4012041 Section : exhibition preview MEMORY <p> In order to force the past , when forgetfullness is hemming us in , poets engage us in reimagining . . . . They teach us " the audacities of memory . " One poet tells us the past must be invented : " Invent . There is no feast At the bottom of memory . " Gaston Bachelard The Poetics of Reverie <p> <p> Memory is a subject of timely and far-reaching import. 1 As postmodernists query the nature of truth , memory , and history ; as history books are rewritten to reflect multiculturalism , polyvocality , and the decentering of knowledge ; as the humanities become increasingly reflexive ; and as issues of memory loss and retrieval are researched , debated , and litigated , it is appropriate to consider how other cultures conceive of and use memory . <p> " Memory : Luba Art and the Making of History " ( exhibition and accompanying book ) explores relationships among memory , history , and art made and used by Luba people of southeastern Zaire . Memory boards , royal staffs , divination instruments , and other Luba mnemonic devices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ importance of visual arts to the formation , development , and remembrance of Luba kingship and political relations . " Memory " demonstrates that since precolonial times , the recounting of history has been a specific and highly valued form of intellectual activity among Luba ; and that visual representation has been and is a primary vehicle for the making of Luba histories of kingship and center/periphery political relations. 2 <p> Memory is not passive , and the mind is not simply a repository from which memories can be retrieved . Rather , memory is a dynamic social process of recuperation , reconfiguration , and outright invention that is often engendered , provoked , and promoted by visual images ( Kuchler &; Melion 1991 ; Casey 1987 ) . Such an approach to memory is useful for understanding many African contexts in which history is both evoked and produced through oral narratives and performances . Despite ideologies that suggest that history -- like truth -- is immutable , expressive forms change over time . Paradoxically , their flexible semantic structures allow for the creative re/construction of memory , while at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they render concepts , emotions , and interactions concrete ( Vansina 1985 ) . A sense of security results , as expectations of how things always have been and should be are confirmed , even as new solutions are sought to meet evolving needs . <p> For Luba peoples , objects and performances generate memory for historical documentation , political negotiation , and everyday problem-solving . This exhibition program presents the nuanced relationships of memory and visual representation in the production of Luba historical thought to suggest how the work of memory is a work of art , and vice versa . Myth and the Written Word <p> Luba peoples inhabit the vast savanna , rolling hills , and scrubby forests of Shaba , a province of present-day southeastern Zaire. 3 Their location along the tributaries and lakes of the great Zaire/Congo River , their participation in long-distance trade , and their exploitation of rich natural resources , including salt , iron , palm oil , and fish , all contributed to the establishment of an influential central African kingdom in the latter half of the present millennium ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political consolidation is revealed in an astounding archaeological record from what is now deemed the Luba " Heartland . " Advanced metalworking and ceramic technologies over a 1,500-year continuum , as well as linguistic factors , identify Luba as a preeminent proto-Bantu population of central Africa -- that is , as the nucleus for expansion by peoples now inhabiting much of central Africa. 4 In addition , Luba are recognized for an extensive and brilliant body of oral history , court poetry , and visual arts. 5 These include a wide range of royal sculptures and emblems from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries , when the Luba kingdom was at its height . The wealth of these materials make the Luba past a rich field for investigating African notions of memory and history , and how they may be related to state formation and other processes of political economy . <p> A caveat is in order . The written discourses and on-the-ground policies of colonialism and the early postcolonial periods have contributed to the creation of a Luba ethnicity or " super-tribalism , " based on growing urbanism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and reflecting the supposed precolonial existence of a Luba " empire . " 6 Such a rigid model of centralized rule is the result of a literal reading of the founding myth of sacred kingship and a fundamental misunderstanding of African political economy by Belgian colonial authorities , based upon a prevailing sense that kingdoms must have existed , even when evidence suggested the contrary . This is by no means to say that a Luba state did not exist , nor would we diminish its accomplishments in political economy , erudition , art and expressive culture , and other domains . Indeed , these are the principal subjects celebrated in " Memory . " Instead , we suggest that the Luba state was a far more flexible set of relationships than " empire " connotes , extending in a wide circle of influence rather than authority . " Luba " is a social identity available to a much vaster complex of cultures than that of the Heartland itself . As Pierre Petit notes , it is a most ambiguous category that may refer to five thousand or five million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 1993:30 ) . <p> To understand how notions of Luba ethnicity and empire were constructed , one must first consider how Luba enshrine the origins of sacred kingship in an epic . Referred to in the literature as a " genesis myth " or a " royal charter , " numerous versions of this long oral narrative have been transcribed. ? In its basic structure ( Heusch 1982 ) , Mbidi Kiluwe , a handsome hunter from the east , introduces royal bearing and a new political order to the indigenous population , then governed by a cruel , drunken despot named Nkongolo Mwamba . The union of Mbidi Kiluwe with one of Nkongolo 's sisters produces a son named Kalala Ilunga , who grows to become a heroic warrior . After great antagonism and a protracted battle with Nkongolo , Kalala defeats his maternal uncle with the help of a visionary named Mijibu wa Kalenga and accedes to the throne to institute sacred kingship as embodied and introduced by Mbidi . All subsequent Luba kings are said to descend from Kalala Ilunga . <p> This political charter gained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ histories written by early European observers have been based on a literal interpretation of the myth as narrated at the royal court , thereby promoting the notion of a single dynastic line ruling a Luba " empire . " The term " empire " first appeared in several histories formulated by Belgian territorial administrators . In his influential Baluba et Balubaises du Katanga ( 1936 ) , Edmond Verhulpen asserted that there were two Luba " empires , " the first that of Nkongolo through the seventeenth century , and the second that of Kalala Ilunga , established thereafter . This second empire allegedly extended to Lake Tanganyika , drawing numerous ethnic groups into the sphere of Luba sovereignty and giving rise to the term Balubaises , or " Luba-ized " peoples . This useful term suggests a dynamic process through which attributes of one culture are emulated , adopted , and adapted by people of another ; but there is no credible evidence that Luba-ized peoples ever constituted an " empire " ruled by a supreme authority . Instead , a Luba polity based around the Upemba Depression constituted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raiding outward from this center served both defensive and offensive purposes , but there is no substantive proof that " imperial authority " was imposed or even sought by Heartland Luba kings , at least in most cases . <p> Approaching Luba political organization through contemporary oral accounts stimulated by visual mnemonics , as well as through the available archaeological record , provides a more useful perspective on Luba polity than that of " empire . " Although court chronicles accentuate the preeminence of a single royal patriline originated by Mbidi , the mysterious hunter-hero from the east , archaeological records show that Luba have had a continuous and progressive history of socio-political and technological development for more than fifteen hundred years , with no radical changes in kind or degree , and with no clear evidence of the introduction of a new and foreign political order. 8 Likewise , visual arts and contemporary oral testimonies generated about them indicate that Luba power rested not with a single dynastic line of kings or with a single " center , " but with a multicentered constellation of chieftaincies , officeholders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relation to what we suggest to be a largely mythical center . The paradox is explicit : there is no real center , yet belief in one allows cultural integration of an entire region . Identification with a " center " -- more an ideological construct than an empirical reality -- was a means of legitimizing the " periphery . " 9 <p> Contemporary Luba accounts of the past contradict monolithic descriptions of a Luba empire that are presented in colonial histories , suggesting more fractured and flexible Luba authority than presumed . The recent transformation of the Luba genesis myth into a writ- ten history has diminished the Epic 's multidimensionality , and its ability to be retold and remade with every narrative performance . As James Clifford states , in our endeavor to " write " culture , we transform the disjunction of lived experience into the integrated portraits of our cultural representations ( 1988:39 ) . The impact of the Epic , continually reconfigured according to contemporary socio-political realities , is weakened in the process . Yet as we shall see , just such refabulation of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , of memory . Memory in the Present <p> It is no longer possible to fully retrieve or reconstruct a positivist 's " true " picture of the Luba past . What can be pieced together are the resonances and reprises of later generations . Academic historians possess other tools , of course ( Vansina 1985 ) ; yet " history is always a problematic and incomplete reconstruction of what is no longer . . . a representation of the past " ( Nora 1984:xix ) . It is truer to lived experience to consider the past as represented and assigned value according to its purposes for group identity and political legitimacy in the present ( cf. Mudimbe 1988:195 ) , and memory is always now . <p> Luba are concerned with their past , and like people everywhere , they continually reconfigure nationalist and local histories to meet emerging needs of political economy . Often , the primary means for doing so is through text/object relations -- that is , how texts are attached to , or secreted in , visual representation . Although text/object relationships have received less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important ways that many African peoples construct and perpetuate their pasts , and at the same time serve as registers of present significance . <p> Bogumil Jewsiewicki and V.Y. Mudimbe ( 1993 ) propose that memory represents a rich , as yet untapped resource for African history . And even though memory remains an abstract , ambiguous concept , its study permits an incisive approach to understanding indigenous notions of history . " Memory in all its various forms can thus be used much more effectively than ' oral tradition ' to conceptualize the post-scripted word " ( Jewsiewicki &; Mudimbe 1993:4 ) , for " memory is the raw material of history " ( Le Goff 1992 : flap ) . Despite how obvious the answer may seem , we still must ask : What is memory ? The Cultural Construction of Memory <p> Memory has had its own histories in Western and non-Western societies ( Casey 1987 , Yates 1966 , Terdiman 1993 ) . While definitions are perpetually modified , recent research suggests an important premise : memory is not a discrete , biologically grounded , universally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a cultural construction varying from one society to the next. 10 Memory exists in what Kirsten Hastrup calls " Uchronia " ( 1991:113 ) . Just as a Utopia is ideal because , as reflected in the word 's ancient Greek roots , it is a " non-place , " so a Uchronia is " a structured world , nowhere in time . " Such positions contradict previous theories that memory is a universal function of the mind , a storage bank , so to speak , wherein data and knowledge may be deposited and retrieved at will ( Kuchler &; Melion 1991:3 ) . <p> Cross-cultural examination demonstrates the extent to which memory is a particular invention of every society and every era , reflecting local cosmologies and inexorably changing cultural values . Memory is active , always in the present ; it is a construction , transaction , and negotiation , as opposed to a reproduction . History , too , is particular to and located in a social and moral universe , from a Luba or any point of view that does not subscribe to positivist absolutism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is uchronic , history is linked to time . As it is understood here , history is a formalization of memory that implies performance of " involved remembrance " ( Connerton 1991:4 ) -- that is , contingent purpose and the seizing upon " the explosive pertinence of a remembered detail " ( Davis &; Starn 1989:5 ) . <p> Pierre Nora further differentiates memory from history in ways important to our project : <p> Memory is life . . . . It remains in permanent evolution , open to the dialectic of remembering and forgetting , unconscious of its successive deformations , vulnerable to manipulation and appropriation , susceptible to being long dormant and periodically revived . History , on the other hand , is the reconstruction , always problematic and incomplete , of what is no longer . . . . Memory installs remembrance within the sacred ; history , always prosaic , releases it again . . . . Memory takes root in the concrete , in spaces , gestures , images , and objects ; history binds itself strictly to temporal continuities , to progressions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history can only conceive the relative . <p> And finally , <p> history is perpetually suspicious of memory , and its true mission is to suppress and destroy it . ( Nora 1989:7-8 ) <p> <p> Through the centuries , Luba have made history , as they have consolidated their political economy . In reaction , peoples peripheral to the Luba Heartland have made theirs , as well . Memory remains , however , as lieux de memoire -- places or concrete things bounded by secular history , to which one can repair and still find release into the affect and ecstasy of memory 's Uchronia . <p> We must , then , consider the dynamic processes of making history ; yet , as Anton Blok notes , such a phrase " is not without its problems . First , it carries voluntarist overtones . As Marx wrote in his Eighteenth Brumaire , ' men make their own history , but they do not make it just as they please ' " ( 1991:121 ) . History takes form in the structures of mythical thought , as Luc de Heusch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must recognize the ironies and accidents through which history is composed ; but we must not overlook the intentionalities because of which history calls upon memory . Furthermore , a dominant faction 's history may require subservient people 's " forced forgetting , " yet " counter-memory " persists as a subversive source of ontological alternatives. 11 Memory and history are closely interdependent , then . Indeed , " memory seems to be the main place where culture exists " ( Teski &; Climo 1995:2-3 ) . <p> In order to reconstruct any culture 's history , one must begin with an understanding of what that culture means by history and memory in the first place , for " without understanding their conception of history and their attitudes toward it , we can not hope . . . to interpret these critical sources . For this reason we must first examine what that attitude entails , what the relevant modes are that help shape their collective thought , and what the different genres of oral traditions are " ( Vansina 1978:15 ) . Luba Memory and Mind <p> Like all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forget , yet there is no reason to believe that they necessarily do so ( or at least understand their doing so ) in the same ways that one does in the West . To begin to grasp what Luba mean by " memory , " one can consult dictionaries that have been compiled for Luba and neighboring peoples . Looking up memoire , one finds the words kalandu , mulandu , nangunangu , lutesima , and lute ( Gillis 1981:324 ) . Checking these terms in E. Van Avermaet and Benoit Mbuya 's wonderfully encyclopedic Dictionnaire Kiluba-Francais ( 1954 ) , one finds a fan of meaning and usage suggesting the transactional notion that Luba and their neighbors ascribe to what we in the West call " memory . " <p> There , kalandu and mulandu are both simply defined as memoire ( memory ) , while the related milandu is " a dispute to which one returns " -- that is , one which is unresolved and still a source of contention ( Van Avermaet &; Mbuya 1954:338 ) . 12 Kilanda is an outstanding debt , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , affliction , chagrin , regret , abandonment , isolation , or solitude " ( p. 337 ) . The unfulfilled nature of exchange ( debt ) and of expectation or desire ( poverty ) nonetheless expresses relationships and transaction . The Luba verb from which these nouns are derived , kulanda , is " to lie " the truth is " missing " ) ; but then , in what may seem a curious extension , a derivative verb ( kulandala ) is " to cross over a watercourse on a bridge , a tree trunk , or a branch , " or " to crawl ram-per in French like a lizard , snake , insect , or snail . " At issue are connections , sometimes salubrious , sometimes not , and the resulting relationships that are presumed or posited . <p> The same terms find roughly similar development in neighboring dialects . For Tabwa , the verb kulanda is " to speak " ; kulandula , " to contradict or protest " ; and mulandu , " words , speech , an affair , litigation . " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in contexts of local politics ; but again , mulando is " a tree thrown across a stream as a bridge , " in a more literal connection between one bank and the other ( Van Acker 1907:42 ) . Mulandu does not appear to mean " memory , " as it may for Luba ; instead , such a sense is found in the verb kulanga , " to show , " with derivatives meaning " to demonstrate , prove , teach , remind , remember , think , or reflect " ( Van Acker 1907:43 ) . Among " eastern Luba " and neighboring Lamba , malango ( or malangu ) is also " memory " ( Vandermeiren 1913:776 ; Doke 1933:76 ) . As a Tabwa noun , mulanga is " a string of beads , " suggesting that the contingencies of beads in a necklace can be lent symbolic significance , and foreshadowing discussion in Memory of bead necklaces as important mnemonic devices. 13 The attribution of meaning to such contingencies ( or the idea that contingency is meaning ) is reflected in translations of malango @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A common praise name for God is Leza Malango , " Almighty Intelligence " ( Van Acker 1907:43 ; Theuws 1954:80 ) . God may possess such omnipotent thought and knowledge , but It ( for no gender is asserted ) does so through Its demonstration ( kulanga ) of what we in the West would call memory . <p> A final Luba term allows one to speculate about the location of memory in human anatomy , and the nature of the mind itself . Lute is defined as " memoire , " and someone possessing lute " has a good memory -- he retains or remembers well . " Lute may be derived from the verb kuta , " to set , spread out , or extend " ( tendre in French ) , as one does a hunting net , or when building pit traps for larger game . Kuta can also be " to hunt " more generally , and can refer to competitive games ( Van Avermaet &; Mbuya 1954:656-57 , 681-82 ) . In both hunting and game-playing , a sense of unexpected motion and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of memory Van Avermaet and Mbuya extend their discussion of lute by noting that luteshima is also " memoire , " and that kuta ku mushima is " to fix in the spirit , " or " remember " ( 1954:682 ) . Mushima , " the seat of sentiments " for Luba and surrounding peoples , may be the liver , where thought ( malango ) , knowledge , ideas , intelligence , will , taste , inclination , desire , love , envy , hate , suffering , and spirit are believed to originate and reside . For Luba , then , " heart , " in the figurative sense given in the West , may be the anatomical liver , while the anatomical heart , mukunka or mangu , is not attributed with any particularly spiritual qualities . But if this is so , then as the seat of thought , ideas , and intelligence , the mushima is also the mind. 14 Memory and Visual Representation <p> In addition to the culturally specific nature of memory , a second key premise of this exhibition and book @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upon the prefix re- ) . Memory is not a discrete mental operation preceding image-production ; rather , it is " a process precipitated and shaped by the relaying of visual information " ( Kuchler &Melion; 1991:3 ) . In other words , images engender modes of recollection as much as they are determined by them . The exhibition demonstrates how Luba constructions of memory , conceptually based upon association , contingency , transaction , negotiability , and random chance are engendered visually ; and how visual and related forms of expressive culture are used to re-create memory in the present through a politics of representation and imagination . <p> If Luba have a rich vocabulary for expressing concepts of memory , they also possess a proliferation of visual forms for encoding and stimulating mnemonic processes . These include beaded necklaces and headdresses ; wooden memory boards , thrones , figures , and staffs ; and scepters , axes , adzes , spears , and other objects incorporating iron and/or copper . These things comprise the treasuries of Luba kings and certain chiefs . Instruments of divination and healing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet , despite the stunning breadth and conceptual achievement of these materials , it is only recently that their mnemonic dimensions have been recognized and explored . <p> Previously Luba art had been viewed only in terms of its aesthetic appeal and for its sculptural strength ( Neyt 1994 ) , as well as for its reflection of a complex indigenous African state . The collecting conventions of the late nineteenth and early to mid-twentieth centuries emphasized and therefore valorized certain kinds of objects to the neglect of others , in response to prevailing Western definitions of " art . " Many early colonial collectors only valued works that were representational and figurative , ignoring those that lacked anthropomorphic elements ( cf. Schildkrout &; Keim 1990 ; Mack 1991:17 , 81 ) . The result is that nonfigurative works and most of those produced from beadwork , textiles , basketry , fiber , feathers , animal pelts , pottery and unfired clay , metal , gourds , and perishable materials were left behind. 15 Yet , those very objects , as well as in situ graphic arts such as painted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or unfired clay shrine sculptures ( Burton 1961 ) not only frequently constitute important Luba mnemonic forms , but also shed light upon the symbolism and purpose of the works that have been collected as the West 's arbitrarily selected signifiers of Luba culture and history . <p> Among Luba , oral traditions most closely associated with royal history were dependent upon visual memory devices . These oral charters were sacred , to be guarded and disseminated by a politico-religious association called Mbudye , which has created rituals for memory transmission . Mbudye historians are rigorously trained " men of memory " ( bana balute ) who recite genealogies , king lists , and all of the episodes in the Luba Epic ( Reefe 1977 , 1981 ) . 16 They travel with kings , dance in celebration of their deeds , and spread propaganda to outlying areas about the prestige and sanctity of Luba kingship . The power of Mbudye is so great that all kings and royal officeholders undergo its initiation , and the association can dethrone a king or chief ? <p> Even though literacy was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and visual representation remains an integral activity of rural Luba chieftaincies . Officials still stage oral recitations of local history , and Mbudye continues as a judicial branch of authority in contemporary politics , inducting new members into its ranks . Mbudye performs public dances reenacting history and still uses visual memory aids that date from the distant beginnings of the association . Luba Memory Devices <p> Principal among Luba memory devices is the lukasa , a roughly hand-sized wooden object studded with beads and pins or covered with incised or raised ideograms . During M-budye rituals , a lukasa is used to teach neophytes sacred lore about culture heroes , clan migrations , and the introduction of sacred rule ; to suggest the spatial positioning of activities and offices within the kingdom or inside a royal compound ; and to order the sacred prerogatives of officeholders concerning contact with earth spirits and the exploitation of natural resources . <p> A lukasa is the most important record of Luba royal history . The codes of kingship are indicated by its colors and configurations of beads and carved ideograms . Culture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of connotations triggering remembrance of their deeds and exploits , as well as their qualities and physical appearance . For example , Nkongolo Mwamba , the tyrannical anti-hero of the Luba charter , is always represented by a red bead , for he is the red-skinned rainbow-serpent associated with bloody violence . Blue beads ( considered " black " ) stand for Mbidi Kiluwe , the protagonist and culture-bearer of kingship whose skin is shiningly black like that of a bull buffalo , symbol of ambivalent power and secret potential ( Roberts 1995 ) . The paths of Luba migration and significant events and relationships are indicated by lines and clusters of beads . Chiefs and their counselors , sacred enclosures , and defined places are shown by circles of beads . <p> The building blocks of this mnemonic system are to be found in the myriad -- and until now , neglected -- beaded and shell emblems of Luba royalty , ranging from necklaces and badges to hats and headdresses . Beads constitute a kind of alphabet that articulates a vocabulary for Luba royalty . Their plurality of forms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the " cognitive cuing structures " that constitute mnemonics ( Bellezza 1981 ) . The same associations underlie the geometric designs and pictorial ideographs on both mnemonic devices like the lukasa and royal emblems in non-beaded media such as wood , metal , painting , pottery , and weaving . <p> While the lukasa of each Mbudye chapter conveys the history of the Luba state , other memory devices such as sculpted thrones , staffs , bowstands , and spears are used by individual officeholders to elicit local , family , and personal political histories , as well as histories of physical , psychological , or spiritual catharsis . A staff may be used to remember clan history and migrations , for instance . Its owner will exhibit and " read " its iconography when the legitimacy of his authority is at issue . Luba thrones and bowstands often depict female figures in memory of historically or spiritually significant women . As often , though , these female figures stand for the men who once ruled and whose wisdom women still convey as spirit mediums . Yet other mnemonic devices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the beads or figures of a lukasa , that are cast so that their changing juxtapositions can be interpreted . Through such divination , meaning is cut loose from matrix , so that the past may be reconstructed to identify and remedy present misfortune . <p> Questions remain . How do these mnemonics embody and enact the active principles of Luba memory while providing a cultural framework for truth ? And what is the nature of a system of representation that can produce convention and invention , remembrance and oblivescence , at one and the same time ? Lieux de memoire <p> Place memory provides a model for understanding how mnemonics generate the semantic dynamism and social construction of Luba historical thought . Recollection , as practiced by Luba , is neither an account nor a pedigree , such as a genealogy or a king list , but a meaningful configuration of selected , negotiated events around " loci of memory " ( Jewsiewicki &; Mudimbe 1993:10 ) . A locus of memory , or lieu de memoire , is a landmark around which past events structure present memory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be topoi -- that is , " both places and topics , where memories converge " ( Blok 1991:125 ) . The term originated in classical texts expounding two fundamental principles of memory : places and images ( loci and imagines in Latin ) . Memory arts ( ars memoria ) were based upon memory places ( loci memoriae ) that could be " seen " and " visited " in the mind ( Pierre Nora , cited in Blok 1992:125 ) . To remember their speeches , ancient orators imagined buildings and assigned topics and subtopics to the " rooms " through which they would mentally " walk " as they delivered their talks ( Yates 1966 ) . <p> In a discussion of the powerful effects that architectural spaces can have for vivid recall , Gaston Bachelard ( 1969 ) describes how people " house " their memories and how rooms become abodes for an unforgettable past . The more nooks , garrets , attics , cellars , closets , and secret alcoves there are , the more places there are for the storage of sentiment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way memory is localized and enacted through space , not time . The actual duration of the past can never be relived , only the thought of it . " Memories are motionless , and the more securely they are fixed in space , the sounder they are " ( 1966:9 ) . Memory exists in Uchronia , then , independent of linear time and driving purpose , and " implying permanence and antiquity " ( Hastrup 1991:115 ) . <p> The association of memories with spaces of intimacy is what Bachelard refers to as " topoanalysis . " Camillo 's famous " Memory Theatre " of the Renaissance ( Yates 1966:129-59 ) was based upon the proposition that spatial programming can shape collective memory and consciousness . This was an imaginary space designed to store and preserve the collective knowledge of humanity , yet there was nothing performative about Camillo 's theater . It was an architectonic model -- a labyrinthine container for human history , to exist in and occupy the mind . Such a spatial paradigm maps the mind as an architecture of memory and a metonymic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preserved and positioned to enable remembrance . <p> These Western examples are directly applicable to Luba memory and the making of history , for powerful connections exist between spatial consciousness and memory , as expressed visually . Luba mnemonic devices , whether memory boards , staffs , necklaces , or divination gourds , are devised as lieux de memoire to organize personages , places , objects , and relationships . They encode ideology , enlist politics , and refer simultaneously to anatomy , architecture , landscape , and cosmos . These objects-as-landmarks are multilayered and multireferential , lending themselves to endless possibilities for combination . <p> The lukasa memory board , for example , is based on the spatial paradigm of the Luba royal court , analogous to the Renaissance memory theater The court exists as a mental geography that maps and orders the universe , the kingdom , human relations , and the mind . The physical and conceptual layout of the court encompasses the structure and order of Luba cosmology , while -- a bit like a cognitive pinball machine -- the beaded studs and ideograms on it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entrances , rebounds , ricochets , and thresholds that characterize the active social processes of memory . Since beads have no actual connection with the content to be remembered , meaning is assigned to them by contingent positioning . But although a lukasa is learned , particular meanings are assigned on a significant occasion in a specified locale for a given audience . Reading the lukasa , therefore , is dependent upon the relationships of the signifiers to one another , as well as the relationships of the reader to the audience , and the reader to the constituency that she or he represents . Memory , then , is an art of negotiation and rhetoric , not an " abstract presentation of truth " ( Fabian 1983:112 ) . <p> It is through the activities of negotiation and association that spaces and sites are transformed into places of meaning and memory . For both Edward Casey ( 1987 ) and Yi-Fu Tuan ( 1977,1990 ) , space and site are undifferentiated and anonymous , possessing " no points of attachment onto which to hang our memories , much less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contrast , characteristically presents us with a plethora of such cues . Thanks to its ' distinct potencies , ' a place is at once internally diversified . . . and distinct externally from other places . " Place aids in remembering by being " well suited to contain memories -- to hold and preserve them " ( Casey 1987:186 ) . The ultimate container for holding memories is the body itself , the vehicle through which the intimate relationship between memory and place is realized . Memory Embodied <p> Through the lived body , place and memory are actively joined . Casey ( 1987 ) discusses the conventional yet misplaced emphasis on memory as a procedure contained within the mind . Yet , as he points out , memory always lies on the border between self and other . The body constitutes the frontier of difference and sameness , and a sieve through which historical facts are negotiated through remembrance , oblivescence , and the signifying games of representation . <p> Luba works of art , which simultaneously emphasize place and body , offer a signal opportunity to explore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mnemonics are almost always anthropomorphized and gendered to serve as spirit containers . Scarification and coiffure , in particular , are marks of civilization that encode memory about a person 's place in society and history ( Rubin 1988 ) . These and other body arts are developed through an individual 's life , with information added as memory grows . Luba explain that only women , as child-bearers , are strong enough to hold , contain , and protect powerful spirits and the secret knowledge associated with them . Most important , every Luba king is incarnated by a female spirit medium after death . Called Mwadi , such a medium inherits the deceased king 's emblems , titles , and residence , which become a " spirit capital . " Memory lives at and through these sacred sites , in the women who embody the kings of yore , and in visual representations of such women . Through spirit possession and the way it is represented in contingent arts , Luba transform the body into a lieu de memoire and a microcosm of the Luba world . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ written " and " read . " In this way , the past is perpetually reified through the embodiment of memory , lived and enacted in the present . Memory as Performance <p> As in any political context , " official " wisdom , even as conveyed through use of a lukasa , was and is contested by others ' interpretations of the same instruments . Recent research questions nineteenth-century notions of memory as a fixed and accurate record of past experience ( e.g. , Gyatso 1992 ) , suggesting that memory " is not a fossil of the past but rather a system of categorization in which the past is recreated in ways appropriate for the present " ( Lopez 1992:36 ) . Current emphasis is less on mental storage of past events than on the performative function of memory in the present . Mnemonic devices elicit visual , verbal , and performative arts , and Luba objects were and are read , spoken , sung , danced , and manipulated . <p> That the mnemonic process is performative also means that historical recitation never occurs in precisely the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memory is defective . The need to fill in forgotten details , to adapt history to new circumstances , and to follow fads by borrowing glitzy ideas from prestigious neighbors means that memory is generative . Indeed , forgetting must be understood if we are to grasp how and why history is made . The negotiation of historical facts necessarily involves a process of discarding and re-creating . " Forgetting and recollecting are allied mnemonic functions . Forgetting can be the selective process through which memory achieves social and cultural definition " ( Kuchler &Melion; 1991:7 ) . The erasure and selective elimination of certain historical facts are as critical to the collage that is memory as the retention and careful preservation of others . Early Greeks recognized that forgetting and remembering were an indissociable pair intrinsic to the memory process . Only later in the history of Western thought was forgetting forgotten. 18 <p> Luba memory devices do not symbolize thought so much as stimulate and provoke it . They afford a multiplicity of meanings through their multireferential iconography . The reading of these visual " texts " varies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contingencies of local politics , and makes manifest the objects ' abilities to instigate processes of politics , economy , and religion . <p> Whether through the reading of a beaded memory board , the narration of a sculpted wooden staff , or the deciphering of a diviner 's object-filled gourd , Luba mnemonics operate according to principles of contingency and association , relationship and refabulation . Some historical facts can be selectively preserved and recombined , others omitted in an editing of the past . As a result , identity and history are always in the making , as new circumstances urge reconsideration of one 's relationship to a " center " and to the past , producing the shifting and arbitrary nature of ethnic and political identity that is the Luba past and present . <p>
@@4012141 Section : first word <p> The record-breaking heat became the primary topic of conversation this past summer at the 50th International Art Exhibition in Venice . The many artists , curators , critics , and collectors who represented the international contemporary art scene had obviously never done fieldwork during the hot season in sub-Saharan Africa ! Of course , in most places in Africa there are no cavernous shipyards without windows or cross ventilation like the Arsenale , the huge site at the Biennale , where miles of art were shown in raw factory spaces . Despite the oppressive weather that drained one 's energies and made most of us feel like martyrs for art , this year 's Biennale marks a watershed moment for artists from Africa and the African Diaspora . No longer is their inclusion isolated and sporadic , and no longer are exhibitions of their work relegated to hard-to-find off-site locations ( as in the 2001 " Authentic/Ex-Centric : Africa In and Out of Africa , " which , though a historic shift for African artists in Venice , was still marginalized in this way ) . ( n1 ) Moreover , while Salah Hassan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African curators to participate in a Venice Biennale , this year Gilane Tawadros , the London-based Egyptian woman art historian and critic , was selected to independently curate one of the eight projects presented in the vast Arsenale , called " Fault Lines : Contemporary African Art and Shifting Landscapes . " <p> This sea change in participation and location is no doubt due , in part , to the popularity of Okwui Enwezor 's landmark exhibition " The Short Century " in 2001 and sprawling Documenta 11 in 2002 . However one regards these weighty precedents ( and the critical response to both projects was enormously varied ) , this year 's Biennale is a breakthrough for African artists and curators . The exhibition 's supervising director this year , Francesco Bonami , selected eleven curators from around the world to realize their visions as a part of the Biennale 's overarching theme , " Dreams and Conflicts : The Dictatorship of the Viewer . " The outcome was highly variable , as one might expect , and much maligned by reviewers . The sheer number of artists shown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a final count ) , the mostly crowded installations , and the differing curatorial points of view made the totality of the experience a dictatorship of the curators ! Add to this mix 4,500 visitors on opening day and nearly nonexistent air conditioning , and you have a recipe for disaster . Although it was a considerable challenge to really take it all in , the diversity of voices and approaches seemed an improvement on previous years , when one authoritative curator held sway . Even if the cumulative result was often bewildering ; the inclusion of many curators of color was a welcome break from earlier hegemonies . <p> Left : 1 . View of the front of the United States Pavilion . Venice Biennale , 2003 . <p> Aside from the Arsenale , the giardini , or gardens , are the primary location of the Biennale . Established in 1895 as the official exhibition site , the Giardini di Castello today houses thirty national pavilions , each showing the work of one or more artists selected by curators chosen by their respective countries . Two other large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Biennale director and invited curators . Given the limited number of freestanding pavilions , more than twenty of the participating countries this year are not represented in their own spaces in the giardini ( and there are more sovereign nations in the present Biennale than before ) ; their chosen artists ' work is instead distributed in officially recognized Biennale sites across the city of Venice . Egypt was one of the first non-European nations to establish a pavilion in 1897 , which remains the only one in the giardini that is dedicated to an African nation . This year Ahmed Nawar is its featured artist , selected by Commissioner Mostafa Abdel-Moity . Within the Arsenale , a small area allocated to Kenya shows work by Richard Onyango and Armando Tanzini . <p> The American and British pavilions are represented by black artists -- Fred Wilson ( b. 1954 , Bronx , New York ; lives and works in New York ) and Chris Ofili ( b. 1968 , Manchester , England ; lives and works in London ) . Both artists purposefully and forcefully engage with Africa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are radically different-one unabashedly intellectual and the other highly sensual . Wilson deals with the historical and contemporary presence of Africans in Venice . Ofili 's work is about an African imaginary -- a romantic paradise that for him functions as both a fictional place and a state of mind . The two artists were each selected under the auspices of official governmental agencies : Ofili , by Commissioner Andrea Rose , Director of Visual Arts at the British Council ; Wilson , by eight panelists on the Federal Advisory Committee on International Exhibitions . His project was organized by Commissioner Kathleen Goncharov , Public Art Curator , MIT List Visual Arts Center . <p> Right : 2 . Detail of painted cloth banner by Fred Wilson , based on the caryatid figures on the Baroque tomb of Doge Giovanni Pesaro in the Doges Palace , Venice . <p> I was knocked out by Chris Ofili 's installation Within Reach. ( n2 ) became internationally famous for his work in the much maligned " Sensation " show at the Brooklyn Museum of Art in 1999 , and his choice as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was prepared for work that is riotously colorful , highly decorative , masterfully painted , and with a story to tell . However , I was not prepared for the pavilion itself to be utterly transformed by rooms of fully saturated color -- one red , one green , and one black . No surface was left unchanged . The walls were painted , the floors carpeted , the skylights covered with matching fabric , and the central ceiling made into a dynamic starburst of tricolored panels of glass called Afro Kaleidoscope . No one could have escaped the emotional shock of the transformation , made all the more dramatic by the stifling heat . Many people may have missed the unmistakable references to the colors of the Pan-African movement . Ofili , with the help of architect David Adjaye , infused the sedate space of the neo-Palladian British Pavilion ( built at the apex of its imperial power ) with another reality , making it a sizzling " Africa . " A Marcus Garvey-inspired flag called Union Black hung outside , signaling , to those who were paying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The red-green-black color scheme also dominated the exhibited pieces -- an installation of five large paintings and a series of watercolors that are part of the artist 's ongoing body of work called Freedom One Day , introduced in 2002 at the Victoria Miro Gallery , London . Romantic and lyrical , the lushly colored paintings are in Ofili 's words , " about old-fashioned values and old-fashioned ideas of paradise . " The pictures are populated by a man and woman who kiss and embrace against a landscape that looks as if it had been painted by Henri Rousseau on drugs . The surfaces are covered with Ofili 's signature brushstrokes , dots , and glitter , and they stand on balls of elephant dung , themselves elaborately ornamented . According to the press release made available by the British Council on their Web site , Ofili said this about the installation : <p> It was a crazy daydream that a space or architectural experience could be borne out of the fantasy world of painting . So the whole ceiling comes out of a motif in the paintings . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea that maybe if one could climb into this space in this thin skin of paint , you would be surrounded only by red , black and green ... that maybe if you entered the Pavilion then your state of mind is altered based on the colours around you . <p> What I loved about this new series of paintings , and learned in reading past reviews of the Freedom One Day exhibition , is that Ofili 's chief inspiration for this man and woman in a tropical paradise was an image on a hanger-cover from a dry cleaner 's in Trinidad ! The artist told Jonathan Jones , an arts writer for The Guardian ( June 15 , 2002 ) , that it was after visiting that island nation that he saw the possibility of connecting the old-fashioned idea of paradise with " ideas of Afro love and Afro unity . " Ofili is clearly enamored of his romantic Afro couple ( the man with his amazing hairstyle and beard ; both lovers with luscious red lips ) . <p> Top : 3 . Murano glass candlestick holders in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ installation , Speak of Me as I Am , in the United States Pavilion . <p> Bottom : 4 . Fred Wilson , Drip , Drop , Plop , 2001 . Composed of black Murano glass , this piece was installed as part of Speak of Me As I Am . <p> The visual and sensory heat of Ofili 's contribution contrasts with the cool intellectualism ( reinforced by functional air conditioning ) seen in the United States Pavilion . Fred Wilson , an artist known for the secrets he has exposed about museum collections , their histories , and their production of cultural and political meanings , draws on similar strategies of presentation to tell a long and complex story in his Biennale installation , Speak of Me as I Am. ( n3 ) Wilson visited Venice and was struck by the images of blacks in Renaissance painting , architecture , and craft . This led him to ask , " Who were these black individuals ? What was their situation ? Was there a black community in Venice ? " The installation seeks to answer these questions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the time of the Moors in medieval Italy . At the same time , Wilson uses his piece to highlight the current presence of Africans , primarily Senegalese traders , in Venice . He engages with issues of race , identity , and immigration through the combination and juxtaposition of objects , photographs , text , audio , and video . <p> Wilson begins his installation outside the American pavilion with three provocative groups of objects : 1 ) a storefront display of life-sized black mannequins dressed in period costume that represent the Moors who inhabit the margins of paintings by Venetian artists like Veronese , Carpaccio , and Marziale ; 2 ) a display of fabric handbags arranged on a cloth on the ground , reprising the image most visitors have of blacks in Venice today -- the Senegalese who sell knock-off designer handbags , sometimes brazenly in front of the actual designer boutiques , like Prada ; and 3 ) two banners of black slaves positioned so as to seem to hold up the pavilion 's portico . Wilson 's approach is to encourage us to pay attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Venice realize that the black traders on the street are Senegalese ? How many of us have noticed that the massive Baroque tomb of Doge Giovanni Pesaro rests on " four colossal black stone statues of " straining African captives ? " ( n4 ) The images of these same enslaved Africans , placed to flank the entry to the American pavilion , make a potent reference to the slavery that haunts the United States ' own history . <p> Indeed , the role of Africans in supporting the luxurious lifestyle of the Venetian ruling class is a key theme inside the pavilion . Wilson displays glass reproductions of elaborately dressed blacks as candleholders , which function as Venetian equivalents of our Aunt Jemima tchotchkes . Other crouching Moors hold up reproductions of classical busts and heads . Wilson then takes another approach to telling the story of Africans in Venice -- he gives a voice to the largely anonymous Moors who populate so many Renaissance and Baroque paintings , imagining who they were , what they may have said , and what their lives were like . Through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ striking in these Renaissance representations , and in the mannequins displayed outside , is the Venetian aristocracy 's preference for dressing their African servants in lavish courtly attire . Moreover , blacks in Renaissance Venice were also aristocrats and freemen . Wilson contrasts these turbanned and elegant Moors of yesteryear with today 's Africans in Venice , who look like all hip global youth , in a wall of telling photographic details . <p> The U.S. Pavilion is a difficult building for displaying art . Its U-shape , with an entry in the middle and two flanking wings , means that visitors have to backtrack after seeing half the exhibition . Wilson makes the entry rotunda , which you pass through at least twice , a dramatic punctuation mark : it has a gorgeous chandelier made of black Murano glass . Such over-the-top glass chandeliers are a familiar sight in Venetian historical buildings ( and even in contemporary reproduction ) , but they are usually made of white , clear , or other pastel-colored glass . Wilson reminds us that black is beautiful . <p> As the exhibition continues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . One large installation , called Drip , Drop , Plop ( 2001 ) , is made of huge black Murano glass tears that " fall " down the wall and pool on the floor . This piece of Wilson 's visual essay seemed a bit too obvious and not particularly successful visually . I found more moving his ambitious effort called September Dreams , a video installation that includes four different film and opera productions of Othello played backward . The legendary Moor of Venice is the subject of one of Shakespeare 's greatest tragedies , and he utters the line that is the title of Wilson 's entire installation : " Speak of me as I am . " Wilson emphasizes the futility of reversing tragedy in this fascinating piece , in which Othello 's triumph ends the story instead of begins it , and Desdemona comes to life . The relevance to today 's world of Shakespeare 's insights into human nature is suggested by the " escape pod " installed opposite the videos in a dizzying final space totally tiled in black and white called Turbulence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can retreat to avoid not just the past but also the terrors and divisiveness of the present . Wilson 's September Dreams is a reference to 9/11 and a final invitation to mourn not only this tragedy but a long history of oppression and violence . <p> The pavilions in the giardini give the artists who are selected a remarkable opportunity to create work that will resonate long after one has left the city . Both Ofili 's and Wilson 's installations make indelible impressions , and both artists have garnered praise and criticism . <p> Gilane Tawadros organized " Fault Lines : Contemporary African Art and Shifting Landscapes " under the auspices of the Forum for African Art , the same organization that sponsored the curators of " Authentic/Ex-Centric " in 2001 . She is the director of the Institute of International Visual Arts ( inIVA ) , an organization in London dedicated to " creating opportunities for dialogue about contemporary visual art practice between different cultures and continents . InIVA 's work is anchored in the political reality of postcolonial societies and globalisation , making it the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Web site press release ) . " Fault Lines " was shown with the following position statement ( n5 ) : <p> In geological terms , fault lines reveal themselves as fractures in the earth 's surface but they also mark a break in the continuity of the strata . Fault lines may be a sign of significant shifts , or even of impending disaster , but they also create new landscapes . Fault Lines : Contemporary Art and Shifting Landscapes brings together contemporary artists from Africa and the African diaspora whose works trace the fault lines that are shaping contemporary experience locally and globally . These fault lines have been etched into the physical fabric of our world through the effects of colonialism and postcolonialism , or migration and globalisation . <p> Within the sprawling hodgepodge of the Arsenale , Tawadros 's project has garnered praise for its tight curatorial focus . It features fifteen artists ( five women ) who represent five decades , four continents , and three generations of African and diasporic production . Of these artists , four are from Egypt , four from South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ethiopia , Uganda , Guyana , Nigeria , and the United States . Only the four Egyptians and three South Africans live and work in Africa . The others live in Boston , London , Amsterdam , or Paris . The choice of artists surely reflects Tawadros 's own curatorial predilections and previous projects ; she also avoids cleaving sub-Saharan Africa from its northern neighbors . Many of the participants have shown in other international cultural platforms , and all are accomplished within their own countries and cities of residence . <p> Although geopolitics is critical to the curator 's intent , even if one does not read the small labels that provide the artist 's name , country of birth , title , and date , this exhibition demonstrates to those walking the Arsenale 's hall that artists from Africa do not fall into any neat categories . Tawadros is to be congratulated for selecting work that ranges from paintings to watercolors , photography , video art , architecture , and installations . She begins her exhibition with a suite of strikingly gorgeous , large-scale R-type prints by Rotimi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ By starting with work that foregrounds the naked black body and its stereotypical associations with the erotic and the exotic , Tawadros captures the viewers ' attention and prepares them for work that is not easy or even expected . Indeed , there are artists here whose work leaves a haunting memory . <p> Among them is Zarina Bhimji ( b. 1963 , Mbarara , Uganda ; lives and works in Berlin and London ) whose film of returning to the country of her birth after being expelled in 1972 on the orders of Idi Amin was such a highlight of last year 's Documenta 11 . The film was so unforgettable in its lingering images of evacuated sites of detention and destruction , and so evocative of the emotions of exile . At the Biennale , Bhimji features three large light-box transparencies from the same return visit . My favorite is called Howling Like Dogs , I Swallowed Solid Air ( 1998-2003 ) , which shows a huge empty room with downed ceiling fans standing upright on the floor like so many guests at a party . The poignancy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ derelict , is also a reminder of what the emptiness has erased . <p> There is a thread of beauty in several other artists ' works that , used as an alternate strategy for representing violence and rupture , avoids the sentimental and the literal . I was struck by the amoeba-like organisms that populate the watercolors of Clifford Charles ( b. 1965 , Durban ; lives and works in Johannesburg ) . Installed on the wall like a huge grid , his drawings of blurring , bleeding black shapes are interspersed with images of opaque red forms covered in glitter . Perhaps Charles is offering his vision of a new world for post-apartheid South Africa . Equally gorgeous is a selection of spare gouaches by Laylah Ali ( b. 1968 , New York ; lives and works in Massachusetts ) from her " Greenheads " series . At first these sweet cartoon-like characters seem innocent enough , but upon closer examination their postures and activities suggest violence and conflict . Ali uses a cartoon world to address issues of race and power . Moreover , her strategy of meticulously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compositions makes their messages all the more engaging and potent . Likewise , from the exterior , the architectural installation Le Polygone et le Ddale , by Samta Benyahia ( b. 1949 , Constantine , Algeria ; lives and works in Paris ) , appears to be a simple wood structure based on the shape of an eight-sided star . Inside , however , each side has a luminous stained-glass window based on a Fatima rosette pattern . On the floor in the center is a dazzling blue sequin-filled rosette . The piece is a tribute to the memory of Algerian poet Kateb Yacine , and recordings of interviews with him play inside along with Berber love songs . This small and lovely space ( only three or four people can enter at a time ) provides a sanctuary -- even a sacred place of prayer -- within the otherwise chaotic environment of the Biennale , an environment not unlike the " shifting landscape " the artist left behind in Algeria . <p> Several installations rely on tougher visual vocabularies to communicate their messages . Wael Shawky ( b. 1971 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) has created a rough-and-tumble asphalt city that is almost overlooked in the raw concrete space of the Arsenale . Its back faces the visitor , so it is only after finding a point of entry that you encounter a circle of impenetrable building facades with windows but no doors , their surfaces covered in black asphalt , a petroleum by-product . Within this forbidding cityscape , nine large plasma screens show alternating footage of the desert and the sea along with a sequence of men and then children spreading asphalt directly across the desert floor , covering the sand with steaming blackness , and invoking the ironies of modernization . <p> Another wry commentary on social progress is embedded in the multimedia installation of Moshekwa Langa ( b. 1975 , Bakenberg , South Africa ; lives and works in Amsterdam ) . Using twelve video monitors and a series of large-scale drawings , his work deals dramatically with the shifting realities of life in contemporary Africa . Tawadros calls Langa 's work a " story in twelve parts , a ' non story ' in three acts in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in doorways passing time or just smoking and waiting ... " ( n6 ) Mixed-media diptychs , City People , by Saban Naim ( b. 1967 , Cairo , Egypt ; lives and works in Cairo ) , emphasize the dislocation and anonymity of urban workers . The muted , disengaged presence of these figures on one side contrasts with the complex and highly decorative patterns created by the many rolled , folded , and coiled pages of newspapers that occupy the second . A video of the same name by the artist reinforces this tension between the local and the global . <p> There are several other powerful video works in " Fault Lines . " One that stood out for me is the three-screen installation by Salem Mekuria ( b. 1947 , Addis Ababa , Ethiopia ; lives and works in Boston and Addis Ababa ) . Called Ruptures : A Many Sided Story , it features appalling but beautifully filmed scenes of desperate poverty -- we see men and women sifting through rubbish dumps for redeemable refuse . This poverty is presented against views of Ethiopia 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history . The video by Moataz Nasr ( b. 1961 , Alexandria , Egypt ; lives and works in Cairo ) likewise is a biting social and political critique about modern Egypt , but has a riveting sequence of virtuoso tablah playing . <p> The fifteen African and African Diaspora artists in " Fault Lines " and the two who represent the American and British pavilions this year assert themselves prominently within the landscape of international contemporary art . ( The other artists in " Fault Lines " are the Algerian Kader Attia , who lives and works in France ; Guyanese Frank Bowling , who lives and works in London and New York ; South Africans Pitso Chinzima and Veliswa Gwintsa , who live and work in Johannesburg ; and Egyptian Hassan Fathy , who died in 1989 . ) For better or for worse , the Biennale has been likened to the Olympics for art . With the help of organizations like the Forum for African Art , this year 's Venice experience has proved successful in promoting the recognition of many African artists , whose reach and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if sprawling global event. ( n7 ) <p>
@@4012241 Although teaching and research in the arts and sciences are the sine qua non of the modern university in the United States , that tradition has increasingly come under attack. 1 Part of the problem is that many people , including some faculty members , define the teaching and research roles in dichotomous terms . Moreover , many faculty members " often behave as though only one role really matters -- that of research , of creating new knowledge . " 2 This view of teaching and research poses a complex set of problems that broadly affects higher education . Among other things , it calls us to reexamine the message we convey to junior faculty members through the promotion and tenure process ; it impacts the strategies we employ to invigorate unproductive faculty members ; it calls into question how we enhance research productivity without compromising our academic mission ; and it affects the very nature of the curriculum by impacting our perceptions of what we should teach . Our ability to respond to these challenges will not only affect the future vitality of the arts in higher education , it will significantly influence how the arts will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the years to come . <p> This article focuses on two of these challenges . My purpose is to call attention to emerging policy issues that arise from a changing climate for research and teaching in higher education . By research , I mean all forms of creative and scholarly inquiry in which new knowledge is created , regardless of whether those intellectual products take form in print , performance , production , or practice . In higher education , we teach to foster intellectual development and expertise through the study of advanced disciplinary knowledge and skills . Teaching includes all activities that support and give structure to learning , including but not limited to what goes on in the classroom , in the studio , on the stage , at the library , in the laboratory , out in the field , in faculty offices , in galleries , and throughout the corridors of our institutions . <p> I will argue that pressures within and outside higher education require arts education policymakers to reconceptualize the relationship between faculty research and teaching . Out of necessity , we will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the known and unknown are simultaneously investigated through student and faculty exchange . Our traditional concepts of " the core curriculum " will require redefinition to face the rapid expansion of disciplinary knowledge in each of our fields . The expansion of knowledge will necessitate further specialization within disciplines , yet add greater importance to interdisciplinary . applications . K-12 arts education must respond to these same pressures . <p> I will also argue that a static or declining resource base for higher education should widen differences among universities , not reduce them . As our disciplines expand , we run the risk of spreading disciplinary knowledge too thin if we do not better capitalize on the institutional context in which teaching and research takes place . We should alter our curricula , selectively building depth to maximize the unique strengths of our respective institutions . I am not alone in recommending that arts programs at large universities should avoid replicating what can best be undertaken at smaller liberal arts colleges , independent schools of art and design , and conservatories for the performing arts that follow European beaux-arts traditions. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find ways to maximize its institutional contexts instead of striving to emulate university models for teaching and learning in the arts . Public Perceptions of Research in Higher Education <p> It is important for us to consider why many people are critical of the research role that faculty members are expected to play in higher education . Most agree that the discovery of new knowledge is absolutely crucial in our complicated and vulnerable world. 4 But the general public is concerned that higher education has become so preoccupied with research that faculty members have little time and energy left to teach . Others believe that much of the new knowledge produced by faculty members is too far removed from reality to be of any social value . Practitioners in some disciplines , including K-12 teachers , express concern or even contempt for research in higher education because they construe it as esoteric and/or frivolous . And , as we further specialize to cope with the growing volume of new knowledge in our respective disciplines , the public 's perception that our research is absurdly narrow and arcane intensifies . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always attracted by creative research , even from those persons whom we think of as reasonably intelligent . For instance , you may recall the segment on 60 Minutes in which Morley Safer harshly attacked contemporary art . That story was the subject of a later article in People Weekly , a PBS special , and an episode of Murphy Brown . As recounted in People Weekly : <p> Safer , 62 , his gravelly voice rumbling with contempt , proceeded to savage such high-priced contemporary artists as Cy Twombly ( one of whose $2 million paintings Safer described as " a canvas of scrawls done with the wrong end of a paintbrush " ) , Jeff Koons ( who recently was paid $150,000 for three basketballs submerged in a fish tank -- " giving new meaning to " slam dunk , " said Safer ) and Robert Gobler , whose displayed creations included a row of three porcelain urinals . All these works , said Safer , flushed with indignation , " belong in the trash heap of art history , " and anyone who buys them is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the viewer response to this 60 Minutes segment . Over 500 letters were received ( more than any previous story by the reporter ) , and the vast majority of those letters supported Safer 's critical point of view . Unfortunately , such criticism has not been limited to the visual arts nor to contemporary art-works alone . <p> So why dwell on this criticism when it might otherwise be dismissed as uninformed perception ? It demands our attention , I believe , because it is mostly uninformed . As educators , we are in the business of informing perceptions . Our mission should be to help others understand the value of our research activities . Toward that end , we should assess why even those persons who interact within our immediate sphere -- our students ( many of whom go on to become K-12 teachers ) -- all too often fail to understand our role as researchers . Common Misconceptions about Knowledge Acquisition <p> Faculty research may be largely undervalued because we have not done a good job in helping people understand what our research entails . Traditional teaching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creation of new knowledge . Few people get a close-up view of research as such -- the perspective needed to truly understand how knowledge in a discipline evolves through research inquiry . <p> Think about it in the context of the nation 's K-12 educational system , which tends to represent disciplinary knowledge as " baskets of facts . " 6 Schools also perpetuate the misconception that knowledge is what you find in books -- nothing else really counts. 7 Generally speaking , K-12 students rarely ask , nor do their teachers explain , how knowledge is created or in what ways it can take form . <p> In his 1993 presidential address to the American Educational Research Association , Elliot Eisner cited Marcy Singer 's 1991 study of how high school students perceive historical knowledge . Singer found that " students had a difficult time regarding anything other than text as a source of knowledge about the past . They regarded the textbook as sacrosanct " -- the prevalent misconception that if something is written in a book , it must be true. 8 These perceptions were not altered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wide array of source materials , including the following : <p> Charlie Chaplin 's film , Modern Times ; the film , Rebel without a Cause ; the music of Scott Joplin ; the songs of Pete Seeger ; the music of the Beatles ; the Autobiography of Malcolm X ; Juan Williams 's television program , Eyes on the Prize ; John Steinbeck 's book , Grapes of Wrath ; Ben Shahn 's painting , The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti ; television 's Leave it to Beaver ; the music of Chuck Berry ; paintings by Jackson Pollack . <p> Singer observed that although these historical examples were not thought of as knowledge , their ambiguous nature made for the best classroom discussions . Eisner notes : <p> In restrospect , this is not surprising . After all , what is there to discuss when students confront the certainties of the text ? When it comes to forms of representation that invite interpretation , interpretation followed. 9 <p> As Singer 's study suggests , students who are pursuing higher education , including students in the arts and design @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it means to interpret and create new knowledge . Although their professors engage in these activities , even advanced students in many fields rarely get a close-up view of faculty research . Very few students have opportunities to see firsthand either how new ideas are cultivated in a discipline or how ideas are crossfertilized through exchanges with other disciplines . Keeping Up with the Expansion of Disciplinary Knowledge <p> One reason why we need to rethink the relationship between teaching and research is because existing curriculum standards do not provide the means to keep pace with the rate at which current knowledge is expanding . Ever since World War II , when universities broadened their focus on teaching to become major research centers , faculty members have played a leading role in the production of new intellectual products . The explosion of new knowledge has been almost unimaginable . Just consider the following statistics : It has been estimated that more new information has been produced in the last thirty years than in the previous 5,000 years. 10 A typical weekday edition of the New York Times contains more information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an entire lifetime. 11 In 1989 , it was estimated that 7,000 books were published each day across the globe ; compare that to the mid-fourteenth century when 1,300 volumes made up the entire collection of the largest library in Europe , the Sorbonne Library in Paris. 12 In fiscal year 1992 , 108 major American and Canadian universities reported that their library holdings were over 330 million volumes and 3 million serials , and that they were accumulating additional holdings at the rate of over 9 million volumes per year. 13 <p> The production of new knowledge in the arts is partly reflected in these statistics , but much of what we create does not take form in print . According to the National Endowment for the Arts , no national records are kept on the volume of new works produced each year in the visual and performing arts . Other sources , however , report that production within many U.S. arts and design fields is growing rapidly . For instance , the U.S. film , music , and video industries have been so prolific that some European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly those productions that , by our own standards , have little artistic merit or social value. 14 <p> Also consider that technologies emerging today will give us the ability to create knowledge as never before. 15 It is estimated that the amount of available information now doubles every four or five years , and , by the turn of the century , the doubling time will be every twenty months. 16 This phenomenon has already made a significant impact on creative research . <p> The artist in the last quarter of the century has been faced with a series of problematic choices . Because experiment in the arts has been so wide-ranging and because modern technology makes so much experience immediately available as a subject or example , the artist 's range of options has never been greater . At the same time such range can be seen as fragmenting and arbitrary , dictated not by the pressures of coherent society so much as by a plethora of information. 17 <p> Consequently , some faculty members are doing their very best to restrict the flow of new information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it all . That resistance is not altogether unwarranted because , as humorist Dave Barry observes , much of that information and those ideas are not worth having access to . Looking back to the future , Barry quips in a recent Newsweek article that : <p> By the mid-90 's , just about everybody was hooked up to the vast international computer network , exchanging vast quantities of information at high speeds via modems and fiber-optic cable with everyone else . The problem , of course , was that even though the information was coming a lot faster , the vast majority of it , having originated with human beings , was still wrong . Eventually people realized that the Information Highway was essentially CB radio , but with more typing. 18 <p> In all seriousness , we face an enormous challenge in deciding how to help students grasp the big picture of our disciplines while leading them to develop in-depth knowledge in an area of specialization that will serve them well beyond graduation . Making choices about the depth and breadth of a curriculum is an age-old problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choose from . Never before has the big picture been so big . As arts education policymakers , we will need to pay more attention to this problem and look for ways to adapt or reinvent the infrastructure upon which our existing curriculum rests . It is equally important that universities build curricular infrastructures that will undergird curricular reform in K-12 arts education . The Disciplinary Structure of Teaching and Research in Higher Education <p> Historically , higher education has given structure to knowledge dissemination by organizing the curriculum around academic disciplines . The disciplinary curricular structure of U.S. universities took hold between 1870 and 1900 , when <p> the number of college faculty grew nearly fivefold , from 5,553 to 23,863 . The number increased not primarily to keep pace with student enrollment ( 113,131graduates in 1870 ; 226,530 in 1900 ) , but to accommodate the growth in academic research and outreach services. 19 <p> The production of new disciplinary knowledge is now integral to the curricular infrastructure of modern universities . The actual process of creating new knowledge , however , has been principally reserved for faculty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in terminal master 's degree programs , students are typically seen as the receivers of new knowledge , not as creators . Students may engage in exercises and experiments to rediscover existing disciplinary knowledge or to practice problem solving and decision making in the discipline , but these learning activities are typically not regarded as research that yields new knowledge . <p> Generally speaking , higher education does not enable its students to understand how knowledge is actually created . This is even often true in teacher education programs . Consider students ' typical introduction to disciplinary knowledge through survey courses . Despite the best of intentions , many survey courses merely provide <p> a groundwork of facts and principles , leaving out connections to the people who have advanced the field and delaying the introduction of the wonder of discovery to the more advanced levels of instruction. 20 <p> As the body of knowledge in a discipline grows , survey courses become increasingly less useful . We should question whether this historical curriculum model will soon become obsolete . Are we asking the faculty members who teach survey courses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faculty members identify disciplinary knowledge that should be omitted from the curriculum ? Providing answers to the latter question is especially relevant for those who seek to build more substantial bridges between universities and K-12 schools . The Nature of Advanced Learning <p> We also need to reexamine our expectations about student learning . While some educators believe students can be best served by knowing a little about a lot of things as long as they also possess critical thinking skills , research on learning does not support this argument . What seems certain is that the acquisition of expertise is discipline specific. 21 For example , an expert in nuclear physics will function as a relative novice in solving problems in political science or in understanding the historical significance of contributions by Martha Graham to dance , Mies van der Rohe to architecture , Arnold Schoenberg to music , Arthur Miller to theatre , and Georgia O'Keeffe to the visual arts . <p> Research on novice/expert differences also shows that experts use effective knowledge-seeking strategies and advanced thinking skills because they have acquired a sizable body of in-depth disciplinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " learning how to learn . " 23 <p> One continually encounters the pronouncement that students ' heads should not be filled with information but that instead students should be taught how to find the information they need . This is one of the silliest of persisting ideas in education . A related but more plausible educational belief is that students should not be taught isolated facts ; rather , they should be taught central concepts that render facts meaningful . Research . . . has shown , however , that the ability to grasp and retain new information , to link it meaningfully to central ideas , depends greatly on the extent of one 's existing knowledge . People with little knowledge in a domain are almost compelled to deal with knowledge as isolated fragments , only vaguely relatable to higher level principles. 24 <p> The problem we must address is that novices in any field tend to develop " shallow " knowledge structures . They acquire " a few general ideas and a lot of details connected to the general ideas but not to each other . " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rule , or a specialized vocabulary without understanding the conditions of how and where that knowledge applies and can be used most effectively . " 26 <p> As experts , faculty members possess " deep or multilevel knowledge structures , with many connections between and within levels . " 27 This equips them to use their knowledge in various contexts , while novices often find it difficult to transfer their existing knowledge at appropriate times . When a student 's prior knowledge becomes inert , it is rendered essentially useless . Didactic teaching methods , compartmentalized curricula , and rote-learning strategies encourage the acquisition of inert knowledge , which , in turn , stifles the development of learning in a discipline . <p> The educational implications of these findings are worth policy-makers ' serious consideration . It is increasingly evident that we should work towards setting curriculum standards to disseminate knowledge that students will be able to use later -- not in the restrictive sense of vocational application alone , but for the broader purpose of enhancing thinking and expertise . This means disseminating as much knowledge to students as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ otherwise find meaningful . <p> As the body of disciplinary knowledge expands , we will face even harder choices in selecting what to teach , let alone how to ensure that content is meaningfully disseminated to students . If the solution to this problem is to narrow the curriculum by creating more subdisciplines and areas of specializations , we must be aware that organizing curricula in this way can reduce our students ' ability to grasp important connections within and beyond arts disciplines . One way to help students see past discipline boundaries is to align curriculum standards and teaching practices to correspond more closely with the ways research inquiry is pursued in our disciplines . The Influence of Other Disciplines on Research in the Arts and Design <p> It is not uncommon for artists and scholars to draw upon ideas from other disciplines in their personal research . The attraction of interdisciplinary collaboration is that we can continue to pursue depth within an area of specialization , yet draw upon expertise in related disciplines when the need arises . This allows us to gain valuable input from other fields @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own discipline . <p> Some researchers in the arts search for innovation by working back and forth between two or more disciplines . Crossdisciplinary research has a strong history in the arts -- some of the best known examples date back to the Italian Renaissance and earlier . For instance , Michelangelo 's work crossed painting , sculpture , and architecture , and Leonardo da Vinci worked simultaneously as a painter , astronomer , architect , and engineer , among other things . <p> Contemporary researchers in the arts have had more difficulty in working between disciplines . For example , on my own campus , Charles Csuri confronted many obstacles when he sought to explore computer applications for art making during the 1960s . Although computer scientists supported Csuri 's interdisciplinary exploration of ideas , the same was not true of faculty in his home department . The vision of artists , designers , and scientists working within the same environment has now been realized on our campus under the umbrella of the Advanced Computing Center for the Arts and Design ( ACCAD ) . Reaching that goal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years . Today , ACCAD is among the most successful computer visualization and animation programs in the nation , and it has a prominent international standing . Graduate students who study at ACCAD work with faculty and staff to produce creative works that simply could not be undertaken without close association with the computer science community on our campus . Furthermore , students benefit because under its current director , Wayne Carlson , ACCAD attracts professional staff from the Ohio Supercomputer Center as well as researchers and students from many fields , including : <p> aeronautical engineering , architecture , studio art , art education , art history , city and regional planning , cognitive science , computer and information science , dance , design , industrial systems engineering , geodetic sciences , instructional design and technology , medicine , music , speech and hearing , and theatre . <p> Other contemporary researchers have also been discouraged from engaging in more than one arts or design discipline . A case was cited recently by Maya Lin in an interview about the installation of a new sculptural work she created for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When asked to explain why , as the well-known architect of the Vietnam War Memorial , she also made sculpture , Maya Lin replied : <p> Ten years ago , people who were trying to do more than one thing were met with a lot of suspicion , but that 's changed . Somehow it seems very human to do several things that have to do with one another . I love architecture and I love sculpture , and I could never choose . Sculpture to me is poetry ; and architecture , is like creating a novel. 28 <p> These examples suggest that we need to provide more support for the exploration of ideas beyond traditional disciplinary boundaries . In the past , we have resisted supporting this exploration , sometimes inadvertently and sometimes quite deliberately . That resistance is gradually lessening as many programs in the arts at universities strive to become increasingly interdisciplinary . The same progression towards interdisciplinary inquiry can be found in some K-12 arts programs , but overall that progress has been constrained by the dominant disciplinary structure in which arts teachers have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Arts and Design Curricula <p> If our goal is that students should meaningfully connect information within and between disciplines , we need to question the tradition of organizing curricula in any way that inhibits interdisciplinary and crossdisciplinary inquiry . Academic departments in colleges and universities and independent institutions of higher education are structured to preserve and perpetuate the disciplines they represent . That effort is desirable because advanced learning and expertise is specialized in nature and because " disciplines do continually turn up better ways of construing reality -- better not because they correspond more closely to reality , but because they enlarge our field of vision , equipping us with tools for doing things " that were previously beyond our imagination. 29 <p> At the same time , rigid allegiance to a discipline or subdiscipline can inhibit the creation and understanding of important knowledge . When students see themselves as members of a narrow area of specialization , we can not be sure that they are prepared to take full advantage of new ideas and relevant knowledge in other fields . <p> The only intelligent way to address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and crossdisciplinary collaboration . This is not easy when we are simultaneously pressured to respond to the growing volume of disciplinary knowledge in our own fields . The problem is , however , not insurmountable when we consider that university faculty members are proficient at exploring . ideas through their own research , often in directions that move beyond disciplinary boundaries or have the potential to do so . <p> If our goal is to prepare the next generation of innovators in our respective disciplines and future teachers who will lead others to understand those innovations , we will need to develop new strategies and technologies for helping our students organize , evaluate , and cross link knowledge of the past to emerging ideas of the present. 30 That might be best accomplished if we took full advantage of the fact that as faculty members in institutions of higher education , we are the ones who help advance disciplinary knowledge . As researchers , we can and should lead our students to discover how and why new ideas emerge in the field by engaging in research that is closely linked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research-based or inquiry-based models of teaching is that they can place as much emphasis on researching what is already known in the discipline as they do on discovering what is yet unknown . As experienced researchers , college or university faculty members can function as the source of current knowledge in the discipline and as leaders in directing the search for new ideas . Instead of viewing the curriculum as a " fixed agenda , " we might think of it as a matrix or map or network of big ideas . <p> Working from such a matrix or map provides us with an overall sense as opposed to a linear sense of direction , where one topic follows another . The teacher 's task , given the matrix or network view of curriculum , extends beyond that of a manager or orchestrator who ensures that things unfold as planned . Rather than remain above the fray , teachers work alongside students , serving as a kind of " cross-country guide " as they explore the territory mapped out by the network of big ideas. 31 <p> Approaching teaching in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it would require structuring the curriculum somewhat differently. 32 Learning Through Collaborative Research <p> To some faculty members in the arts and design , the thought of merging teaching with research may seem overly restrictive -- perhaps limiting the personal exploration and expression of ideas that are so important to creative disciplines . However , as artists and scholars who teach , we should welcome the opportunity to distinguish our work from that produced by independent artists and scholars who can not as readily capitalize on what students can bring to the creation of new knowledge . <p> There are countless examples of students in the arts who have played important roles in contributing to creative and scholarly thinking . This is particularly true in performance disciplines , such as contemporary dance , because performance is almost always a collaborative activity . My colleague , Vickie Blaine , who chairs the Department of Dance at Ohio State University , tells me that her work in solving compositional problems has been greatly influenced by students over the years . Blaine looks at her students as individuals with unique perspectives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for nurturing . She fosters an atmosphere of learning in which her students draw ideas from one another , and she expects to learn from her students in the process of teaching . The end result is that a choreographer like Bebe Miller , one of Blaine 's many successful former students , now often uses a collaborative framework for creating new works with the dancers in her own professional company . <p> Another example of collaborative inquiry between professor and student can be found in the history of music education . In the preface to his seminal book , Harmonielehre ( 1911 ) , composer Arnold Schoenberg describes how he worked to blur the line between teaching and research : <p> This book I have learned from my pupils . In my teaching I never sought merely " to tell the pupil what I know . " Better to tell him what he did not know . . . . The teacher must have the courage to admit his own mistakes . He does not have to pose as infallible , as one who knows all and never errs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps sometimes finding . . . . Successful completion of assignments by the pupils established the soundness of my efforts without luring me into the fallacy that I had solved the problem definitively . And I think neither the pupils nor I have fared badly that way . Had I told them merely what I know , then they would have known just that and nothing more . As it is , they know perhaps even less . But they do know what matters : the search itself ! 33 <p> Many other faculty members in the arts commonly use highly interactive and individualized teaching practices . More than most other higher education fields , the arts and design have a tradition of blurring the line between teaching and research . Much of our teaching directly engages students in the act of interpretation , problem solving , decision making , and other active learning experiences . <p> But we are not without our faults . We also lapse into didactic teaching methods on occasion . And sometimes we are so process oriented that we neglect to teach our students much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problems and for creating new works . Thus , one of our challenges as policymakers is to explore how to better integrate the disciplinary knowledge of the past into curriculum standards that are trying to anticipate the future . That future is likely to place growing importance on the institutional context in which our teaching and research takes place . Acknowledging Different Contexts for Disciplinary Inquiry <p> Clearly , higher education does not currently have the resources to support the full scope of inquiry possible in arts and design disciplines . The forecast for future support is not encouraging . Even the largest comprehensive research universities are discovering that they can not do everything . In the years ahead , all institutions of higher education will have to find greater focus to cope with increasingly expansive disciplines . This poses an even more serious problem for K-12 education . <p> If new knowledge continues to grow as projected , we will need to escalate our search for ways to make the best possible use of limited human and capital resources . It makes most sense to do so by planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unique about the context in which that teaching and research occurs -- the particular college or university setting as well as the broader community in which that institution exists . Most institutions already do this to some extent , but we will need to intensify our efforts . This includes challenging the very idea of " the core curriculum . " <p> At present , " the core " is that part of our curriculum that replicates what is taught at other institutions offering the same degree program . That is the very nature of accreditation standards . Some policymakers in higher education argue that a standardized model of core-degree requirements is the best way to preserve and perpetuate disciplinary knowledge . Many other faculty members argue that it is increasingly difficult to find a disciplinary core , while future K-12 teachers leave our teacher education programs thinking that " the core " is absolute -- what is fundamental to understanding an arts discipline is not subject to change . <p> The further expansion of disciplinary knowledge will tempt some educators to enlarge the core curriculum . A negative consequence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn what can be uniquely gained from the institution they are attending . It might be wiser to replace the idea of a core that replicates other degree programs with a core that gives focus to specializations that reflect the unique strengths of a particular department , college , university , and professional community . Rather than working to create and disseminate knowledge within self-contained programs , we might build articulated networks of complementary programs across many institutions . Such articulation could ensure that disciplinary knowledge is covered in depth and breadth by a network of institutions -- not by each accredited institution in and of itself . New technologies give us the means to make this possible if we want it to happen . <p> I am suggesting that programs offered at large universities should look very different from those offered at small liberal arts colleges , conservatories for the performing arts , and independent schools of art and design . For instance , arts curricula at universities might give particular emphasis to new technologies and to interdisciplinary study , playing up the rich opportunities that exist at universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Universities , because they are so diverse in the disciplines they teach and support , provide atypical forums for artistic growth . . . . They provide through their great diversity an unusual opportunity for interdisciplinary study , not only among artists , but between artists and scholars in what may have been mutually exclusive areas of study -- certainly disciplines that would never have been taught in conservatories or schools of beaux-arts. 34 <p> Schools of art and design and conservatories also have resources that are uniquely their own . For instance , many independent schools of art and design are advantaged by the fact that they are colocated with major museum collections , and/or they are closely affiliated with professional arts and design organizations . <p> Similar pressures on " the core curriculum " within K-12 education have led some schools to reduce or eliminate arts education programs . Those in higher education must not forget that their definition of " the core " often sets de facto standards for elementary and secondary schools . Therefore , if universities move toward building curricula around focused disciplinary and interdisciplinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ready to help K-12 educators build compatible , though not identical , curricular structures . It seems certain that the current quest for comprehensiveness in all facets of K-12 and higher education curricula will become increasingly less feasible as disciplinary knowledge expands in all fields , including the arts . Conclusion <p> The production of new knowledge is valuable because it broadens our vision , enhances our own understanding , and nurtures innovation , " yet the sheer volume of the data amassed makes almost inevitable the reduction of our focus to what is in the end a very narrow endeavor. " 35 Arts policymakers in higher education must take account of this problem . We must <p> address much more seriously the consequences of the explosion of knowledge , its specialization and fragmentation . It is not enough just to be a contributor to the expansion of knowledge . Unorganized , unrelated , and uninterpreted knowledge becomes inaccessible . It loses its potential and erodes commitment to the value of knowledge. 36 <p> As arts disciplines expand , it becomes increasingly important that we prepare our students to ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examining questions generated by themselves and others , and to understand how those questions relate to existing disciplinary knowledge . We must take steps to revisit current educational practices . To start , we should acknowledge that " schooling , with its continual emphasis on the answering of questions as the immediate goal of learning , may be defeating the development of expertise in all but the most hardy students . " 37 Policymakers should find ways to support the acquisition of knowledge and skills through interactive , research-based inquiry . We need to remind ourselves that elementary and secondary teachers will not approach teaching the arts as disciplinary and interdisciplinary inquiry if they , themselves , do not fully understand the arts as forms of thinking and knowing . Likewise , we can not expect K-12 arts teachers to teach through research-based inquiry if those opportunities were absent from their own learning experiences . By learning how their professors draw upon expertise in related fields , our students can build a strong foundation for extending and applying disciplinary knowledge long after graduation . <p> Reaching that goal will not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nature of learning . The very idea that the acquisition of knowledge is an interpretive act is foreign to many students , including those pursuing university degrees . John McPherson vividly captures this problem in one of his cartoon series , Close to Home . He pictures a student , named Wayne Merlman , who is hard at work studying a book on the history of the Magna Carta . The cartoon caption states , " Unable to find a Hi-Liter , Wayne Merlman used a black Magic Marker to cross out all the stuff he did n't want to read again . " We see from the cartoon illustration that the only thing Wayne thinks worth remembering is that " The Magna Carta was signed in 1215. " 38 Unfortunately , many students in higher education , like Wayne , think that learning requires rote memorization of factual information or the mindless acquisition of technical skills . Some of these students are studying the arts , and a subset of these students will one day become elementary and secondary arts teachers . <p> We should look at all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ourselves to traditional routes . <p> The amazing developments in information technology offer quite wonderful avenues for our inventiveness . Perhaps their most important contribution is their reframing of the dimensions of possibility. 39 <p> For instance , when it is impractical for students to engage in research-based inquiry with faculty because of the lack of space , equipment , materials , and time , we now have the means to use or invent new interactive technologies to simulate a research learning environment -- one that comes close to erasing the line between research and teaching . <p> The curricular divisions , core degree requirements , and institutional independence , which have served us so well historically , will need to be revisited to face the demands of teaching increasingly vast bodies of disciplinary knowledge . With greater production of knowledge in the future comes a greater responsibility for us to teach the significance of that knowledge , or the lack thereof . It seems inevitable that we should look to other institutions to share that responsibility , rather than attempting to go it alone . <p> <p>
@@4012341 In the first part of this article , I tried to address the confusion that many people seem to have about the nature and use of intellect in the arts . My purpose there and in this essay is to discuss this condition , along with other associated dilemmas , what may lie behind them , and how they may be addressed . As I noted , this confusion about the intellect and the arts arises from several sources , including the emphasis on experientialism in contemporary culture , disciplinary territorializing in higher education , and disparate goals in the arts community itself . I have contended that , if music is perceived to bypass the mind , and if intellectual action is reserved only for word-based or mathematics-based theoretical and analytical comers of a culture , then it follows rather easily that intellectual engagement with music will either be dismissed as silliness or reserved for those who have chosen to intellectualize about it , including intellectualizing about its lack of intellectual substance . I argued that this is certainly the case in our culture , with the result that all connections between musical creator and music listener have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ severing has enormous educational policy implications . Before going ahead to them , however , I need to focus on one final question to complete the basis for my argument . <p> What is intellect ? The countless tracts on genius , creativity , and aesthetic awareness virtually leave no stone unturned in searching for an answer . My remarks are to be seen as personal reflections on this vast subject . I am a composer whose few works lie somewhere in the middling territory , certainly not of greatness , but , I hope , of goodness . However , I know this one thing : Whether my composing results in something good or not , the intellectual side of my imagination is continually at work from the start to the finish . Whatever is made of the word " inspiration " by dreamers , realists , cynics , philosophers or theologians , I know this : Virtually nothing of it is unearthly , otherworldly or daemonic . Citing none other than Mozart -- who to many is the mythological epitome of " at-once inspiration " -- I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the compositional continuum . And with no less a person than Beethoven , I sketch , I re-sketch , and then sketch some more . I accept , I reject ; I erase ; and I doubt . But all along my mind is at work , gathering to itself a slowly acquired intellectual cabinet of knowledge tools , structural options , procedural mechanisms . From all of these , I end up with something that , in the best sense of the word , is intellectually completed yet intellectually unfinished . By this , I mean that the best art can only call out for more . Creativity is never done ; the task is richly endless . <p> Meanwhile , those who only wish to remark on my work or Mozart 's or Beethoven 's should understand that their thoughts about music are possible only because we thought in music . They would do well to understand that their thoughts are incomplete until they enter into our thoughts , and this is possible only by joining us in the making of music . Only in this sense is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do imagination and craft unite with the presentation of the same . If only the institution of art criticism , particularly that of the daily newspaper , were to think and to write in a way that points to the joy and labor of making art instead of creating a fuss over what might go wrong or who triumphs for a season , then the intellectual processes of audience , creator , and contemplator would be more deftly combined , and the making of art would be the shared pleasure . <p> Still , what is meant by intellect ? Far more than mere intelligence or smartness , intellect is the love of ideas and the disciplining love of working them through in any discursive medium known to humankind . Nothing worth thinking up need be divorced from the workings of the intellect , unless of course we choose to cheapen it by not thinking . Intellect is driven by a desire to work in ideas : to analyze , to synthesize , to make beginning-to-end sense of things-among-things . It is to fuse simplicity and complexity and to watch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see the indivisibility of form and content , of content and process , of poetry and grammar , if you will . Intellect is not only to see deeply and connect fully , but also to see that these depths and connections are not yet fully accomplished by themselves . Therefore , it is to hunger for conversation with other thinkers who have gone even farther , even if the conversation is one-sided , limited , or stunted . It is to feel the absence of that which , when discovered , still can not be fully comprehended . It is therefore to be seeing blindly and blindly seeing . It is to prefer seeing through a glass darkly because of the wealth of that which lies beyond , rather than to choose a clear glass that shows through to very little . Intellect is the glory of the unsure , the incomplete , the unsatisfied , preferred over " completeness " achieved at little cost . Intellect is that which labors far more than it is " inspired . " Maybe a hunch or an intuitive glance can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There remain seemingly endless times of labored workings-out that are , in themselves , as much a part of inspiration as an intuitional or spiritual surge . To the extent that this is true in any scientific , mathematical , philosophical , or theological sense , it is just as true of composing a piece of music or making a work of art . No matter how many stories we hear of flashes of genius in musical composition , no matter whether the musical product came quickly or slowly , no matter how much pleasure a masterpiece might bring , no matter how much we are tempted to overlook the intellectual fabric that lends the pleasure , no product of any worth came outside of the workings of the mind and all that such workings can pour into its completion . <p> " Except you become as little children " is not a statement about childishness or regression but about an initial and already-awake entrance into the life of the mind that wonders , dreams , and figures out unrealistically . It is this unrealism , this desire for something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do not think I exaggerate in this , nor do I identify with the kind of pro-child rhetoric that so often makes fools out of parents and gods out of children . I am simply reflecting on the dayspring of that which only at a later time in a person 's life dare we call intellect . I would rather think that intellect -- the love of the working out of ideas -- is a matter of kind before it is one of degree . It is not PhD 'd into existence , but found in place at birth . Recall the thought from Noam Chomsky that children come into the world bringing the sentence with them to which we can only add words . This sentence , this syntactical , procedural , relational capability , is the fountainhead of the intellect , not just brain , but mindedness . I am attached to this last word because it suggests a completion , a summing up of all that it means to be human . And for the rest of this article , " mindedness " is the word @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of " intellect . " What Is Musical/Artistic Mindedness ? <p> Given these general comments , how can we particularize ? What is artistic mindedness ? I believe it to have three sides or modes : creativity , valuing , spirit . Were we to keep these separate , we would end up with the kind of trichotomizing that has often plagued philosophers , behavioral scientists , and theologians . But to treat them as aspects or sides of one another allows for an intriguing inquiry into wholeness ( which just as often has graced the thought of philosophers , behavioral scientists , and theologians ) . Hence we can say this : Each of these three modes participates in the other while remaining distinct . Yet each aspect , each mode , of the union contains the other as a whole . In this sense , there is an intrinsic and indivisible union of intrinsically identifiable sides : unity-in-distinction and distinction-in-unity . This is , of course , paradoxical , and so it should be , for in the final analysis , the entirety of mindedness is a mystery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way . <p> First mindedness , or intellect , imagines and crafts . This is the creative aspect of intellect . Second , the artistic intellect values , sorts , and sifts . This is aesthetic mindedness of which taste is its outward action . Third , the expressive intellect is its spiritual side , where heartfelt passion and intensity spring up . It is quite easy to see how each of these modes participates in the other : Creativity is heartfelt and passionate , even as it sons and sifts . Sorting and sifting can not exist apart from imagination and craft . Sorting and sifting are not cold but heartfelt . And so on . The greatest art , therefore , occurs when we find a near-perfect balance among the three , where imagination , craft , taste , and expression consort easily together . Thus Bach , Mozart , da Vinci , Rembrandt , Shakespeare , Bartok , Monet , Eliott , and Barth ; thus the best of a civilization reaching into and enriching the best of which Everyman , to one degree or another , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of limiting our concept of intellectual content in music just to the presence of complex procedural mechanisms . From this , we select out a body of work that is " intellectually contrived " as compared to that which seemingly is not . We caricature this difference , for example , by referring to the former as classicist and the latter romanticist . But in doing this , we split the creative intellect into two directional forces , the rational and the emotional , or the worked-out and the lyrical . We then listen for the appearance and use of devices and mechanisms in " classicist " music and can relax this listening apparatus and " experience the lyricism " of the " romanticist spirit . " Our intellectualizing about romanticism is thus foreshortened by what we consider to be the absence of mechanism and device . Substituting for this are intellectual discussions of exterior and referential influences such as nature , program , and story . Therefore , we are prone to speak of the expressiveness of Chopin and are expected to soar , experience , and emote with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as we identify devices of invertible counterpoint , retrograde inversions , canons by augmentation , architectural acumen , and the like . But what of Bach 's lyricism and Chopin 's intellect ? This question points up the fallacy : intellectual engagement some of the time and at other times personal identification . Neither , however , is ever entirely separate from the other . <p> So musical mindedness is not just systematic use of procedural devices and working out of puzzles and intricate structurings . The use of the intellect in any kind of creativity has to do with the control and shaping of a process even though there may not be any mechanistic " puzzle-solving " within it . If the emotional seems to be more prominent than the intellectual ( or the reverse ) , this by no means posits an imbalance between idea and expression . The imbalance may , in fact , be in the mind of the analyst or the historian . That is , there are certainly intellectualized approaches to expressiveness and expressive approaches to intellectualization , irrespective of the historical or stylistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . There is really very little use in assuming that certain great art works can be said only to be intellectual and other great art works only experiential . However , it is certainly true that in less-than-great art the primacy of the one or the other is overly stressed , thus overly noticeable . In such a case , intellect without expressiveness ( while preferred by many self-conscious classicists ) is just as objectionable as expressiveness without a steady use of the intellect ( seemingly so much the case in present day popular music ) . Great art , irrespective of the first-glance noticeability of its mechanisms or its expressiveness is always a synthesis of deep thinking , deep feeling , and deep sorting out . The synthesis may lean in one or the other direction , but it is always a synthesis . <p> As educators , we need to seek a new intellectual level of teaching that goes beyond the usual music appreciation approach to the teaching both of talented musicians and general students , in which mutually exclusive code words and formulae are presented in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is pedagogical short-cutting at its worst . The victim , of course , is the student , who soon finds out that this kind of pigeonholing does n't go very far , because all too soon the teacher begins to talk about the exceptions and uses the masterpiece to prove them . The irony is there is no pigeonhole for the exception . Even a piece of merely good art is an exception to every other piece of merely good art . If we should ever seek for a comprehensive pigeonhole , there should only be one : creative particularizations of procedural generalities , based on the threefold workings of creativity , valuing , and spirit . Then we can talk about synthesis instead of polarities . We can talk , for instance , about how the creative imagination takes up simultaneously with the lyrical and the procedural and then allows the one to influence the other or causes it to lean a certain way . <p> What kinds of intellectual techniques and procedures are involved when one designs a piece of music and/or prepares it for performance ? In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of making choices among a near-infinity of possibilities . The field of ethnomusicology , which in its correct sense should be the study of all music , is devoted , at base , to the study of a vast aggregate of choices that both condition and are conditioned by an equally vast aggregate of choices constituting the fullness of culture and the vastness of the human imagination , as these latter two impinge on each other . While the choices that are made in any musical culture may be few as to basic . type , they redound , artifact after artifact , in multiplicities of multiplicities , no two of which are the same . Physical and mathematical phenomena aside , if there was ever an ages-old example of the elegance and wonder of chaos theory , it resides in the outpourings of human creativity . When on the pitch side alone , one considers that for nearly two thousand years of Western musical practice , the musical mind has been at work thinking through and playing out all of its processes , enigmas , puzzles , devices , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of an infinity of overtonal options , then rationally manipulated to produce what we call equal-tempered tonality -- when one also considers that this working out is only a scratch on one creative surface compared to the many scratches on the many surfaces of the many musical systems of the world -- only then can one begin to see that without the ability to make choices , that is , without this profound thing called mindedness , negative chaos would be present . This is not the elegance of orderly asymmetry and unpredictable intelligibility that mark great art , but static meaninglessness and utter cacophony -- in other words , noise that literally has no interpretation , grounding point , no center or usefulness . <p> Pitch is only one of several areas in which contemplation and mastery must conjoin . We can not forget that the musical mind must take in and decide among mountains of artistic information and tradition that have been evolving over the centuries regarding texture , color , devices , formal and architectural strategies , and acoustics . Composers not only have had to hone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above , but have had to hide all of these in the final workings of their craft -- when to start , when to stop , and what to change . They must understand the difference between form and shape , minimal and maximal , and must then artistically hide the former in the latter . In the process of composing then , countless split-second decisions ( a word all to often reserved only for corporate managers ) , both tactical and strategic ( words likewise sequestered by managers and soldiers ) , must be made . In the final analysis , not one of these decisions is possible without intellectual engagement of the first order . Otherwise , how could a Bruckner or a Bartok or Rautavaara or a Part create such expansive , far-seeing works that , in their comprehensive integration of tension , compression , and design , are held together just the way Chartres , the Taj Mahal , or the Golden Gate Bridge is ? When small-minded and provincial intellectuals rise to the podium , and , with words about , imply that composers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ somehow bring a kind of spiritualized , emotionally driven Jell-O into being , it demeans the fullness of what it is to exercise mindedness in the creation of works of art . <p> In addition to compositional mastery , all composers go through parallel rigors learning how to play at least one instrument , not passably but expertly . Furthermore , many have turned their mindedness to new ways of analyzing music ( Paul Hindemith , for instance , in The Craft of Musical Composition ) , constructing new syntactical models ( for instance , Arnold Schoenberg , Olivier Messiaen ) and philosophical thought about music ( for instance , Igor Stravinsky , Paul Hindemith , Roger Sessions , Aaron Copland ) . In these latter examples , the philosophical thought ( thinking about ) has a particular credibility because it has grown up from within the act of thinking in , the latter the intellectual dayspring of the former . <p> So we have this wonder called choice coupled to this wonder called the human imagination and this global consortium called human creativity . What is it -- or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " romantically " initiated and " otherly " manifest , in a being who is , at the moment , out of control , but otherwise -- for example , when it comes to spreading bread with butter -- in control . Likewise , it is not just a disinterested , wonderless , mechanistic , smart-minded bringing together of things . Each of these extremes , however , when examined closely , describes a spectrum -- better yet , a circumference -- or in another sphere , a dialectic . In no case in human creativity can the one exist without the other . One may be more noticeable in one individual than in another , but this by no means calls their basic unity into question . Flights of fancy , the daemon , the muse , on the one hand -- call it what you will -- and the calculation , the discipline , the order of things , on the other -- call these what you will -- they are finally aspects of each other brought into submission by the remarkable gift of being humanly and wisely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : It is the created-in ability to think something up and then to craft it . This kind of definition spares us the conceit of assuming that creativity is an " arts only " word , yet the arts in all of their magnitude can do no more than imagine and craft . Likewise , a definition of this sort brings fancy and rigor together under the mastery of thinking up . This does mean the omission or derogation of " spirit " or " heart " or anything of the like . Thinking up , whether it leans toward spirit and ecstasy or reason and control , is still thinking up . And crafting , whether coloring inside or outside the lines , is still crafting . Wherever the emphasis lies , in the spirited thought or the thoughtful spirit , we simply can not overlook the fullness of individual , corporate , and even cultural mindedness that presides over any musical act . <p> Given this understanding of mindedness as a synthesis of spirit , creativity and valuing , given an understanding of creativity as the organic coupling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the difference between composing and performing ? It is often thought that creating the work of art is more creative than performing it . This is false , given the concepts of mindedness explained previously . If creating a work of art is a coupling of imagining and crafting , so is its performance . A musical score by no means gives the performer the complete set of clues as to the artistry with which it is to be performed . The score is to the actual music , not what a blue print is to an actual building , but what a set of laws is to ethical living or a map is to an actual journey . In the case of the blueprint and the building , the latter is the determined outcome of the former and is capable of numberless reiterations . But in the case of law and lawful living , there is no such direct connection . Any one human being is going to go about obeying ( or disregarding ) the laws in a manner that is determined by the spirit , understanding , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power of the law . Likewise , when one reads a map , one goes about the journey with the ' chaotic " potential offered by imagination and craft , which goes far beyond the abstractions of the map . <p> So it is with performance . While imagination and craft certainly go into the creation of the score , it takes imagination and craft to bring the score into hearable/seeable being . The gap between the two minds is bridgeable only through the exercise of creativity , for there is no tangible , measurable , guaranteeable way of connecting the two . There is no artistic fax machine by which the mindedness of the composer is duplicated in the mind of the performer ; otherwise a score would be equally realizable by an infinite number of performers , just as any number of similar buildings would be realizable from the same blueprint . The connection between the blueprint and the building is one of craft alone . ( If there is any imagination , it would be where the crafter might have to invent a process or a tool @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but this would be similar to a piano builder building a better piano in order that the score can be effectively played . ) The realized connection between score and performance includes craft but is overseen by imagination , not a grain of which is abetted by the score , yet not a grain of which is realizable without craft . <p> This idea can serve as a platform for distinguishing between a presentation and a re-presentation of music . If the creation of a work of art ( its composition ) can be called a presentation , its performance can only be called a representation . Or , if the original process of making a work of art can be called creative , its performance can be called re-creative . In both cases , I have used a hyphen to bring out a particularity that the unhyphenated counterparts ( representation and recreation ) overlook , in that representation is often equated with imitation or replication . A painting is said to be representational if a barn in the painting looks like the barn being painted . Uninformed or literalist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtually imitates the barn being painted . Sophisticated viewers will instead ask this question : To what extent do the skill and soul of the painter combine to bring a particular stylization to the barn being painted , even to the extent that it can no longer be called imitative , or even representational , even though both the painter and the viewer know it to be a barn ? In this case , the barn is being re-presented , not represented . <p> An analogy from nature may further the point . Take any two strawberries and compare them . Superficially one represents the other . We might even say that they imitate each other , in the sense that we mistakenly call biological twins identical . But to say this destroys the individuality of each . Which strawberry is the original , if one of them is a representation of the other ? And how can two individuals be identical ? But if we consider each to be a re-presentation of the other , then each is inherently itself ; each of the millions of other strawberries grown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and each of a family of octuplets will be presentationally unique . Putting things this way does away with two fallacies : ( a ) art imitates life by representing it , but in so doing sets up a false hierarchy of which has the primacy ; ( b ) art 's task is to bring some kind of concreteness to an idealized essence " out there " ( the strawberry-ness of strawberries , for example , thus leading to the return of the old ghost of Platonism ) . <p> In regard to musical performance , when the composer , through the force of his creative gifts , brings final shape to a welter of carefully integrated materials and processes , he makes a presentation of it in the form of a score . This score , as has already been stated , says all that the composer can say about it , in this form , and no more . The completed sonic idea can only be realized in a re-presentation by the performer . It is impossible for him to imitate or replicate the composer 's personal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uniquely gifted artist and the performer is a uniquely gifted artist . One is not the clone of the other , and the score is not a clone of the music that the composer had in mind . To bring this imagined and crafted work into a sounded reality , the performer must imagine and craft as persistently , as spiritedly , and as thoughtfully as the composer . Just as the composer has had to bring a huge arsenal of intellectual technique to bear on the starting , working-through , and completion of the work , so must the performer . If it is not enough to say that mystical inspiration alone is behind composing , it is not enough to say that all the performer does is to vibrate with the mystique . For a performer to realize a score in the spirit of the mindedness that went into its composition , enormous mindedness is demanded in return . <p> To educate without taking this into mind and , as has been repeated before , to separate performance in from thoughts about is tragically to miss the point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is about . It dehumanizes it by falsely mysticizing it and , in an ironic twist , pretends to make the composer and the performer into something larger than life . In this context , the listener likewise need not think , for he or she has but to enter into this mythical largeness and be carried along unthinkingly , experientially . But great art and all experiences of it are brought about by the induplicable individualities of composer , performer , and perceiver that are in common with one another . They are bound together in a mutual exercise of finding each other out , as deeply as possible . Sophisticated words about music , even those that are driven by imagination and craft , will not suffice , if they give the impression that they take the place of the understood musical experience itself , or fill in the gaps that were left unaccounted for by the muse , the daemon . They are not the musical experience ; they are only about it . Likewise , having a musical experience without engaging the mind in its completion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , it is just as necessary for the performer and the listener to think in music , and be satisfied with no less than this , as it is for the composer . All three are in league with one another by being grounded in the same discursive language . To be sure , the composer and the performer are , in most cases , the experts , and the listeners are , in most cases , the laymen . But the difference between the expert and they layman is one of degree , not kind . The layman may miss a fair amount , especially in the beginning stages of thinking in music . But this is what great civilizations and enriched cultures are about : bringing the expert and the amateur into common discourse , to the extent that a community of imagining and crafting persons -- each of whom has some sort of specialty , some kind of language to think in -- is at work gaining continual ground by enlivening one another . <p> Accomplishing this is hard work , but it is the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of music must be a part of any kind of teaching , just as the teaching of mathematics is a part of any kind of teaching . For as long as we think of music as something " to do something else by , " we err . Even though , as has already been said , music is the easiest of all forms of discourse , to do something else by , that does not excuse us from bringing it out of this particular grace and into a larger one , the grace of what Nicholas Wolterstorff calls perceptual contemplation , in which imagination , craft , experience , the spiritual , and the functional are all at work together in the pleasure of thinking in . <p> In summary of all of the preceding , the following scheme may be of use . In ascending order of educational value , the use of the intellect in the arts takes the following turns : It can involve words and thoughts alone about the arts , based purely on philosophical knowledge about how they are created , how they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep thought about anything , whatever its depth , to the extent that depth is imputed to it . This is thinking about without thinking in . This is situation that has split arts education into humanities-based and performance-based provinces . It is short-sighted , divisive , and prejudiced . It can involve words and thoughts about the arts based on modified experiences with the arts ( reading , listening , using memorized taste ) that have yet to include regular experiences in . This middle ground has some merit in that words and thoughts about have been partially informed by parallel artistic experiences . Music criticism , music appreciation approaches to musical content , and socially appropriate concert-going are cases in point . It can involve a synthesis of thinking about and experiences in ( through both performing and creating ) that results in thoughts about issuing from experiences in . This is the goal toward which all arts education should strive . The amateur and the professional are similarly at work but to different degrees . It is possible only through the superintending that mindedness can bring to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Education <p> What is a completed musical education ? Here I am talking about educating not music major specialists , but amateurs , although I fully believe that were music major specialists to be completely educated , as suggested in the body of this article , they would be even more prepared to undertake multiple cultural tasks , as the following remarks intend to show . <p> Given the building up of knowledge about multiple intelligences , learning styles , and the enormously diverse learning skills of even the average baby and child , and given the fact that each one is born with the ability to think in before thinking about , music education must begin , continue , and proceed further into the reaches of making music as the originating cause of all other learning about music . Why take a little child , one of whose primary instincts is to make music and , leaving that behind or relegating it to a separate , specialist community , move on into other kinds of instruction that depend less and less on the use of music 's primary language @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , charts , diagrams , tracts , and treatises ? Why ca n't we understand that responding to music with music is no less sensible than responding to words with words ? Why do we persist in mixing our languages when we can coordinate them ? <p> What would students gain from this ? The answer is simple . Their minds would be entered into more richly than is presently the case . Despite the all-too-prevalent talk about the Mozart effect , and careless words about left-and right-brain phenomena , there is something more to be reckoned with . The deep thinkers in the areas of multiple intelligences , learning styles , and cognition -- those who imagine and craft in their particularities about imagining and crafting in multiple particularities -- are showing us exciting things . We are coming to understand how thinking in the arts brings much more diversity to anyone 's capabilities than merely thinking about the arts . We are coming to understand that thinking in the arts is learning to reason in another way , is learning to imagine in another way , and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people manifoldly cultural , manifoldly useful . Thinking one way about multiple things is , by contrast , quite limiting , but that is precisely what speech logic-based education does . Education should be about entering a student 's mind in as many ways as possible rather than entering it in one or two ways ( words and numbers ) about many things . The former leads more quickly to a synthesized world view and its comprehensive applications ( call this wisdom ) , while the latter simply adds to our already-saturated and strangely narrowed down data base ( call this information ) . <p> America is a nation educationally torn between the ideal or intrinsic and the practical . Liberal arts education hopes to speak for the former and vocationalism for the latter . But the tragedy is that both are speaking more and more similarly , not as if there were a synthesis between the two , but as if the latter is the secret to the former . Here is what I mean : If the liberal arts were honestly at work , every discipline within it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it intrinsically works . It would be given the time and space to articulate itself accordingly . Every educator within its philosophical framework , whatever his or her particular discipline , would not only have to support this , but would personally obligated to be articulate in the discursive ways by which each discipline discloses itself . This would mean a kind of language literacy that goes radically beyond learning all the disciplines through the medium of speech logic , or learning related speech logic languages ( French , German , etc . ) . To proceed this way would not only mean being liberally educated but poly-vocationally potent . <p> But what is really the case ? Even in the most sophisticated of liberal learning establishments , most of the educators are experts in the specialties , the aggregate sum of which is the liberal arts . This is profoundly different than saying that each practitioner is liberally educated . If that were the case , then a liberal arts institution would be a synergy instead of an incomplete sum , and each practitioner would be a micro-synergy within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and were all students educated this way , and , most especially , were teachers trained to be this way , then in the day-to-day workings of our public schools and institutions of higher learning , mindedness would be a multi-discursive wonder . Our culture would be slowly peopled with completed people instead of specialists in one thing ( if that ) who can only think about another thing . Perhaps the greatest challenge lying before us is that of re-dignifying the liberal arts by reshaping it according to its fundamental nature , thus divesting it of its hypocrisy , of the mismatch between orthodoxy and orthopraxy . <p> It is impossible to enter into any kind of education without bringing the workings of the mind and the intellect into continuous prominence . To follow those who say that experiencing music ( in the usual sense ) is all we need , to follow those who assume that the ease with which music is experienced suffices , to rest with those whose satisfaction in the arts lies only in words that they craft about the arts ; to do any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Speech Logic <p> Let me clarify about words and speech logic at this point . All along , I have not been derogating words , nor thinkers who use them wisely . I believe in the primary power of words . Otherwise , I would not be using words to argue for other powerful ways of knowing and discoursing ; otherwise I would not have decried their prostitution in contemporary culture . Despite all the racy talk about the propositional accuracy of nonverbal expression , words are the only medium that we have for conveying propositional truth , and propositional truth is needed now more than ever . Even those who like to argue that speech logic is meaningless , who argue that there is no real truth , no central set of meanings , have to use speech logic in a centrally accurate way to make their point : They must use speech logic say that there is none . Therefore I plead for words to be given their rightful place in every sector of our culture . The argument all along has been with words that are used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus limiting a great part of the educational experience to the aboutness of a thing . So in the final analysis , we gladly and humbly must turn back to words , but now using them eloquently and accurately to plead for the recognition that they are not enough for a completed arts education . <p> As educators and policymakers , we need to revisit the full union of creativity , values , and spirit -- what I keep calling intellect and mindedness . We need to bring intense intellectual work back into direct contact with the intense making of art . We need to do away with the disjunctive intellectualism that lends dignity where dignity is not deserved , and we need to ( re ) create the kind that unites the contemplation of something with the very doing of it . This can not be accomplished until the doers of art learn to think deeply about its doing and the thinkers about the arts begin to engage in the doing of them . <p> As to the kinds of music we study , we can not afford even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forefront . Unless we assume that there is a best kind of music , we will have no way of describing a better kind , or a good kind , or a least good . Mediocrity does not appear in a vacuum . It appears only in comparison to that which towers above it . Multiculturalism , politically correct or truly genuine , can not dampen the recognition and pursuit of greatness . We can mistakenly use it as a disguise for valueless , goody-goody talk about anything made by anybody and validated by their " dignity , " without remembering that while dignity comes of being human , so does differentiating and preferring . True and honest multiculturalism will therefore deal with more than abstract equality . It will deal with equality as the basis for excelling and excelling as the means by which one thing can serve as an example , a corrective , or an improvement for another . It is not prejudicial to say that one artifact is better than another , unless it is if we demean one person or exalt another on the basis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and bring flesh to the reality of intellectual promise and fulfillment in every kind of imagining and crafting , once we grasp the full meaning of intellectual wholeness in artistic action , once we wake up to the ongoing rightness of pursuing greatness in every sector of our inquiries and pedagogies , once we understand that education does not change modes as age increases , and once we understand that the true worth of any inquiry and creative action lies in giving primary attention to the preposition in and derivative attention to its relative about , we will have achieved a major educational victory , not just for the arts but for culture as a whole . Then , we might just have won the war . Some Concluding Suggestions <p> At the very highest national policy levels , as well as in all institutions of learning , it is my view that the following things need to be done : Arts-based and humanities-based approaches to the arts must be brought under a single understanding that direct intellectual engagement with the arts , including literacy and creativity in their indigenous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about providing students with enrichment , aesthetic experience , and cultural sophistication , the arts should be understood as comprehensive forms of intellectual and creative discourse on their own terms . Therefore , the teaching of music and art , beginning with the youngest students and continuing after , must combine direct presentational experience in the greatest art with immediate creative response to that art on the part of the students . This means no less than responding to music with music , and to art with art , which further means that thinking in art must be united with thinking up music and thinking up art -- not in some simperingly encouraged " self expression " but in disciplined and imaginative response in kind to the art and music at hand , no matter how initially backward the response might be . Small steps are essential : An awkward response in kind is exactly the way the smallest infant begins a cry for milk and grows ever so wondrously into creating sonnets . Beyond the inherent value of making and presenting art as described above , it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will develop intellectual capabilities -- other ways of knowing and doing -- not otherwise attainable , and that these capabilities will further enrich the undertaking of a number of occupational tasks outside the arts . In other words , comprehensive arts studies are to seen as comprehensively liberating , not just specifically enriching . In any educational setting , the above implies that so-called liberal arts curriculum , so generously overloaded with speech-specific disciplines , will have to be revised to accommodate additional course work in other discursive disciplines . If the intent of liberal learning is to liberate comprehensively , and thus to equip comprehensively , then the curricula must reflect conceptual insight providing each student with as many ways of knowing as possible . More specifically , in music and arts units or institutions of higher education , undue imbalance between performance and **25;1216;TOOLONG , or between word-based and music-and arts-based approaches to learning must be addressed . It is just as important for professional musicians and artists to be comprehensively educated -- as one aspect of what it means to be liberally educated in their respective disciplines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corporate managers . There must also be reform in pedagogy and pedagogical training -- not just continued and demythologized attention to how children create and learn , but vigorous inquiry into how their teachers are prepared . At all levels of K-12 teacher education , the focus must be on the making of art and music . Music and arts educators should be , above all , skilled creators or art and music ; their skills in this regard should be considered before their methodology or their aesthetics become issues . Thinking in and thinking up music then become the fountainhead of pedagogy , and it is primarily in this light that teaching skills are to be recognized and validated . <p> Let me return to my most important point : Educational institutions at all levels , including institutions of higher learning , must take responsibility for crafting curricula , both for majors and nonmajors , in which nothing less than improvisation and composition ( and their procedural counterparts in other art forms ) would serve as the fountainhead for any and all other aspects of learning in the arts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historical , and even the cultural aspects of any of the arts would gain different significance by being seen as symptomatic and coordinative rather than as substitutes or causes . For example , instead of trying to determine what form a piece of music might be in , the question of what music could be found in the form would be asked . Instead of preceding compositional studies with theory ( as if the latter were the seat of the former ) , one would begin and continue with improvisation and composition ( the one simply being a different temporal extension of the other ) in order to show how imagination creates its own syntactical clarity and consistency -- that is , how , by analogy , poetic vision shapes yet acknowledges grammatical traditions . Students should be encouraged to respond to the art form in the art form itself . Let this be the cornerstone of arts education policy . <p> By Harold M. Best <p> <p> Harold M. Best is former dean of the Conservatory of Music at Wheaton College and past president of the National Association of @ @ @ @ @
@@4012441 Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent ( Fig. 1 ) , painted by Francisco Goya ( 1746-1828 ) in 1788 , is one of the most astonishing works in an oeuvre replete with remarkable images . In the decade and a half since its inclusion in Robert Rosenblum 's survey of nineteenth-century art , this canvas has become widely known among scholars and their students . Rosenblum , following a line of interpretation that dates back to the middle of the nineteenth century , uses this painting to support a symptomatic reading of Goya 's art , which he describes as " the most sharply accurate mirror of the collapse of the great religious and monarchic traditions of the West . " ( n1 ) Goya scholars also have tended to view the work as marking a significant turning point , albeit within a more circumscribed frame of reference , for it is in this picture that the fantastic makes its initial appearance in the artist 's work. ( n2 ) Absent from both of these interpretive models is any suggestion of how the painting might have been understood at the time of its creation . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is little in the way of documentary evidence around which to construct a context . The one known document is an invoice dated October 16 , 1788 , in which the artist requests payment from the duke and duchess of Osuna for " two pictures that he has painted , representing passages in the life of Saint Francis Borgia for the new chapel that has been constructed at your expense in the Cathedral of Valencia . " ( n3 ) The paintings were intended for the side walls of a chapel honoring the sixteenth-century saint , who had served as third father general of the Society of Jesus and was a famous ancestor of the duchess of Osuna . The Osunas were among the artist 's most important patrons over the next fifteen years , commissioning a wide range of works , beginning with a pair of portraits of the duke and duchess in 1785 ( G-W 219 , 220 ) . ( n4 ) In 1787 Goya delivered a series of seven pictures depicting " rural themes " for their country house on the outskirts of Madrid ( G-W @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family portrait ( G-W 278 ) and undertook the paintings depicting Saint Francis Borgia , after whom the Osuna heir had been named . In the late 1790s the Osunas commissioned a group of small-scale scenes of witchcraft for their country house ( G-W 659-64 ) , and they purchased four sets of the Caprichos in January 1799 . Around that time , Goya again painted the duke 's portrait ( G-W 674 ) , and in 1805 he executed a stunning portrait of their daughter , the marchioness of Santa Cruz , dressed in Empire fashion ( G-W 828 ) . <p> Although nothing is known of the terms of the Borgia chapel commission , the works by Goya would have been intended to complement the main altarpiece , painted by one of his artistic rivals , Mariano Salvador Maella ( 1739-1819 ) . ( n5 ) Dedicated on October 10 , 1788 , Maella 's canvas ( in situ and in poor condition ) portrays The Conversion of Francis Borgia , Duke of Gandia , an event that occurred when he saw the decayed corpse of the Empress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and suddenly realized the transitory nature of earthly pleasures . Goya 's picture for the left wall of the chapel , entitled Saint Francis Borgia Taking Leave of His Family ( G-W 240 ) , narrates the result of the religious awakening depicted in Maella 's altarpiece . The duke , having been widowed in middle age , bids farewell to his relatives as he departs to join the Jesuit order upon the maturity of his eldest son . The work is anecdotal and sentimental in character , with Francis and his heir embracing on the steps of the family palace at Gandia while other members of the family and household look on. ( n6 ) The emotional reactions of the assembled figures , enacted through individualized physiognomies , lend the canvas an air of pathos , while the richly painted brocades and draperies bring to mind the rich surfaces of Giambattista Tiepolo , who had worked in Spain as first court painter to Carlos III from 1762 until the former 's death in 1770. ( n7 ) <p> In contrast to this costume piece , Saint Francis Borgia at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wall , presents the viewer with a truly amazing mystical drama . The saint is dressed in a simple priest 's robe , his head encircled by a ring of divine light that echoes the form of the window behind him . Holding a crucifix in one hand , the other raised in a gesture of astonishment , he stares spellbound toward the figure laid out before him . The dying man 's agonies are inscribed unmistakably and with striking frankness in his naked body : the rigid limbs , heaving chest , sunken eyes , slightly open mouth , and grasping hand all suggest his suffering , and these torments are underscored by the agitated sheets that partially conceal his flesh . In addition to the two protagonists , four demonic creatures hover in a cluster behind the sinner , their infernal origin indicated by the flames surrounding them . Frank Heckes has pointed out that the subject depicted here is not an exorcism , as had been assumed previously , but rather a damnation that is narrated in vivid detail in an eighteenth-century account of the saint 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vida , virtudes , y milagros del grande S. Francisco de Borja . The text , which Goya 's painting closely matches , describes how the carved image of the crucified Christ held by Francis , having realized that the soul of a particular dying man could not be saved , <p> ... detached its the Crucifix 's nailed fight arm , and placing its hand in that profusely bleeding lacerated wound in its chest , withdrew a fist filled with blood , and hurled it with indignation at the frowning , denigrated face , saying " Since you scorn this blood , which was shed for your glory , let it serve for your eternal unhappiness . " Then that pitiful man , with an awful , blasphemous shout directed against Jesus Christ , gave up his soul , convulsed by a horrid moan , and it was turned over to the infamous ministers of fire and fright. ( n8 ) <p> Goya 's pictorialization of these " infamous ministers of fire and fright " emphasizes their fantastic character , and nothing in the artist 's work up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . It is hardly surprising , then , that these creatures have been the focus of most modern scholarship on the painting . Usually they are viewed teleologically , as the ancestors of the imaginary beings who populate much of the work that Goya would execute during the second half of the 1790s , including the witchcraft paintings for the Osuna country house ( ca. 1797-98 ) and the print series the Caprichos , as well as the drawings leading up to it ( 1797-99 ) , and who would return periodically in the artist 's subsequent uncommissioned art. ( n9 ) In addition to regarding the demons in the Valencia painting as antecedents for the supernatural strain in Goya 's later career , efforts have been made to locate visual precedents for them , with the art of Hieronymus Bosch , Spanish medieval images of the Last Judgment , and Henry Fuseli 's Nightmare frequently cited by scholars as possible sources of inspiration. ( n10 ) Moreover , it is tempting to suggest that the Osunas ' taste for the supernatural in the 1790s dictated the presence of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Nigel Glendinning has pointed out , their taste was more conservative in the 1780s. ( n11 ) <p> In this essay , I wish to propose another means of approaching Goya 's painting , one that views it not as a harbinger of things to come , as based on specific artistic precedents , or as circumscribed by the conditions of patronage , but rather as deeply embedded in aesthetic developments taking place in Spain around the time of its creation . As a point of departure , I will examine the analysis of the picture offered by Pedro de Silva in the oration he wrote for the 1795 prize-giving ceremony of the Royal Academy of S. Carlos in Valencia. ( n12 ) Silva 's text is one of the few substantial contemporary commentaries on Goya 's art that has come down to us , and his reading of the image differs fundamentally from that proposed in recent scholarship . Rather than focusing on the demons , he centers his discussion on the dying man , as indicated in the title he uses to refer to the painting : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ la Seo ) . Only at the end of his analysis -- and in a single sentence -- does he mention the " zealous " attitude of the saint , and the " other figures los demas personajes " who react to the events before them with " admiration , surprise , and terror " ( 30 ) . Modern scholars have taken Silva 's ambiguous reading of the ontology of these monsters ( that is , as " personajes " ) to indicate that he did not understand their demonic nature . As a result , when his text is mentioned at all it is relegated to the footnotes and used to suggest that Goya 's contemporaries often failed to grasp the meaning of his art. ( n13 ) <p> I intend to argue that the significance of Silva 's analysis lies not in its validity as a " correct " or definitive interpretation , but rather in the conceptual tools that he brings to bear on the image . Written by a member of the artistic establishment during an important juncture in the development of aesthetic thought in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that " los inteligentes " would have had for such a painting , in terms of both the techniques employed by the artist to create it and the methods by which the viewer was imagined to decode its meaning. ( n14 ) In particular , two related issues that Silva addresses in examining the work -- the expressive character of the human figure and the nature of artistic imitation -- were widely discussed in the orations delivered at the prize-giving ceremonies of the royal academies in Madrid and Valencia , as well as in aesthetic treatises written during the final two decades of the eighteenth century . Silva 's attention to the semiotics of the body in Goya 's painting will provide a lens through which to consider important changes that took place in progressive aesthetic thought in Spain in the final years of the century . These developments , in which Silva played an important role , revolve around a shift from the classicizing idealism advocated by Anton Raphael Mengs and his Spanish followers toward a more naturalistic approach to the making of art . <p> Expression and imitation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or a late twentieth-century art historian -- can bring to bear on this painting . Rather , these issues will be seen to have informed Goya 's practice as an artist during the 1780s and 1790s . His involvement in the affairs of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando in Madrid , which he served as assistant director of painting from 1785 until 1795 and then as director of painting until 1797 , suggest that he would have been familiar with the aesthetic developments and debates taking place within that institution. ( n15 ) Careful examination of the religious paintings and tapestry cartoons that Goya executed during this period will reveal a conscious and evolving engagement with the semantic potential of the human figure that reflects ideas being articulated by the advisers to the academies in Madrid and Valencia . Moreover , by examining Goya 's output of these years in terms of expression and imitation , I hope to indicate that his religious works and tapestry cartoons , two aspects of his production that have been treated separately in the literature , are animated by a common set of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the figure should be considered in relation to recent analyses of the representation of the body in French painting of the same period . In particular , the art of Jacques-Louis David and his pupils has been the subject of several important studies that have centered on the depiction of the human figure. ( n16 ) Although the artistic ( not to mention the political ) circumstances are quite different in late eighteenth-century Spain , it is revealing to examine Goya 's painting as an important episode in the rethinking of Neoclassical attitudes toward human form that takes place in a variety of contexts at the end of the eighteenth century . Pedro de Silva and His Analysis of Goya 's Painting <p> As a son of the marquis of S. Cruz , Pedro de Silva ( 1742-1808 ) enjoyed an important career at the Bourbon court in Madrid . His activities included a keen and prolonged involvement in the affairs of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando , to which King Carlos III named him an honorary member ( academico de honor ) in 1766 and an adviser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Claude Bedat as one of the few advisers with any aesthetic sense , he was part of a reforming faction that centered around Antonio Ponz , secretary of the academy from 1776 until 1790 , and also included Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos , among others. ( n17 ) Silva was primarily interested in architecture , having been accepted by the academy as an artist member ( academico de merito ) in that art form in 1768 . In 1772 he delivered the oration at the triennial prize-giving ceremony , in which he addressed the topic of artistic imitation , focusing on the role of imitation in architecture. ( n18 ) But beyond this particular interest , Silva was involved in every major decision made during these crucial decades , and he played an important role in the debates on educational reform that occupied much of the collective energy of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando from 1792 until 1798. ( n19 ) Like many important figures in this academy , Silva was named an honorary member of the Royal Academy of S. Carlos in Valencia , which was the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a clearly subordinate role to its parent institution in Madrid. ( n20 ) Silva was asked to write the oration for the 1795 prize-giving ceremony in Valencia , and it is within this context that his remarks on Goya 's painting occur . <p> As in his oration of 1772 in Madrid , Silva chose to speak on the imitation of nature. ( n21 ) After some general remarks describing imitation as always having been the object of the arts and insisting on truth as the artist 's only guide , Silva turns to Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent . He begins by picturing a viewer standing before it , a scenario that might seem surprising at first , given the audience of art students that his address was intended to instruct . Moreover , unlike the students , members , and advisers of the academy , the spectator that Silva delineates is not versed in the practice , theory , and history of art . Instead , he describes a simple mother who brings her disobedient son to look at Goya 's picture " in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The focus of their attention is the dying sinner , whose body and facial expression reveal " a soul violently agitated by the cruel regrets of its crimes , and of the hopeless conviction of its approaching eternal damnation " ( 28 ) . Turning his attention to the artist for a moment , Silva employs the overblown rhetoric typical of these orations to suggest that the careful study of nature has permitted Goya to create a convincing depiction of the sinner 's afflictions : <p> You , beautiful nature , you , so varied in your productions , you taught the observant artist the violent convulsions that the desperation of the soul causes in the muscles of the body ; you recited to him the effects that the violent contraction of the muscles necessarily produces in the instantaneous deformation of all of the features ; you demonstrated to him that in this state the circulation of the fluids is suspended , and precisely how the color of the flesh changes .... ( 29 ) . <p> The artist 's naturalistic depiction of the sinner 's body , Silva @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cognitive faculties of those who view it . " Even if the spectator might be the most ignorant and common person as the mother clearly is intended to be a chain of thoughts occurs that persuades him convincingly of the extreme degree of desperation and fury that have come to this unhappy man " ( 30 ) . This involuntary mental process entails unconsciously comparing Goya 's representation of the dying man 's features and body to an archive of images of people agitated by violent passions , which the woman 's sense of sight has stored in her mind . Since the characteristics that she discovers in this figure are " stronger and more evident , livelier and more vehement " ( 29 ) than any she has witnessed previously in nature , she concludes that the passion animating his body must be more violent than any she has ever encountered . The other figures , whom she notices only secondarily , according to Silva , serve to reinforce the interpretation that the representation of the sinner 's body has led her to make . Thus , the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the artist 's exacting imitation of nature , through which he communicates to the beholder the physical and psychological agony of the scene . It is in this way that Goya 's painting provides an example for the students of the academy to follow . The Concept of Expression in Eighteenth-Century Spain <p> In his imagined scenario , Silva articulates a central tenet of Western aesthetic thought : the belief in the expressive character of the human body . This semiotic model presents the body as a visual text to be decoded by the viewer , with external physical signifiers such as pose , gesture , and facial expression encoding the passions , emotions , and inclinations that animate the figure . From this premise , it follows that the skillful practitioner of the art of painting or sculpture " does not simply portray the material aspect of the body ; he also manages to describe and express for us the invisible characteristics of the soul " ( 28 ) . Silva had advocated the same notion in his 1772 oration , in which he states , " The appearance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to make known the passion possessed by the figure being represented " ( 56 ) . <p> These principles regarding expression had been established during the Italian Renaissance by Leon Battista Alberti ( 1404-1472 ) and Leonardo da Vinci ( 1452-1519 ) , and their writings were widely available in Spain at the end of the eighteenth century , thanks to translations by Diego Antonio Rejon de Silva that were published in a single volume in 1784 . In book 2 of On Painting ( 1435 ) , Alberti outlines the requirements for a successful composition and states , " In order that those looking at the picture will be most attentive , it is necessary that the inanimate figures it contains appear as if they are alive by expressing the passions of their souls .... These movements of the soul are made known by those of the body .... " ( n22 ) For his part , Leonardo insists that painted figures should be represented " so that on viewing them one knows immediately what they are thinking or what they wish to say , " and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for guidance. ( n23 ) But in contrast to Alberti 's emphasis on decorum and selective imitation , Leonardo advocates a greater liveliness of expression , famously remarking that without the variety provided by the accidents of nature the depicted figures will appear " twice dead . " ( n24 ) In addition to translating the texts of these Renaissance authors , Rejon de Silva advocated their ideas in his own writings of the 1780s . In 1786 , for example , he published a lengthy poem , entitled La pintura , that put Neoclassical principles into verse . In it he refers to the human face as the " involuntary index / Of the heart , and no less constant " and mentions Alberti and Raphael among his sources. ( n25 ) These were ideas that Rejon would have advocated to his colleagues in the Madrid academy , to which he was named an honorary member in 1780 and an adviser in 1787 . <p> Another important formulation of the concept of expression was the method codified in the seventeenth century by the French painter , theorist , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) His system for representing the passions , outlined in an illustrated lecture to the French Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture in 1668 , was first published in 1698 as Conference de M. Le Brun sur l'expression generale et particuliere . The juxtaposition in this volume ( and countless others based on it ) of highly legible line drawings of the face with brief descriptions of the effects of various mental states on the human features proved to be an easily adaptable method that quickly became one of the cornerstones of academic doctrine throughout Europe . Le Brun 's text provided a means of depicting expression that is based not on an artist 's direct observation ( as had been encouraged by Alberti and Leonardo ) , but rather on his adherence to an established set of pictorial signs that often were followed prescriptively . Moreover , Le Brun privileges the face over the rest of the figure and views the effects of the passions as universal , giving no account of how their somatic manifestation might be conditioned by age , nationality , climate , or other particularizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ direct impact of Le Brun 's ideas in Spain , engravings after his Battles of Alexander , which are a veritable catalogue of the expressive possibilities of the human features , were owned by the Royal Academy of S. Fernando. ( n27 ) Moreover , a book entitled Ensayo sobre el origen y naturaleza de las pasiones , del gesto y de la accion teatral indicates that his approach to representing the passions was not unknown during the final decades of the eighteenth century. ( n28 ) The author of this volume , Fermin Eduardo Zeglirscosac , notes that he has relied on Le Brun 's Conference , ( n29 ) and the illustrations drawn by Francisco de Paula Marti Mora appear to derive from editions of Le Brun 's treatise . Although this text was published more than a decade after Goya 's paintings for the Borgia chapel , the similarity between the dying man 's features in the deathbed scene and the plate depicting " physical pain " ( Fig. 2 , above right ) -- particularly the open mouth and the flaring nostrils -- suggest Goya 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to mind Goya 's image , as it advises that in a figure who is experiencing physical suffering , an " affection of restlessness and activity will manifest itself by the tension of the muscles .... " ( n30 ) <p> A treatise with a much more direct impact on Spanish artists and theorists throughout the eighteenth century was El museo pictorico y escala optica ( 1715-24 ) by the artist and theorist Antonio Palomino ( 1655-1726 ) . ( n31 ) The index of terms at the end of the first volume of Palomino 's three-volume text offers a concise definition of " expresion " as the " action of expressing the passions and inclinations in a figure or narrative that is being painted . " ( n32 ) The second volume , entitled Practica de la pintura , includes a chapter dedicated to physiognomy that begins by establishing the indexical character of the body : " It is a steadfast principle of natural philosophy that the constitution of the human body , and the representation of the face , are infallible indices of the passions and inclinations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brun 's emphasis on facial features , Palomino asserts that although the countenance plays the principal role in revealing internal mental states , the other parts of the figure also have a share , since their configuration depends on " the interior passions and propensities of the mind . " ( n34 ) He goes on to discuss the body as a signifier of both habitual and momentary attitudes , and furnishes descriptions of many of them ( although no illustrations ) , alluding to Leonardo 's Treatise on Painting in the process. ( n35 ) <p> Goya includes Palomino 's Practica de la pintura in his 1783 portrait of the count of Floridablanca ( G-W 203 ) , indicating its status as an emblem of academic thought during the second half of the eighteenth century . This treatise , its title visible on the spine of the binding , serves as an attribute of the sitter 's role as protector of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando . Leaning against the table are plans for the Imperial de Aragon , which , together with Palomino 's text , inform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ theoretical principles of art and their application to solving practical concerns , a pragmatic approach typical of the Spanish Enlightenment. ( n36 ) This duality is made flesh by the juxtaposition of Goya 's self-image , presenting a picture for the count 's inspection , with an unidentified engineer standing in the background . <p> By far the most influential source for late eighteenth-century Spanish ideas on the semiotics of the figure were the paintings and writings of the German Neoclassical artist Anton Raphael Mengs ( 1728-1779 ) . Shortly after completing his famous ceiling in the Villa Albani in Rome , Mengs was called to Madrid in the summer of 1761 to serve as first court painter to Carlos III , a post that he held until his death in 1779. ( n37 ) Mengs devoted most of his attention to the decoration of the Royal Palace in Madrid , but he also executed portraits and religious images . Although he only played a major role in the daily affairs of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando for a couple of years in the mid-1760s , Mengs cast a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spain , particularly in the years following his death in 1779 . A Spanish edition of his writings , translated by his friend Jose Nicolas de Azara , was published in 1780. ( n38 ) In the Royal Academy of S. Fernando prize-giving oration of 1781 -- the first following Mengs 's death -- Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos describes his writings as " the catechism of good taste and the code of professors and lovers of the arts , " and he alludes to " the shadow of Mengs , of the son of Apollo and Minerva , of the philosopher painter , of the master , of the benefactor and the legislator of the arts . " ( n39 ) Bedat suggests that the impact of Mengs reached its apogee in 1784 and that his Neoplatonic outlook had a profound impact on the advisers to the academy , who mention him frequently in their orations. ( n40 ) But Mengs 's influence was not purely theoretical , as the professors of the academy were deeply affected by the example of his practice as an artist . Mariano Maella , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Goya 's brother-in-law Francisco Bayeu ( 1734-1795 ) were among the German artist 's closest followers. ( n41 ) <p> A summary of Mengs 's aesthetic thought appeared in 1776 in the form of a lengthy letter written to Antonio Ponz , who became secretary of the Royal Academy of San Fernando that same year . Ponz included the letter in volume four of his Viaje de Espana ( 1772-94 ) , a monumentally important eighteen-volume undertaking in which he sought to catalogue and describe the cultural riches of Spain . Before discussing the paintings and frescoes in the Royal Palace in Madrid ( the topic of his letter ) , Mengs outlines a hierarchy of artistic styles that progresses from the ideal to the real . After describing the " sublime style , " the " beautiful style , " and the " graceful style , " he comes to the " significant or expressive style . " Mengs indicates his opinion of this mode by summarizing antique attitudes toward it : " The ancient Greeks favored the beautiful over the expressive , preferring not to disfigure forms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n42 ) Thus , in focusing too much on the representation of the passions an artist runs the risk of introducing accidental elements into the composition that are at odds with the creation of ideal beauty , which Mengs had come to value in Rome under the influence of his friend , theorist and antiquarian Johann Joachim Winckelmann ( 1717-1768 ) . <p> Nevertheless , Mengs considered expression to be a fundamental aspect of the art of painting , and he held a deep admiration for the depiction of the passions in the art of Raphael , which he saw as paradigmatic of the expressive style . However , in praising Raphael , he criticizes other modern artists -- for whom we might imagine Le Brun and adherents to his method -- for the affectation that often enters into expression in their works . In discussing Raphael 's style of drawing , Mengs writes : <p> That which , above all else , causes amazement ... is that the character of the painted figures corresponds in such a way to the actions in which they are represented that one seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but rather by natural inclination , is engaged in the activity depicted by Raphael , and this is apparent not only in the physiognomy , which makes known the state of mind of men , but also in the complete form of his body and its parts. ( n43 ) <p> His esteem for the Italian artist is manifested in a series of drawings after the heads found in the School of Athens , which were engraved during the mid-1780s by the Italian printmaker Domenico Cunego and published in a folio entitled Cabezas de personages de la escuela de Atenas de Rafael. ( n44 ) <p> Through Mengs , Raphael exercised an important influence on Spanish thought and practice regarding expression . In La pintura ( 1786 ) , Rejon de Silva voices admiration for Raphael 's portrayal of the passions and singles out The Fall on the Road to Calvary , then hanging in the Royal Palace in Madrid , for special praise. ( n45 ) Moreover , the library of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando owned several volumes of reproductive prints after Raphael 's work , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Raphael appears to have been the best-represented artist in the reproductive print holdings. ( n46 ) Into the 1790s artists in the Madrid academy continued to view Raphael 's art as the paradigm of expression . For example , during the debates of 1792 on reforming the academy 's educational program , the painter Luis Paret y Alcazar and Manuel Salvador Carmona , the director of engraving and Mengs 's son-in-law , both recommended in their reports that students be required to study the heads in the paintings of Raphael. ( n47 ) Expression in Goya 's Art , 1780-99 <p> Goya 's religious paintings of the 1780s , leading up to the Valencia commission , indicate his profound interest in the expressive potential of the human figure . The Christ on the Cross ( Fig. 3 ) of 1780 adheres closely to the Mengsian paradigm of idealizing expression . In fact , the disposition of the figure is closely related to a representation of the same subject by Mengs ( Fig. 4 ) , which hung in the bedroom of Carlos III in the Royal Palace at Aranjuez. ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an upturned gaze that makes him accessible to the viewer and could plausibly be derived from handbooks on representing the passions . In each case the body is presented in a graceful contrapposto pose and with little evidence of physical suffering aside from a few discreet drops of blood around the crown of thorns , the nails in the feet , and on the cloth . This minimizing of the physical aspects of the Crucifixion is quite different from the concealed face and emphasis on the body in the Christ on the Cross by Diego Velazquez ( Fig. 5 ) , after whose works in the Spanish royal collection Goya had executed a series of prints in 1778. ( n49 ) Velazquez 's painting foregrounds the somatic nature of the subject , featuring a visible wound , blood-streaked hands and feet , and a sharp lighting that emphasizes Christ 's corporeality . <p> In Mengs 's letter of 1776 on the royal collection , Velazquez exemplifies the " naturalistic style , " which is discussed after the " expressive style " and just before Mengs turns to the " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the other hand , is informed by the principle of imitating selectively from nature , a classically inspired concept that Mengs emphasized in his writings , which were published in Spain the year that Goya executed this painting : " ... if a picture contains the most beautiful parts of nature , and each one shows the truth within it , it will be a work of good taste .... " ( n50 ) The artist 's goal is to create a figure of ideal beauty that surpasses nature by virtue of the perfection of its forms . Significantly , this painting served as Goya 's reception piece for entry into the Royal Academy of S. Fernando . In aligning himself with Mengs rather than Velazquez , Goya was attempting to gain admission into the academy by appealing to the current tastes of its members and advisers . His intention would have been to demonstrate his ability to paint religious subjects in the favored , idealizing manner at a time when he would have been known primarily as a painter of lower-class genre scenes of peasants and majos , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being called to Madrid by Mengs in the winter of 1774. ( n51 ) <p> In the wake of this demonstration piece , Goya 's religious paintings of the next several years reveal a more varied and pragmatic treatment of the human form as a carrier of meaning . In these works the artist is careful to take into account the specific demands of the subject , the commission , and the context in which the painting was to be seen . Nevertheless , Goya continues to operate , to varying degrees , within the framework for depicting the figure set forth by Mengs . The canvas portraying Saint Bernardine of Siena Preaching before Alfonso V of Aragon ( Fig. 6 ) is noteworthy for its varied treatment of face and gesture . Commissioned in 1781 for the church of S. Francisco el Grande in Madrid but not unveiled until 1784 , this work portrays the Franciscan saint addressing a deeply attentive audience . The wide range in age , physiognomy , and gesture conveys an individuality of response among the listeners . Goya includes his own likeness at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mengs 's self-portrait at the left of his Adoration of the Shepherds ( Fig. 7 ) , commissioned by Carlos III in 1770 and hanging in the Royal Palace in Madrid. ( n52 ) Although at the opposite end of the social hierarchy from Goya 's courtiers , the shepherds in Mengs 's painting also exhibit disparate reactions to the miracle before them , and they display the same combination of humility and nobility that characterizes the noblemen and their attendants in Goya 's painting . <p> Closer examination reveals that aside from the similar emphasis on expression , the two works exhibit important differences , in Mengs 's painting , the garments worn by the shepherds and Joseph suggest that these figures are intended to evoke classical statuary , while the Virgin is reminiscent of figures found in the art . of Raphael , and Mengs himself acts as the intercessor found in many Renaissance paintings . Goya , by contrast , infuses his image with a greater degree of naturalism , treating a religious subject as if it were a history painting . The elegant and colorful costumes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specificity of the image and to create an air of historical accuracy , although , in fact , they date from several centuries after the event depicted. ( n53 ) The sense of naturalism is intensified by the circumscription of supernatural allusions to the shaft of divine light and the star above the saint 's head , in contrast to the angels who occupy the upper third of Mengs 's image . The earthbound tenor of Goya 's picture is even more striking in the context of the works painted for the same church by his rivals , including Maella and Francisco Bayeu. ( n54 ) The profusion of clouds and angels in their productions are probably a direct response to similar elements in the unfinished Annunication by Mengs that Carlos III ordered to be installed in the council room of the Madrid Academy in 1780 as an example to the professors and their students. ( n55 ) <p> Following his modest success with the canvas for S. Francisco el Grande , Goya obtained a number of important religious commissions . Perhaps most significant among these was the royal commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side altars of the convent of S. Ana in Valladolid. ( n56 ) For this project , Goya utilized a more strictly classicizing artistic mode that has none of the specificity of detail found in the depiction of Saint Bernardine . Among the S. Ana paintings , The Death of Saint Joseph ( Fig. 8 ) is crucial for our understanding of the development of the Valencia deathbed scene , perhaps begun in the same year . Its precisely structured composition portrays Christ and Mary making restrained gestures of grief at the instant of Joseph 's death , which his gracefully clasped hands and heavy eyelids indicate to be a moment of peaceful surrender to his fate . The carefully painted , heavily draped figures have a generalized quality reflective of the principle of selective imitation , which was championed in the oration delivered at the prize-giving ceremony of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando held on July 14 , 1787 , a couple of months before the dedication of the convent . In that address , the duke of Almodovar invoked the " immortal Mengs " in stating that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perfect imitation of the most carefully chosen nature .... " ( n57 ) <p> Compositionally , however , The Death of Saint Joseph has a pared-down , geometric quality that is more austere than Mengs 's approach . Mary 's tilted pose and the broad swath of divine light ( an expansion of that which falls on Saint Bernardine ) create intersecting diagonals that are balanced by the right angle formed by Christ and Joseph . The result is an emphasis on order and decorum , in both execution and mood , that echoes the classically inspired austerity of the building , which had been designed by court architect Francisco Sabatini. ( n58 ) In a letter to Martin Zapater , Goya captures the tenor of the painting by alluding to the " architectonic style estilo arquitecttnico , " which he notes is in fashion at the moment. ( n59 ) <p> Although The Appearance of Saint Francis by Michel-Ange Houasse ( 1722 ) has been proposed as a source for the composition of Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent , ( n60 ) a preliminary drawing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Death of Saint Joseph as a point of departure for the Valencia painting . The basic compositional structure of the drawing appears to derive from the relation between Christ and Joseph ; however , the upper body and head of the dying man are turned slightly toward the viewer . These subtle changes have significant ramifications for the observer 's relation to the image , as they break down the " fourth wall " and force the viewer into dialogue with the depicted figure . An even more direct engagement with the viewer had been present in an oil study for The Death of St. Joseph ( Fig. 10 ) , in which a foreshortened deathbed projects into the observer 's space and the anguished expression of the saint becomes the composition 's focal point . The emotionalism in the oil sketch for S. Ana is heightened by the emphasis on the relationship between father and son , enacted through their reciprocal gazes and Christ 's embracing gesture . Another important similarity between this sketch and the preliminary drawing for the Valencia Cathedral work is the presence of supernatural figures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the final version of The Death of Saint Joseph . In the drawing of Saint Francis Borgia and the dying man , several loosely outlined beings occupy the upper half of the image ; the one on the right , who seems to have horns , might represent a fleeing demon who has been exorcized . In spite of these common elements , the crucial difference between these two images is the exposure of the dying man 's body in the sketch for the Borgia painting . <p> By the time Goya made an oil sketch for the Osuna commission ( Fig. 11 ) , the subject had changed from exorcism ( or possibly extreme unction ) to damnation , with the demonic identity of the creatures now made plain by their monstrous forms ( not fully visible in the illustration ) . Moreover , the appeal to the viewer has been significantly increased by replacing the profile view of the saint in the preliminary drawing with a frontal pose and theatrical gestures that are mirrored in his wide-eyed , frowning expression. ( n61 ) In addition , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and an intensified sense of suffering in his features , particularly apparent in the sunken eyes and open mouth . Taken as a whole , the order and generalization of the drawing have given way to a sense of frenzied antagonism and a specificity of forms , as the dying man 's restless agony contrasts dramatically with Saint Francis 's pious zeal . The distinct vertical line created by the edge of the curtain marks this opposition by firmly dividing the composition in two . At the same time , however , the exposed right foot of the condemned man just touches the saint 's robe , establishing a sense of interrelation between them . <p> The final painting includes alterations to the composition of the oil sketch designed to lend the work a more harmonious feeling . Goya reduced the number of demons and clarified their forms , softened the folds of the curtain , and introduced a greater degree of idealization into the figure of Saint Francis. ( n62 ) The saint 's more balanced pose echoes that of Saint Bernardine in the painting for S. Francisco el @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hand . But the unflinching naturalism of the sinner 's body , which so interests Pedro de Silva in his address to the Valencia academy , remains intact . In fact , it is deepened by exposure of more of his midsection and the introduction of the clenching gesture of his hand . Within the context of Goya 's religious paintings of the 1780s , the emotional extremes of the two principal figures in this work signify his ultimate rejection of the idealizing concept of expression advocated by Mengs and his Spanish followers . Indeed , the sharp contrast in expression around which Goya 's image is structured creates just the sort of affectation to which Mengs had objected in his letter on the paintings in the Royal Palace in Madrid . Moreover , the emphasis on face and gesture in Goya 's previous religious works has been replaced by a concept of expression that encompasses the entire figure. ( n63 ) <p> Although this lack of idealization is unique in the artist 's sacred works up to this point , parallels for the naturalism of the condemned man occur @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later 1780s for the Royal Tapestry Factory . One such example is the cartoon depicting Summer , or The Harvest ( Fig. 12 ) , commissioned in 1786 as part of a series of the four seasons for the dining room of the prince and princess of Asturias in the Pardo Palace. ( n64 ) This canvas , the largest of Goya 's tapestry cartoons , portrays a moment of repose from the work in the fields as figures laze in an idyllic , golden landscape . Goya provides a compendium of the expressive possibilities of the human face and figure , from the alarm of the women behind the hay cart to the complete rest of the man lying in front of her . The contrast between the crying baby and the smiling figures at the center of the groups around it brings to mind comments by both Alberti and Leonardo on the difficulty the painter confronts in differentiating these two facial expressions , a feat that Goya proves he is capable of accomplishing . The group standing at the left is particularly interesting in terms of its variety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by three companions , one of whom fills his glass while another holds his rake and the third steadies him . The central figure 's foolish grin and unfocused , cross-eyed gaze signify his inebriation . His disheveled clothes and spread-legged stance , which suggests a lack of balance , offer a sharp contrast to the graceful pose of the figure with the flask . The somatic disparity between these two figures , and the knowing glances of the other surrounding companions , lend the work a comic tone . <p> The particularity of expression in this composition characterizes several of the sketches and cartoons for tapestries that Goya executed during the later 1780s. ( n65 ) As a whole , these works represent a departure from the round-faced , idealized peasants found in his cartoons of the 1770s , whose formulaic physiognomies are holdovers from the late Baroque style popular during the artist 's youth. ( n66 ) Thus , the sinner in Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent is part of a general shift in Goya 's work toward a more naturalistic mode of imitation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . These developments continue into the early 1790s and reach a critical stage -- it is tempting to call it a crisis -- in the Yard with Lunatics of 1793-94 ( Fig. 13 ) . This small-scale work was the last in the series of uncommissioned cabinet paintings that Goya executed during his long convalescence from the life-threatening illness that struck him late in 1792. ( n67 ) Through its violent extremes of facial expression and pose , chaotic jumble of bodies , lack of compositional structure , and inexplicable , frenetic action , this extraordinary painting images madness by subverting the Neoclassical celebration of the nude male form . Given this violation of accepted academic practices , it is not surprising that Goya requested the intervention of Bernardo de Iriarte , vice-protector of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando , in presenting the cabinet pictures to his fellow academicians . Whether the artist 's peers ever saw the Yard with Lunatics , which was still in Goya 's possession when the other works were shown on January 5 , 1794 , remains unknown . It is hard to imagine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if not shock them . The artist 's claim in one of his letters to Iriarte that the painting depicts a scene that he had actually witnessed might be read as an attempt to account for its transgression of academic standards by suggesting that it was created according to a set of artistic precepts founded on direct observation rather than idealized imitation. ( n68 ) Imitation and the Expressive Body <p> It is not unreasonable to imagine that an educated viewer -- one more learned than the mother described by Silva -- would have approached Goya 's impenitent man in relation to other depictions of suffering bodies . After all , the 1780s were a time of growing awareness in Spain regarding artistic tradition . In addition to Antonio Ponz 's Viaje de Espana , another important undertaking to make known the glories of Spanish art was the Compania para el Grabado de los Cuadros de los Reales Palacios , an organization established in 1789 to create and disseminate prints of important paintings in the royal collection. ( n69 ) The etchings that Goya made in 1778 after works @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be considered part of this awakening of art historical consciousness , which is reflected in discussions of the art of the past in the orations delivered to the Royal Academy in Madrid. ( n70 ) Against this background , the body of the dying sinner might bring to mind the martyrs found in seventeenth-century Spanish painting , in which physical evidence of torture testifies to a saint 's faith . A work such as Jusepe de Ribera 's Martyrdom of Saint Philip of 1639 ( Fig. 14 ) provides a heuristically useful comparison -- in terms of both similarities and differences -- for the tormented body in Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent. ( n71 ) In both of these canvases , the nude male form provides a site on which to inscribe physical torment and , thus , through which to indicate the internal , mental anguish that it induces . <p> Eighteenth-century analyses of Ribera 's work emphasize the same kind of observational veracity and exacting naturalism that Silva admires in Goya 's picture , with Palomino setting the tone for subsequent authors in El @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and devout subjects as much as he liked expressing horrifying and harsh things , such as the bodies of old men : dry , wrinkled , and lean , with gaunt and withered faces , everything done accurately after the model with extraordinary skill , vigor , and elegant technique . " ( n72 ) Mengs provides a similar estimation in his letter to Ponz on the Spanish royal collection , describing Ribera as " admirable in the imitation of the natural , the force of his chiaroscuro and the handling of his brushes , as well as in demonstrating the accidents of the body , such as wrinkles , hair , etc. " ( n73 ) This evaluation conforms to the artistic mode that Mengs describes elsewhere in the text as the " naturalistic style , " and which was exemplified by Velazquez . Thus , from the standpoint of the selective imitation advocated by Mengs and his Spanish followers , Ribera 's painstaking representation of unimproved nature would be seen as indicative of a certain skill , but as pushing the limits of acceptability. ( n74 ) <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1772 , one suspects that he would have agreed with Mengs 's assessment of Ribera . By contrast , the emphasis on naturalism in his 1795 analysis of Goya 's canvas indicates a dramatic change in outlook , revealing a shift in the theoretical underpinnings of his thought . In contrast to the idealist , Neoplatonic attitude , indebted to Mengs , that had animated Silva 's earlier text , the 1795 oration to the Valencia academy relies on a sensory-based epistemology to explore the issue of imitation . This transformation reflects the significant impact that sensationalism exercised on Spanish aesthetic thought ( as well as on many other fields of inquiry ) during the 1780s and 1790s. ( n75 ) Its influence is most evident in Esteban de Arteaga 's Investigaciones filosoficas sobre la belleza ideal , published in 1789 . In the course of his treatise Arteaga indicates the two most important sources for sensationalist concepts in the eighteenth century , as well as the important implications of this epistemology for the artist : <p> There is no idea or concept in the mind , however spiritual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ either directly or indirectly , have its origin in the senses , as Locke and Condillac , among others , have demonstrated ; and therefore there is no object that can not be invested with a corporeal image , and by consequence that is not capable of being imitated more or less perfectly. ( n76 ) <p> In his address of 1795 , de Silva alludes not to Locke and Condillac , but rather to the classical source of their ideas , stating that since the time of Aristotle it has been recognized that " the human understanding forms its concepts from no materials other than those that it has received through the senses " ( 26 ) . Thus , " the most original compositions ... are nothing more than ingenious combinations of particular ideas , each received through the doors of the senses .... " ( 27 ) . From this premise follows his assertion that the representation of internal mental states depends on the careful observation of nature : <p> In order to express the passions , the painter needs a reflexive understanding of all of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and of the different modifications of these effects according to the complexion , age , climate , and other individual circumstances of the subject in which they reside ( 31 ) . <p> In this passage , the high degree of detail and the emphasis on the entire body differ from the generalized formulas of Le Brun and reflects the importance placed on the study of anatomy as a central component of artistic training in Spain at this time . Anatomy was viewed as one of the auxiliary sciences ( together with geometry and perspective ) on which artistic education should be founded . Under the influence of Mengs , Felipe de Castro , director of the Royal Academy of S. Fernando , called for the creation of chairs in these disciplines in 1763. ( n77 ) The reexamination of artistic training that took place in the academy during the 1790s reaffirmed the pedagogical value of anatomy . The engraver Juan Adan stressed the significance of its study in his report on education , pointing to the need for " a treatise on anatomy with an exact symmetry of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symmetry and proportion of the body was also underscored in the report given by Manuel Salvador Carmona . Moreover , at a special meeting , held in August 1792 , vice-protector Bernardo de Iriarte had emphasized the importance of " a suitable number of good drawings of all parts of the human body and of academies or complete bodies . " ( n79 ) <p> Before the late 1780s , however , discussions of the painstaking study of the human body were balanced by invocations of classical statuary as a normative standard to guide artists away from the accidents of nature and toward the creation of ideal beauty . To this end , the Madrid Academy owned casts after the most famous antique works , and it should come as no surprise that in 1768 Mengs had been entrusted with the task of obtaining these objects . Eventually , at the suggestion of Pedro de Silva , the academy decided in 1773 to acquire Mengs 's own renowned collection of plaster casts. ( n80 ) Of course , travel to Italy offered another avenue by which the aspiring artist could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Goya 's notebook recording his experiences in Italy in the early 1770s reveals the importance of the classical in his own artistic formation. ( n81 ) But his report on education , delivered together with those of other professors and advisers at a special session of the Madrid academy on October 14 , 1792 , suggests a change in outlook , for it includes a vehement attack on artists who use antique prototypes as pedagogical tools : <p> What a scandal to hear nature deprecated in comparison to Greek statues by one who knows neither the one , nor the other , without acknowledging that the smallest part of Nature confounds and amazes those who know most ! What statue , or cast of it might there be , that is not copied from Divine Nature ? As excellent as the artist may be who copied it , can he not but proclaim that placed at its side , one is the work of God , and the other of our miserable hands ? He who wishes to distance himself , to correct nature without seeking the best of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and monotonous manner , of paintings , of plaster models , as has happened to all who have done this exactly ? ( n82 ) <p> Elsewhere in this text Goya speaks about the imitation of nature in terms that suggest the impact of sensationalism : " What a profound and impenetrable arcanum is encompassed in the imitation of divine nature , without which there is nothing good , not only in Painting ( that has no other task than its exact imitation ) but in the other sciences . " <p> Goya 's emphasis on visual observation at the expense of received models is echoed not by his fellow artists , who by and large remained under the spell of Mengsian classicism , but rather by the advisers to the Madrid academy . The latter group frequently expounded sensationalist views in the prize-giving orations presented during the 1790s . In 1796 , for example , the count of Teba asserts : <p> The Artist who adheres to the servile imitation of antique models , as many do as well as teach , will not be more than a miserable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of copying , will have learned some form by heart . I say that the principal model of the Artist is nature , that if he studies it he could achieve invention and know the beauty that exists in it , and by this route he could come to be a master. ( n83 ) <p> Sensationalism had significant implications not just for the means by which the artist creates a work of art but also for the character of the viewer 's response to it . These ramifications are indicated by Silva 's insistence that the effect of Goya 's painting results from the involuntary workings of the beholder 's sensory and cognitive apparatus . It is the artist 's accurate transcription of nature , as we have seen , that activates the expressive potential of the figure through an appeal to the viewer 's sense of sight . Silva was not alone in suggesting that the powerful effect of visual art resulted from the indelible impact of sensory data on human perception . In the oration at the 1799 prize-giving ceremony of the Royal Academy in Madrid , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> The glorious deeds , represented by painting or sculpture move us , inflame us , raise the soul , sweep us toward virtue , make us indignant toward vice , and do so with the same violence as the most persuasive , most vehement , and most demonstrative lessons of philosophy .... The instruction that enters by the doors of the senses , aside from being the most durable , accommodates itself best to the common capacity of men . The people are better served by their eyes than their minds. ( n84 ) <p> In this passage , Cabrera puts a sensationalist spin on the Neoclassical principle of the exemplum virtutis : the work of art that in representing a morally didactic theme provides a model for the spectator to emulate. ( n85 ) The Andromache Mourning Hector ( Fig. 15 ) that Jacques-Louis David executed in 1783 as his reception piece , and to which Goya 's painting is frequently compared , epitomizes the idea of representing noble actions intended to serve as a paradigm for the viewer. ( n86 ) By structuring his analysis around a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the canvas in Valencia Cathedral , Silva relies on the familiarity of his audience with this concept . However , Goya 's painting inverts the notion of the exemplum virtutis , providing an example to be avoided rather than one to be followed . This message is transmitted by the sinner 's body , its agony signifying not the moral virtue of a fallen Trojan warrior d la David , but rather the unspeakable punishments being enacted on an impenitent man. ( n87 ) Thus , although the forms and compositions of these two works bear some resemblance , the meanings they enact are diametrically opposed . Goya 's picture also differs from the Martyrdom of Saint Philip in this way , for although Ribera 's saint offers a precedent for the representation of physical anguish , he is a figure for the viewer to admire and follow -- at least in terms of the depth of his faith . <p> The comparison with Ribera 's scene of martyrdom helps to illuminate through difference another essential aspect of Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent . Although both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imitation to portray torments enacted on the human body , Goya 's style in this picture is not limited to a single artistic idiom . This is most apparent in the sharp dissimilarity between the figures of Saint Francis and the sinner . In contrast to the faithful imitation of the dying man 's flesh , the saint 's form is dematerialized , with only his hands and facial features revealed to the viewer . The rest of his body -- even his feet -- is denied to our gaze by the concealing , high-necked garment that he wears . In addition , his graceful , curving gestures are juxtaposed with the rigidity of the sinner 's limbs , and the strong effects of chiaroscuro around the anguished features of the condemned man contrast with the soft , even lighting that illuminates the saint 's face . Moreover , close inspection reveals that the application of paint differs between the two figures , with the face of the sinner having been handled more loosely . Thus , the painting operates through the juxtaposition of two types of imitation : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Saint Francis Borgia. ( n88 ) This contrast enacts formally and stylistically the psychological and spiritual struggle between these figures , giving visual form to the conflict between body and spirit . <p> This line of analysis can be extended a step further , since the demonic creatures lurking in the background conform to yet a third imitative principle that is examined in contemporary aesthetic writing . Although Silva passes over these figures in his analysis of Goya 's painting , in the course of his remarks he touches briefly on the depiction of monsters , referring the audience to his discussion of them in his address before the Madrid academy in 1772 , from which we might surmise that his opinion on this topic has not changed . In the earlier text , Silva argues that the artist creates even monsters through the imitation of nature . Citing the strange beast described by the Roman poet Horace in the opening section of his Ars poetica , Silva argues that such creatures are absurd compilations of elements found in nature. ( n89 ) Thus , monsters result from an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the artist takes forms that exist independently in nature and fuses them into anomalous combinations that are strange and unsettling rather than beautiful . As Silva states in his address of 1772 : " The same objects that delight us when they are copied are also .. , the origin of monsters . " ( n90 ) <p> Silva continues in the 1772 oration by referring to the most important artistic example of such creatures in Spain : the works of Hieronymus Bosch that had entered the royal collection in the second half of the sixteenth century , during the reign of Philip II : <p> Everyone is aware that the delirios of Bosch ( who is celebrated for having arrived at the extreme of disorder in his imagination ) consist of a joining of figures composed from the most dissonant and strange parts , but such that each part is in itself an accurate copy of some material object that we see everyday. ( n91 ) <p> Similar estimations of Bosch and his art appeared during subsequent years . A prominent example is the publication of Felipe de @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared for the first time in 1788 in an edition edited by Antonio Ponz , secretary of the Madrid academy . This text contains a passage on Bosch that argues the same position found in Silva 's address , as Guevara insists that the Flemish artist , unlike some of his followers , always remained within the limits of nature , painting " things that were strange but natural . " ( n92 ) <p> In summary , Saint Francis Borgia at the Deathbed of an Impenitent represents a dual shift in Goya 's art , toward both the natural and the fantastic . At the same time , the figure of the saint indicates the continued influence of the Mengsian principle of ideal beauty . The painting , then , possesses a polyphonic quality that encourages us to consider it as a meditation -- surely unconscious and unintentional -- on the nature of artistic imitation. ( n93 ) It may be that Goya 's personal relationship with the Osunas allowed him the freedom to experiment . In any event , this canvas marks an important crossroads in Goya 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ begin to execute in the mid-1790s , starting with the Yard with Lunatics and particularly in the Caprichos , the search for ideal beauty falls away and the dichotomy between naturalism and fantasy becomes a central concern , as it would continue to be for the remainder of Goya 's life . More broadly ( and speculatively ) , one might argue that in bringing together these three competing conceptions of imitation , Goya 's image presents in microcosmic form a set of conflicts -- between classicism and realism , between realism and the imaginary -- that would play themselves out in European art over the course of the next century . <p>
@@4012541 Sigurd Ibsen and Ringeren , 1898-1899 <p> ON SATURDAY , JANUARY 1 , 1898 , the first issue of Ringeren , a weekly magazine about contemporary politics , culture , and criticism appeared in Kristiania . The magazine 's name was chosen , according to its founder and editor , Sigurd Ibsen , the son of playwright Henrik Ibsen , " because the weekly 's purpose was to wake up and admonish , to toll the bell for all contemporary questions , both at home and abroad , which call for our common attention . " ( n1 ) Any relevant social question would be considered for publication , according to Ibsen , but Ringeren also included a wide range of essays on European and American literature. ( n2 ) As the son of Henrik Ibsen , Sigurd believed social and political ideas were essential elements of literature . Their inclusion , therefore , appears to have been a natural extension of this Ibsen world view . In addition to its specific content , Ibsen recognized the magazine would have broader appeal with contributions from well known and respected writers in Norway . Having established contacts with the literary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also through his own work , Ibsen contacted more than forty persons including Bjornstjerne Bjornson , Knut Hamsun , Fridtjof Nansen , Ernst Sars , and Arne Garborg , among others , to invite them to contribute to the publication . When a trial issue was published on November 27 , 1897 , Ibsen 's original list of forty-two names had grown to sixty-six. ( n3 ) If subscribers could be enticed by the formidable array of talent , Ringeren might not only be a significant financial success , but an influential organ in the political debate which Ibsen himself had been leading against the Union with Sweden . With the profile Ibsen gave it and the essays he contributed to it , Ringeren , in fact , would represent a decisive moment in the Norwegian debate over the dissolution of the union with Sweden , a union which Norwegians had come to doubt if not outrightly resent . But more than a political publication , Ibsen envisioned Ringeren contributing to the cultural enlightenment of Norwegians as well . <p> As promising as its initial issues were , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it glowed brightly but only briefly . Its most important months were during 1898 when Ibsen served as the editor . Carl Naerup , a prolific literary critic and friend of Ibsen , kept it alive through 1899 , but he was unable to provide the lively political resonance it possessed under Ibsen himself . <p> Although no readers ' poll is available for Ringeren , many reasons led to its demise . How could this magazine , which Norwegian historian Wilhelm Kielhau once wrote , " had reached a level which no Norwegian weekly has achieved before or since ; ' become so quickly irrelevant ? ( n4 ) What kind of publication was Ringeren , and what role did Ibsen play in its initial success and ultimate failure ? In many ways , Ringeren , can not be separated from its founder . Sigurd Ibsen conceived it , he nourished it by giving it a distinct profile , and it died when he abandoned it . <p> Sigurd Ibsen was born in Christiania in 1959 and named after the hero in his father 's most recent play , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Norway when his father left the country in 1864 , Sigurd grew up and was educated on the continent , completing gymnasium in Munich and taking a doctorate in law in Rome in 1882 before his twenty-third birthday . Although frequent trips to Norway with his mother gave him an understanding and an appreciation for the land of his birth , his father 's oftstated hostility and bitterness toward Norway in addition to his own subsequent disappointments led him in 1883 to consider entering the Italian foreign service . Only the intervention of his father to secure him a stipend combined with the positive impression he made on the new prime minister , Johan Sverdrup , in 1884 led to his appointment to the Consulate Office of the Department of the Interior . In March , 1885 , he was given an attache position with the Swedish-Norwegian foreign service. ( n5 ) <p> Following a brief posting in Stockholm , he was sent to Washington , Dc where he spent two formative years . While in America , he refused to write his reports in Swedish as required choosing instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also gained first-hand experience with the Swedish attitude of superiority toward Norway . The unwillingness of Swedish foreign office officials to acknowledge Norway as Sweden 's equal in the Union the young Ibsen took as a personal affront . His outspoken views on the matter resulted in his Swedish colleagues coming to perceive him as a " radical " and they were given orders not to talk politics with him . <p> During Ibsen 's tenure in America , seen largely through numerous personal letters to his parents , he developed a growing sensitivity to questions of fairness and equality and an awareness of being a European . But more importantly , Ibsen 's American experience awakened in him a latent sense of being a Norwegian . When he left America in i888 , although posted to Vienna , it was only a matter of time before he would settle in Norway . <p> Growing increasingly irritated by the attitudes he confronted daily , Ibsen resigned from the foreign service in 1890 . His father , though initially believing Sigurd 's action to be " a catastrophe , " came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) Subsequently , in a series of newspaper articles in Dagbladet , Sigurd attacked both the foreign service and its diplomats . His public stance brought criticism but also support , most notably from the family friend Bjornstjerne Bjornson . In his reply to Bjornson 's initial letter of support , Ibsen told his future father-in-law that he had been a great influence on his sense of national honor . Ibsen further noted that he had only begun to attack the existing structure of the joint Swedish-Norwegian foreign office : " In the time I have spent in the diplomatic service , I have developed an all too strong consciousness of the absurdity and the unfairness of present conditions that I feel it my duty to oppose the existing system . " ( n7 ) Continuing his attacks in subsequent articles , Ibsen 's criticism extended to his fellow Norwegians as well for what he called their " sins of negligence ; ' " laziness , " and " cowardly incompetence " which had characterized Norwegian Union politics. ( n8 ) <p> Clearly radicalized by his foreign service experiences , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diplomats to take the initiative in its conflict with Sweden . He also believed that the broader public was , to a great extent , uninformed and lacked sufficient understanding of the true nature of the Union with Sweden . To provide information and create a better understanding , Ibsen published Unionen , a 195-page overview of the history of the Union since 1814 and a theoretical foundation for a policy aimed at establishing a separate Norwegian foreign office organized by Norwegian initiative . " There are two ways such a proactive stance can happen , " he wrote . " Norway ... can either take matters into her own hands or enter into negotiations . " ( n9 ) Negotiations , however , required mutual respect and an assumption of equality between the negotiators . Based on his own experiences in the foreign service , he concluded that such assumptions and respect did not exist : <p> ( Norway has grown in population , welfare , and enlightenment . It does not matter . Among seafaring nations , she has achieved foremost status . It does not matter . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Europe are almost exclusively Norwegian . It does not matter . However far Norwegians have come , their kinsmen in Sweden only see a Scandinavian of so to say second class . One needs only to have lived in Sweden or have been associated with influential Swedes -- and I speak here from personal experience -- to understand how deeply held is the attitude that Norway is fundamentally a nation of simpletons. ( n10 ) ) <p> Ibsen believed that because of these attitudes and Sweden 's unwillingness to negotiate , Norway had to act unilaterally in order to establish a separate foreign office including a separate consular service . Encouraged by Ibsen 's arguments , Venstre The Liberal Party adopted his slogan of unilateral action in the 1891 elections. ( n11 ) <p> The more aggressive policy followed after 1891 bore no fruit , however , and , in 1895 , Norwegians were forced to withdraw their claims for unilateral action and accept new negotiations or face possible Swedish military action . Ibsen pointed to the lack of political unity in Norway as contributing to the continuing crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Norwegian action , an aggressive policy would remain a party , not a national , position . In a letter to Bjornson on March 4 , 1895 , Ibsen pointed out that , in reality , the Union crisis was not Norway against Sweden , but Venstre against Sweden and Hoyre . Although new political alignments and new policies were inevitable , Ibsen believed , only by uniting behind a single policy could the Gordian knot be cut. ( n12 ) <p> In late 1895 , Ibsen set aside his anti-Union rhetoric to prepare a series of lectures on sociology in support of a professorship the Storting was planning to establish at the University in Oslo. ( n13 ) Although the lectures were well attended and argued convincingly for the chair in sociology , the evaluation committee rejected Ibsen as " not qualified . " In reality , sociology as a discipline was probably being rejected rather than Ibsen himself : forty years lapsed before a position in sociology was established at the University . Ibsen , however , took the rejection personally . Again , he considered leaving the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a large German or Italian newspaper. ( n14 ) Friends lobbied to have another professorship earmarked for him , but he rejected their suggestions . <p> Mentally and physically exhausted by what he perceived as humiliating treatment , Ibsen spent the summer of 1897 in Italy . When his wife , Bergliot , joined him in Monsummano , she found him to be depressed and having difficulty eating and sleeping . Family and friends closed ranks around him by publicly protesting the committee 's decision . Christen Collin , a friend and literary critic , published a vigorous defense in Verdens Gang , while Henrik Ibsen notified the University that he would never set foot in its buildings again. ( n15 ) Bjornson encouraged Sigurd to consider running for parliament , a suggestion he found flattering , but subsequently rejected believing he had nothing in common with Norwegian politicians or their constituency. ( n16 ) If active politics were not the answer , Ibsen obviously believed nonetheless that he could still make some kind of contribution because he had so much to say . <p> In the summer of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ibsen returned to the Union question , the one area where he had received positive response from his countrymen . He reworked some earlier essays and developed new ones , with the intention of publishing them in a new magazine he had envisioned-Ringeren . To Bergliot , he wrote that he was working on some articles , in spite of being " full of scorn and hate . " ( n17 ) Bergliot Ibsen wrote to a friend just before Ringeren appeared that Sigurd was " beginning a new magazine which interests him a great deal . He has had such a hard time , but now we hope things will be better . " ( n18 ) <p> Focusing on Ringeren , Ibsen could avoid thinking of the personal attacks and how unfairly he believed he had been treated . He sent letters of invitation to scores of cultural personalities and received commitments from most . To Bjornson , he noted the importance of a contribution in the first issue : " ... a column from your hand will exercise great influence and gain us more subscribers than anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Although Ibsen , needing to be mindful of the economics of the venture , focused on the business side of Ringeren , the opportunity to disseminate his views was more important for him . Paying subscribers were important , to be sure , but they were also readers , readers who could be informed and influenced . In addition to Bjornson , Ibsen listed J. Ernst Sars , Norway 's national historian , as collaborator , while he assumed the title of editor . <p> Bjornson and Sars had each achieved a public prominence that had elevated them to the level of Norwegian cultural icons by x898 . Bjornson with his novels and poetry had achieved a national status that probably outranked Sigurd 's own father . He swirled across the cultural landscape like a tornado . Sars , the ideologue of the Liberal Party had , with his history , Udsigt over den norske historie , shaped the identity of a generation and articulated Norway 's historical development . Each was a dominating presence in the cultural landscape of the country . <p> As editor of Ringeren , Ibsen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ metaphorical fables with political overtones . One article , a sketch of German chancellor Otto von Bismarck , pointed to Ibsen 's interest in general European political affairs , but more significantly , to his fascination with individual personalities as driving forces in history. ( n20 ) Eight of his articles , however , dealt with the Swedish-Norwegian Union . As such , they represented , in effect , a continuation of his earlier writings , particularly in his renewed criticism of Swedish attitudes and the denial of Norwegian equality . Ibsen 's lead article in the first issue , a portrait of Sweden 's conservative prime minister Erik Gustaf Bostrom , pointed to the conflict between Norway and Sweden as more than a political issue ; it was , he wrote , " a cultural struggle " kulturkamp . ( n21 ) <p> In an article three weeks later , Ibsen returned to the predominant theme of equality , a theme he had first articulated in his letters to his parents from America and which had come to frame his overall perception of the Union with Sweden : <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which Swedes will not admit and can not understand . And it can hardly be otherwise for a people who , in a manner of speaking , have gone from hand to hand , from guardian to guardian ; who struggled behind a little country for four hundred years only to struggle behind another little country for some eighty years -- no , Norwegians certainly get what they deserve when they are viewed and treated as second-class Scandinavians by their kinsmen. ( n22 ) ) <p> If Ibsen 's criticism that his fellow Norwegians deserve to be treated as second-class citizens struck a discordant note , it was not reflected in Ringeren 's initial sales figures . By mid-March , 1898 , the magazine was selling 5,700 copies weekly , with the likelihood that it would surpass 6,000 by April . Whether it was meant as flattery or he really believed it , Ibsen told Bjornson that his contributions had been the decisive factor : " The honor for this result , which we can really call magnificent considering our population ratio , belongs first and foremost to you and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not hurt sales that Ibsen continued his attack on the Union , but he had also come to realize that insisting on unilateral Norwegian action without a specific program was , in the long run , futile . Calls for a separate foreign office had led only to Swedish intransigence and had failed to gain support among Norwegian conservatives . Having recognized the need for a united front as early as 1891 , Ibsen was finally able in 1898 to develop an issue he believed would achieve those results -- a separate Norwegian monarchy : <p> ( A separate monarchy is a better platform than a separate foreign office ; it will , in time , unite both conservative and liberal , and it will also , perhaps , secure us moral ( and perhaps material ) support from powers which have remained passive because Sweden has convinced them that we are a band of revolutionaries , who seek to obliterate the institution of monarchy. ( n24 ) ) <p> Two weeks after sharing this view with Bjornson , Ibsen 's article " Nationalt kongedomme " National Monarchy appeared in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever wrote and perhaps the most significant article to appear in Ringeren during its two year existence , the publication of " Nationalt kongedomme " changed the dynamics of the entire debate over the Union . In it , Ibsen provided a theoretical basis for dissolving the Union by defining a policy to unify conflicting political interests domestically while mollifying the fears of the European powers that Norway would take the radical step of becoming a republic . <p> In his essay , Ibsen examined the changing role of monarchy through the nineteenth century . From a nadir of popularity in 1848-50 , it had rebounded by the 1890s to be the most popular form of government in Europe , Ibsen claimed . Monarchy , he argued , had adjusted to constitutional parliamentary developments and was identified with the historical roots of the nation . <p> In Norway , the idea of a monarchy was attacked by liberals , radicals , and republicans alike because it was seen as Swedish . If the monarchy were national , Ibsen believed , republicanism might not disappear , but it would be severely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domestically because it would mean the continuation of the present regime . The sovereigns of Europe would look favorably on Norway as an independent nation , if a monarchy were retained , because the country would remain a member of the " princely trade union . " ( n25 ) Liberals , he believed , would accept it because it would be " our Norwegian royal house . " ( n26 ) <p> Ibsen 's proposal suggested that in the spirit of cooperation between Sweden and Norway , the Union monarch ( Oscar II ) should abdicate as king of Norway . In his place , his younger son , Prince Karl Bernadotte should assume the throne thereby giving the Norwegians their own national monarch and , in Ibsen 's words , make possible " a peaceful divorce with no bitterness . " ( n27 ) <p> Like seeds scattered into the wind , Ibsen 's ideas fell on both fertile and sterile soil . A writer in Dagbladet noted a month later that he had " found strong support in the Liberal press throughout the country , " but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ibsen himself expressed his disappointment that his proposal had created neither sympathy nor indignation . Some seeds , however , are carried far by the wind and , in this case , seven years passed before Christian Michelsen revived Ibsen 's ideas that eventually dissolved the Union in 1905 . <p> The lack of immediate response to his essay gnawed at Ibsen who , by the end of May , had resigned himself to being ignored . He had , by then , also been approached as the possible head of the new commerce and consulate office in the Department of Interior but believed this prospect would end as had the professorship two years earlier . As for Ringeren , Ibsen had published what he had been burning to say on the Union issue , and the anger he had felt when he conceived the magazine had subsided . Consequently , the publication was beginning to lose its appeal : " To edit Ringeren may be alright for a time , but in the long nm it will not satisfy me . I think and hope that I will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , " he wrote to Bjornson on May 1. ( n29 ) By the end of May , his frustration was growing and he only sought " to escape from it all . " ( n30 ) It is apparent that the things Ibsen had been intent on saying a year earlier had now been said , but without the response that he had imagined . Merely publishing Ringeren , in spite of the distinction Ibsen brought to it , was never his ultimate goal ; his purpose , in fact , had been to use it as a tool for disseminating his ideas . If these ideas , which also included enlightening Norwegians about the broader cultural impulses outside Norway , were perceived to find little support , perhaps a new medium and a new forum was warranted . As a result , Ibsen grew increasingly anxious to leave Ringeren and the editorial duties associated with it . Although there had been some discussion of a government position , he had received no offer . Consequently the September 24 issue announced that , effective October 1 , Ibsen would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fischer and Sten Konow would assume the editorial duties . Fischer and Konow were also editing a massive volume to be published by the Norwegian government for the Paris World Exhibition in 1900 , but they would complete the year. ( n31 ) In January , 1899 , Carl Naerup , the literary critic for Verdens Gang , assumed the duties of editor ; although Ibsen continued to be listed as co-editor , he had effectively ended his connection with Ringeren October 1 , 1898 . <p> During his tenure with Ringeren , Ibsen used the magazine not only to present his own views , but also to provide a forum for a variety of ideas which he believed would bring Norwegian culture into a broader European context and , perhaps , raise the international status of Norway . Each issue opened with a biographical essay about a featured personality -- a politician , writer , scientist , philosopher , or inventor . Essays on cultural issues appeared regularly as well as commentaries and pieces of short fiction . Edgar Allen Poe 's Telltale Heart was published in a translation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running series of articles were those by the anthropologist and theoretician Andreas M. Hansen under the title " Norsk folkepsykologi " Psychology of the Norwegian People . In twelve installments , Hansen analyzed the racial characteristics of the Norwegians and associated these characteristics with their political behavior . Longskulled Norwegians , he claimed , represented progress , were supporters of the Liberal Party , and tended to be republicans . The short-skulled Norwegians , whom he associated with Slavs and most representative of western and rural Norway , he claimed were conservative and tended to be supporters of monarchy . Seeing skull size along with skin and eye color as determining factors in political affiliation , Hansen claimed that by expanding the suffrage , Norway would strengthen the conservative element because most of the disenfranchised Norwegians were short-skulled . In Hansen 's pseudo-scientific world , race determined class and political allegiance. ( n33 ) <p> There is no evidence that Ibsen himself subscribed to Hansen 's racist theories ; quite the contrary , he demonstrated repeatedly in his personal correspondence , such as his letters from America , that politics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in fact , his aversion to American racial laws in the 1880s that were the initial impetus to his emphasis on equality as the prerequisite for understanding between Norway and Sweden in the Union debate . In the latter half of the nineteenth century , however , eugenics was a widely accepted course of scientific investigations which based its authority on Darwinian principles . When Hansen 's articles were introduced in Ringeren , Ibsen provided a brief editorial note which simply called them " a series of highly interesting contributions to the understanding of our national character and their effect on social , political and religious life , " ( n34 ) By publishing Hansen 's study , Ibsen was , in fact , demonstrating his personal interest in questions involving Norwegian national character and identity , matters he was still struggling intensely to understand . <p> Three weeks after Hansen 's first article appeared , Ibsen also published a critical response from a reader , Lars A. Havstad . Admitting that Hansen 's theory may have some merit , Havstad , however , noted that Norwegian history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people representing progressive elements in Norway . He noted the preponderance of western and southwestern Norwegians in the independence movement in 1814 and in the radical politics of Ole Gabriel Ueland and Johan Sverdrup in the 1860s and 1870s as examples. ( n35 ) <p> For Ibsen , Hansen 's ideas , and the criticism of them , were undoubtedly presented in the same spirit with which he introduced European cultural personalities and ideas to the Norwegian public : in order to enlighten and to stimulate , as well as to " wake up and admonish . " <p> Ringeren 's purpose , it can be said , was also the theme in Ibsen 's own production . Like the magazine he founded , he sought to " wake up and admonish . " Through the years of active public life , he focused on Union issues primarily , straying only in an attempt to establish a chair in sociology at the University . Like his father 's dramas , Sigurd Ibsen argued that contemporary ideas and impulses had an organic existence in society and needed to be brought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflect his times while also shaping the debate . But , being an Ibsen and growing up with an extremely sensitive father as a role model , Sigurd , like his father , was quick to take umbrage at what he perceived as unfairness or criticism . It was this attitude which brought him into public life and it determined his behavior in it . To Sigurd , criticism was always personal . Having grown up on the continent , he had no childhood friends in Norway . Beneficial as this might be in some ways , it also hindered him . He had not been socialized with his peers , but rather within his own immediate family . He was an outsider without allies , and as such , quickly withdrew from any fight . As an outsider , he was tolerated in Norway , but only as long as his cosmopolitan views supported national interests . Like Sigurd Ibsen , as long as Ringeren contributed to the national debate , it too found support . When Ibsen left because he had personally lost the " fire in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , political edge . In spite of retaining a high intellectual level , Ringeren , like its editor , became irrelevant because it was not Norwegian enough . <p> At the turn of the century , Norwegian culture itself was being redefined , not within a cosmopolitan context with which Sigurd Ibsen would feel comfortable , but within a more narrow national framework . Fridtjof Nansen , Moltke Moe , Erik Werenskiold , Gerhard Munthe , and Nordahl Rolfsen were teaching Norwegians that their culture was narrowly synonymous with Norwegian , not European , symbols . In spite of what Sigurd Ibsen might say , Europeans like Bismarck , Theodor Mommsen , Herbert Spencer , or Gabriele d'Annunzio were important to know about , but they were not the pillars on which most Norwegians sought to build their society . Although Ringeren may have succumbed in 1899 because it lacked a nationalistic edge , its echos reverberated in the policies of Christian Michelsen when the Union was dissolved less than six years later . ENDNOTES <p> ( <p>
@@4012641 Y a-t-il des mots pour la peinture ? <p> -- Francis Ponge <p> One need only peruse the long list of texts Ponge devoted to art during the latter half of his life to conclude that painting was a subject of predilection for the author of Le Parti pris des choses. 1 Indeed , thanks to the " verbal still lifes " 2 that comprise his 1942 prose poem collection , Ponge gained considerable notoriety among painters by the time the war came to an end . After the war , no doubt encouraged by the enthusiastic response of artists who had read his work , Ponge began to compose texts in praise of painters who , like the poet , " goutent au supreme degre le mystere , l'obscurite de la matiere et de la nature des choses " ( L'Atelier contemporain 312 ) . 3 <p> Traces of Ponge 's interest in painting , however , are not limited to texts published in such collections as Le Nouveau recueil ( 1967 ) or L'Atelier contemporain ( 1977 ) . 4 Before Ponge met any of the artists that would one day admire his work , he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , evidence of Ponge 's interest in painting can be found in some of his earliest writings . In his first prose poem , " La promenade dans nos serres " ( 1919 ) , for example , Ponge praises the visual qualities of words as they emerge from his pen like lines from the painter 's brush. 6 Similarly , despite the predominance in Proemes of words that stress the distinctly verbal nature of Ponge 's project ( " l'avenir des paroles , " " de la modification des choses par la parole , " " caprices de la parole , " " phrases sorties du songe , " " il n'y a pas a dire , " etc. ) , phrases such as " boucles superbes des consonnes " or " le **36;497;TOOLONG " found elsewhere in Proemes suggest a conscious desire to " visualize " language and to " verbalize " visual forms . From the beginning , it would appear that visual art forms provided an invaluable key to opening a door on the world of poetry as Ponge understood it . <p> Critics have frequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poetry , interpreting the consciously visual , material role that language plays in a variety of ways. 7 Particular attention has been granted to the importance of the physical presence of words in the poet 's encounter with things in Le Patti pris des choses . If , in " Les mures , " for example , blackberry bushes are described as " des buissons typographiques constitues par le pomme " or the sea in " Bords de mer " is perceived as " un livre qui au fond n'a pas ete lu , " it is because , for Ponge , poetic language -- and specifically poetry as printed text -- is of the same order as the things it evokes . This characteristic of Ponge 's style can also be related to his view of painting : reference to typography and books in a collection of prose poems ostensibly about things is part of Ponge 's lifelong attempt to call his reader 's attention to the material presence of words , just as the painters Ponge most often identifies with call our attention to the materiality of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , <p> Sans doute , les ecrivains et les peintres sont-ils des hommes comme les autres , peut-etre un peu plus sensibles seulement , c'est-a-dire ( si l'on m'a bien compris ) un peu plus realistes ( un peu plus materialistes , si vous voulez ) . Seuls , d'ailleurs , il faut bien le dire , h n'etre sensibles qu'au sensible , c'est-a-dire au present . Seuls " a etre entierement presents . Seuls , si je puis dire , a y etre , integralement . Seuls a y rester . ( L'Atelier contemporain 305-306 ) <p> In light of Ponge 's awareness of prose poetry 's concreteness , it is hardly surprising that Braque and Picasso should be drawn to Le Parti pris des choses , not only because such writing concerns " things " -- the privileged subject of nonabstract painters -- , but also because of the ostensibly thing-like nature of the poet 's words . Just as painters are able , in Ponge 's words , to " prendre a la nature ses elements " ( L'Atelier contemporain 64 ) , so too does Ponge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him , so to speak , to " prendre a la peinture son bien , " thus creating a poetry that promotes the word 's physical presence , its semantic density. 9 <p> By distancing himself in his poetry from words that do not and can not belong exclusively to him , Ponge opens his prose poetry up to the concrete , material traces of the voices of others . In the following , I would like to explore how this incursion of otherness functions in one of the least commented works in Le Patti pris des choses , " Le Restaurant Lemeunier , rue de la Chaussee d'Antin. " 10 This poem is of particular interest in the present context , inasmuch as Ponge bases his description of the restaurant space on images drawn from the plastic arts , in particular Manet 's ground-breaking work , Un Bar aux Folies-Bergbre ( 1882 ) ( see figure 1 ) . 11 If , as Ponge would state in 1971 , painters and poets enjoy a special kind of kinship or " fraternite " ( L'Atelier contemporain 308 ) , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Restaurant Lemeunier , rue de la Chaussee d'Antin , " where Ponge invites us to " picture " his work as a reaffirmation of Manet 's modernist aesthetic . <p> Early in the poem , Ponge compares Lemeunier 's Restaurant with two specific paintings , both of which bring to mind certain aspects of the restaurant 's size and decor : <p> C'est une grande composition digne du Veronese pour l'ambition et le volume , mais qu'il faudrait peindre tout entiare dans l'esprit du fameux Bar de Manet . <p> In this passage , use of the elliptical title " Bar " and " le Veronese " testifies to Ponge 's familiarity with visual art in both its traditional and modern forms . Although Ponge does not go on to explain how Veronese 's painting -- no doubt his immense The Wedding Feast at Cana ( see figure 2 ) , located in the Louvre-fails where Manet 's Bar succeeds in providing the visual equivalent of his prose poem , a closer look at Veronese 's painting reveals fundamental differences that will later help us appreciate the role of Manet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examination , Veronese 's portrayal of the marriage feast , during which water was miraculously turned into wine , brings to mind several aspects of Lemeunier 's Restaurant ( see figure 2 ) . The place occupied by the group of musicians -- what Ponge calls " les personnages dominants " -- in the middle of the restaurant , for example , corresponds to the centrality of the musicians , one of whom until recently was believed to be Veronese himself , 13 in The Wedding Feast at Cana . The poem and painting also share a clear thematic similarity , as is underscored by the fact that The Wedding Feast at Cana was originally created to cover the wall of a dining facility -- the refectory in the monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice -- from which Napoleon had it removed and brought to Paris in the early nineteenth century . <p> Though certain aspects of Veronese 's work provide interesting parallels with the subject of Ponge 's prose poem , important distinctions exist as well . The biblical miracle depicted in The Wedding Feast , for example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bustle of Ponge 's restaurant scene . The viewer 's fixed perspective on the wedding feast also makes it seem an unlikely model for Ponge 's prose poem . In Veronese 's painting , all objects are related to a single point of view . Our perception of Lemeunier 's restaurant in Ponge 's poem is , to the contrary , multiple . Although the poem 's plot is straightforward , the distinctly flaneur-like narrator does not always occupy a fixed place in the restaurant , nor is his identity always certain. 14 The affective components of the poem 's narration ( degree of subjectivity , intimacy of tone ) occasionally shift as well . Only briefly , for example , does use of the first person singular cast a subjective light on Ponge 's poem : " Comme dans une grotte merveilleuse , je les vois tous parler et rire mais ne les entends pas . " Elsewhere in the poem , Ponge adopts the third-person singular , as in the closing paragraph : " l'homme qui attend lies serveuses n'apertioit plus qu'une vaste menagerie de chaises et de @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " is being observed by Ponge 's erstwhile first-person flaneur , or whether he may be the flaneur himself , observed from a different vantage point by a new and unidentified narrator . Clearly , such shifts depart from the fixed perspective of Veronese 's Wedding . 15 <p> In addition to differences in perspective , the striking chromatic juxtapositions in Veronese 's vibrant painting are all but forgotten in the " monde des fadeurs et des fadaises " of Ponge 's urban portrait . And though " Le Restaurant Lemeunier " shares with Veronese 's canvas a certain effusiveness , the exaggerated gestures of Lemeunier 's guests and staff -- " ceremonieusement attifes , " immersed in " un brouhaha recrudescent de chaises repoussees , de torchons claquants , de croutons ecrases " -- present a degraded image of smug routine that departs from the extraordinary nature of the event depicted in The Wedding Feast at Cana . <p> Ponge also appears to make little effort to blend harmoniously the different strands of social discourse present in the restaurant , allowing them instead to compete for our attention in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and profane elements , Ponge plots one voice against another . To be sure , the narrator traces the different events in the order in which they occur : the poem opens with our entrance into the restaurant followed by a description of the staff and patrons , then , in the closing paragraphs , the exit of the dinner guests , the cleaning of the restaurant , and departure of the waitresses . Such a straightforward narrative progression is , however , forced to coexist with many less homogeneous elements of the text . The underlying dissonance between the musicians ' performance and other , less agreeable sounds -- described at one point as " le tapage des fourchettes et des assiettes choquees , les appels des serveuses et le bruit des conversations , " for example -- does little to nurture a sense of harmony and order in the setting . The garishness of everything in the restaurant , from the effusive Viennese waltzes to the bevelled mirrors and gilded trimmings , belittles the feelings exchanged there . In an apostrophe such as " O confidence , c'est @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as objective a phrase as " Pieces et billets bleus s'echangent sur les tables , " monetary considerations impinge noticeably upon the domain of intimacy . <p> Such characteristics of Ponge 's " Restaurant Lemeunier , " while distancing it from Veronese 's Wedding Feast , simultaneously illustrate the poem 's close affinity with Manet 's Bar . If , for example , we return to the problematic question of narrative perspective , we find that the flaneur 's place in Lemeunier 's Restaurant , though finding little parallel in Veronese 's Wedding Feast , calls to mind the ambiguous position of the male customer in Manet 's painting ( see figure 1 ) . The image of the stranger to the extreme right of the mirror 's reflection , neither central to Manet 's canvas nor absent from it , suggests an unwillingness on the part of Manet to assign the place of prominence within his painting to that of the male observer . To the contrary , the centrality of the barmaid in Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere , like the working girls in the closing lines of Ponge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , in terms of perspective , awkward position in the mirror 's reflection . The fact that the stranger in the mirror does not occupy the place where he should logically be located -- that is to say directly behind the barmaid and not to her left -- renders not only his , but Manet 's and our own positions as observers of the barmaid in the painting , ambiguous at best. 16 Ponge 's remark that the flaneur , at one point , is able to " see " but not " hear " the restaurant 's patrons ( " je les vois tous parler et rire mais ne les entends pas " ) suggests a further point of comparison between the text 's anonymous male customer and viewers of Manet 's painting . <p> Fragments of events that extend beyond the canvas of Manet 's work -- like the legs left dangling from a trapeze in the upper left-hand corner -- suggest that Manet is not attempting to represent the Folies-Bergere as a whole , nor is his primary subject dance-hall entertainment . In similar fashion , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the restaurant , from " des cupules d'un metal mysterieux , " to " une dactylo magnifiquement ondulee , " to " une vaste menagerie de chaises et de tables , " without ever privileging his contemplation of any one aspect of the restaurant 's space . As readers , we are prevented from dwelling for any length of time on one object before moving on to the next . <p> Certain aspects of his text echo the actual physical layout of Manet 's painting as well . The gold-framed mirror and the balcony on the far side of the room in Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere , for example , reappear in Ponge 's depiction of Lemeunier 's Restaurant : <p> Des glaces biseautees , des dorures partout . L'on y entre a travers des plantes vertes par un passage plus sombre aux parois duquel quelques dineurs deja a l'etroit sont installes , et qui debouche dans une salle aux proportions enormes , a plusieurs balcons de pitchpin formant un seul etage en huit . <p> While it would no doubt be possible to extend comparison of Manet 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lengthy considerations of color and imagery , the mirror 's role in problematizing our perspective on the dance hall certainly does the most to bring poem and painting together . The lack of depth in Manet 's painting , its insistence on surfaces , unlike the infinite sky of Veronese 's Wedding Feast , presents the viewer with a two-dimensional space . Like Manet 's mirror , where reality is purposely distorted -- where the barmaid seen in reflection , for example , does not correspond to the one gazing out at us from behind the counter -- , Ponge 's text fails to project a purely mimetic representation of the restaurant space . The " grotte merveilleuse " to which Ponge compares the restaurant at one point indeed distorts our perception of reality . In Ponge 's case , this distortion is not exclusively visual ; it is verbal as well . " Le Restaurant Lemeunier " is a place where writing begins to experiment in its contact with the real ; the text becomes an " atelier " where the poet teases out society 's conflicting sounds by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like the crowd that lines the balcony reflected on the flat surface of Manet 's mirror , the different registers of speech cramped into the small space of Ponge 's prose poem are forced to inhabit the same plane . Expressions like " mettre la main a la pate , " " jouer du tube de fard , " " tirer son epingle du " remuer les estomacs et les coeurs , " and " vouloir comme il faut etonner leurs voisins " -- the last of which , as presented in the text , forms an alexandrine mascarading as cheap poetry -- are all bits and pieces of the rich vernacular eloquence Ponge extracts from the otherwise insipid image that the management of Lemeunier 's Restaurant has contrived for its dinner guests . In the following passage , similarly , Ponge suggests a variety of linguistic registers by use of a series of highly ironic poses imparting first sarcastic delight , then condemnation , then again pleasant surprise , only to end on a note of trite conformity : <p> O monde des fadeurs et des fadaises , tu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ y singe quotidiennement cette frivolite tapageuse que les bourgeois se permettent huit ou dix fois par an , quand le pere banquiet ou la mere kleptomane ont realise quelque benefice supplementaire vraiment inattendu , et veulent comme il faut etonner leurs voisins . <p> Use of the adverbial phrase " comme il faut " to emphasize the social motives underlying the parents ' desire to dine out is perhaps the most clamorous intervention of stylized discourse in the poem . Here , Ponge appropriates a phrase commonly identified with middle-class mores to describe the actions of persons belonging to that group . Instead of simply placing the conversational hurly-burly of the restaurant crowd within the quotation marks of direct discourse , Ponge allows it to pervade his descriptive prose . This aspect of the text can be related to Ponge 's efforts , mentioned earlier , to dispel the notion that poetry , as a means of expression , lacks the concreteness found in the plastic arts . What better way for Ponge to stress the material presence of the crowd 's words than by pasting them , so to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The poet 's tendency to emphasize the mercantile nature of Lemeunier 's Restaurant also distances his approach from that of Veronese , while simultaneously underscoring its resemblance to Manet . In Manet 's Bar , despite the Folies-Bergere 's fame as a place of leisure , the central role is accorded to an employee , the barmaid , whose listless expression belies any potential interpretation of the scene as one of pure diversion . Similarly , whereas Lemeunier 's Restaurant constitutes a space within which society strives to makes its presence seem " natural , " Ponge does little to hide the fact that economic concerns -- embodied in the image of the elevated cashiers , " assises en surelevation derriere leurs banques " -- reign supreme . In the following passage , the poet 's attention suddenly shifts from the musicians to the decidedly unglamorous realities of job availability : <p> Les personnages dominants y sont sans contredit d'abord le groupe des musiciens au noeud du huit , puis les caissieres assises en surelevation derriere leurs banques , d ' ou ' leurs corsages clairs et obligatoirement gonfles tout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circulent avec une relative lenteur , mais obliges parfois a mettre la main a la pate avec la meme precipitation que les serveuses , non par l'impatience des dineurs ( peu habituos a l'exigence ) mais par la febrilite d'un zele professionnel aiguillonne par le sentiment de l'incertitude des situations dans l'etat actuel de l'offre et de la demande sur le marche du travail . <p> Toward the end of his poem , similarly , the poet lingers deliberately on the responsibilities of the cleaning staff , whose work begins once the dinner guests have left the premises : " peu a peu se propage et a huis clos s'acheve un soulevement general du mobilier , a la faveur duquel les besognes humides du nettoyage sont aussitot entreprises et sans embarras terminees . " Money and drudgery quickly undermine the restaurant 's charm . Like the apparent fatigue of the barmaid in Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere , the details of Ponge 's descriptive prose bring to our attention aspects of Lemeunier 's Restaurant that underlie the glitter of urban leisure . It is important to note , however , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurant work do not turn his poem into a text about labor in its struggle to be heard . On the contrary , Ponge does not privilege any particular voice at the cost of filtering out or altering another . Neither strictly a dinner guest nor entirely an objective stranger unimplicated in the scene he observes , Ponge 's flaneur is sympathetic to the working girls who , at the end of the day , count the few coins " qui tintent au fond de leur poche , " but he is also one of the customers on whose money their livelihood depends . <p> In " Le Restaurant Lemeunier , " in short , Ponge refuses to " paint " an image of " la vie moderne " in which the struggle of competing voices might somehow be aesthetically resolved . Just as in the case of Manet 's Bar , it is via the deliberate destabilization of the viewing perspective that such tensions are most emphatically brought to the forefront . In both cases , this destabilization extends beyond the boundaries of the work to envelop the reader/spectator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but to ponder their implications . <p> A brief look at Zola 's attempt to reform public opinion of Manet can help us appreciate the insight Ponge brings to Manet 's Bar in " Le Restaurant Lemeunier . " As early as 1866 , Zola sought to defend Manet in a series of articles with which he hoped to bring the public to respect the painter 's work at a time when it was becoming a subject of mockery and caricature : " Il y a route une armee , " Zola writes , " do nt l'interet est d'entretenir la gaiete de la louie , et qui l'entretient d'une belle facon . Les caricaturistes s'emparent de l'homme et de l'oeuvre " ( 12 : 842 ) 17 In order to restore seriousness to the reception of Manet 's work , Zola first dispels the popular image of Manet as a bohemian , as an outsider : " Edouard Manet est homme du monde , et il y a dans ses tableaux certaines lignes exquises , certaines attitudes greles et jolies qui temoignent de son amour pour les elegances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a number of Manet 's paintings , including Un Bar aux FoliesBergere , have their origin in public spaces of a decidedly dubious character , Zola stresses the well-mannered , private nature of the painter 's lifestyle : " Manet rentre dans son interieur et y goute les joies calmes de la bourgeoisie moderne . II frequente le monde assidument , il mene l'existence de chacun , avec cette difference qu'il est peut-etre encore plus paisible et mieux e1eve que chacun " ( 12 : 827 ) . By sequestering Manet and his work within the subdued bourgeois interior of his domicile , Zola endeavors to " save " art from the tumultuous laughter of those who rush into the Folies-Bergere in search of entertainment , only later to set foot in the salon to deride its " high " art . <p> Zola 's description contrasts with Ponge 's approach to Manet 's Bar aux Folies-Bergere in " Le Restaurant Lemeunier " in a number of ways : indeed , those aspects of the public perception of the artist that , in Zola 's text , are discarded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its rightful place in the artistic canon are , in many cases , the very attributes celebrated in Ponge 's text . Zola paints a frightening picture of the " monstrous " crowd one encounters at the Folies-Bergere : " Epaules contre epaules , dos contre ventres , la foule ressemble a une hydre aux mille tetes " ( 14:410 ) . For him , the cafe-concert- " endroit bizarre , exquis , fort peu orthodoxe , moitie cafe , moitie theatre , parisien au possible , fort recherche par les provinciaux et les etrangers " ( 14 : 408 ) -- threatens established social hierarchy . 18 In " Le Restaurant Lemeunier , " in contrast , Ponge takes obvious pleasure in underscoring the multiple discursive layers that fill the restaurant space . Like the Folies-Bergere , Lemeunier 's Restaurant is a place of what Clark has called " general social dishevelment " ( 213 ) , where diner and employee , sentiment and money , " high " art and caricature , sincerity and satire have a chance to mingle . <p> Toward the end of his campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up his task as follows : " J'ai tache d'arracher l'artiste des mains de l'emeute et de le conduire en un lieu stir " ( 12 : 845 ) . The use of such a powerful term as " emeute " to define the unpredictable and sometimes violent reception of the painter 's work has a tendency to place Zola on the side of the cultural police whose job it is to control and , if need be , to silence the crowd in its eagerness to deride what claims to be high art. 19 In Zola 's grandiose view of Manet 's art , there is simply no room for the brutality of the crowd 's impious words . On the contrary , in Ponge 's poem , there is no " lieu stir " to protect art from the caprices of the public eye , no place capable of keeping the " emeute " of evolving languages from pervading his prose , from ridiculing poetry 's false dignity , its bevelled mirrors and gilded moldings . In the final analysis , Ponge 's engaging use of society 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closely with an ideology that seeks to limit the role of the artist to what Clark has called that of " a complaisant spectator " ( 205 ) . <p> To be sure , Ponge was by no means the first prose poet to establish a kinship between himself and Manet . Baudelaire 's admiration of Manet is well documented and , although he died fifteen years before Un Bar aux FoliesBergere came into being , traces of the painter 's debt to the poet of Les Fleurs du Mal can no doubt be found in Manet 's depiction of the Parisian dance hall . By the same token , evidence of Manet 's influence in shaping Baudelaire 's poetry can be discerned in his work and , specifically , in his Petits poemes en prose. 20 At one point in that collection , Baudelaire evokes the image of a splendid painting that promises to deliver him and his " vieille amie " from " le desordre , la turbulence et l'imprdvu : " " Vivronsnous jamais , " Baudelaire asks , " passeronsnous jamais dans ce tableau qu'a peint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it would appear , the people of Lemeunier 's Restaurant already reside in a painting : not one , however , that delivers them from disorder , turbulence , and the unforeseeable , but one that is itself chaotic . The " tapage " or din of Ponge 's text -- like that of the unreconciled tensions that inhabit Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere -- is nothing other than the artful inscription of " la vie moderne " in his prose poem . In " Le Restaurant Lemeunier , " prose poetry 's debt to Manet is rekindled and given a new , distinctly concrete dimension . Ponge may not have been the first in what Baudelaire once called in a letter to Manet the " decrepitude of his art " ( Hamilton 35 ) , and he was certainly not the last . <p> Middlebury College <p> The epigraph is taken from " Notes sur les Otages , peintures de Faulrier " ( L'Atelier contemporain 17 ) . Ponge 's Parti pris des choses and Proemes , both of which are quoted in the following article , can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John Stout 's insightful study , " The Text as Object : Francis Ponge 's Verbal Still Lifes . " On several occasions in L'Atelier contemporain , Ponge emphasizes the enthusiasm with which artists greeted his 1942 prose poem collection , stating for example on the opening page that " mes amis Paulhan et Gallimard ayant porte au grand jour , en 1942 , ce tres mince recueil , Le parti pris des choses , morceaux choisis de proses nees sur mes etablis durant la premiere moitie de mon , age , il en resulta que je me trouvai , peu apres , frequentant certains autres ateliers " ( vii ) or , in " Texte sur Picasso , " " Picasso avait lu assez attentivement mon petit livre Le Parti pris des ohosex , paru a Paris en 1942 , pour desirer , m'avait-on dir , me connaitre " ( 336 ) , or , in " Braque , un meditatif a l'oeuvre , " " mon petit ouvrage , Le parti prix des choses , etait paru ( en 1942 ) et comme , depuis le commencement de @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d'en assurer le service a quelques personnes , selon son propre choix . Or , il l'avait notamment envoye a Picasso et a Braque ; un peu plus tard il m'avait ecrit : Braque me parle souvent de toi " ( 296 ) . Paulhan 's actual words in his correspondence with Ponge -- " Braque est emballe par le Parti-pris . " ( Correspondance 280 ) -- suggest that Ponge 's prose poetry was instrumental in opening the door of Braque 's studio to the poet after the war . Jean-Yves Pouilloux 's characterization of Ponge 's " Notes sur les Otages " ( 1946 ) as the poet 's " premiare marche d'approche " ( 1065 ) to painting is in this sense an oversimplification . In the following , I will argue that Ponge 's interest in painting and his desire to articulate that interest in his writing precede his discovery of the work of Fautrier by many years . Botticelli 's Fall , which Ponge saw at the musee de Chantilly in 1925 , led him to write a poem inspired by that painting ( Correspondance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 221-222 ) . which Ponge wished to study in preparation for his own Notes prises pour utl oiseau , written in 1938 and later published in La rage de l'expression ( 1952 ) , testify to Ponge 's early interest in painting as a source of inspiration for his work , even prior to the publication of Le Patti pris des choses in 1942 . Although Ponge does not mention painting in his 1919 prose poem , the following passage underscores affinities between Ponge 's nascent material view of poetry and the visual arts : " O draperies des mots , assemblages de l'art litteraire , o massifs , o pluriels , parterres de voyelles colorees , decors des lignes , ombres de la muette , boucles superbes des consonnes , architectures , fioritures des points et des signes brefs , h mon secours ! ... O traces humaines h bout de bras , 6 sons originaux , monuments de l'enfance de l'art , quasi imperceptibles modifications physiques , CARACTERES , objets mysterieux perceptibles par deux sens seulement et cependant plus reel , plus sympathiques que des signes , -- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de la qualite " ( Tome premier 145-146 ) . Ponge 's interest in language 's concreteness and its affinities with art has received considerable critical attention . In addition to John Stout 's aforementioned study , see , for example , Richard Stamelman 's " The Object in Poetry and Painting : Ponge and Picasso , " Serge Gavronsky 's " L ' ( Eil du regard : Ponge et l'art , " and Maria Warehime 's " Manifestoes and Still Life : Chardin and Ponge . " Throughout his writings on art , Ponge emphasizes the painter 's material link to the world . For example , in " Notes sur les Otages , " Ponge expresses a predilection for what he perceives to be the excremental qualities of Fautrier 's paintings ( Atelier contemporain 37 ) ; in " Braque le reconciliateur , " he writes of the painter 's inclination to " prendre a la nature ses elements " ( Atelier contemporain 64 ) . For an interesting discussion of the materialistic dimension of Ponge 's project , see Jean-Claude Pinson 's study , " Le @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's work have often dismissed those poems in Le Patti pris des choses that evoke scenes of Parisian life as dismal failures . In his essay on Ponge , which first appeared in Les Temps moderates in 1944 , Sartre deals almost exclusively with the poet 's treatment of objects , categorically condemning those of Ponge 's prose poems that deal directly with groups of people : " les seuls mauvais -- mais tras mauvais -- ecrits de Ponge sont R. C. Seine No. et Le Restaurant Lemeunier , qu'il consacre aux collectivites humaines " ( 267 ) . Alain Bosquet , in 1966 , reiterates the tendency to downplay if not efface altogether the social dimension of Ponge 's work : " les rapports entre homme et homme ne concerneront pas le poete : il choisira ailleurs son terrain . Le propre du poete n'est pas le commerce de ses semblables " ( 99 ) . Although Ian Higgins digs deeper into the problem by closely examining those prose poems where the social dimension predominates , the word he uses most frequently to characterize Ponge 's treatment of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Language , Politics and Things : The Weakness of Ponge 's Satire " ) . In ways that contrast with practices Ponge will later adopt in his writing , " Le Restaurant Lemeunier " clearly " illustrates " many identifiable traits of Manet 's painting , If , as Eliane Formentelli argues in the discussion of Ponge 's later writings on painting in " Ponge-peinture , " " le texte n'acceptera pas la sanction du tableau comme source ou comme modele producteur d'une representation verbale " ( 187 ) , this is evidently not the case in Ponge 's 1942 prose poem . Unlike later illustrations of Ponge 's work by painters including Herold , Fautrier , or Ayme , the relationship Manet 's Bar shares with " Le Restaurant Lemeunier " does not undermine the painting 's function as a work that " illustrates " Ponge 's poem . For an interesting study of how some of Ponge 's later works problematize such a function , see Renee Riese Hubert : " Ponge and Postmodern Illustration . " For an indepth study of Veronese 's painting , see Les @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed at the time Ponge 's text was written , distinguishes Veronese 's musician from the gentleman in the mirror of Manet 's Bar or the flaneur of Ponge 's poem , both of whom are perceived as different from the works ' authors . Although Ponge does not use the term " flaneur " to describe the person through whose eyes we see the restaurant , several aspects of his comportment recall his nineteenth-century predecessors , particularly his anonymity , his fascination for the crowd , and his detachment . For an interesting discussion of the dynamics of flanerie as they relate to the role of the artist in nineteenthcentury France , see Richard Sennett 's The Fall of Public Man . These shifts from subjective to anonymous observer recall the spectator 's predicament in viewing Manet 's Bar au Folies-Bergere , as is discussed later in this article . As Clark remarks in his reading of the painting , " we -- like the flaneur -- can not or will not take the place of the gentleman in the top hat , but there is no other place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion of Manet 's painting and its reception in the late nineteenth century , see the chapter entitled " A Bar at the Folies-Bergere " in Clark 's seminal work , The Painting of Modern Life . Zola continues , adopting a more emphatically ironic tone : " L'art est grave , il ennuie profondement ; il faut bien l'egayer un peu , chercher un toile dans le Salon qu'on puisse toumer en ridicule " ( 12 : 842 ) . Like children , the public must be taught to behave : " le public ... regarde des oeuvres d'art , comme les enfants regardent des images : pour s'amuser , pour s'egayer un peu " ( 12 : 842 ) . By restoring seriousness to the reception of Manet 's work , Zola hoped to save it from caricature , laughter , and the refusal on the public 's part to act like adults . Zola professes , instead , an avowed preference for the uncompromised homogeneity of the working-class cabaret : " Que le peuple aille au cabaret . ... C'est le meilleur de nous-memes , de notre @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " ( 14 : 201 ) . For an interesting account of Zola 's critical view of urban leisure spaces including the Folies-Bergere , see Denis Hollier 's stimulating study , " Bloody Sundays . " By " lieu stir , " Zola means of course the Louvre , the place of honor of such paintings as Veronese 's Wedding Feast at Cana , evoked in Ponge 's prose poem , or da Vinci 's Joconde , now encased in glass in order to protect it from the crowds that gather in front of it to catch a glimpse of her elusive smile . But , despite his good intentions , Zola 's desire to " conduire Manet en un lieu stir " smacks of incarceration . It is an appeal to remove Manet from the concert-hall context in which Un Bar aux Folies-Bergere was produced in order to protect it once and for all from the vulgarity of its subject . In Les Petits poemes en prose , " La Corde " begins with a dedication to Manet . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Figure 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Todtri Productions , Ltd . ) <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Figure 2 . The Wedding Feast at Cana . Veronese . ( Photographie Giraudon , Musee du Louvre ) . <p>
@@4012741 1 . HOW ARE YOU ? <p> A voice addresses you . Not from clouds , a mountaintop , or a burning bush . From this page . It asks how you are and what you 're up to . It is a friendly , though unfamiliar , voice . You are unsure of how to react . You have an impulse to shout out that you 're fine , you 're reading , you 'd be grateful not to be disturbed . But you also do n't want to be rude , so you just say " OK " and " studying second-person narration . " The voice wants to know if you 've read Lorrie Moore 's Self-Help . Oh yes , you say , in fact , you 've just begun reading an essay about it . The voice asks what the essay 's about and if it 's any good . You ca n't tell yet ; so far the critic seems more interested in showing off his cleverness than in saying anything about Moore 's book . If he does n't quit , you 'll quit reading . OK , says the voice , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promise to stick around . In fact , to erase the sound of my voice , let 's listen to Lorrie Moore 's at the beginning of her short story " How " : <p> Begin by meeting him in a class , a bar , at a rummage sale . Maybe he teaches sixth grade . Manages a hardware store . Foreman at a carton factory . He will be a good dancer . He will have perfectly cut hair . He will laugh at your jokes . <p> A week , a month , a year . Feel discovered , comforted , needed , loved , and start sometimes , somehow , to feel bored . When sad or confused , walk uptown to the movies . Buy popcorn . These things come and go . A week , a month , a year . ( 55 ) 2 . WHO ARE YOU ? <p> Perhaps this question would be better phrased as " Who are the ' you 's ? ' " to indicate that it refers to the second-person addressees in the two texts of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Moore 's text ) rather than to you who are now reading the words of this sentence . The rephrasing does sharpen the question , but , as we shall soon see , trying to answer it will call the logic that motivates the sharpening into doubt . The rephrased question depends on a clear and stable distinction between an intrinsic , textual " you " -- a narratee-protagonist -- and an extrinsic , extratextual " you " -- a flesh-and-blood reader . Both texts , however , undermine the clarity and stability of the distinction . In the first text , the " you " addressed by the voice " from this page " is both textual and extratextual : it refers not only to the narratee-protagonist but also to " you " the actual reader. 1 The " you " who is unsure of how to react may or may not be both narratee and actual reader : at that moment , the discourse is blurring the boundaries between them . At the end of the paragraph , the " you " addressed by the voice is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narration ( from " the voice " to " I " ) foregrounds that dual address . <p> Moreover , this play with the location ( textual and/or extratextual ) of the addressee is only part of the text 's story of reading . When we read " You are unsure of how to react " and recognize that the " you " who is narratee-protagonist need not coincide with " you " the actual reader , another audience position becomes prominent : the observer role familiar to us in reading homodiegetic and heterodiegetic narration , the position from which we watch characters think , move , talk , act . In fact , what happens as we read " You are unsure of how to react " is frequently an important dimension of reading second-person narration : when the second-person address to a narratee-protagonist both overlaps with and differentiates itself from an address to actual readers , those readers will simultaneously occupy the positions of addressee and observer . Furthermore , the fuller the characterization of the " you , " the more aware actual readers will be of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the more fully they will move into the observer role , and the less likely this role will overlap with the addressee position . In other words , the greater the characterization of the " you , " the more like a standard protagonist the " you " becomes , and , consequently , the more actual readers can employ their standard strategies for reading narrative . However , as recent commentators on second-person narration have consistently observed , most writers who employ this technique take advantage of the opportunity to move readers between the positions of observer and addressee and , indeed , to blur the boundaries between these positions ( Fludernik , Kacandes , McHale , Richardson ) . 2 In short , it is not easy to say who you are . <p> The same difficulty is present in the opening section of Moore 's story . Because Moore starts the first paragraph with the narration of an event that the actual reader is not directly involved in -- girl meets boy 3 -- the observer role is initially more prominent . But in the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not specified and the general trajectory of the " you 's " experience is widely recognizable , the actual reader is likely to feel the pull of the addressee role . In fact , by showing the movement from observer to addressee rather than from addressee to observer , the passage illustrates how second-person narration almost always retains the potential to pull the actual reader back into the addressee role . Again , with Moore 's text , the question , " who are you ? " , does not have a clear and simple answer . <p> Although it is not easy to say who " you " are , watching " you " read can be highly instructive . In the rest of this essay , I would like to pursue that instruction by attending to the way in which the dynamics of second-person narration invite a reexamination of concepts of audience from two distinct but related traditions of narrative study : narratology 's " narratee " and rhetorical theory 's " narrative audience . " My contention will be that each tradition has something to teach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the complexities of reading second-person narration . I shall then illustrate the usefulness of the two concepts in a rhetorical analysis of Moore 's " How . " 3 . NARRATEE AND NARRATIVE AUDIENCE <p> Perhaps the most striking thing about the widely circulating concepts of narratee and narrative audience is that no one has carefully considered their relationship to each other . Are the concepts synonyms and the terms interchangeable ? Does one concept subsume the other ? If so , which is the more encompassing ? Alternatively , are the two terms complementary , overlapping , or incompatible ? What does their relation tell us about the similarities and differences of structuralist narratology and the rhetorical theory of narrative ? A study of second-person narration will help us answer these questions , but first I want to review the essays in which these two concepts were initially formalized , Gerald Prince 's " Introduction to the Study of the Narratee " ( 1973 ) and Peter J. Rabinowitz 's " Truth in Fiction : A Re-examination of Audiences " ( 1977 ) . <p> Prince 's purpose is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chain of narrative communication and to demonstrate that " narratees deserve to be studied " ( 8 ) . He argues , in effect , that the logic of differentiating among authors , implied authors , and narrators applies as well to readers ( or receivers ) , implied readers ( or addressees ) , and narratees ( or enunciatees ) . 4 The author addresses actual readers ( receivers ) ; the implied author the implied reader ( addressee ) ; and the narrator the narratee ( enunciatee ) . Prince shows that a narrator 's discourse frequently reveals evidence about the narratee 's identity even in narratives where there is no explicit address to the narratee . In characteristic structuralist fashion , Prince seeks to find the underlying commonality of diverse narratees and , as a result , proposes the idea of a " zero-degree " narratee , an enunciatee with minimal positive traits : knowing the narrator 's language , being able to infer presuppositions and consequences as they are reflected in that language , having an excellent memory . Different narratives will then assign further traits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " ( 1985 ) , however , Prince acknowledges that the approach through the zero degree violates Ockham 's Razor because , in effect , it describes virtually all narratees as deviations from a nonoccurring standard . Therefore , Prince proposes instead to " specify all and only classes of signs particularizing any narratee , all and only signs of the ' you ' in narrative discourse " ( 300 ) . <p> More generally , Prince 's structuralist narratology assumes that the narrative text is an object with a communicative purpose . His effort is to locate the presence and delineate the functions of the narratee within that object . These functions , tellingly , are all instrumental , all part of the narratee 's possible role in the communication : the narratee " constitutes a relay between the narrator and the reader , he helps establish the narrative framework , he serves to characterize the narrator , he emphasizes certain themes , he contributes to the development of the plot , he becomes the spokesman for the moral of the work " ( 23 ) . <p> Rabinowitz @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audiences as part of a larger inquiry into " truth in fiction , " specifically an inquiry into how certain " facts " of a fictional narrative may be true at one level of reading but not at another . Indeed , my phrase " level of reading " turns out , in effect , to be a synonym for " kind of audience . " Rabinowitz posits four : <p> ( 1 ) the actual or flesh-and-blood audience : you and me in both our idiosyncratic particularity and our socially constructed identities ; <p> ( 2 ) the authorial audience : the hypothetical ideal audience for whom the author designs the work , a design that includes assumptions about what that audience knows and believes ; <p> ( 3 ) the narrative audience : the " imaginary audience for which the narrator is writing " ( 127 ) , an audience upon whom the narrator projects a set of beliefs and a body of knowledge ; and <p> ( 4 ) the ideal narrative audience : the audience " for which the narrator wishes he were writing " ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the narrator as true and reliable . <p> Rabinowitz emphasizes , first , that readers take up places in the four audiences simultaneously and , second , that this simultaneity is largely responsible for readers ' complex relations to truth in fiction . When we enter the authorial and narrative audiences of , say , Jane Eyre , we find that there is no significant difference between the narrative audience and the ideal narrative audience and that there is some significant overlap in what the authorial audience and the narrative audience take to be true . Both of the latter two audiences , for example , operate with the same world maps ; both attach the same social significance to a marriage between a master and a governess ; both have some faith in the power of romantic love . But the audiences ' beliefs also significantly diverge . Most obviously -- and importantly -- the authorial audience knows that Jane is a fictional character narrating fictional events whereas the narrative audience assumes that a historical personage is recounting her autobiography . Furthermore , each audience has a different view @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jane 's hearing Rochester call her name despite being miles away from him . The authorial audience recognizes that this event is possible only in fiction. 5 The narrative audience accepts the event as Jane does : wonderful and strange , but true . Indeed , the very fact that Jane does not try to convince skeptics in her audience is evidence that she assumes her audience will accept its truth . <p> Since the publication of " Truth in Fiction , " rhetorical theorists have not found much practical use for the concept of " ideal narrative audience . " In the " Afterword to the Second Edition " of The Rhetoric of Fiction ( 1983 ) , Wayne C. Booth adopts Rabinowitz 's model minus the ideal narrative audience . Rabinowitz himself drops the category from his discussion of audiences in Before Reading ( 1987 ) . In Reading People , Reading Plots ( 1989 ) , I claim that " although the ideal narrative audience is a logical category of analysis , it has insufficient analytical payoff for me to want to invoke it " ( 141 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relation between the concepts of narratee and narrative audience have made me rethink that conclusion . In order to explain how , I first need to explain why most rhetorical theorists have felt Rabinowitz 's first three audiences have been sufficient to account for most author-narrator-reader relationships . <p> The rhetorical approach is rooted in the relation between narrative strategies and the activities of readers in the way that what occurs on the levels of both story and discourse influences what readers know , believe , think , judge , and feel . In the case of , say , an author who employs an unreliable narrator , one important readerly activity is the rejection of the narrator 's assumptions , knowledge , or values . ( Many other activities will follow from this rejection , but those activities will vary from one narrative to the next . ) In explaining the relation between narrative strategy and readerly activity , the rhetorical critic focuses on how an actual reader can recognize the signs of unreliability and infer the author 's different assumptions , knowledge , or values . The key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between the narrator 's assumptions about her audience and the author 's assumptions about hers . In explaining the transaction , the rhetorical critic focuses on the way in which an actual reader can recognize that gap and the way in , which that recognition is itself a part of the authorial audience 's understanding of the narrative . In this way , the activity of the narrative audience gets subsumed by the activity of the authorial , and differentiating between the narrative audience and the ideal narrative audience has seemed less important than attending to this subsumption . For example , in " Haircut , " answering the question of whether Whitey 's customer is Whitey 's narrative or ideal narrative audience seems less important than recognizing that Whitey assumes he is an ideal audience and that Lardner assumes readers will recognize Whitey 's moral obtuseness . By focusing on the difference between what Whitey expects his audience ( ideally ) to believe and what Lardner expects his audience to do with Whitey 's expectations , the rhetorical critic , in effect , erases the distinction between the narrative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example of " Haircut " suggests , erasing the distinction means that all narrative audiences are ideal narrative audiences . So while the term " ideal narrative audience " has dropped out of use , the concept has not ; it is more accurate to say that in practice , Rabinowitz 's third and fourth audiences have been conflated into the single category of narrative audience . As I turn to look more closely at the relation between this concept and Prince 's concept of the narratee , I will suggest why I think it is useful to separate the two audiences once again . <p> Having seen all this about narratee and narrative audience , what can we conclude about the relation between them ? Rabinowitz , who naturally wants to distinguish his concept from Prince 's , offers two answers in " Truth in Fiction . " First , the " narrataire . . . is someone perceived by the reader as ' out there , ' a separate person who often serves as a mediator between narrator and reader . The ' narrative audience , ' in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reader to take on . I think that my analysis , centering on an activity on the part of the reader , more successfully explains why certain texts evoke certain responses " ( 127n14 ) . Second , the default position of " narrative audience " is not degree-zero ; instead , it is much closer to " actual audience . " Rabinowitz puts it this way : the " narrative audience is much like ourselves , with our beliefs , prejudices , our hopes , fears , and expectations , and our knowledge of society and literature -- unless there is some evidence ( textual or historical ) to the contrary " ( 128-29n16 ) . <p> These answers initially do more to sharpen the differences between the rhetorical approach and the structuralist one than to differentiate clearly narratee from narrative audience . The key difference in the approaches is encapsulated by Rabinowitz 's claims that his model " centers on an activity on the part of the reader " and that the narrative audience is " a role the text forces the reader to take on " ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " " experience " are key terms for the rhetorical theorists . Prince 's model , by contrast , sees the text as a message and wants to identify the structural properties of that message . " Component , " " relay , " " framework " are key terms for narratologists . The two approaches are not entirely incompatible : a text that exerts a force upon its reader is a communicative object of a certain kind . But the approaches are not exactly the same suit traveling under two different designer labels , and it is not surprising that they view the narrator 's audience differently . As Rabinowitz says , Prince 's narratee remains " out there , " distinct from the actual reader ; a narrative audience , by contrast , occupies some part of the actual reader 's consciousness and , given the default position , the actual reader also gives traits to the narrative audience . <p> Confronting this difference , we might be tempted to decide that each concept is adequate within its own theoretical framework : that is , that the concepts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Consequently , such a response might go , when we want to do structuralist analysis , we should talk about narratees , and when we want to do rhetorical analysis we should talk about narrative audiences . I would yield to this temptation , if it were not for my reading of second-person narration . Second-person narration shows that the two concepts are , ultimately , complementary and that both structuralist narratology and rhetorical theory need to recognize that complementarity . It shows further , as I mentioned above , that there are good reasons for reintroducing the distinction between the narrative and ideal narrative audiences . <p> Let us return to the basic definitions : a narratee is " someone whom the narrator addresses " ( Prince , " Introduction " 7 ) . A narrative audience is " the imaginary audience for which the narrator is writing " ( Rabinowitz , " Truth " 127 ) . An ideal narrative audience is " the audience for which the narrator wishes he were writing " ( Rabinowitz , " Truth " 134 ) . And let us return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting him in a class , a bar , at a rummage sale . Maybe he teaches sixth grade . Manages a hardware store . Foreman at a carton factory . He will be a good dancer . He will have perfectly cut hair . He will laugh at your jokes . <p> A week , a month , a year . Feel discovered , comforted , needed , loved , and start sometimes , somehow , to feel bored . When sad or confused , walk uptown to the movies . Buy popcorn . These things come and go . A week , a month , a year . ( 55 ) <p> Is it adequate to say , as structuralist narratology would , that the unnamed " you " addressed by the narrator is the narratee and the protagonist , that the narrative 's implied reader is different from this narratee , someone who infers from the narrator 's address a larger cultural story about female-male relationships ? Although this account gets at a good part of the communicative structure of the text , it is not fully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address exerts pressure on the actual reader -- even the male reader , as in the second paragraph -- " to take on the role " of the narratee-protagonist as " you " experience(s) the ups and downs ( especially the downs ) of the relationship . In other words , continuing to assume that the narratee is a distinct character who is " out there " will mean not just that we prefer the structuralist to the rhetorical framework ; it also will mean that the structuralist analysis will neglect a significant aspect of how the text attempts to communicate . <p> Perhaps , then , the rhetorical approach will be more adequate . It would say that in Moore 's text the unnamed " you " addressed by the narrator is the narrative audience and the protagonist and that the authorial audience needs to infer the larger story about female-male relationships that Moore is telling. 6 This approach does enable us to account better for the effects that follow from " taking on the role " of the " you , " but again the account is unsatisfactory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the narrative audience with " you " leaves out the way in which we take on an observer role within the fiction , the way in which we recognize our difference from " you " and regard her as a person " out there " being addressed by the narrator . This observer role is different from the role we adopt as implied readers ( or members of the authorial audience ) because in the observer role we believe in the reality of the events . Some of " what happens to us " when we read " How " depends upon our dual perspective inside the fiction , on the way that we step into and out of the enunciatee position , while we remain in the observer position and discover what the narrator assumes about our knowledge and beliefs in the enunciatee role . Furthermore , moving into the enunciatee role means that we move into the ideal narrative audience -- the narrator tells us what we believe , think , feel , do -- while in the observer role we evaluate our position in the ideal narrative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structuralist narratology needs the concept of " narrative audience " to complement its concept of " narratee , " and rhetorical theory needs the concept of " narratee " to complement its concept of " narrative audience . " And both approaches need the further concept of " ideal narrative audience . " For the sake of clarity and consistency , I propose that we adjust the definitions to reflect the complementarity . Let Prince 's definition of narratee stand : the audience addressed by the narrator ( the enunciatee ) . Let Rabinowitz 's definition of narrative audience be modified : the actual audience 's projection of itself into the observer role within the fiction . In taking on that role , we will always become believers in the reality of the fictional world ; consequently , much of our emotional response to narrative derives from our participation in this role . Furthermore , let Rabinowitz 's definition of the ideal narrative audience stand : " the audience for which the narrator wishes he were writing " ( " Truth " 134 ) . The ideal narrative audience may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrative audience may or may not find itself in accord with the assumptions of the ideal narrative audience . <p> The situation of watching traditional drama clarifies the distinctions . For the mimetic illusion and the emotional force of a play to work , we must enter the observer position of the " narrative " ( " dramatic " ? ) audience and believe in the reality of , say , Othello , Iago , and Desdemona . Indeed ; the oft-discussed instances of people leaping upon the stage to stop the action are , in these terms , examples of what happens when we enter so deeply into the narrative audience position that we fail to maintain our simultaneous participation in the authorial audience . This role is clearly distinct from that of an enunciatee or " narratee , " someone addressed by a speaker . However , in a soliloquy or aside addressed to ( rather than overheard by ) the audience , the roles of observer and enunciatee , of " narrative audience " and " narratee , " are likely to overlap . But again , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the narrative audience and the ideal narrative audience . In a soliloquy addressed to the audience , the narratee and the ideal narrative audience will coincide ; these roles will converge with that of the narrative audience to the extent that the observer can share in the assumptions the soliloquist makes about the audience 's beliefs , knowledge , and values . The soliloquies of Shakespeare 's villains , for example , create distance between the audience as narratee ( or ideal narrative audience ) and the audience as observer within the fiction . <p> In narrative , where we always have narrative audiences and narratees , one of the variables in narrative discourse will be how much the narratee and the narrative audience overlap . As I suggested earlier , what second-person narration shows is that the more fully the narratee is characterized , the greater the distance between narratee and narrative audience ; similarly , the less the narratee is characterized the greater the coincidence between the two. 7 If we return again to the two texts with which I opened this essay , we can see that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audience are blurred and that the blurring depends on the lack of characterization of the narratee . In Moore 's text , on the other hand , the narratee is designated as female and as moving in a certain kind of social milieu , and these designations allow individual readers to differentiate themselves from her , even as they remain in the observer position. 8 4 . HOW I -- AND YOU ? -- READ " HOW " <p> Before turning to a rhetorical analysis of " How , " I want to consider the kind of claims about reading the rhetorical approach wants to make . By focusing on the text 's designs on its reader , the rhetorical approach seems to promise an account not just of the structure and form of the text but also of the experience of reading . But in that promise also lies the problem . Recall Rabinowitz 's description of the difference between " narrative audience " and " narratee " : the " narrative audience is much like ourselves , with our beliefs , prejudices , our hopes , fears , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- un-less there is some evidence ( textual or historical ) to the contrary " ( " Truth " 128-29n16 ) . In 1994 , after many years of work on the difference that difference makes in reading , Rabinowitz himself would , I am confident , be among the first to ask , " Who is ' us ' ? , " and to point out that attention to difference suggests that the text will not necessarily exert its force on all readers in the same way . <p> Rabinowitz 's distinction between the actual and the authorial audiences is helpful for negotiating between the force of the text and individual difference , though I do not believe it completely solves the problem . The concept of authorial audience has the advantage of positing a hypothetical reader addressed by the implied author who is able to discern a text 's intended force ( just as you might be my hypothetical reader who is fully understanding all of my points ) . The concept of actual reader enables Rabinowitz to acknowledge that many readers will not feel that intended force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to it . The model , then , seems as if it can stand as a heuristic for reading , a delineation of some of the various roles available to the actual reader . As long as the model does not say that authorial reading is the best or only worthy kind of reading , it seems not entirely incompatible with the recognition of difference . <p> If we probe more deeply , however , the problems of difference teemerge . If we are a diverse group of readers , then our different cultural experiences and the resulting differences in beliefs , hopes , fears , prejudices , and knowledge will lead us to hypothesize different authorial and narrative audiences as we infer these positions from the details of any given narrative . Consequently , I propose that the model be taken as a helpful heuristic in a different way . it describes the experiences of reading : an entry into a narrative audience , a recognition of a narrator 's ideal audience and narratee , an effort to step into the author 's intended audience , a relation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , judge those experiences according to their proximity from some single standard . Instead , the model invites a sharing of experiences , especially sharing that involves discussion of the textual grounds for those experiences , so that different readers can continue to learn from each other ? Thus , the title of this section of the essay . <p> In " How , " the functions of the narratee and narrative audience can not be separated from the authorial audience 's knowledge of the story 's dialogic relation to three especially significant intertexts : ( 1 ) the common cultural narrative ( especially among young to middle-age adults of the middle and upper-middle classes ) of developing an ( unsatisfactory ) relationship and trying to disentangle from it ; ( 2 ) the standard narrative in self-help books ( especially of the kind that end up on The New York Times best-seller list ) ; and ( 3 ) the previous short stories in Self-Help , especially " How to Be an Other Woman . " As I noted above , " How " identifies the narratee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of narratee and narrative audience frequently enough for the observer of either sex to be pulled into the narrative 's subject position : you fall in love , become part of a couple , meet your partner 's family , feel uneasy about the relationship , try -- unsuccessfully -- to find a good time to leave , try being with someone else , have your partner need you because of illness ( or weakness ) , feel a renewed tenderness , discover that it is not enough , slowly resolve to leave , feel very guilty , finally muster the courage to say goodbye , survive the partner 's anger but find that you are unable to escape the sadness of the whole experience. 10 <p> Even as Moore uses the second person to make the narrative audience feel the pull into the subject position , she uses the narratee to put a distinctive spin on the general narrative by switching the standard gender roles . Not only is the " you " female , but the male expresses stereotypical female desires : " The touchiest point will always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nest of human bowls ; he wants to have your children " ( 57 ) . In this way , Moore is reclaiming a subject position for women in this general cultural narrative . But it is hardly a position to be envied , as the interaction with the other two intertexts reveals . Where the standard narrative in the self-help genre always leads its audiences ( actual and authorial ) onward and upward toward Self-Fulfillment and the Better Life ( if genres had official songs , self-help 's would be " Nearer My God to Thee " ) , Moore 's narratee-protagonist is on a slow course to nowhere . Moore 's critique of the self-help genre combines with the very generality and even triteness of the narrative to underline the story 's satiric strain and mitigate the narrative audience 's involvement with the narratee-protagonist as a mimetic character . Strong emotions for the narratee seem less appropriate than knowing laughter about modern relationships and self-help books . Yet the story 's relation to " How to Be an Other Woman " and Moore 's skill with the second-person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and in some uneasy tension with , the narrative and authorial audiences ' genuine feeling for the narratee 's situation . <p> " How to Be an Other Woman " is a companion piece to " How " because it places the female narratee in a different relationship to the man in her life . In that story , the narratee-protagonist desires a deeper , more reliable relationship with the man she is involved with but must face , first , the frustration of always being of secondary importance to him , and , second , the pain of his ultimate rejection . Together the stories paint a very bleak picture of women 's chances for satisfying relationships . When you want him , he 's married ( or otherwise committed ; one twist in " How to Be an Other Woman " is that the man is separated from his wife and cheating on the woman he lives with , a twist that certainly expands the circle of hurt women ) . When you decide that you do n't want him , you are too kind and too weak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do , you do not escape to happiness . This effect of the intertextuality invites the authorial audience to entertain multiple ways of completing Moore 's laconic title , yet these ways seem to point back to the wisdom of her choice . She leaves it at " How " because what else is there to say ? Adding " It Usually Goes " or " It Hurts " or even an interrogative that cuts off the last part of the earlier title -- " to Be ? " -- seems redundant . " ' How ? ' " you ask . This is " How . " <p> Even more than this intertextuality , Moore 's specific modulation of the narrative discourse enables her both to flaunt the triteness of her narrative and to generate genuine feeling with it . I will look once more at the opening paragraphs and then at just two more of the story 's many highly nuanced passages . <p> Begin by meeting him in a class , a bar , at a rummage sale . Maybe he teaches sixth grade . Manages a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be a good dancer . He will have perfectly cut hair . He will laugh at your jokes . <p> A week , a month , a year . Feel discovered , comforted , needed , loved , and start sometimes , somehow , to feel bored . When sad or confused , walk uptown to the movies . Buy popcorn . These things come and go . A week , a month , a year . ( 55 ) <p> I have already discussed the way that this passage begins the fluctuation for the actual reader between the positions of the narratee and the narrative audience ; now I would like to focus on some features of the narrative discourse that are characteristic of the whole story . First , the presentation of various alternatives , which goes along with the story 's relation to the self-help genre , establishes a separation between the narrator and the narratee ; unlike the case of Jay Mclnerney 's Bright Lights , Big City , where the protagonist uses second person to narrate his own story , Moore uses an external @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the sentences have the surface form of imperatives ( " Begin by meeting him , " " walk uptown , " " buy popcorn " ) , the very fact that the story is about the desire for love also gives the sentences another effect . They are not just imperatives but also descriptions of the narratee 's willing actions . At the same time , the imperative tone and the consistency of the second-person address make it clear that the narratee and the ideal narrative audience will coincide in this story : the narratee is always doing the bidding of the narrator . Third , this dual-directed quality of the verbs is continued by the frequent but not ubiquitous use of the future tense , a technique that allows the narrator simultaneously to predict and to report the events of the story . Thus , on the one hand , the story appears to remain within the confines of a self-help book : rather than being the account of one person 's actual experience , it is a primer of how one might behave in a relationship . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be an account of one person 's experience as it unfolds . Through these techniques and effects , Moore invites us to attend both to the satiric and to the mimetic elements of the story . <p> The second passage I want to consider occurs just after " you " have met an actor , who can quote Coriolanus 's mother , and with whom " you " go to bed or from whom " you " run as fast as you can : <p> Back at home , days later , feel cranky and tired . Sit on the couch and tell him he 's stupid . That you bet he does n't know who Coriolanus is . That since you moved in you 've noticed he rarely reads . He will give you a hurt , hungry-to-learn look , with his James Cagney eyes . He will try to kiss you . Turn your head . Feel suffocated. ( 57 ) <p> The **26;545;TOOLONG narrative audience here remains clearly distinct from the narrative audience . The narrative audience in the observer position recognizes how much is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Her complaints are stand-ins for the narratee 's larger unhappiness . The problem is not that this man does not know Coriolanus or does not read enough ; the problem is that he is not someone else . The narratee is cranky because she is not as forthright as Coriolanus , not able to say what is really on her mind . Thus , though her complaints apparently point to ways that he might change his behavior to please her , these changes will not be enough . So , his " hurt hungry-to-learn look " is not a response that offers her any real hope . He can learn all he wants but he will still be himself . That is what is suffocating . <p> All this takes on a special cast because of the second-person narration . While the clear distinction between the narratee and the narrative audience allows us to infer so much about the narratee 's behavior and situation , the " you " address also invites us to project ourselves -- as narrative audience , authorial audience , and actual readers -- into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make as we occupy the narrative-audience position lead us to a complicated vision that mingles narratee and self in the narratee 's position . We both occupy the position and know what the position is like in a way that the narratee herself does not . In this way , we feel addressed by the narrator but not fully coincident with the narratee . Different flesh-and-blood readers will then respond differently to this complicated positioning : some may empathize more fully with the narratee , some may grow impatient or indifferent or condemnatory , and others may turn away from this involvement and refocus on the story 's mockery of its own triteness and of the self-help genre . If Moore had employed a standard homodiegetic or heterodiegetic narration , she could have built the same inferences into the passage , but it is difficult to see how she could have also retained the effects resulting from this complicated mingling and separation of narratee and narrative audience . <p> The third passage I would like to examine more closely occurs in the story 's last three paragraphs : <p> You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be sitting in Central Park one April eating your lunch and he will trundle by on roller skates . You will greet him with a wave and a mouth full of sandwich . He will nod , but he will not stop . <p> There will be an endless series of tests . <p> A week , a month , a year . The sadness will die like an old dog . You will feel nothing but indifference . The logy whine of a cowboy harmonica , plaintive , weary , it will fade into the hill as slow Hank Williams . One of those endings . ( 64 ) <p> Again the narratee/ideal narrative audience and narrative audience are clearly distinct . This time , however , there is much less of a gap between the two audience 's understandings of the events and the discourse . The first paragraph here reminds the authorial audience of the narrative 's triteness : you might see him ; you might not ; it happens both ways . In either case , though , it wo n't make much difference . Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . " This sentence is ironic for both narratee and narrative audience ; the narrator has previously employed the same sentence in discussing the man 's illness . Here it glosses the previous paragraph and extends its meaning : whether the narratee never sees him or sees him functioning fine without her , life after the relationship will be an endless series of tests to diagnose what is now her illness , the lingering sadness of the whole experience . And the last paragraph underscores the endlessness by suggesting that even the apparent end , the death of that sadness , does not bring renewal . Stretched out over yet another of the story 's many spans of " a week , a month , a year , " the dying gives way to the emptiness of indifference , " one of those endings . " Narratee , ideal narrative audience , and narrative audience all nod their heads in understanding here . This close positioning of the complementary audiences strengthens the second-person 's general invitation for the narrative , authorial , and actual audiences to project themselves into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , underscored one last time by " One of those endings , " that position contains real pain . By keeping the narratee , the ideal narrative audience , and narrative audience closely aligned here , Moore is able to build genuine emotion into her ending . Again , as actual readers we may choose to turn from this emotion or critique it as sentimental . But Moore 's ending can be usefully compared to Umberto Eco 's example of how to generate sincere emotion within a postmodern consciousness that is aware of language as already worn out , overloaded with meaning from other contexts : the man who wants to tell a woman that he loves her madly but worries that romance novels have turned a direct expression of love into cliche can say , " As Barbara Cartland would put it , I love you madly " ( 227 ) . Even as Moore 's narrative flaunts its triteness and engages in the send-up of the self-help genre , it also invites its readers to respond as we do to traditional mimetic fiction . 5 . YOU , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the relations among narratee , ideal narrative audience , and narrative audience in second-person fiction , I would like to close with a comment on those between authors , actual or implied , and actual readers . Brian McHale has suggested that one of the metathemes of postmodernism apparent in second-person narration is love since the mode depends on violating traditional ontological boundaries ( between the fictional and the nonfictional realms ) in such a way that reading and writing themselves take on an erotic charge ( 227 ) . I believe that McHale 's point is sound though I also find applying it wholesale to the reading of Self-Help runs the risk of violating the thematic spirit of Moore 's book . What I would like to propose instead is that the complexities of the reading-writing transaction in " How " and the other second-person stories add another layer to Moore 's undermining of the self-help genre . In using the second-person address to invite her actual readers to adopt multiple positionings , Moore implicitly comments on the simplistic assumptions about readers operating in the self-help books . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence by implicitly expressing confidence that we can find our ways . When we summon the requisite intelligence and experience the satisfactions that follow from accepting the invitations , we also turn Self-Help into mutual help , with author and reader once again affirming the value of the activities they engage in for themselves and for each other . <p> In other words , the voice from this page offers you testimony about the value of rhetorical transactions . One of those conclusions. 11 <p>
@@4012841 Among the most stimulating contemporary pronouncements on the subject of the sublime is an interpretation of the phenomenon of violence in mass culture that refers to the notion of " the aesthetics of the sublime " ( Crowther , Critical Aesthetics 129-30 ) . This can help us to realize how much the meaning of that technical term ( the sublime ) , used nowadays by philosophers , aestheticians , and literary theorists , differs from the meaning usually associated with the sublime and sublime phenomena in the ordinary use of language . Listening to people we can observe that the sublime now frequently means noble and morally positive . <p> In theoretical reflection a totally different notion is fashionable . In 1984 , Jean-Luc Nancy opened his article devoted to the subject as follows : " The sublime is in fashion " ( 25 , see also Crowther , The Kantian Sublime 3 ) . But he added immediately that the fashion is very old . Indeed , if we look at the bibliography of the sublime in English , we can even observe a kind of renaissance : there has been an abundance of theoretical and critical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sublime since the end of the 70s . ( The most important texts are written mainly by Lyotard , but there are other sources relevant here : Rachwal and Slawek , the reader Of the Sublime ed. by Courtine , monographic issues of New Literary History and Studies in Romanticism ; Weiskel 's Romantic Sublime . ) This real " eruption " of academic interest in the English speaking world is accompanied by a revival in other countries . Special issues of literary journals are devoted to the sublime in France , Sweden , and Poland . Anthologies dealing with the subject are published in France , Netherlands , and Denmark . There is a growing interest in the sublime in Germany and Italy . <p> In contemporary reflection on the subject , the sublime has many dimensions , not only aesthetic but also ethical ( Crowther Critical Aesthetics , The Kantian Sublime ; Ferguson " The Nuclear Sublime " ) ; general philosophical and psychological ( Sussman , Morris , Weiskel ) ; political ( Crowther Critical Aesthetics , Ramazani , Shapiro , Ferguson " The Nuclear Sublime " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; and sociological ( Baife ) . The sublime may also induce us to think specifically about the political motives of action ( Kwiek ) . <p> A similar explosion of interest in the sublime can be found in eighteenth-century pre-romantic Britain ( see the reader edited by Ashfield and de Bolla , Hipple , Monk ) . It is impossible here to decide whether " the sublime " and " sublimity " used in the eighteenth century have similar meanings as used today . ( For complex histories of the terms , see Wood , Cohn and Miles . ) That is why we initially treat the sublime as a kind of literary motif . It is certain that the renaissance of the motif in the 1980s does not make it easy to limit " the sublime " as a term of rhetoric or , generally , of reflection on language . In eighteenth-century aesthetic reflections on the sublime , there are astoundingly different accounts of the subject . It may be said that all three theoretical " arche-texts of the sublime " by Pseudo-Longinos , Burke , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crowther , Critical Aesthetics 115 ) . <p> For instance , in Pseudo-Longinos ' theory , the sublime has distinct moral implications because it is strongly associated with a kind of normative psychology . On the other hand , Burke 's theory is , broadly speaking , directed toward the aesthetics of such situations in which some elements are felt either as painful or as threatening . Still , Kant elaborates his theory in such a way that in his aesthetics the most substantial is a response of reason to the overwhelming excess either of greatness or power . Kant focuses on limitations of imagination when confronted with ideas of reason ( cf. Crowther , Critical Aesthetics 115 ) . However , there is something Burke and Kant have in common : they both built their aesthetic theories on the dualism of the beautiful and the sublime . This motif reappears in further reflection on the sublime many times . <p> Contemporary theoreticians usually comment on the three aforementioned arche-texts , Pseudo-Longinos , Burk , and Kant , often ignoring the fact that the texts are theoretically complex . For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see his associationism and physiologism . While discussing Kant , they frequently happen not to notice his metaphysics . The history of the sublime , as the history of many crucial notions for the humanities , may be seen and understood as a history of misreadings of the past ( Nycz 3 ) . <p> There is something ironic and perverse in the contemporary -- postmodern -- renaissance of the sublime . The almost two-thousand-year-old world history of the sublime is then full of insinuations , ambiguities , and sudden pauses . Its sources are in the lost treatise by Caecilius of Calakte and a defective response to it by an unidentified author , a response which was accompanied through ages by silence . From the time when the Pseudo-Longinian treatise Peri hypsous came into existence in the first century A.D. until the sixteenth century , when the treatise was published in Basel , European intellectuals were not interested in the sublime . ( n1 ) It became popular thanks to Nicholas Boileau 's translation ( published in 1674 ) , which developed the main thoughts of the treatise , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boileau also published commentaries on Pseudo-Longinos entitled Rflexions Critiques sur Quelques Passages du Rhteur Longin ( published in 1694 and 1713 ) . The next milestone in the history of the sublime is A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful by Edmund Burke ( 1756/57 ) . The next great event in the history was Kant 's Third Critique , Kritik der Urteilskraft ( 1790 ) , which contains the crucial Analytic of the Sublime . ( Earlier in 1764 Kant published a less influential work devoted to the beautiful and the sublime , Beobachtungen ber das Gefhl des Schnen und Erhabenen ; cf. Kant Observations , Crowther The Kantian Sublime , Klinger . ) In Germany , Kantian ideas were developed by Friedrich Schiller in ber das Erhabene ( first published in 1801 ) and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel in Vorlesungen ber die esthetik ( 1820 ) , while Burke 's viewpoint was elaborated in Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung ( 1819 ) by Artur Schopenhauer . Romantics from all over Europe developed , theoretically and practically , the ideas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . On the surface , there was little interest in the sublime in the second half of the nineteenth century . ( There is an interpretation of the theories of the French Symbolists , mainly in Malarm , which shows their dependence on the aesthetics of the sublime . Cf. Lokke 427-28 . ) It seems that in the twentieth century the sublime was incompatible with the spirit of the age , and until the pronouncements of Theodor Adorno ( 1970 ) and JeanFranois Lyotard ( 1979 ) , who claimed the opposite , there had been no bold and systemic attempts to revive it . Harold Bloom sees the last considerable interpretation of the sublime in Freud 's Das Unheimliche ( first published in 1919 ) ( Macksey 931 ) . <p> One of the most crucial problems in the theoretical thought on the sublime is a linguistic problem . It is common in English , Polish , and Swedish to equate qualities such as pathos , nobility , dignity , and gravity with the sublime . This gives the notion of the sublime a special moral dimension , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only to a certain extent in some elements of Pseudo-Longinos ' and Kant 's theories . <p> Theoretical problems with the sublime as a research category in linguistics are complicated by the fact that we have only one archetypical text of the sublime -- Pseudo-Longinos ' treatise -- containing examples taken mainly from literature ( broadly understood ) . But Burke , who even sketches a very interesting theory of language , uses few literary examples . The third grand work of the sublime , Kant 's Third Critique , deals mainly with the sublime in nature and , additionally , in architecture . Literature is a marginal reference here . Similarly , the father of the twentieth-century renaissance of the sublime , Lyotard , employs this category as a tool to describe abstract painting . Literature is a secondary concern in his work . <p> We have more theoretical and terminological complications if we consider the usual tradition of giving the sublime many epithets ( Vijay Mishra mentions this tradition and quotes several qualifications ; cf. The Gothic Sublime 21 ) . Beside the theoretical varieties of the sublime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some literary authors ' variations , such as William Wordsworth 's sublime or Emily Dickinson 's sublime , there are also geographical and national classifications : " arctic , " " American , " " European , " " Indian , " and " Nordic . " We can find qualifications referring to epochs and cultural currents : " medieval , " " of the Enlightenment , " " Sentimental , " " Romantic , " " modern , " and " postmodern . " We also have broader categorizations of the sublime : " natural , " " artificial " as well as " supernatural , " " oceanic , " " technological , " " urban , " " industrial , " " religious " ( it is even possible to find " the Calvinist sublime " ) , " non-Idealist , " " Marxist , " " moral , " " poetic , " and " material . " Different kinds of sublime attributed to some genres seem worth mentioning : the " gothic sublime , " the " comic sublime , " the " avant-garde sublime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wondertale sublime , " and the " saga sublime . " Besides Kant 's " mathematical " and " dynamic " sublimes , we have qualifications such as negative , positive , metaphoric , metonymic , rhetorical , and theological . It should not be surprising to find attributes of the sublime such as trivial , ironic , existential , nihilistic , erotic , feminine , masculine , androgynous , egotistical , hysteric , impersonal , nuclear , textual , performative , botanical , angelic , and satanic , or even excremental . Moreover , there are special neologisms , very hard to translate into other languages : sublimicism and sublimicist ( see Crowther The Critical Aesthetics : passim ) . <p> If we ponder a bit longer on the phenomenon , we should not be astounded by the terminological inventiveness because the sublime is a category that , for aestheticians , is similar to the beautiful , so it must be , as the beautiful is , ubiquitous . One can legitimately ask , however , whether such a capacious theoretical category is still workable in application . In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it might seem to be . <p> The picture of the situation can be convoluted by the widespread trend to identify the sublime with other aesthetic qualities such as the picturesque ( Labbe , Ashfield and de Bolla , Brennan , Hippie ) , the tragic and pathos ( Schiller , Albrecht ) , or even the ugly and the grotesque ( Nesbitt , Guerlac The Impersonal Sublime ) . Theoreticians mention such aesthetic and philosophical notions as Benjamin 's aura ( Lyotard Lessons , Erjavec ) , the Freudian uncanny ( Bloom Freud , Morris , Mishra The Gothic Sublime ) or Witkacy 's pure form ( Zajac ) . Since Lyotard , the sublime has also been associated with a notion of nostalgia and allusiveness . In the context of the sublime , other notions also appear : shock ( Crowther The Critical Aesthetics ) , suddenness ( Bohrer ) , and the holy ( Otto ) . <p> Because of the universality of this phenomenon and because of its multifariousness , different approaches to the sublime can be distinguished , although they are not always exclusive . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Otto ) , " intertextual " ( Bloom ) , " psychoanalytic " ( Dainotto , Morris , Hertz , Bloom , Weiskel ) , " deconstructionist " ( Courtine , Silverman and Aylesworth , Derrida , de Man ; cf. characteristic features of this approach in Ferguson Solitude and the Sublime ) , and " postmodernist " ( all texts by Lyotard , Rachwat , critical evaluation in Crowther The Critical Aesthetics ) . There is a discussion of the sublime in new pragmatism ( Knapp ) , in new aestheticism ( Ferguson Solitude and the Sublime , Terada ) , in feminism ( Klinger , Freeman , Williams , Yeager , Edelman ) , in marxism ( Jameson , Eagleton ) , and in " black theory " ( Armstrong ) . The sublime is also attractive to cognitivists ( Tsur ) and to suggestion theorists ( Cieslikowscy ) . It seems significant that structuralists were not interested in the sublime ( except Wieskel , who combines the structuralist approach with psychoanalysis ) . The renaissance of the sublime is strictly tied to the revival of the research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Oxenhandler ) . <p> The motives of this renaissance are quite a different problem . Conjecturally , pre-Romantics in the eighteenth century saw in the sublime irrationality , a connection which gave them an opportunity to fight the predominant rationalism of the epoch . In a similar manner , postmodernist thinkers of the twentieth century look to the sublime as a great tool in fighting the mimetic theory of language and the positivist ideas of total knowledge treated as the only proper way of mirroring reality ( cf. Rorty , Altieri ) . On the other hand , we can hypothesize that the suggestion theory has found in the sublime an interesting model of personal relationships in literature , a model which is totally different from the structuralist one . <p> Miscellaneous approaches to the sublime include those by Blake , Wordsworth , Schiller , Hegel , Schopenhauer , Nietzsche , Mallarm , Freud , and Benjamin , although these authors do not always refer directly to the sublime . The picture is clouded because the sublime can be found , according to some scholars , in theological and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the sublime might be discovered for instance in the Tao te Ching , in the tradition of Zen Buddism , or in the Revelations of St. Teresa ( cf. Sircello ) . Some philosophers , such as Wittgenstein , are engaged in the theme of presenting the unpresentable . <p> Finding a starting point for research is not easy for various theoreticians and historians of literature because of the heterogeneity of those literary texts that researchers refer to in the context of the sublime . Romanticism is very popular with scholars , but corpora may also include ancient texts of various cultures such as the Bible , the Mahabharata , or the Iliad , as well as medieval works by Dante or William Langland . Among " sublime " authors one can find William Shakespeare , Christopher Marlowe , and Tulsidas . In the seventeenth century , John Milton and Thomas Burnet were popular . In the eighteenth century , many authors were regarded as sublime : William Collins , William Cowper , Daniel Defoe , Philip Freneau , William Gilpin , Oliver Goldsmith , Thomas Gray , Aaron @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Radcliffe , Christopher Smart , James Thomson , Horace Walpole , William Warburton , Edward Young . The nineteenth century is most densely populated with sublime authors : Jane Austen , Charles Baudelaire , William Blake , Charles Brockden Brown , William Cullen Bryant , George Byron , Enrique Gil y Carrasco , Thomas Cole , Samuel Taylor Coleridge , J. Fenimore Cooper , Stephen Crane , Charles Darwin , Charles Dickens , Emily Dickinson , George Eliot , Ralph Waldo Emerson , Gustave Flaubert , Margaret Fuller , Wolfgang Goethe , Nathaniel Hawthorne , William Hazlitt , Wictor Hugo , Washington Irving , Anna Jameson , John Keats , Zygmunt Krasinski , de Lautramont , Giacomo Leopardi , Stephane Mallarm , Charles Robert Maturin , Herman Melville , Tadeusz Micinski , Adam Mickiewicz , Francis Parkman , Edgar Allan Poe , Stanislaw Przybyszewski , Aleksander Puszkin , Thomas De Quincey , Artur Rimbaud , John Ruskin , Friedrich Schiller , Walter Scott , Percy Bysshe Shelley , Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley , Juliusz Slowacki , Stendhal , Henry David Thoreau , William Wordsworth . Some twentieth-century authors are considered sublime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bellow , Miron Bialoszewski , William Bradford , Andr Breton , Elizabeth Browning , William Seward Burroughs , Jzef Conrad , Hart Crane , Thomas Stearns Eliot , Francis Scott Fitzgerald , Edward Morgan Forster , William Gibson , William Golding , Henry James , James Joyce , David Herbert Lawrence , Robert Lowell , Toni Morrison , Alice Munro , Frank O'Connor , Ezra Pound , Thomas Pynchon , John Crowe Ransom , Salman Rushdie , Bruno Schulz , Wallace Stevens , Andre Suares , Allen Tate , Aleksander Wat , William Butler Yeats . <p> The catalog of names of authors is far from complete ( 2 ) . The list , however , illustrates quite well that the category of the sublime is very popular and ubiquitous . It also indicates that we can talk about the sublime in given literary works of art regardless of the author 's intentionality . <p> In the history of the sublime as a term in literary studies , we can observe that it enjoys special popularity among scholars in the eighteenth century . Blake , Coleridge , Wordsworth , Mickiewicz @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few , were artists who used the sublime intentionally ( cf. for instance Voller about Poe ) . It can be argued that current Romanticism implies a positive valorization of the sublime . Enthusiasm , ecstasy , imagination , pthos -- values and qualities inseparably tied with the sublime -- are also irresistibly associated with Romanticism . A similar affinity exists between the gothic and Burke 's aesthetics . Taking into consideration all terminological doubts regarding the gothic , we can not determine which came first : gothic elements in literature or Burke 's theory . In this context , some propositions offered by Lyotard are slightly puzzling . He claims that by the time romantic art liberated itself from classical and baroque modes of presentation , the arts had begun to resemble abstract art and minimal art . It follows that avant-gardism has its seed in the Kantian aesthetics of the sublime . So the elaboration of the aesthetics of the sublime by Burke and later by Kant in the dawn of Romanticism makes artistic experiences possible , which will be carried out by the Avant-garde ( Lyotard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the word avant-garde is justified because the word was used for the first time referring to the arts in the 1830s ( Crowther , Critical Aesthetics 155 ) . Nevertheless , such bold formulas must give rise to several questions . While it is easy to agree that the sublime is to be found in the literary works by Blake , Coleridge , Wordsworth , Mickiewicz , Slowacki , and Krasinski , and even if we agree that the sublime is the main aesthetic feature of the gothic in such works as Lewis ' Monk , Mary Shelley 's Frankenstein , or Poe 's The Fall of the House of Usher , it is difficult to discern the sublime in the literary works of the twentieth-century avant-garde . On troubles with defining the gothic in relation to the sublime , see Williams ( 12-24 ) and the introduction to Mishra 's The Gothic Sublime . <p> Lyotard might be right if we look closer at Edmund Burke 's theory that language is surprising and forces the reader to rethink his or her natural expectations . <p> In painting we may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can give it those enlivening touches which it may receive from words . To represent an angel in a picture , you can only draw a beautiful young man winged ; but what painting can furnish out any thing so grand as the addition of one word , the angel of the Lord ? It is true , I have here no clear idea , but these words affect the mind more than the sensible image did , which is all I contend for . <p> ( 174 ) <p> So the idea of a mysterious affinity between abstraction and the sublime is present already in Burke . Lyotard likes Burke 's idea that words have some advantages : they bear emotional associations , they can evoke what is spiritual without referring to what is visible , and we can , by using words , create combinations impossible to make in another way . Lyotard adds that the arts , inspired by the aesthetics of the sublime and looking for powerful effects , can and must neglect imitation of beautiful models and should devote themselves to combinations which are astonishing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kant , the principal effect of the sublime might be rendered as a negative sign of inadequacy of imaginative power in relation to ideas of reason ( The Critique 26 ) . A subject wishes to present something that is ultimately unpresentable , though conceptually understood . Lyotard is spellbound by the formula " presenting the unpresentable " and by the idea of negative presentation . He contends several times that the artistic procedures of presenting the fact that there is something unpresentable is very modernist . In modernist painting , he argues , artists want to make clear that there is something conceivable that is absolutely not to be seen and not to be made visible . He ponders how it is possible to make visible that which is impossible to see , and answers the question by referring to Kant , who talked about " formlessness " as a possible indication of the unpresentable . According to Lyotard , Kant discussed abstraction when describing imagination experiencing infinity . Infinity is a negative presentation ( cf. Lyotard , Lessons 150-53 ) . <p> Lyotard 's reflection can also be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Avant-garde , " James Joyce 's writing serves as a good sample and illustration of the modernist means of presenting the unpresentable . In Joyce 's Finnegan 's Wake , grammar and lexicon are not treated as gifts of heaven . They are regarded rather as academisms and rituals that come from that kind of piety that makes allusions to the unpresentable impossible . If we agree with Lyotard on that point , abstraction in literature could be made real by the stylization of gabbling . Roman Jakobson and Linda Waugh have already talked about parallelism of abstract painting and experimental futurist poetry ( transsense language ) . So all literary gabbling can be regarded as a way of achieving the sublime ( Pluciennik " The Avant-garde Sublime " ) . <p> In this context , it might be helpful to follow Guy Sircello in differentiating experiences of the sublime , sublime discourse , and talk about the sublime ( 541 ) . Aestheticians and philosophers are usually concerned with descriptions of experiences of the sublime . In contrast , Pseudo-Longinos was mainly preoccupied with a description of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ formulation of a rhetoric of the sublime , i.e. , a collection of more or less formal rhetorical devices used in sublime discourse . Following Burke , Lyotard would add abstraction and allusiveness , " devices " unforeseen by Pseudo-Longinos . If the problem is expressed in this way , it must be a challenge for all scholars interested in language and literature . Lyotard broadens the scope of some words and embraces too many domains , but his proposal could give us a new tool for portraying the rhetorical category of the sublime . <p> Assuming after Kant that experience of the sublime is a result of a subjective encounter with something which is absolutely great or absolutely menacing ( we treat it here provisionally without getting into the thoughts of Kant ) , one can theoretically reflect on linguistic means that can be used by a subject who wants either to express the sublime or to evoke the sublime in a receiver . ( This dialectic of expression and persuasion is very complex and it deserves a closer investigation . ) The subject is confronted with something absolutely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aa ! ! ! ( an example from Mickiewicz 's poetry used by Skwarczynska in a Polish course-book in literary studies from 1954 ) . <p> The most basic way of representing the sublime consists in representing sublime objects . Theoreticians and philosophers of the eighteenth century often catalogued those objects , but there is also a linguistic way of representing the sublime -- for instance , " Aa ! , " which conventionally signals a desire to represent something and an avowal of a failure of language . <p> If we consistently apply Lyotard 's reasoning to language , all negation will appeal to the sublime . We can locate such negative linguistic figures of the sublime on all levels of language : morphological , lexical , syntactic , and generic . We can find such negation in many morphological constructions with interior negative affixes . There are also hyperbolic negative constructions , which in our view , code experiences of the sublime ( e.g. , unbounded , infinite , boundless , limitless , etc . ) . On the lexical level , we can also point at vulgarisms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ function -- to present the unpresentable -- but theoretically they can occur in regular language usage . All kinds of mysterious words , glossolalia , and stylization drawing on a strange unfamiliar language can be regarded as a perfect medium to present the unpresentable ( cf. Jakobson and Waugh ; for a presentation of the difference between onomatopoeic language and sound symbolism , see Cruse 34-35 , 46 ) . Of course , the main figures of the sublime are traditional rhetorical figures , the semantic mechanism of which implies negation , such as the oxymoron and paradox ( Otto wrote on the connection between paradox and the sublime in 1923 , see also Ciesglikowscy ) or just hyperbole ( the mechanism here is complex ) , of which personification can be seen as a type . All preteritions , aposiopesis , and silence must be regarded as figures signaling unpresentability . On the syntactic level , we must mention ellipse and running of thoughts . Rhetorical rhythmization also deserves our attention -- the power encountered by the subject is so great and overwhelming that the subject is subordinated to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ genres apt to evoke the sublime : odes , hymns , psalms , benedictions , maledictions , epitaphs , invocations , swearing , puzzles , etc. ( cf. Deguy ) . The aforementioned linguistic means all presuppose an encounter of the subject with something beyond his or her imagination . All the figures of the sublime are more or less conventional , and they can occur in literature and outside it . <p> The sublime allows us to correlate miscellaneous linguistic phenomena and perceive them in a new light . But the most tempting aspect of the sublime is the fact that it seems to embody a very particular theory of language and a whole model of relationships between participants in the process of communication . In this model of language , notions such as identification , imagination , emotions , and communication play the main role . <p> These figures are rhetorical in the sense that they intend to persuade ( Cicero ) and in the sense that persuasion applies to actions which change attitudes ( Kenneth Burke 49-83 ) . Jahan Ramazani explains the interdisciplinary character of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a genre , and its theorists are happy to emphasize its fluid movement across generic boundaries . Nevertheless , the sublime has an affective structure and a rhetoric -- among the qualities that define genre -- and so it might be though of as an extended mode , related in turn to other modes , such as the apocalyptic and the curse . <p> ( 175 ) <p> It can be argued that we can encounter such conventional sublime accessories more often today in films and television . It is a particular paradox if we think about the sublime in Lyotard 's manner . But it is obvious that such film genres as horror ( stemming from the gothic ) , catastrophic films , or science-fiction all depend on the aesthetics of the sublime . Also politicians could refer to the experience of the sublime when organising military parades with shows of the newest war technology ( Crowther , The Kantian Sublime 165 ) . The rhetoric of the sublime may be very useful in advertising ; consider for instance the presence of the sublime American landscape in Marlboro advertisements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for people around the world in part because of the technological sublime present in them . The seductiveness of the Internet might also be explained when we take into account the peculiar unpresentablity of cyberspace . Our future book will focus on linguistic means of expressing experiences of the sublime and on a model of language and communication presupposed by this stylistic sublime . Acknowledgements : <p> We would like to thank anonymous reviewers of Style for their helpful comments on the first version of the article as well as Danuta Stanulewicz for her help in preparing the final version . <p>
@@4012941 THE Libra del Alboraique is a 1480 's anonymous polemical pamphlet directed against conversos. 1 The manuscript , found in the Bibliothque Nationale in Paris , was reprinted in 1954 by Nicols Lpez Martnez . It has been mentioned marginally by a number of historians , but to my knowledge has never been studied in detail by either historians or literary scholars . <p> This is unfortunate , because the Libro del Alboraique is noteworthy for at least four reasons . First , it is a literary document of engaging style and thematic complexity , of interest as an outstanding example of late fifteenth-century polemical literature . In the coherence and originality of its central allegory , which equates the converts to Mohammed 's hybrid steed , it may be unique among this literature . Second , its anonymous author 2 shows an astounding range of erudition , combining Christian , Muslim and Jewish sources to an extent that render him , and this booklet , testimony to the rich cultural diversity of Spain in the late fifteenth century . Third , the book contains an important compilation of customs and attitudes and beliefs about conversos , which adds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and inquisitional documents of the epoch . Fourth , in an unusual way the book , particularly in its opening section , elaborates and combines two contradictory themes : that while conversos are to be condemned generically , there are significant differences among groups of conversos so that the condemnation should be selective . The book sits solidly in the mainstream of the anti-converso tracts that proliferated at the courts of Juan II , Enrique IV and the Catholic Kings , but at the same time it uncharacteristically argues against blanket discrimination toward the new-Christians . <p> Let us begin with this last point , the author 's ambivalence with regard to wholesale condemnation of the converts . The author carefully reminds his audience of two things : that since ancient times most Christians are descended from converts ; 3 and that conversion and reversion have always gone hand in hand . The important question is not whether one has converted , but rather whether one is faithful to the new religion . He points out that a number of Jews were converted by Christ Himself , and some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injunction to partake of Christ 's flesh they said , " Duro es este sermn , quin lo creer ? ... y no quisieron seguir ms a Jesuchristo , pensando que carnalmente lo havan de comer " ( 402 ) . Other Jews were converted by the Apostles , and some of those returned to Judaism as well . This process has continued up into modern times . The tone of these passages does not suggest that all converts are to be condemned , but rather that the process of conversion and reversion is an ancient one . Thus condemnation should be reserved only for those people who have renounced their decision to embrace Christianity and have returned to their former practices . <p> According to the author , another difference hinges on the reason for the initial conversion . For example , the manuscript distinguishes two major types of conversos . Some Jews converted only under duress , and are labeled with the term anus/anusim , which is the Hebrew term for forced . Other Jews converted by choice , and are called meshumad/meshumadim which means , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ con los Xrianos. " 4 This term , derived from the Hebrew root ShMD , which means to be destroyed , is the traditional Hebrew term for apostate . <p> From the second century forward the distinction between these two groups had been an important theme in Jewish responsa literature. 5 In one tradition , centered in medieval France and Germany , the sincere convert was considered an outright traitor , to be shunned by the Jewish community . In contrast the person who converted under duress - generally called in Hebrew anus ( the forced one ) - , while he could be considered a deserter from the obligation to sanctify the name of the Lord by preferring death to conversion , was to be treated with some respect and if possible reattached to the Jewish tradition . In another tradition , in which the Spanish Maimonides was the most influential proponent , the anus was to be praised , for it is exceedingly difficult to perform the commandments in secret , " knowing that discovery would bring forfeiture of life and property " ( Netanyahu 15 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two types were often inextricably blurred , since " Spanish Jewry had been hit by a wave of conversion already before 1391 , and when the catastrophe of that year occurred , the real converts , substantial in number , were not slow to mingle with the newly converted so as to form one social entity . " He points out that in the fifteenth century fear of death or sincerity of belief were not the only two motives for conversion , and that " although fear was clearly still in the air , many were converted more out of despair than out of direct threat of death " ( 16 ) . Rabbinic literature of the fifteenth century wrestles with the practical consequences of the blurred distinctions among types of converts in decisions about problems involving the whole range of social intercourse : with whom one was permitted to eat , whom one could marry , with whom one could do business , the necessity for formal reconversion of converts , and so forth . From the rabbis ' point of view , the true converts , called " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " ( rashsupcim , or poshsupcim ) , were the despicable enemy , while the anusim were to be courted back into the fold . <p> Since the author of the Libro del Alboraique writes from a Christian perspective , the values that the two categories hold in the Jewish tradition are reversed . What is important is that the author is familiar with an important Jewish polemic of the period. 6 He understands very clearly the difference between the two sorts of converts , he labels the groups with their Hebrew names , and he understands the proscribed differences in treatment to be afforded the two groups : " Y si alguno deste linage llega algn lugar a donde hay aquesta generacin , pregntanle : eres anus , y dest christiano , o mesumad , christiano por la voluntad : Y si responde , christiano soy , anus soy , danle ddivas y hnrranle , y si dice mesumad , no le hablan ms " ( 39l ) . 7 <p> From all this he derives an important political point : conversos are not the enemy ; judaizers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the anusim , who have backslid into Judaism , are the problem . He claims that Toledo , Andaluca , Extremadura and Murcia are full of this sort , and that therefore persecution of converts from these regions is justified . On the other hand , the bulk of the converts in the northern kingdoms have sincerely adopted Catholicism and should be treated with some respect ; or at least an open mind : <p> Esto no deven de haver por reproche los buenos de los conversos de Castilla antes lo tienen por honrra , que si huviesen de ser juzgados con los converses andaluces y aun toledanos , todos seran condenados por malos erejes , lo qual no es ans mas lo contrario , ca as en Castilla la Vieja , Burgos , Palencia , Valladolid , Zamora , Salamanca y Len apenas hallarn de ellos los conversos naturales ereges ningunos , as en el reyno de Toledo , Murcia , Andaluca y Estremadura apenas hallaredes de ellos xrianos fieles. ( 402 ) <p> Although the essential point has to do with behavior , since he argues that conversos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religion , there are clear regional differences related to the circumstances under which people converted . The difference is patent : " que hasta los rsticos lo conocen " ( 402 ) . The argument is probably also self-serving , in that we can infer that the author is himself most likely a northerner . <p> So important is the distinction between the anusim and the meshumadim that the author extends it to the question of the intermarriage of old - and new - Christians . Jewish sources ( such as Rabbi Duran Netanyahu 65 and Abravanel Netanyahu 186 ) and Christian sources ( the Libro Verde de Aragon is an extreme example ) 8 attest to the frequency with which in the fifteenth century converts of all stripes married into old-Christian families . While both Jewish and Christian conservatives decry intermarriage , the author of the Libro del Alboraique takes a more tolerant approach . The custom of intermarriage , he argues , is ancient and in some cases tolerable . The Bible itself states that the Jewish captives intermarried in Edom and Moab , Egypt and Babilonia ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Temple , the Jews who were brought to Rome intermarried with people of all nations . And in fact , Jews intermarried with Muslims as well . In our times he underscores that some converts intermarried with Christians in Spain out of fear of death , but others with " limpia y con santa yntencin " ( 402 ) . Again these paragraphs are most likely self-serving , for from them we infer that the anonymous author is himself partner in or the offspring of a mixed marriage . <p> I do not mean to say that the author is a converso apologist : far from it ! For these few positive - or at least less negative - points aside , the characterization of conversos that emerges from the Libro del Alboraique is essentially pejorative . But by insisting that conversion is central to Christianity and that there are differences among conversos , the pejorative force of the work takes on three-dimensional complexity . <p> The organizational plan of the book is relatively simple . After an Introduction which discusses the differences between anusim and meshumadim and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mohammed 's mythical horse , and lists the attributes of the beast , explicitly applying their allegorical significance to the converts : " Las seales que dizen los moros quel Alboraique hava , nombradas todas aqu por sus significaciones , stas mismas han los nephitos por condiciones " ( 392 ) . Each part of the beast 's body resembles something else : it has the mouth of a wolf , the face of a horse , the eyes of a man , the ears of a whippet , and so forth . Some twenty-one separate characteristics are listed ; their subsequent gloss forms the longest section of the book . Each of the glosses is anchored with Scriptural references. 9 A short concluding passage lists several Hebrew blasphemous epithets with which Jews and converts are said to malign the Holy Family. 10 <p> Since the ambivalent nature of the converso is the book 's central theme , the controlling emblem of the hybrid beast is well chosen . The name Alboraique identifies the beast which according to Muslim tradition bore Muhammed on his miraculous one-night journey from Mecca to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arabic name , Al-Burak , probably has an etymological relationship with the Semitic root BRK which indicates lightning. 12 Early commentaries on the Koran described Al-Burak as a beast in size between a mule and an ass , so swift that it has " wings on its shanks . " In later commentaries and legends this metaphoric reference to swiftness was taken literally and the beast became a flying steed . By the eleventh century it had acquired a human head , and in the Islamic visual arts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Persia it took on aspects of griffins , centaurs or sphinxes ( Paret I : 1310a ) . The author of the book professes to have taken the name Alboraique from popular usage , and then to have searched the Old and New Testaments for the name without success before finding it in the Koran . In Spain the tradition of the Alboraique was strong enough so that it receives mention in the thirteenth-century Primera crnica general de Espaa of Alfonso X. 13 A remnant of the Spanish visual tradition of the Alboraique survives on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cathedral of Seville. 14 From all this one surmises that the Alboraique tradition was known to Spanish intellectuals of the period , and may even have percolated into popular culture through its visual representations. 15 <p> The central point the author makes is that the converts are at their core hypocrites . Alboraique 's first attribute , a wolf 's mouth , indicates " que son yprquitas y falsos profetas , llamndose xrianos y no lo son ; ca todo aqul ques uno y finge otro es ypcrita " ( 392 ) . In similar fashion Alboraique 's human eyes indicate that " los nephitos alboraycos miran como hombres humanos , piadosos , falageos , y ellos son ynumanos y crueles " ( 394 ) . Although the conversos are broken-down nags , they decorate their manes in order to deceive people about their true nature : " andan por las plazas , ques la corte , y por las calles de los christianos a engaar a las gentes , que se figuran por las crines del Alborayque , por muchos caminos de engaarnos afeytando aquellos engaos , encrinndolos como @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this hypocritical essence more clearly stated than in the description of the Alboraique 's hide , which contains all colors at once . " Quando se hallan con los judos , dizen : somos judos , quando con los christianos : somos christianos . " In this they are like bats , neither birds nor animals : " dizen a los animales : como vos somos , ca dientes tenemos ; ... dizen a las aves : como vos somos y alas tenemos para volar al cielo " ( 400 ) . <p> The author highlights the deceitful character of the new-Christians . While the charges he levels are hackneyed by their repetition in the polemic literature of the time , their derivation from Alboraique 's attributes is novel . Beneath their deceptions shines a wide spectrum of unpleasant true colors . For example , he says that conversos are cowardly , as fearful as cranes who come among us quaking in fear , and surround themselves with " gran remedio de velas y guardas " ( 396 ) . They are lazy and scorn hard work like the nags @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use in war or in " los trabajos speros de labradores " ( 395 ) . Conversos are dishonest : they steal and lie and cheat . They are not even straightforward about their sexual preferences , for like the Alboraique they are neither male nor female , but sodomites , damned by an ancient sin which " de los judios vino a los moros , a los malos christianos , como Diego Arias , el cual fu principio y causa de la perdicin que sera fecha en Espaa " ( 401 ) . <p> Diego Arias is the only contemporary person mentioned by name in the Libro del Alboraique , and he is mentioned twice : once as a sodomite , and once as " el mal aventurado Diego Arias , ... de quien se dijo ... en las Copias de Mingo Rebulgo : quando aso una cabeza y dxola bien estrujada " ( 397 ) . 16 Arias was a rich converso spice merchant active in the court of Enrique IV of Castilla . Alonso de Palencia , the chronicler who painted such a devastatingly negative portrait of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ converso de oscuro linaje ... hombre de bajas inclinaciones " ( 40 ) . Arias became a tax collector and administrator of benefices to the crown prince Enrique IV , with whom it was rumored , and alleged in the " Copias del Provincial , " he had homosexual relations. 17 Palencia hints at Arias ' corrupt behavior , and at Prince Enrique 's willing culpability in ignoring his crimes for reasons of personal intimacy. 18 He used his position to pack the fiscal administrative offices with conversos and , in the words of Amador de los Rios , was responsible for " insolencias y desmanes , dando as ocasin a reprensibles cohechos , robos y desafueros " ( 625 ) . It is clear that for Castilian nobility in the waning years of the fifteenth century Diego Arias had become the emblem of the insufferably corrupt , haughty converso. 19 <p> By singling out Diego Arias , the author introduces the Libra del Alboraique 's second dominant theme : converso haughtiness . In ancient times the prophet Jeremiah foretold that the Jews would display " altiveces , altiveces desechadas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like peacocks , 20 the Alboraiques are " ponposos , vanagloriosos y llenos de toda vanidad y locura deste mundo " ( 396 ) . They are noted for their " gran sobervia , lozana y locura " ( 397 ) . Their ostentatious life style is only a cover-up for their deep-rooted corruption . They fill their granaries on the sly : " sus obejas gruesas , sus hijas pintadas , palacios encalados como los templos , mas su diestra toda es de maldad y de traycin " ( 395 ) . <p> What makes this haughtiness particularly objectionable is that it is coupled with a desire to attain positions of power in order to do harm to sincere Christians . The author underscores the themes of converso greed and malevolence . Conversas delight in tormenting the souls of Christians ( 396 ) . They are eager to " pisar y sojuzgar los christianos de la tierra donde viven " ( 397 ) . Taking his inspiration from Psalm 14 , 21 the author reinforces this point with repeated images of stamping and crushing : " A el christiano @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ como uvas en el lagar y quebrntanlo de muchas maneras , " to such an extent that " se duelen los christianos de las ynjurias , y malos estrujamientos , y robos y invenciones dellos " ( 397 ) . In his view the conversos ' financial acumen and high position gives them unwarranted power over kings and nobles . <p> The author asserts that converso dedication to theft is notorious , and that the list of their victims includes the people and institutions most worthy of respect and protection : " viven de rapias , robando las yglesias , comprando los obispados , canongas y las otras dignidades de la madre sta . Yga " ( 397 ) . In their roles as landlords they push up rents and rob " viudas y grfanos y pobres y labradores " ( 397 ) . Using false sets of books ( " quadernos desaforrados " 397 ) they rob rich and poor alike . According to the author , wealth and power for the conversos had become ends in themselves . " Todo su propsito y fechos de los conversos es @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curan de las riquezas espirituales " ( 401 ) . <p> Despite the author 's commiseration with the sincere Castilian convert to Christianity who without ulterior motive had intermarried with old-Christians , the glosses on Alboraique 's attributes are overwhelmingly pejorative . At their heart is the argument that the majority of conversos continue to practice Judaism . They return to their former religion the way dogs return to their vomit : " Como el perro torna al bmito y a comer lo que bos , ansi estos canes tornan al sbado y circuncisin " ( 394 ) . <p> Throughout these glosses the author describes three classes of customs : the pro-Jewish , the anti-Christian , and the mixed . With reference to the first group , conversos observe the Jewish Sabbath as well as other ritual feasts and fasts . They continue to circumcise their male children . They continue to pray in the Jewish fashion - the author uses the common Sephardic term meldar como judos ( 393 ) - and they call their God Adonay . Many observe the laws of Kashruth . The anti-Christian practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They eat meat in Lent , and they can be identified by their " nunca confesar ni comulgar , y no guardar el domingo , ni ir a misa , no alabar a la Virgen Mara nra . sra. , ni a Jesuchristo , ni leer los evangelios " ( 393 ) . Still , in most respects the conversos are hybrid , practicing not one law but rather an amalgam of all three . Nowhere is this clearer than in their dietary customs : " Comen conejos , perdizes muertas de manos de christianos y de moros , y pescado , que ellos comen poco tocino , liebres y otros animales y aves ... como judos , y cmenlo en todo tiempo y en la quaresma de los xrianos y en el ayuno de los judos y en el ayuno de los moros los ms dellos , que pocos guardan las ceremonias de los otros " ( 401 ) . They do not follow the Talmud , " ni las ceremonias todas de judos ni menos la ley Christiana " ( 391 ) . <p> One of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ final conversion of the Jews , which is the longest single gloss . It appears in the middle of the discussion of the Alboraique 's attributes . The argument runs like this : Prophesy says that Jews will never again have real power , or govern themselves , until they accept Jesus . They must accept the three-in-one God . In that day there will be a single law : not Jewish or Christian or Moorish but universally Christian . After centuries without God the Jews will convert to Adonay , their true God , and to their King the Son of David . All this will happen soon , after the world is destroyed by Turks and Persians : Constantinople has already fallen , and Rome will quickly follow ( 398-400 ) . <p> These visions , and this sequencing of events , fit squarely into the late medieval tradition of apocalyptic millenarianism that was common among both Christians and Jews. 22 In their struggle to understand the significance of current history , and to interpret the crises in which they found themselves , many Christians and Jews in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great historical cycle was coming to an end . From the time of the 1391 riots , Jewish literature in Spain had expressed Messianic yearnings ( Baer II : 158ff ; Proceso 111 ) . And indeed , the 1413-14 disputations in Tortosa had centered on messianic themes . Jews saw the mass conversions as a prologue to the coming of a Messiah who would deliver them from centuries of oppression . Christians put the events in Spain into a context which suggested that the final conversion of the Jews was a necessary precursor to the advent of the Anti-Christ and the End of Days that would precede Judgment. 23 <p> The author of the Libro del Alboraique is closer to the Christian tradition . He relates his End-of-Days gloss to contemporary events which he derives from prophecies in the Books of Daniel , Jeremiah and Ezequiel . After taking Constantinople , the Turks , who are the biblical Persians , will come into Italy ( i.e. , attack Rome , the seat of the Church ) . Eventually they will be defeated by the Christians . The Anti-Christ will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being defeated , with his armies , in the city of Ancona . This will demonstrate how , because of their sins , the Jews have been captive among the Christians . After the carnage the Jews will emerge in Jerusalem on the third day , and all will be converted , which will trigger the chaos of the Final Days and the Day of Judgment . The process is well underway because Constantinople , the biblical Uz , has already fallen . <p> It may be that this reference to Uz derives from the Jewish tradition , for as Yitzhak Baer has pointed out , there is a late medieval Targum 24 on Lamentations 4:21 which equates the destruction of Uz with that of Constantinople , the second capital of Rome ( II : 292 ) . Whether or not this is the case , the fact that these passages emphasize the climax of temporal history suggests that they are as much Jewish in spirit as Christian . <p> Jewish yearning for the establishment of a messianic kingdom comes through strongly in several passages in the Libra del Alboraique @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , weak and pitiful as a lion without claws , a people which will never again know power or self-government until they accept Jesus . Like the cranes that come " en tiempo fro y despus quieren tornar a sus tierras , " the Jews " todava quieren tornar a Judea " ( 396 ) . 25 Some have left Spain already to go over to the Turk to help him shed Christian blood ( 394 ) . In a converso prayer , which bears an uncanny resemblance to a passage from the Sephardic Grace After Meals , 26 they are eager that God " lbranos del poder de los christianos y llvanos horros a nuestras tierras de Judea " ( 396 ) . <p> The author of this pamphlet is straightforwardly pro-Christian and anti-judaizer . Yet in some of his own attitudes he seems more Jewish than Christian . One major difference between the two religions is that for Christians , belief in Jesus is the key to salvation , while for Jews close observance of the Law is the key to achieving righteousness . The author of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judaizers than he does in their beliefs , which he mentions seldom , and only in the negative , as when he states that judaizing converso priests " no creen la sta. fe catlica ni la misa que dizen " ( 397 ) . Throughout the manuscript references to practice outnumber references to belief by six or seven to one. 27 <p> The Libra del Alboraique is ambiguous enough with regard to the conversos that historians have come to a variety of conclusions about its authorship and its intent . Isadore Loeb ( 29 ) was the first to suggest that the purpose of the work was to lobby against the extension of the Andalusian Inquisition to Castilla and Aragon , a thesis with which Lpez Martnez ( 100 ) agrees . He additionally suggests that the book argues for an understanding of the diversity of the converso existence , that its thesis is " hacer ver cmo la actuacin de los conversos , tan varia y contradictoria , dpende de que son ellos as , varios y contradictories " ( 152 ) . Julio Caro Baroja agrees that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the same time he dismisses the book 's importance , concluding that its message is very simply that the conversos are hypocrites , and that beyond that it has no more value " que cualquier otra diatriba de las que se han publicado en Espaa contra los judos " ( III : 275 ) . <p> I think the book is not so easily dismissed . Indeed , it should be recognized as an uncommonly rich testimony to the hybrid nature of Spanish intellectual society of the 1480 's . The imaginative structure of the book is rich in complexity , unique in the late medieval Spanish polemical tradition in its use of a single , unifying allegorical schema . Internal testimony suggests that the author was a Castillan convert , a person with substantial knowledge of Christian , Muslim and Jewish tradition , probably a person with some knowledge of Hebrew and maybe even Arabic , in addition to Latin and vernacular Spanish. 28 This fact alone is eloquent testimony to the cultural vitality both of the age of convivencia and the conflictive age of amalgamation which followed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the book is unflattering , the book also makes the point that not all conversos are the same . It argues that while the underlying characteristic of the conversos may be hypocrisy , many of them , principally in the north , are sincere Christians , who for legitimate reasons have intermarried with old-Christian families . Therefore conversos should be dealt with as individuals , and not as a class . Each had his or her own reasons to convert . Each practiced according to his or her convictions . The book does not whitewash the conversos , but it does suggest obliquely that each person is responsible for his or her own behavior , and should be judged accordingly . The Libro del Alboraique is brother to the unstintingly negative polemic of an Alonso de Espina , 29 but in this last respect it is also a distant cousin to the world of individualized responsibility that we recognize in La Celestina . Internal references suggest that the pamphlet was written after the founding of the Inquisition in Valencia ( 1484 ) and before the expulsion of the Jews ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book to 1488 has not been challenged ( 238 ) . Sanford Shepard speculates that the book " was issued by the circle around the Inquisitor General , Toms de Torquemada " ( 24 ) . The common ancestry of all people , regardless of their immediate religious background , is a frequent theme in the polemical literature around the converso question in the Golden Age . Here are three of the many contemporary examples . In La Celestina Areusa states that " Las obras hazen linaje , que al fin todos somos hijos de Adn y Eva " ( Rojas ii : 34 ) . In Miguel de Carvajal 's Las cortes de la muerte the hypocritically pompous nun defines herself : " Soy hija de Eva y Adn ; / y si en lo del siglo toco , / llmome , segn vern , / Doa Casilda de Guzmn ; / de Manrique tengo un poco " ( 16b ) . In Cervantes ' Retablo de las maravillas , which satirizes the obsession with purity of blood , Chirinos shouts : " Esa manada de ratones que all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ el Area de No ; de ellos son blancos , de ellos albarazados , de ellos jaspeados y de ellos azules , y , finalmente , todos son ratones " ( 583a ) . These terms occasionally crop up in Inquisition testimony . For example : " Dixo el dicho Diego Arias que callasen , que entraba un mesumad , que quiere decir tornadizo " ( 1487 ) ( Proceso 49 ) . Other examples are given in Marn Padilla ( 123-25 ) . Responsa are rabbinical answers to legal questions which taken together form the corpus of medieval Jewish case law . Henry Kamen points out that in the 1480 's many Christians also recognized that some converts were practicing Jews , some practicing Christians , and many in-between ( 28 ) . Evidently the question about one 's affiliation could still be asked openly , without the sort of encoded interchange we find later in Delicado 's La lozana andaluza where a discussion of recipes is used to reveal Lozana 's religious background ( 53 ) . Composed in 1507 in Zaragoza , the Libro Verde de Aragn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with conversos . The book went through numerous editions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries . Of the nearly fifty Old Testament sources , the most often cited are Psalms , Deuteronomy , Genesis and Isaiah . Of the seven New Testament references , three are to Matthew and two to Revelations . Contemporary anti-semitic literature alleged that these blasphemies were inspired , and perhaps even prescribed , by the Talmud ( Lpez Martnez 190 ) . For a discussion of this tradition see Thomas Arnold 118-22 ; Parct I : 1310 ; and Asn Palacios 9-19 , 68 , 78-81 , 377 . Some modern descriptions approximate the complexity of that given in the Libr del Alboraique : an example is that of the 19th century Indian commentator Khwandamir : " Buraq was a riding beast smaller than a mule and larger than an ass , having a face like that of a human being and ears like those of an elephant ; its mane was like the mane of a horse ; its neck and tail like those of a camel ; its breast like the breast of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ox or , according to one tradition , like those of a camel ; its hoofs were like the hoofs of an ox . Its breast looked just like a ruby and its hair resembled white armour , shining brightly by reason of its exceeding purity . On its flanks it had two wings which hid its legs " ( Arnold 118 ) . " Another etymology connects Buraq with the Pahlavi barak ( the modern Persian barah , ' a riding-beast ' ) " ( Arnold 151 ) . " Cabalgaba en una bestia que dizen en arauigo alborach ; ... en aquella bestia fue Mahomat a Iherusalem a fazer oracion . Desta bestia dizen los moros que tiene alas , et aun dizen que non es bestia mas spirito en semeiana de bestia " ( I : 270a ; ch. 488 ) . Asn Palacios notes that the Koran was translated into Latin in Pamplona in 1143 , that in the twelfth century the Monastery of Leyre library contained a biography of Mohammed , and that early in the thirteenth century Rodrigo Jimnez de Rada composed his Historia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mrquez Villanueva for this reference . The two symmetrical figures , which are biting a human skull , appear to have a wolf 's mouth , a dog 's or wolf 's ears , a long curly or scaly mane , and a serpent 's tail which ends in a bird 's talon . Under the image is inscribed the word alboruyques ( Mateo Gmez 317-19 ) . Mateo Gmez concludes , more from her interpretation of the Libra del Alboraique than from the image itself , that it comprises " una representacin crtica , desde el punto de vista cristiano , de los conversos " ( 320 ) . This claim may be too strong , for , with the exception of the Seville miserere - of which Arnold seems to have been unaware - , the visual tradition of the hybrid Al-Burak is centered in Persia , and not in the west ( Arnold 120 ) . To my knowledge Arias is not mentioned by name in the " Copias de Mingo Revulgo . " Copia VIIIb in the edition of Eduardo Rincn includes the verses cited here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The editor notes that the verses refer to Beltrn de la Cueva ( " Copias de Mingo Revulgo " 38 , 184 ) . Copla 24 : " A ti , Diego Arias , puto / que eres e fuiste judo , / e tienes gran seoro , / contigo non me dispute " ( cited in Amador de los Ros 624 ) . " Mas ni aun con esto hubiera acrecentado sus riquezas , a no acudir , segn se dice , a un crimen por dems infame , merecedor de la prisin y pena capital a que le condenaron los regidores , y de la que , ya en camino del suplicio , le libert el prncipe don Enrique , hacindole su secretario , con el apellido de Arias , y juzgndole muy digno de su intimidad . Rico ya , y favorecido como el que ms , los mismos jueces que le condenaron , le distinguan " ( 40a ) . Immediately following this passage Palencia indicates how the " desenfrenada licencia " of the court enriched " no ya a los nombres dados a mujeres , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was later promoted to secretary and then to chief auditor , in which role he was renowned for his corruption ( Caro Baroja I : 121-22 ) . Gmez Manrique , for example , dedicated a lengthy " Copia de consejos " to Arias , counseling him to forsake the pursuit of wealth and to look to his spiritual well-being ( 85a-91a ) . A fascinating portrait of Diego Arias as a converso emerges from the 1486-87 investigation that the Inquisition launched against his family . We learn , for example , that he acted as a rabbi , that he spoke Hebrew well , that he was circumcised , that he regularly contributed to Jewish charities , that he had a marvelous singing voice , and that he was very particular about keeping the Jewish dietary laws ( Proceso 20-22 , 28 , 68 ) . This manuscript appears to contradict Arnold 's assertion that the peacock tail was not added to the Al-Burak tradition until the seventeenth century ( 122 ) . Psalm 14:4 . " Non ne cognoscent omnes qui operantur iniquitatem , qui deborant plevem meam @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elevates the sense of oppression : " Y por Ventura no conocen los que obran maldad y de todos los que destraen y estragan el mi pueblo como manjar y los siguen y comen como pan y lo estragan todo ? " ( 397 ) . Norman Cohn points out that these movements are characterized by a tendency to see " salvation as collective , terrestrial , imminent , total , and miraculous " ( 15 ) . These yearnings derived from a need , in Bernard McGinn 's words , to " locate current events within a schema of universal meaning , " to give religious validation and transcendence to contemporary political and social events , to situate recent history at " the meeting place of this age and eternity " ( 30-32 ) . Judaism saw redemption " as an event which takes place publicly , on the stage of history and within the community . It is an occurrence which takes place in the visible world and which can not be conceived apart from such a visible appearance . " Christianity saw redemption " as an event @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is reflected in the soul , in the private world of each individual , and which effects an inner transformation which need not correspond to anything outside " ( Scholem 1 ) . The Targum are Aramaic glosses on the Bible . For another example see Proceso 64 . " The All-Merciful will break the Yoke ( = power ) of the Gentiles ( = Christians ) from our necks ( = free us ) . The All-Merciful will lead us upright to our Land ( = Judea ) " ( Sola Pool 439 ) . I am indebted to Norman Stillman for this reference . This is also true of most Inquisition literature and trial testimony . Ultimately it may derive from the fact that practices , unlike beliefs , can be observed by third parties . The author reveals some of his attitudes toward Islam in three comments : Muslims are stubborn , or strong willed ( 391 ) ; Mohammed is referred to not as prophet but as caudillo , or military commander ( 392 ) ; and Mohammed lied about his visions ( 392 ) . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inimicos ( 1487 ) . A good summary appears in Caro Baroja ( III : 395-97 ) . <p>
@@4013141 In the rain forest of Ivory Coast , chimpanzees meet the challenge of life by hunting cooperatively and using crude tools <p> Tai National Park , Ivory Coast , December 3 , 1985 . Drumming , barking , and screaming , chimps rush through the undergrowth , little more than black shadows . Their goal is to join a group of other chimps noisily clustering around Brutus , the dominant male of this seventy-member chimpanzee community . For a few moments , Brutus , proud and self-confident , stands fairly still , holding a shocked , barely moving red colobus monkey in his hand . Then he begins to move through the group , followed closely by his favorite females and most of the adult males . He seems to savor this moment of uncontested superiority , the culmination of a hunt high up in the canopy . But the victory is not his alone . Cooperation is essential to capturing one of these monkeys , and Brutus will break apart and share this highly prized delicacy with most of the main participants of the hunt and with the females . Recipients of large portions will , in turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relatives , and friends . <p> In 1979 , we began a long-term study of the previously unknown chimpanzees of Tai National Park , 1,600 square miles of tropical rain forest in the Republic of the Ivory Coast ( Cote d'Ivoire ) . Early on , we were most interested in the chimps ' use of natural hammers -- branches and stones -- to crack open the five species of hard-shelled nuts that are abundant here . A sea otter lying on its back , cracking an abalone shell with a rock , is a familiar picture , but no primate had ever before been observed in the wild using stones as hammers . East Africa 's savanna chimps , studied for decades by Jane Goodall in Gombe , Tanzania , use twigs to extract ants and termites from their nests or honey from a bees ' nest , but they have never been seen using hammerstones . <p> As our work progressed , we were surprised by the many ways in which the life of the Tai forest chimpanzees differs from that of their savanna counterparts , and as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proved the most intriguing . Jane Goodall had found that chimpanzees hunt monkeys , antelope , and wild pigs , findings confirmed by Japanese biologist Toshida Nishida , who conducted a long-term study 120 miles south of Gombe , in the Mahale Mountains . So we were not surprised to discover that the Tai chimps eat meat . What intrigued us was the degree to which they hunt cooperatively . In 1953 Raymond Dart proposed that group hunting and cooperation were key ingredients in the evolution of Homo sapiens . The argument has been modified considerably since Dart first put it forward , and group hunting has also been observed in some social carnivores ( lions and African wild dogs , for instance ) , and even some birds of prey . Nevertheless , many anthropologists still hold that hunting cooperatively and sharing food played a central role in the drama that enabled early hominids , some 1.8 million years ago , to develop the social systems that are so typically human . <p> We hoped that what we learned about the behavior of forest chimpanzees would shed new light @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even begin , however , we had to habituate a community of chimps to our presence . Five long years passed before we were able to move with them on their daily trips through the forest , of which " our " group appeared to claim some twelve square miles . Chimpanzees are alert and shy animals , and the limited field of view in the rain forest -- about sixty-five feet at best -- made finding them more difficult . We had to rely on sound , mostly their vocalizations and drumming on trees . Males often drum regularly while moving through the forest : pant-hooting , they draw near a big buttress tree ; then , at full speed they fly over the buttress , hitting it repeatedly with their hands and feet . Such drumming may resound more than half a mile in the forest . In the beginning , our ignorance about how they moved and who was drumming led to failure more often than not , but eventually we learned that the dominant males drummed during the day to let other group members know the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intermittent drumming about dawn was the only signal for the whole day . If As one male leans forward to feed on a dead monkey he has caught , left , his younger brother grooms him and waits his turn to eat . Below : Holding out his hand , one adult " asks " for a bone ; turning the monkey tibia toward the outstretched hand , the other shows his willingness to share . we were out of earshot at the time , we were often reduced to guessing . <p> During these difficult early days , one feature of the chimps ' routine proved to be our salvation : nut cracking is a noisy business . So noisy , in fact , that in the early days of French colonial rule , one officer apparently even proposed the theory that some unknown tribe was forging iron in the impenetrable and dangerous jungle . <p> Guided by the sounds made by the chimps as they cracked open nuts , which they often did for hours at a time , we were gradually able to get within sixty feet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves ( they fled if we came too close ) , but even so , the evidence left after a session of nut cracking taught us a great deal about what types of nuts they were eating , what sorts of hammer and anvil tools they were using , and-thanks to the very distinctive noise a nut makes when it finally splits open-how many hits were needed to crack a nut and how many nuts could be opened per minute . <p> After some months , we began catching glimpses of the chimpanzees before they fled , and after a little more time , we were able to draw close enough to watch them at work . The chimps gather nuts from the ground . Some nuts are tougher to crack than others . Nuts of the Panda oleosa tree are the most demanding , harder than any of the foods processed by present-day hunter-gatherers and breaking open only when a force of 3,500 pounds is applied . The stone hammers used by the Tai chimps range from stones of ten ounces to granite blocks of four to forty-five pounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rarity in the forest and are seldom conveniently placed near a nut-bearing tree . By observing closely , and in some cases imitating the way the chimps handle hammer-stones , we learned that they have an impressive ability to find just the right tool for the job at hand . Tai chimps could remember the positions of many of the stones scattered , often out of sight , around a panda tree . Without having to run around rechecking the stones , they would select one of appropriate size that was closest to the tree . These mental abilities in spatial representation compare with some of those of nine-year-old humans . <p> To extract the four kernels from inside a panda nut , a chimp must use a hammer with extreme precision . Time and time again , we have been impressed to see a chimpanzee raise a twenty-pound stone above its head , strike a nut with ten or more powerful blows , and then , using the same hammer , switch to delicate little taps from a height of only four inches . To finish the job , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and use it to extract the last tiny fragments of kernel from the shell . Intriguingly , females crack panda nuts more often than males , a gender difference in tool use that seems to be more pronounced in the forest chimps than in their savanna counterparts . <p> After five years of fieldwork , we were finally able to follow the chimpanzees at close range , and gradually , we gained insights into their way of hunting . One morning , for example , we followed a group of six male chimps on a three-hour patrol that had taken them into foreign territory to the north . ( Our study group is one of five chimpanzee groups more or less evenly distributed in the Tai forest . ) As always during these approximately monthly incursions , which seem to be for the purpose of territorial defense , the chimps were totally silent , clearly on edge and on the lookout for trouble . Once the patrol was over , however , and they were back within their own borders , the chimps shifted their attention to hunting . They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forest . Traveling in large , multispecies groups , some of the forest 's ten species of monkeys are more apt than others to wind up as a meal for the chimps . The relatively sluggish and large ( almost thirty pounds ) red colobus monkeys are the chimps ' usual fare . ( Antelope also live in the forest , but in our ten years at Tai , we have never seen a chimp catch , or even pursue , one . In contrast , Gombe chimps at times do come across fawns , and when they do , they seize the opportunity-and the fawn . ) <p> The six males moved on silently , peering up into the vegetation and stopping from time to time to listen for the sound of monkeys . None fed or groomed ; all focused on the hunt . We followed one old male , Falstaff , closely , for he tolerates us completely and is one of the keenest and most experienced hunters . Even from the rear , Falstaff set the pace ; whenever he stopped , the others paused to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unmistakable noises of monkeys jumping from branch to branch . Silently , the chimps turned in the direction of the sounds , scanning the canopy . Just then , a diana monkey spotted them and gave an alarm call . Dianas are very alert and fast ; they are also about half the weight of colobus monkeys . The chimps quickly gave up and continued their search for easier , meatier prey . <p> Shortly after , we heard the characteristic cough of a red colobus monkey . Suddenly Rousseau and Macho , two twenty-year-olds , burst into action , running toward the cough . Falstaff seemed surprised by their precipitousness , but after a moment 's hesitation , he also ran . Now the hunting barks of the chimps mixed with the sharp alarm calls of the monkeys . Hurrying behind Falstaff , we saw him climb up a conveniently situated tree . His position , combined with those of Schubert and Ulysse , two mature chimps in their prime , effectively blocked off three of the monkeys ' possible escape routes . But in another tree , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last of the hunters , Kendo , eighteen years old and the least experienced of the group . The monkeys , taking advantage of Falstaff 's delay and Kendo 's error , escaped . <p> The six males moved on and within five minutes picked up the sounds of another group of red colobus . This time , the chimps approached cautiously , nobody hurrying . They screened the canopy intently to locate the monkeys , which were still unaware of the approaching danger . Macho and Schubert chose two adjacent trees , both full of monkeys , and started climbing very quietly , taking care not to move any branches . Meanwhile , the other four chimps blocked off anticipated escape routes . When Schubert was halfway up , the monkeys finally detected the two chimps . As we watched the colobus monkeys take off in literal panic , the appropriateness of the chimpanzees ' scientific name -- Pan -- came to mind : with a certain stretch of the imagination , the fleeing monkeys could be shepherds and shepherdesses frightened at the sudden appearance of Pan , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and their flocks . <p> Taking off in the expected direction , the monkeys were trailed by Macho and Schubert . The chimps let go with loud hunting barks . Trying to escape , two colobus monkeys jumped into smaller trees lower in the canopy . With this , Rousseau and Kendo , who had been watching from the ground , sped up into the trees and tried to grab them . Only a third of the weight of the chimps , however , the monkeys managed to make it to the next tree along branches too small for their pursuers . But Falstaff had anticipated this move and was waiting for them . In the following confusion , Falstaff seized a juvenile and killed it with a bite to the neck . As the chimps met in a rush on the ground , Falstaff began to eat , sharing with Schubert and Rousseau . A juvenile colobus does not provide much meat , however , and this time , not all the chimps got a share . Frustrated individuals soon started off on another hunt , and relative calm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a small band of chimps acting on their own at the edge of their territory , does not generate the kind of high excitement that prevails when more members of the community are involved . <p> So far we have observed some 200 monkey hunts and have concluded that success requires a minimum of three motivated hunters acting cooperatively . Alone or in pairs , chimps succeed less than 15 percent of the time , but when three or four act as a group , more than half the hunts result in a kill . The chimps seem well aware of the odds ; 92 percent of all the hunts we observed were group affairs . <p> Gombe chimps also hunt red colobus monkeys , but the percentage of group hunts is much lower : only 36 percent . In addition , we learned from Jane Goodall that even when Gombe chimps do hunt in groups , their strategies are different . When Tai chimps arrive under a group of monkeys , the hunters scatter , often silently , usually out of sight of one another but each aware of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they gradually close in , encircling the quarry . Such movements require that each chimp coordinate his movements with those of the other hunters , as well as with those of the prey , at all times . <p> Coordinated hunts account for 63 percent of all those observed at Tai but only 7 percent of those at Gombe . Jane Goodall says that in a Gombe group hunt , the chimpanzees typically travel together until they arrive at a tree with monkeys . Then , as the chimps begin climbing nearby trees , they scatter as each pursues a different target . Goodall gained the impression that Gombe chimps boost their success by hunting independently but simultaneously , thereby disorganizing their prey ; our impression is that the Tai chimps owe their success to being organized themselves . <p> Just why the Gombe and Tai chimps have developed such different hunting strategies is difficult to explain , and we plan to spend some time at Gombe in the hope of finding out . In the meantime , the mere existence of differences is interesting enough and may perhaps force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accepted theories propose that some three million years ago , a dramatic climate change in Africa east of the Rift Valley turned dense forest into open , drier habitat . Adapting to the difficulties of life under these new conditions , our ancestors supposedly evolved into cooperative hunters and began sharing food they caught . Supporters of this idea point out that plant and animal remains indicative of dry , open environments have been found at all early hominid excavation sites in Tanzania , Kenya , South Africa , and Ethiopia . That the large majority of apes in Africa today live west of the Rift Valley appears to many anthropologists to lend further support to the idea that a change in environment caused the common ancestor of apes and humans to evolve along a different line from those remaining in the forest . <p> Our observations , however , suggest quite another line of thought . Life in dense , dim forest may require more sophisticated behavior than is commonly assumed : compared with their savanna relatives , Tai chimps show greater complexity in both hunting and tool use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have six different ways of making them , compared with sixteen uses and three methods of manufacture at Gombe . <p> Anthropologist colleagues of mine have told me that the discovery that some chimpanzees are accomplished users of hammerstones forces them to look with a fresh eye at stone tools turned up at excavation sites . The important role played by female Tai chimps in tool use also raises the possibility that in the course of human evolution , women may have been decisive in the development of many of the sophisticated manipulative skills characteristic of our species . Tai mothers also appear to pass on their skills by actively teaching their off-spring . We have observed mothers providing their young with hammers and then stepping in to help when the inexperienced youngsters encounter difficulty . This help may include carefully showing how to position the nut or hold the hammer properly . Such behavior has never been observed at Gombe . <p> Similarly , food sharing , for a long time said to be unique to humans , seems more general in forest than in savanna chimpanzees . Tai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the nuts they open , at least until the latter become sufficiently adept , generally at about six years old . They also share other foods acquired with tools , including honey , ants , and bone marrow . Gombe mothers share such foods much less often , even with their infants . Tai chimps also share meat more frequently than do their Gombe relatives , sometimes dividing a chunk up and giving portions away , sometimes simply allowing beggars to grab pieces . <p> Any comparison between chimpanzees and our hominid ancestors can only be suggestive , not definitive . But our studies lead us to believe that the process of hominization may have begun independently of the drying of the environment . Savanna life could even have delayed the process ; many anthropologists have been struck by how slowly hominid-associated remains , such as the hand ax , changed after their first appearance in the Olduvai age . <p> Will we have the time to discover more about the hunting strategies or other , perhaps as yet undiscovered abilities of these forest chimpanzees ? Africa 's tropical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extinction by extensive logging , largely to provide the Western world with tropical timber and such products as coffee , cocoa , and rubber . Ivory Coast has lost 90 percent of its original forest , and less than 5 percent of the remainder can be considered pristine . The climate has changed dramatically . The harmattan , a cold , dry wind from the Sahara previously unknown in the forest , has now swept through the Tai forest every year since 1986 . Rainfall has diminished ; all the rivulets in our study region are now dry for several months of the year . <p> In addition , the chimpanzee , biologically very close to humans , is in demand for research on AIDS and hepatitis vaccines . Captive-bred chimps are available , but they cost about twenty times more than wild-caught animals . Chimps taken from the wild for these purposes are generally young , their mothers having been shot during capture . For every chimp arriving at its sad destination , nine others may well have died in the forest or on the way . Such priorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do the economies of Third World countries any good in the long run , and they bring suffering and death to innocent victims in the forest . Our hope is that Brutus , Falstaff , and their families will survive , and that we and others will have the opportunity to learn about them well into the future . But there is no denying that modern times work against them and us . A young female , below , feeds next to a puddle . The chimps carry some fruits to water , repeatedly dipping them between chews to soften the pulp . Right : Helping herself to the food her mother has gathered , a five-year-old female learns to recognize ripe fruit . <p> PHOTO : An adult female uses a wooden club to crack open soft nuts from the coule tree . She will share these with her three-year-old daughter . <p> By Christophe Boesch ; Hedwige Boesch-Achermann <p>
@@4013541 Muslim merchants from West Africa expand their markets to New York City . <p> Born in Niger , Issifi Mayaki learned his father 's trade : selling indigenous African cloth , including antique textiles . With his impeccable French , he developed a clientele among French expatriates in the city of Abidjan , Cte d'Ivoire , and after picking up English he successfully cultivated members of Abidjan 's English-speaking diplomatic community as well as African American visitors . Then in 1992 , at the age of thirty , Mayaki began eyeing the lucrative market in the United States . Deciding to take a gamble , he packed up and airfreighted much of his stock to New York City , bought a round-trip ticket ( as required for a six-month business visitor 's visa ) , and set out to make his fortune . <p> At first , things went well . Upon arriving , Mayaki found lodging with fellow traders at a run-down , ostensibly single-room-occupancy hotel on West 77th Street in Manhattan and started making contacts . But several weeks later , after he sent out a large shipment of Ghanaian kente cloth , the recipient refused to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Much of the inventory of valuable fabrics that had taken him years to collect in Africa was thus lost in a matter of weeks . In fact , he was stranded : to meet expenses , he had already sold the return portion of his air ticket . <p> Mayaki turned to his compatriots for assistance , and they pooled money to provide him with a loan . Adapting quickly to new circumstances , he decided to stock up on rap , rhythm and blues , and jazz cassettes to market to African Americans in Harlem . He set up a table on West 125th Street near the famed Apollo Theater and eventually took up residence with another trader living nearby . After city authorities cleared out the 125th Street market area , Mayaki relocated to the Malcolm Shabazz Harlem Market on West 116th Street , where he rented a stall for seven dollars a day and began to sell textiles along with cassettes and a few CDs . In time , he again became a cloth merchant . <p> " Was it difficult to negotiate the crossroads of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> " Life in New York is filled with uncertainties , " he answered . " If I fall sick , will I be able to get help ? Will Immigration detain and deport me ? Will I make enough money to send to my family in Niger and Cte d'Ivoire ? Will I make enough to pay my bills ? So far , God has blessed me . The only certainty is that I have always been a trader and will always be a trader . " <p> Two integrated aspects of his cultural heritage have enabled Mayaki to walk the myriad economic and social paths of New York City : the practices of West African trade and the teachings of Islam . Throughout the history of West Africa , specialized traders have , through kinship or patron-client relations , established large corporate networks . The most notable of these professional traders belong to two ethnic groups , the Hausa ( Mayaki 's group ) and the Malinke , sometimes referred to as the Dyula . Other major players are Songhay from Niger and Mali , Wolof from Senegal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ West African traders in New York City have well-established procedures and organizations for obtaining informal credit and raising capital , and they adhere to Islamic precepts concerning commercial transactions . <p> From the earliest years of the ummah ( the Muslim community of believers ) , which was established by the prophet Muhammad in the early seventh century A.D. , traders were urged to interact in cooperative ways that would increase commerce . Various passages in the Qur'an speak of manifesting goodwill , providing correct weight , and not giving false oaths in transactions . More emphatically , Muhammad opposed monopolistic practices that could undermine cooperative relations . So when Mayaki ( who regularly studies the Qur'an and the Hadith , or record of the Prophet 's sayings ) speaks of hard work , honest commercial relations , and trust , these beliefs derive directly from Islam . <p> Boub Mounkaila is a Songhay , not a Hausa , but like Mayaki , he came to New York City from Niger by way of Abidjan . At the Malcolm Shabazz Harlem Market , he sells wristwatches as well as leather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopt the styles and trademarks of DKNY , Gucci , Rolex , and Swiss Army brands , but he makes no secret of the fact that his are counterfeits . <p> " I must be honest in my dealings , " he told me . " I let everyone know that what I sell are copies , not originals . " <p> " They probably know anyway , from the price " I said . " I mean , it 's hard to get a real Rolex for twenty-five dollars . " <p> " It does n't matter , " replied Mounkaila . " I must tell them anyway . That is our way . I am a merchant , and I try to establish trust with my clients . That way , they will , Inshallah -- God willing -- come back . " He connected his trading practices to Islam . " I try to be a good Muslim . I say my prayers five times a day , avoid alcohol and pork , and give to the unfortunate , I try to be honest in trade . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better trader " <p> While the founding of Islam triggered the expansion of trade from Arabia to North and West Africa , the extension of kinship ties -- both fictive and real -- provided a customary means of enlarging trade networks . The practices that made long-distance trade possible in West Africa hold today in New York City . Mayaki 's network consists , first of all , of his paternal kin . He is obliged to send money to the family head ( his father ) and to look after his mother and brothers . But Mayaki also feels a social and economic loyalty to his " brother " traders . His most important transactions and dealings are with fellow Hausa from Niger whom he knows from Abidjan . To lesser degrees , his sense of trust and comfort extends to other Hausa traders and then to other West African traders . He can expect to give and receive a small amount of credit from any of these people , no matter their actual proximity to his informal personal trade network , which also includes Korean , Chinese , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , resilient , and disciplined , " Mayaki says . " It encourages our creativity in new lands . It creates a climate of trust . " <p> There are even several economic networks of Hausa and Songhay traders that sponsor " trade children " in New York City . In West Africa , established elder traders , or " fathers " pay airfare , procure visas , and provide investment capital for enterprising young men . In return , they receive a percentage of the profits that their " children " earn . One of these elder traders is El Hadj Soumana Tondi , who travels from West Africa to New York City every six weeks to , as he puts it , check up on his children at the Shabazz Market . <p> Tens of thousands of West Africans , most of them men , have poured into the United States during the past fifteen years , usually settling in New York City or elsewhere on the East Coast . They are part of the wave of " new immigrants " consisting of people from developing countries affected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Those who are literate and have work permits may drive yellow cabs or use their profits from vending to open a restaurant , boutique , or import-export business . But the majority enter a legal limbo , overstaying their visas . They become a vital part of the ever-growing informal sector , or underground economy , which evades the reach of government regulation and therefore goes untaxed . <p> Lower-income neighborhoods in New York City are major arenas of such economic activity . Like Ralph Ellison 's " invisible man " many new immigrants walk in the shadows , their life stories and cultural backgrounds virtually unknown to the mainstream citizenry . Typical underground workers include the Trinidadian day-care employee for whom no Social Security forms are completed ; the Guinean " gypsy cab " driver , possibly unlicensed or underinsured , who cruises parts of the city neglected by the yellow taxis ; the Peruvian carpenter who crafts furniture in a space not zoned for manufacturing ; the Thai woman who sews teddy bears in a poorly lit suburban garage ; and , of course , the unlicensed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brooklyn or Lower Manhattan with African Americans , Jamaicans , Vietnamese , Ecuadorians , and a host of others . <p> Although he has become a pragmatic player in the global economy , Issifi Mayaki maintains a judicious distance from a society whose values he finds both fascinating and disturbing . As it is , during his time in New York City , he has been torn by conflicting allegiances -- to his wife and children ; to Monique , the girlfriend he has acquired , and her child ; to his mother , father , and brothers ; and to his own desires . One warm January day , I went to the Shabazz Market to see Mayaki , and we got into a discussion about his family , whom he had not seen in five years . " I miss Africa so much that I 've become a nasty person , giving everybody a hard time , " he lamented . " I really want to go back and see my family . " <p> Mayaki 's wife , children , and mother live near Maradi , Niger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sahel . His father and three of his brothers are merchants who live in Abidjan . At the time of our conversation , a fourth brother , who had trained as a schoolteacher in Niger , was living in Melbourne , Australia , where he worked in a boutique specializing in African art . <p> Talk of his family compelled Mayaki to think of his mother . " For me , " he said , " there is no more important person than my mother . You know how it is between sons and mothers . I really miss my mother . But when I tell this to Monique , she thinks that I really miss my wife . I care very much for Monique , and I respect my wife , but my mother is more important . We are of the same blood . " <p> Mayaki reiterated that Americans could n't understand why family is so important to Africans . " You understand , " he said to me , " because you lived there for seven years . But Monique ? " He shook his head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he went on . " One of my brothers will come here . After I train him , I 'll go back to Abidjan and he 'll stay here . " <p> For some reason , the unusual warmth that day had n't drawn many customers to the market . Passing merchants offered their greetings to us . A young African American woman asked if Mayaki had Dutch Wax cloth . He searched through the bolts and found some . The woman did n't like the color scheme and sauntered away . Mayaki turned back to me , and we continued our conversation . <p> " There are two important things in my life : family and things that stir my heart . I sell my products to any person , Christian or Muslim , pastors or drug dealers , for if I am honest , money has no smell . If God grants me money in exchange for hard work , I must first make sure that my family is okay , that they 're well fed , well clothed , well housed , and in good health . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things that stir my heart . " Mayaki pointed to his black leather jacket and said he had bought it at the Gap . He touched his corduroy trousers . " The Gap . I bought three pair . " He unzipped his jacket to reveal a rust-colored linen shirt . " The Gap also , " he said , smiling . <p> Mayaki was able to make these purchases because of a successful winter holiday season -- a season that in much of the United States now includes Kwanzaa , a recently established African American community and cultural celebration spanning December 26 through January 1 . Mayaki had rented space at the Jacob K. Javits Convention Center , the site of New York City 's annual Kwanzaa Fest , and had sold a great deal of cloth to African Americans who wished to honor African values and to buy African products . <p> In the current climate , marked by suspicion and vilification of all things Muslim , Mayaki and his brother traders present a positive and dynamic portrait of how Islam bolsters the growth of trade and social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ West Africans have established new partnerships , mastering the culture of capitalism while reinforcing traditions of long-distance African trading . They have staked out individual space in a market culture while engaging in the cooperative economics dictated by Islam and by long-standing West African commercial practices . They have adapted to the unfamiliar stresses of big-city life in the United States while reaffirming their African identities . Traders like Mayaki have much to teach us about how urban society works in contemporary America . <p> From April through October , some West Africans pack vans with African leather goods , textiles , and jewelry , along with Chinese- or Korean-made baseball caps and T-shirts that display logos of U.S. sports teams . Thus equipped , they tour through what they call " the bush " -- Indianapolis , Kansas City , Detroit -- following the circuit of African American trade shows and Third World cultural fairs . With his newly purchased van , Issifi Mayaki has recently become one of these mobile merchants . Although he travels the side roads of America , he is by no means isolated , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connected to business associates , friends , and family in the United States and Africa . And if , by chance , his successful travels in the American bush transport him to the Gap , he might well follow his heart to browse and perhaps buy . <p> PHOTOS ( COLOR ) : Senegalese markets such as the one above are part of the multinational West African trade network . Right : Mady Camara , a clothes designer from Guinea , works in Harlem . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Recent immigrants from tropical regions have to adjust to New York City 's climate . <p> PHOTOS ( COLOR ) : A shop , above , advertises the per-minute charges for calls made from its public phones . Cell phones , beepers , and faxes are other means of instant communication that keep West Africans in touch with their relatives and trading partners . Left : In a Senegalese-owned store , a taxi driver ( right ) visits with a friend . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Street vendors , below , display their wares near Bloomingdale 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; to avoid a summons , they 're prepared to gather up their goods quickly . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Right : Wodia , a Guinean hairdresser in Harlem . Store owners must comply with U.S. immigration and New York City licensing regulations . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Diakite Aboubacar , above , assists other immigrants with tax and immigration forms and provides translation and other services . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Clothing and fabrics from Africa are among the items for sale at Fatou 's store in Harlem . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Pape Babou , a licensed vendor , sells watches to tourists and Midtown office workers on Madison Avenue . <p> By Paul Stoller <p>
@@4013841 ABSTRACT : The belief that the success of an information system ( IS ) is proportional to the extent of user participation in developing the system has become axiomatic in IS research . Despite this widely held conviction , prior research in participation strategy has yielded mixed results . The purpose of this research is to incorporate the theoretical framework of procedural justice into the user participation paradigm to clarify salient psychological factors influencing the relationship between participation and specific outcomes . <p> In this experiment , 207 student subjects took part in improving payroll data entry software . Subjects were promised three increasing levels of participation crossed with two levels of participation expectations ( e.g. , either promised and actual participation were congruent or promised participation exceeded actual participation ) . A control group was used where subjects were neither promised nor provided any participation . When promised and actual participation were congruent , higher levels of participation resulted in corresponding increases in user attitudes ( procedural justice , control , satisfaction , and task commitment ) and performance . Conversely , when promised participation exceeded actual participation , increased participation levels led to monotonic decreases in user @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be either functional or dysfunctional . The strong attitudinal and behavioral findings of this study complement and extend procedural justice theories , and study results encourage the integration of procedural justice concepts into IS user participation research . <p> Key Words : Accounting information systems , Procedural justice , Participation , Expectations . <p> Data Availability : Please contact the author . <p> In spite of many attempts to characterize the effect of user participation in information systems ( IS ) development on user attitudes and behavior , empirical findings have been mixed ( Barki and Hartwick 1989 , 1994 ; Lawrence and Low 1993 ; Pettingell et al . 1989 ; Ives and Olson 1984 ) . Barki and Hartwick ( 1989,1994 ) and Wong-On-Wing ( 1988 ) suggested that these inconsistent results may arise from of weaknesses in conceptual development , theoretical support and methodological rigor . Motivated by a desire to strengthen these weaknesses and to explicate the equivocal findings of prior participation research , this study integrates the theoretical framework of procedural justice into the user participation paradigm in an effort to more clearly understand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development process . <p> Procedural justice refers to the perceived fairness of the decision-making process ( Thibaut and Walker 1975 ) . The focus is on the process itself as opposed to the decision outcome . Procedural justice theories provide a way to clarify the relationship between participation and outcomes by examining critical process variables as well as methods of operationalizing these variables . Section I briefly describes the current state of IS research in participation strategy . A discussion of procedural justice theories along with presentation of hypotheses follows in section II . Section III describes the experimental method . The results are presented in section IV . and section V discusses the findings . I. INFORMATION SYSTEMS PARTICIPATION RESEARCH <p> Some IS researchers suggest that user participation in the development ( i.e. , purchase , design , modification or implementation ) of an IS is integral to the success of the system ( Cushing 1990 : Ives and Olson 1984 ; Martin 1982 , 1984 ; Senn 1978 ) . Given the decision to use a participation strategy , the extent of participation in developing an IS can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over all aspects of the development process . Ives and Olson ( 1984 ) suggested that stronger participation strategies may have greater consequential payoffs , such as enhanced levels of user attitudes and performance . <p> The impact of vesting higher levels of control in IS users has been described by Mumford et al . ( 1983 ) , Mumford ( 1981 ) and Mumford and Henshall ( 1979 ) , who identified three levels of IS user participation : ( 1 ) consultative , ( 2 ) representative , and ( 3 ) consensus . Consultative participation gives users the lowest level of control , as the developer makes the decisions while considering the input of IS users . A higher level of control is present in representative participation where IS personnel and users jointly develop the system . User control is maximized in consensus participation where all IS users participate continuously in designing the system and IS personnel , and users have equal voting power in all development issues . Underlying the participation levels just described is the issue of user control . Higher levels of user participation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behaviors . <p> Control is also a major factor in user-led development , in which either users or their designated representatives have control over all aspects of the development project ( Lodge 1989 ) . Lawrence and Low ( 1993 ) found that the most significant factors leading to IS user satisfaction were the extent of control and representation perceived by users during the development process . That is , when users believe their values , concerns and opinions are fairly represented throughout the decision-making process , satisfaction increases correspondingly . <p> Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1988,1989,1991 ) examined end-user participation in developing specific applications . Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1988 ) identified five components of end-user computing satisfaction : ( 1 ) content , ( 2 ) accuracy , ( 3 ) format , ( 4 ) ease-of-use , and ( 5 ) timeliness . In a theoretical model of end-user participation in IS development , Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1989 ) contended that the degree of discrepancy between end-users ' actual and desired participation influences perceptions of satisfaction . Empirical results supported the basic premise that when desired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IS satisfaction is negative . Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1991 ) subsequently found that the degree of congruence between desired and actual participation was a better predictor of end-user computing satisfaction than were perceptions of participation . <p> Joshi ( 1989 ) developed an instrument primarily designed to measure equity issues in an IS setting , based on equity theory . A small portion of Joshi 's ( 1989 ) instrument dealt with fairness of the means of allocating IS resources , based on procedural justice . Validity of the instrument was tested by surveying IS users of information products and services provided by a centralized IS function . Joshi ( 1990 ) subsequently found that overall user satisfaction was positively related to favorable perceptions of fair and equitable IS resource allocations . <p> Recent research in procedural justice offers promise in helping to clarify inconsistencies across participation studies by offering a firm theoretical basis for understanding and operationalizing participation strategies . While procedural justice researchers also predict a positive relationship between participation and outcomes , their focus is on the decision-making process as opposed to the decision outcome . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ procedural justice reflects the extent to which a decision process is perceived to be fair or in accordance with accepted norms of behavior ( Thibaut and Walker 1975 , 1978 ) . Perceptions of procedural justice are an affective feeling about the fairness of decision making . These feelings are believed to exert significant influence on the attitudes and behaviors of affected parties ( Leventhal 1980 ) . Instrumental Voice and Choice <p> A consistent finding in the procedural justice literature is that when those affected by a decision are allowed the opportunity to express their views and these views become manifest in the decision outcome , procedural justice judgments are enhanced ( Lind and Tyler 1988 ) . The control-oriented theory of procedural justice attributes these robust findings to the degree of influence or control the affected parties believe they have over the decision outcome ( Leventhal 1980 ; Thibaut and Walker 1975 ) . The positive relationship observed between soliciting the opinions , concerns and preferences of affected parties and perceived procedural justice is termed the instrumental voice effect ( Folger 1977 ) . Participation by voice increases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control when the affected party believes the expression of an opinion might lead to favorable outcomes ( Houlden et al . 1978 ; Folger 1977 ) . Instrumental voice can be viewed as probabilistic control because the precise degree of influence is uncertain . <p> When affected parties are allowed participation via selection of one option from many alternatives , this is referred to as choice effect ( Earley and Lind 1987 ) . Participation by choice increases perceptions of process fairness since choice is a form of decision control . Choice can be viewed as deterministic control because the degree of influence is certain . As with voice , choice also is congruent with the control-oriented perspective of procedural justice because choice is instrumental in influencing the decision outcome . <p> One unresolved question in procedural justice research is whether the control level manifest in choice negates the need to provide instrumental voice to affected parties . That is , does instrumental voice plus choice represent a stronger form of participation than choice alone ? Greenberg ( 1990 ) suggested that voice and choice represent unique psychological properties . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most common dependent measures examined in procedural justice studies are : ( 1 ) procedural justice perceptions , ( 2 ) control perceptions , ( 3 ) task commitment , ( 4 ) outcome satisfaction , and ( 5 ) performance . Procedural justice judgments concern affected parties ' perception of how fair or just were the procedures used throughout the decision making . Perceptions of control reflect the degree of influence affected parties believed they had over the decision making and/or the decision outcome . Task commitment indicates the motivation level held by affected parties to perform the task at hand . The affected party 's degree of satisfaction with the ultimate decision is mirrored in the outcome satisfaction measure . Performance is measured via a behavioral response , generally by performing tasks related to the decision process and outcome . Empirical evidence generally supports the proposition that participation by instrumental voice enhances the attitudes and behavior of affected parties , and participation by choice produces even stronger effects ( Lind and Tyler 1988 ; Earley and Lind 1987 ; Locke 1976 ) . <p> The voice and choice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Developing an IS is an organizational activity involving a delicate balance between meeting IS users ' requirements and allocating scarce organizational resources ( Martin 1984 ) . Due to practical constraints ( e.g. , technical , financial , operational and control ) , it is unlikely that all IS users will receive everything they expect and demand from the IS . Inevitably , trade-offs must be made . The issues of constraints and trade-offs call for employing the appropriate participation strategy , via the judicious use of voice and/or choice , for the situation . Therefore , the following hypothesis is proposed : <p> H1 : Increasing levels of participation via instrumental voice , choice , and instrumental voice plus choice will lead to corresponding increases in user attitudes and performance . Noninstrumental Voice <p> Some procedural justice researchers believe that voice can enhance perceptions of procedural justice for reasons other than influence or control ( Lind and Tyler 1988 ; Lerner 1981 ) . This is called the value-expressive perspective of procedural justice and is manifest in noninstrumental voice . <p> The value-expressive perspective asserts that participation by voice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense of inclusiveness and self-esteem , thereby promoting perceptions of being treated fairly even when voice has no instrumental influence on the decision outcome . Noninstrumental voice is important because it has been linked to more global organizational variables , such as increased loyalty to the organization , enhanced trust in the supervisor , reduced absenteeism , and increased intention to stay ( Lind and Tyler 1988 ) . <p> Participation by noninstrumental voice tends to increase perceptions of procedural justice , but other variables ( e.g. , perceived control , outcome satisfaction , task commitment and performance ) are not influenced because noninstrumental voice does not change the decision outcome ( Lane 1988 ) . Earley and Lind ( 1987 ) found support for the noninstrumental voice effect . They found that adding noninstrumental voice to choice resulted in higher recorded levels of procedural fairness as compared to choice alone . Causal modeling analysis revealed that judgments of procedural justice were not mediated by control , providing additional support to the value-expressive perspective of procedural justice . <p> Noninstrumental voice can be applied to an IS development setting . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision is made . User input might be solicited regarding the ease of use of accounting software after the software has been selected and implemented . This input may be used to evaluate but not necessarily alter the software . As a consequence , voice would be viewed as noninstrumental , and one would expect little impact on attitudes and behavior with the exception of procedural justice . Accordingly , hypothesis two is : <p> H2 : The addition of noninstrumental voice to instrumental voice plus choice will increase perceptions of procedural justice , but other attitudes and performance will be unaffected . The Frustration Effect <p> The general patterns referred to above have been reversed unexpectedly in a few procedural justice studies : in the face of ostensibly fairer procedures , corresponding attitudes and performance decreased . This phenomenon has been labeled " the frustration effect " ( Folger 1977 ) . Subsequent studies by Folger et al . ( 1979,1983 ) , and Cohen ( 1985 ) have documented similar results . The frustration effect seems to occur when participants feel their input into the decision making was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , expectations concerning the nature and extent of participation were not met . <p> Cohen ( 1985 ) believed this phenomenon can occur in allocation decision environments where the allocator has a vested interest in the allocation . Here , the decision maker gives the guise of procedural fairness ( a smoke screen ) rather than a genuine attempt to involve participants in the decision process . As a consequence , frustration is likely to emerge due to a violation of the affected parties ' participation expectations . In a field experiment , Baldwin et al . ( 1991 ) documented the frustration effect described by Cohen ( 1985 ) . <p> Lind et al . ( 1990 ) also discussed possible adverse consequences of deceptive exercises of user involvement when the objective is only to promote the appearance of participation . They conjectured that such abuses of voice and choice may not be uncommon in organizational settings . Lind and Tyler ( 1988 ) speculated that the frustration effect , where perceived participation does not meet expectations , may be operating unknowingly in some participation studies , thereby contributing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participation expectations are met may be an important moderating factor influencing perceptions of procedural justice and associated outcomes . <p> The issue of violating a priori expectations can be applied to the IS development setting . Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1991 ) reported that incongruent states between desired and actual participation can have deleterious effects on attitudes and performance . The frustration effect is not unlike Doll and Torkzadeh 's ( 1991 ) congruence construct , as they both involve violations of a priori conditional states . With the frustration effect , expectations rather than desires are violated . One would expect frustration levels to escalate with promises and subsequent violations of increased levels of user participation . In turn , the control-oriented perspective of procedural justice would predict that as expectations of increased participation levels are violated , corresponding reductions in feelings of control or influence should follow . Therefore , hypothesis three is : <p> H3 : When participation expectations are violated , increasing levels of participation in defining user interface requirements via instrumental voice , choice and instrumental voice plus choice will lead to corresponding decreases in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is promised and expectations surrounding that promise are subsequently violated , it is expected that only perceptions of procedural justice will be negatively influenced due to feelings of decreased inclusion , violated trust and lowered self-esteem . As previously explained , other salient attitudes and behavior should be unaffected . This follows the value-expressive perspective of procedural justice . Therefore , hypothesis four is : <p> H4 : When participation expectations are violated , the addition of noninstrumental voice to instrumental voice plus choice will decrease perceptions of procedural justice , but other attitudes and performance will be unaffected . <p> The hypotheses are depicted graphically in figure 1 . III . METHOD Subjects <p> Participants , students at a large state university , were recruited from introductory sections of behavioral science and principles of management , required courses for all business majors . A total of 216 participants took part in an experiment for research credit . Nine subjects were dropped from the study because they did not understand the manipulations . The resulting usable sample size was 207 . The mean ( standard deviation ) age of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the gender distribution was 98 males and 109 ( 53 percent ) females . The number of subjects in the seven treatment conditions averaged 30 with a high of 31 and a low of 28 . Design <p> A 3 ( mode-of-participation ) X 2 ( **25;473;TOOLONG ) crossed factorial design was used . There was an additional control group ( mute condition ) where expectations of participation were neither promised nor received . There were three increasing mode-of-participation levels : instrumental voice , instrumental voice plus choice , and instrumental voice plus choice plus noninstrumental voice . **26;500;TOOLONG were either confirmed or violated . <p> The experiment was conducted over 27 sessions lasting about 1.5 hours each . Due to the nature of the manipulations , only one treatment condition could be run at each session . Thus , each experimental condition was run three times with experimental times randomly assigned to conditions . To avoid possible experimenter demand effects , the experiment was conducted double-blind , where neither the subjects nor experimenter were aware of the hypotheses . Procedure <p> Subjects who believed they were color-blind were asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed to lead the subjects to select certain colors. 1 Subjects reported to a computer laboratory in small groups of 5 to 12 . The room contained 15 networked computer terminals and a master terminal . Each computer was surrounded by a partition so that no subject could view the computer screen of another subject , subjects wore earplugs to block the noise of other keyboards in the room and subjects were not allowed to talk during the experiment . Subjects were randomly assigned to treatment conditions and randomly seated in the laboratory . Subjects in all but the mute condition were told the experimenter was interested in how they might improve the initial payroll screen to make it easier to use . <p> Subjects were informed there would be three data entry periods : a three-minute training period , a five-minute practice period and a ten-minute performance period . The purpose of the training period was to familiarize the subjects with the computer keyboard . Subjects then entered payroll data into a black and white payroll screen ( called the practice-screen ) for the five-minute practice period . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that state lottery tickets would be offered as an incentive during the performance period . Subjects were also told that their performance during both the three-minute training period and the five-minute practice period would be used as a handicap for the ten-minute performance period-in effect , giving everyone in the room an equal chance to earn state lottery tickets . <p> Subjects in the mute condition , who were neither promised nor granted any participation in modifying the practice screen , were presented with an improved performance screen , and the ten-minute performance period commenced . For subjects in the remaining treatment conditions , the presentation of the performance screen and commencement of the ten-minute performance period occurred immediately after the voice and choice manipulations . <p> After the ten-minute performance period , all subjects answered three categories of questions : dependent variable , manipulation check and general . To preclude a possible order effect , the questions were randomized within each category for each subject . All responses and performance measures were captured on computer diskette . Finally , subjects were debriefed and paid two state lottery tickets for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beginning of the experiment , all subjects in the instrumental voice condition were promised they would be asked to express their preferences for certain payroll screen attributes . After the practice period , subjects were asked to express their personal preferences for five possible payroll screen modifications . The first three proposed changes were cosmetic in nature , and the last two were functional changes , as follows : Background color : The background color of the practice-screen was black . Subjects expressed a preference for either a ( a ) blue or ( b ) green background . Data entry field color : The field color of the practice-screen was white . Subjects expressed a preference for either ( a ) magenta or ( b ) yellow fields . Placement of the current date field : The current date field ( a static field ) displayed the current date on the top center of the practice screen . Subjects expressed a preference to place this field on either the ( a ) top right or ( b ) top left side of the payroll screen . " Are you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared after entry of each data item on the practice screen allowing the subject to correct an erroneous entry . Subjects expressed a preference to either ( a ) present this prompt after entering all data for an entire timecard or ( b ) eliminate the prompt . Entry of timecard dates : To input timecard dates into the practice screen , subjects were required to enter each date ( Monday through Sunday ) for each timecard . Subjects expressed a preference to either ( a ) enter Monday 's date only and have the computer fill in Tuesday through Sunday dates or ( b ) enter the payroll date range ( Monday through Sunday ) before entering any timecards and have the computer automatically assign those dates to each timecard . <p> After the subjects expressed their preferences , the experimenter explained that , due to the particular combination of attributes chosen and due to software , time and network constraints , no one in this session would be able to receive their functional preferences . The experimenter assured the subjects that every effort had been made to grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , field color and placement of the current date field ) . <p> The experiment was designed to provide all subjects in all treatment conditions with essentially the same improved performance screen having a blue background and magenta data entry fields . The current date field would be placed where the subject preferred in the **25;528;TOOLONG confirmed condition and opposite of the subject 's preference in the **25;555;TOOLONG violated condition. 2 No functional changes were made to the payroll screen to facilitate comparison of satisfaction and performance measures between treatment conditions . <p> In the **25;582;TOOLONG confirmed condition , subjects were led into preferring the blue background and magenta fields using false feedback regarding an opinion survey of professional data entry clerks . Granting the subjects three of their five preferences was intended to provide them with a sense of instrumentality . In the **25;609;TOOLONG violated condition , the same false feedback method was used to lead the subjects into preferring a green background and yellow data entry fields . Instrumental voice was violated in that the cosmetic attributes of the performance screen were opposite of the subjects ' expectations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voice participation mode was manipulated as previously described . After subjects expressed their preferences , the experimenter presented subjects with three alternative payroll screens , based on their personal preferences , from which they could choose one . Subjects were told their chosen alternative would appear on the upcoming performance screen . Only one alternative contained all three expressed cosmetic preferences . In the **25;636;TOOLONG confirmed condition , subjects received their choice and in the **25;663;TOOLONG violated condition , subjects did not receive their chosen option . Manipulation of Instrumental Voice Plus Choice Plus Noninstrumental Voice <p> The instrumental voice and choice modalites and **25;690;TOOLONG conditions were manipulated as previously described . After the ten-minute performance period , subjects were promised that they would be given an opportunity to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the improved the payroll screen ( i.e. , noninstrumental voice ) . Subjects were told that these final recommendations would be considered for evaluation purposes . <p> In the **25;717;TOOLONG confirmed condition , subjects were provided with a word-processing screen and they had several minutes to write any additional comments and recommendations . In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they would not be allowed to express these final comments and recommendations . No justification for violating this promise was provided . IV . RESULTS Pilot Testing <p> Four pilot tests were conducted prior to the actual experiment . The purpose of the first pilot was to test the experimental materials , particularly the software developed for the experiment , and to examine subject receptivity to the manipulations . Suggestions from participants were integrated into the experimental materials and manipulations . <p> A second pilot test was conducted to obtain preliminary attitudinal and behavioral results . A possible scale-bound problem was detected using seven-point attitudinal measures . The researcher decided to try a nine-point scale to provide more latitude to respondents , as used by Lind et al . ( 1990 ) . Also , performance was relatively flat across conditions and subjects indicated that an incentive program might help . <p> The third pilot test revealed that the nine-point scale appeared to work better than the seven-point scale , as mean responses appeared to differentiate themselves across the spectrum of manipulations . Students were told they could earn from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performance differences were noticed between groups , but subjects indicated that the top award of $2 was not enough incentive because the keying trial was quite tedious . Subjects told the experimenter that one dollar-state lottery tickets would be more valuable to them than the equivalent amount of money . Hence , in the fourth pilot test a : state lottery ticket incentive program was tested where students could earn either one or two lottery tickets . This incentive program appeared to work better than using money in that distinguishable performance differences were noted between the treatment conditions . Measures <p> Performance , measured during the ten-minute performance period , was the net correct number of data entry characters ( i.e. , total number of data entry characters minus the number of incorrect data entry characters ) entered by each participant . Attitudinal measures included nine-point , bi-polar attitudinal scales measuring perceptions of ( 1 ) procedural justice , ( 2 ) perceived control , ( 3 ) overall satisfaction with the performance screen , and ( 4 ) task commitment . Two items were included for each construct . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were adapted from Earley and Lind ( 1987 ) . Overall satisfaction items were adapted from Doll and Torkzadeh ( 1988 ) and Joshi ( 1990 ) . Related construct items were averaged to form single indices , whose correlations were .89 for procedural justice , .92 for perceived control , .71 for overall IS satisfaction , and .86 for task commitment . Panel A of the appendix , presents the dependent variable questions used in this study . <p> Manipulation check questions assessed whether the subject perceived the promise ( 1 = not promised ; 9 = promised ) of the instrumental voice , choice and noninstrumental voice modalities . A second set of three questions assessed whether the subject perceived the receipt ( 1 = not received : 9 = received ) of these participation modalities . The absolute difference between the promised and received means were calculated to assess the success of the **25;771;TOOLONG manipulation . Manipulation Checks <p> Wording of the manipulation-check questions appears in the the appendix , panel B. Oneway ANOVA models with seven levels ( the mute condition plus the six manipulated conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An additional three ANOVA models were run on the absolute differences between the promised and received means for the instrumental voice , choice and noninstrumental voice modalities . All nine ANOVA models were significant at p = .01 . Duncan 's Multiple Range tests were next calculated ( alpha = .01 ) for each ANOVA model to determine significant mean differences between treatment conditions . All manipulation-check means were in the anticipated direction and significantly different where expected . Therefore , manipulations of the independent variables were considered successful . <p> Question 13 ( appendix , panel C ) was administered to subjects in the violated conditions to determine why they believed the performance-screen did not contain their preferences and/ or choices . Of the 89 subjects in the violated treatment conditions , two subjects did not provide an answer to this question . The answers provided by 87 subjects were categorized as either ( a ) experimenter did not care about my preferences and/or choices ( n = 39 ) , or ( b ) the researcher just asked me to express my preferences and/or choices to appease me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the performance screen ( n = 48 ) . This indicates that subjects likely attributed the violated expectations on the failure of the experimenter to genuinely consider the their input during the decision-making process . Under this condition , Cohen ( 1985 ) and Baldwin et al . ( 1991 ) warned that the frustration effect is most likely to emerge . <p> As a check on the attribution of subject frustration , question 8 ( appendix , panel C ) was asked of all subjects and question 12 ( appendix , panel C ) was administered only to subjects in the violated treatment conditions . Question 8 attempted to determine whether subjects in the violation conditions were more or less frustrated with the experimenter than subjects whose expectations were not violated . If so , the attitudinal and behavioral effects observed in the violated conditions may have been partially a result of subjects ' frustration attribution toward the experimenter personally , rather than toward ( un ) fair decision making ( Wong-On-Wing 1988 ) . From an ANOVA for all seven treatment conditions for question 8 , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ = .21 ) . There were no significant differences between treatment groups , and the relatively low mean indicated that subjects were not frustrated with the experimenter . From an ANOVA for the three **25;798;TOOLONG violated conditions for question 12 , the mean response was 8.14 ( F = .32 , p = .72 ) . There were no significant differences between treatment conditions , but the relatively high mean indicated that subjects were frustrated because their performance-screen did not include their desired attributes . The results of questions 8 , 12 and 13 presented above indicate that subjects in the violated treatment conditions likely experienced the frustration effect phenomenon ( Lind and Tyler 1988 ; Cohen 1985 ) . Pre-Hypothesis Testing Subject Differences <p> Questions 1 , 2 and 3 ( appendix , panel C ) are general post-test questions on which subject differences were analyzed . The average subject age was 22.71 , and there were 98 male and 109 female participants . The ANOVA F-ratio ( p-values ) were .41 ( .71 ) for age and 1.48 ( . 19 ) for gender . Subjects also self-reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . The mean response was 5.73 and the F-ratio ( p-value ) was .32 ( .92 ) . No significant differences were detected between groups on these three variables . Based on the results , study findings were likely not systematically influenced by subject differences examined . Tests for Interactions <p> Each dependent measure initially was tested separately in a 3 ( mode-of-participation ) X 2 ( **25;825;TOOLONG ) design . ANOVA procedures were used in analyzing the attitudinal questions and ANCOVA was used to analyze performance using results of the three-minute training period and five-minute practice period as covariates . Results of the ANOVA/ANCOVA factor effects model for each dependent measure are shown in table 1 , panel A. <p> Interactions were significant ( p </- .01 ) for each dependent measure . To interpret these effects , a cell means model was calculated for each dependent measure and the results are shown in table 1 , panel B. The overall p-values for the treatment conditions were significant ( p </-.01 ) for all cell means models . The response measures for the mute condition were included in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ levels . The Bartlett test for homogeneity ( alpha = .05 ) indicated that the variance of the responses in the mute condition was not significantly different from the average variance of the corresponding responses in the 3 X 2 ANOVA/ANCOVA models . Since the variances were not significantly different and because the subjects in the mute condition were randomized into that condition as part of the overall experiment , the mute condition responses were included in the one-way ANOVA/ANCOVA models ( Neter et al . 1990 ) . Experiment- Wise Error Rate <p> To alleviate concerns over experiment-wise error rate , two precautions were taken . First , a Bonferroni-type adjustment was calculated over the five separate ANOVA/ANCOVA models ( one for each dependent variable ) . This calculation revealed that since each separate ANOVA/ANCOVA model yielded an overall significance level of p </- .0001 , the experiment-wise alpha level was about .0005 ( 1- ( 1-.0001 5 ) ) . Second , to control the overall error rate within each ANOVA/ANCOVA model , Duncan 's Multiple Range tests were used for pairwise comparisons in all hypothesis testing . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .72 ( procedural justice and performance ) to r = .89 ( perceived control and task commitment ) . These correlations were significant at p = .01 , as shown in table 2 . Dependent measures were not collapsed because Lind and Tyler ( 1988 ) , after examining numerous procedural justice studies , concluded that the covariation of these measures is a result of causal ordering , not lack of independence . Specifically , perceptions of control often positively influence perceptions of procedural justice , which , in turn , lead to corresponding perceptions of outcome satisfaction and task commitment . Hypothesis Testing Hypothesis 1 <p> When participation expectations were confirmed , IS user attitudes and performance were expected to increase with corresponding increases in mode-of-participation . Table 3 presents the pairwise comparisons for the dependent measures . As the mode-of-participation increased from mute to instrumental voice to instrumental voice and choice , treatment means for all variables increased correspondingly with only two pairwise exceptions . Perceptions of control over the development process did not change significantly between the mute and instrumental voice conditions . Also , performance measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall results provide partial support for H1 . Hypothesis 2 <p> According to the value-expressive perspective of procedural justice , noninstrumental voice should affect perceptions of procedural justice , but control-oriented variables , such as perceived influence over the decision outcome , outcome satisfaction and task commitment , should not be influenced . From table 3 , perceived procedural justice did increase significantly with the addition of noninstrumental voice , but the other attitudinal variables were unchanged . Therefore , H2 is fully supported . Hypothesis 3 <p> When participation expectations were violated , increasing levels of participation were posited to result in corresponding decreases in IS user attitudes and performance . Pairwise comparisons for the dependent measures are shown on table 3 . As the mode-of-participation increased from mute to instrumental voice to instrumental voice and choice , and expectations of participation were violated , treatment means for all variables decreased correspondingly . These results indicate that H3 is fully supported . Hypothesis 4 <p> This hypothesis posited that perceptions of procedural justice would significantly decrease when noninstrumental voice was promised and that promise was subsequently violated . The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 shows that procedural justice perceptions did decrease significantly while all other dependent measures were unaffected . Measures of performance could not be affected because the violation of noninstrumental voice occurred after the ten-minute performance period . Therefore , H4 is fully supported . Testing for Efficacy and Expectancy Effects <p> Subjects in the **25;852;TOOLONG violated condition may have been influenced unintentionally by the performance screen 's attributes ( field color , background color and current date field ) because the subjects did not express a preference for the attributes provided . These subjects may have felt they could not perform as well on the screen they were given as compared to the one they chose , regardless of the effort they put forth . This is an efficacy concern . Those same subjects may also have believed their ability to earn the performance-related rewards ( lottery tickets ) was hindered due to the performance screen 's attributes . This is an expectancy concern . <p> To test for these possible effects , subjects responded to efficacy and expectancy questions about the field color , background color and placement of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dual questions were asked to obtain an estimate of reliability and related questions were averaged to form single indices . From ANOVA and Duncan 's Multiple Range tests ( alpha = .05 ) , no significant differences between treatment conditions were detected , thereby ruling out the likelihood of systematic influences due to perceptions of efficacy and expectancy . Table 4 presents the results of efficacy and expectancy testing . V. DISCUSSION <p> In this study , both attitudes and behaviors were influenced by manipulating two independent variables : ( 1 ) mode-of-participation , and ( 2 ) **25;879;TOOLONG . An interaction effect was found when expectations of participation were either confirmed or violated . The findings are in accord with both the control-oriented and value-expressive theories of procedural justice . Study findings enhance prior research in user participation and procedural justice . <p> Three major findings were obtained in this study . First , IS user attitudes and performance generally paralleled perceptions of procedural justice and control when expectations of participation were confirmed . The addition of choice to instrumental voice was perceived as a stronger form of participation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the predictions of the control-oriented theories of procedural justice with only two exceptions : neither perceptions of control nor performance were significantly different between the mute and the instrumental voice condition when expectations of participation were confirmed . This may be due to the relatively minor cosmetic changes allowed ( meaning the background color , field color and placement of the current date field ) combined with the relatively weak nature of the instrumental voice manipulation . <p> The second major finding arises from examining the dysfunctional consequences of participation when expectations of participation were violated . When subjects were promised increasingly stronger levels of participation and those promises subsequently were violated , perceptions of procedural justice , control , IS satisfaction , task commitment and actual performance decreased monotonically . These results support the control-oriented theory of procedural justice ( e.g. , a violation of increasing participation levels resulted in corresponding decreases in control perceptions ) , although this theory does not explicitly consider the issue of violating participation expectations . This aspect of participation has seldom been studied , and these results add additional evidence to the frustration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Baldwin et al . 1991 ; Folger 1977 ; Cohen 1985 ) . <p> It is interesting to contrast the effect of instrumental voice when expectations of participation either were confirmed or violated . There were no perceived control or performance differences between the mute and instrumental-voice-only conditions when expectations were confirmed . When expectations were violated , significant differences in both dependent measures were observed . It seems that when something is promised and then taken away , it may have greater intrinsic value to the recipient than were it not promised . Perhaps any violation of expectations evokes psychological discomfort beyond just the decision at hand . <p> The third major finding of this study concerns the effect of noninstrumental voice . When noninstrumental voice was added to instrumental voice and choice , perceptions of procedural justice increased ( decreased ) with a corresponding confirmation ( violation ) of participation expectations while perceived control , IS satisfaction and task commitment were unchanged . These findings are consistent with the value-expressive theory of procedural justice in that confirmation ( violation ) of noninstrumental voice may increase ( decrease ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outcome is known and unaffected by the expression of noninstrumental voice . <p> In this study , salient aspects of the decision outcome ( e.g. , performance-screen ) were held constant across all treatment conditions . Yet , perceptions of procedural justice and control seemed to have significantly affected IS user satisfaction and performance . This indicates that the effects realized in this study were primarily psychological in nature . These results contribute to both the procedural justice and IS literature for they point to the importance of the development process in light of constant outcomes . <p> It is interesting to note that the changes made to the performance screen were cosmetic . No functional improvements were incorporated . Even so , the manipulations evoked strong attitudinal and performance reactions . Had the allowed changes been more functional in nature , it is intuitive to believe that reactions may have been more pronounced . <p> Procedural justice theories may help to clarify the psychological processes at work when affected parties are expected to become involved in decision making . The theoretical framework of procedural justice may provide a means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involvement ( an internal psychological state ) , as described by Barki and Hartwick ( 1994 ) . When studying the effect of participation on attitudes and behaviors , researchers might consider assessing the subjects ' perceived congruence , or lack thereof , between expected participation and actual participation . A congruence deficit , where expected participation exceeds perceived actual participation , may be an unintended moderating factor influencing the relationship between participation and consequences . This moderator could partially account for the mixed results reported in past participation studies . <p> The good news for IS developers and managers is that a judiciously chosen participation strategy implemented via instrumental voice , choice , and noninstrumental voice may enhance salient IS user attitudes and behavior when the solicitation for participation is genuine . A particularly strong finding of this study is that objective measures of performance , a variable of great interest to practitioners , increased about 24 percent from the mute to the instrumental voice and choice condition when participation expectations were confirmed . <p> An equally strong finding of this study is that disingenuous solicitation for participation resulted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mute to the instrumental voice and choice condition . Therefore , if a participation strategy is implemented just to appease the IS user and the decision maker is merely providing the illusion of sincerity , the better strategy may be to make the decision without soliciting participation . Limitations <p> The student subjects in this study may not be reflective of IS users in the workplace . However , the purpose of this research was to test the robust predictions of procedural justice theories in the context of developing software . There is no reason to believe the underlying psychological processes reflected in these findings will operate differently in the work place . Procedural justice researchers who have examined this issue of process fairness in a wide range of contexts ( e.g. , with full-time employees ) have documented similar results , providing additional evidence supporting the generality of the voice and choice constructs ( Alexander and Ruderman 1987 : Greenberg 1986 ; Lissak et al . 1983 ; Lissak 1983 ) . Also , the immediate reactive effects , both positive and negative , found in this study may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Developing an information system traditionally takes place in five stages : planning , analysis , design , implementation and post-implementation . Because of the sequential nature of these stages , the participation strategy in one stage can influence participation strategies employed in subsequent stages. 3 It might be useful to examine the interactive effects of participation strategies between these stages . For example , participation at a later stage might negate the lack of voice and choice in an earlier stage . Also , the relative effect of voice and choice in an earlier stage might be more influential than in a later stage . <p> Overall , it seems as though procedural justice research may offer a firm theoretical basis for examining user participation . While Mumford et al . ( 1983 ) , Mumford ( 1981 ) , Mumford and Henshall ( 1979 ) and Lawrence and Low ( 1993 ) recognized the importance of control and representativeness in user participation , procedural justice theories provide more definitive means of operationalizing and understanding these and other psychological process variables . Color-blind individuals were asked not to participate to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ differ in no known respects ( e.g. , intellectual or emotional ) from those who are not colorblind ( Miller 1978 ) . Therefore , the subject sample should not be biased in any meaningful way . A pilot study was conducted to examine whether placement of the current date field affected subjects ' satisfaction with the payroll screen or their performance level . No differences were found on either measure whether the current date field was placed on the top left , top right or top center of the payroll screen . Not all IS development methods are sequential in nature . For example , prototyping is a development methodology that is both iterative and recursive in nature . However , where sequential development methods are used , the effect of voice and choice within and between the development stages might be examined . TABLE 1 Results of ANOVA/ANCOVA Testing PREFORMATTED TABLE TABLE 2 Correlations , Means and Standard Deviations PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> a All correlations are significant at p < .01 . <p> b Performance mean and standard deviation are adjusted for the effect of covariates . TABLE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each dependent measure , means with different superscripts are significantly different at the alpha = .05 level using Duncan 's Multiple Range pairwise comparison test . For example , for procedural justice with expectations confirmed , 4.67 , 5.79 , 6.85 and 7.79 are all significantly different from one another . <p> b Expectations in the mute condition were neither confirmed nor violated . However , they were included in both the confirmed and violated ANOVA/ANCOVA models as a control . <p> c Performance means are adjusted for the effect of covariates ( i.e. , they represent least square means ) . TABLE 4 Testing for Efficacy and Expectancy Concerns PREFORMATTED TABLE Efficacy Items <p> 1 . To what extent did the ( background color , field color , placement of the current date field ) on your performance screen influence the amount of payroll data you entered during the ten-minute performance period ? <p> ( 1 = Strong negative influence , 5 = No influence , 9 = Strong positive influence ) <p> To what degree did the ( background color , field color , placement of the current @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to enter payroll data during the ten-minute performance period ? <p> ( 1 = Strong negative affect , 5 = No affect , 9 = Strong positive affect ) Expectancy Items <p> 1 . To what extent did the ( background color , field color , placement of the current date field ) on your performance screen influence the number of lottery tickets you expected you could earn ? <p> ( 1 = Strong negative influence , 5 = No influence , 9 = Strong positive influence ) <p> To what degree did the ( background color , field color , placement of the current date field ) on your performance screen affect the number of lottery tickets you expected you could earn ? <p> ( 1 = Strong negative effect , 5 = No affect , 9 = Strong positive affect ) <p> a Inter-item correlation estimate of reliability . <p> DIAGRAM : FIGURE 1 Hypothesized Relations and Effects APPENDIX A Dependent Variable , Manipulation Check and General Post-Test Measure Panel A : Dependent Variable Measures Procedural Justice : How fair were the procedures used by the experimenter in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data entry screen you used ? = Not at all Fair , 5 = Neither Fair nor Unfair , 9 = Extremely Fair Procedural Justice : How just was the way in which the experimenter decided what changes to make to your PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll data entry screen you used ) ? = Not at all Just , 5 = Neither Just nor Unjust , 9 = Extremely Just Control : How much influence did you have in determining which changes would be made to your PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll data entry screen you used ) ? = No Influence , 5 = Moderate Influence , 9 = Complete Influence Control : How much control did you have in determining how your PERFORMANCE-SCREEN looked ( meaning the second payroll data entry screen you used ) ? = No Control , 5 = Moderate Control , 9 = Complete Control Satisfaction : Overall , I am satisfied with the second payroll data entry screen ( meaning the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ) . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Satisfaction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entry screen ( meaning the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ) ? = Very dissatisfied , 5 = Neither Satisfied nor Dissatisfied , 9 = Very Satisfied Task Commitment : How committed were you to working on the task of entering the time card data into the computer ? = Not at all Committed , 5 = Neither Committed nor Uncommitted , 9 = Fully Committed Task Commitment : To what extent did you accept the task you worked on during the experiment ? = Completely Rejected , 5 = Neither Rejected nor Accepted , 9 = Completely Accepted Panel B : Manipulation Check Measures Instrumental Voice : The experimenter promised me that , after the five-minute training period , I would get to express my opinion about which screen attributes I preferred to see in the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll screen ) . 1 = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Instrumental Voice : After the training period , I told the experimenter which screen attributes preferred to see in the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll screen ) . 1 = Strongly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ = Strongly Agree Choice : The experimenter promised me that , before the ten-minute performance period , I would get to choose one combination of screen attributes , from among three different options , to incorporate into the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll screen ) . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Choice : Before the ten-minute performance period , I was asked to choose one combination of screen attributes , from among three different options , to incorporate into the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll screen ) . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Noninstrumental Voice : The experimenter promised me that , after the ten-minute performance period , I would get to provide additional recommendations about how I might further improve the PERFORMANCE-SCREEN ( meaning the second payroll screen ) . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Noninstrumental Voice : After the ten-minute performance period , the experimenter asked me for some recommendations about how to further improve the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree Panel C : General Post-test Measures Please enter your age -- Please indicate your gender -- This question is attempting to determine your level of general experience using computers . This questions concerns you knowledge of general software , such as word processors and spreadsheets . This question does not ask if you can program computers and other such technical tasks . Please select a number at the point where you consider yourself to be . <p> My degree of computer experience is : = Low , 5 = Moderate , 9 = High How understandable were the instructions to the experiment ? = Not Understandable , 5 = Somewhat Understandable , 9 = Very Understandable You are receiving course credit for participating in this experiment . Are you satisfied with the amount of course credit you are receiving , given the amount of effort you have put into this experiment ? = Not Very Satisfied , 5 = Moderately Satisfied , 9 = Very Satisfied <p> The amount of lottery tickets I earned was determined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , meaning , the better I performed , the more lottery tickets I would earn . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree I talked to other participants during this experiment . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree I am frustrated with the experimenter. = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree I discussed the nature of this experiment with others prior to my participation . = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree What do you think this experiment is about ? Please write any additional comments you have about this experiment . <p> a12 . I am frustrated that the performance-screen did not include the attributes I wanted . <p> 1 = Strongly Disagree , 5 = Neither Agree nor Disagree , 9 = Strongly Agree <p> a13 . Please explain why you believe your preferences and/or choices were not incorprated into the performance-screen ( meaning the second payroll data entry screen you used ) . <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subjects . <p>
@@4013941 External , internal , and government auditors increasingly use audit software to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of audits . Incorporating technology such as generalized audit software into the classroom not only exposes students to " tools of the trade , " but , more importantly , also facilitates student learning of audit concepts and procedures . The purpose of this paper is to provide information on two audit software packages , ACL and IDEA , so that instructors can evaluate the appropriateness of including one or both of these packages in their courses . We compare the packages from both a functional and pedagogical perspective , describing several uses in the classroom . We also provide student and instructor feedback from package use . An accompanying web page provides numerous resources for instructors considering adopting ACL or IDEA , including exercises , exam questions , slides , review questions , and syllabi . <p> Keywords : computer-assisted auditing techniques ; audit command language ( ACL ) ; Interactive Data Extraction and Analysis ( IDEA ) . ; generalized audit software I. INTRODUCTION <p> External , internal , and government auditors are increasingly utilizing audit software to improve the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the traditional paper-based audit trails and environments become heavily automated , auditors are increasingly using audit software ( Gelinas et al . 2001 ; McCollum and Salierno 2003 ) . By incorporating technology , including computer audit software , into the curriculum , instructors help prepare students to apply new technologies in innovative ways . Technology heightens the learning experience by providing an opportunity for active student participation in understanding and interpreting the environment ( Thompson et al . 1992 ) . <p> Using an educator 's perspective , this paper compares two computer audit software packages available on the market - Audit Command Language ( ACL ) and Interactive Data Extraction and Analysis ( IDEA ) . In Section II , we discuss several reasons why an educator might adopt audit software in an accounting course . Section III presents an overview and a comparison of the two packages ' basic training materials and features . In Section IV , we describe how the authors and instructors at other universities incorporate the packages into their curriculum . This section also provides student feedback , pedagogical suggestions , and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer keys , and other resources . The paper concludes with an overall evaluation of ACL and IDEA . II . WHY USE AUDIT SOFTWARE ? <p> Given that the accounting curriculum seems to expand endlessly , why would an instructor consider adding an audit software package to his or her course ? Teaching students the " tools of the trade " makes them more aware of current practice and therefore more marketable . Accounting students typically get exposure to other technological tools of the trade such as spreadsheets , accounting packages , database software , and online research resources ( Bain et al . 2002 ) . Incorporating audit software into the curriculum helps complete this toolkit and prepares students for the content of the computer-based Uniform CPA exam . Moreover , using audit software can help students develop high-order cognitive skills because it encourages them to actively participate in applying theory to real-life situations . Audit software activities become more relevant , allowing students to gain a better understanding of the software and studied environment ( Hakeem 2001 ; Thompson et al . 1992 ) . The following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Accounting Profession <p> Professional organizations have developed professional standards and guidance to help auditors evaluate electronic evidence and advance toward continuous auditing . In 1998 , the Information Systems Audit and Control Association ( ISACA ) established an audit guideline specifically addressing the use of Computer Assisted Audit Techniques or CAATs ( ISACA 1998 ) . In 1999 , the AICPA and the Canadian Institute of Chartered Accountants ( CICA ) published a joint research report identifying six preconditions necessary for continuous auditing , including auditor proficiency in information technology ( IT ) and the system ( CICA 1999 ) . In 2001 , the AICPA issued SAS No. 94 to warn auditors that a substantive-only audit approach may not be feasible in complex IT environments ( AICPA 2001 ) . <p> The AICPA recognizes the role that IT plays in educating future accountants , stating , " All professional accountants , irrespective of their primary work domain or role , must acquire both relevant theoretical knowledge and practical IT skills " ( AICPA 1996 , para . 12 ) . Incorporating technology such as generalized audit software @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audit practices ( Nieschwietz et al . 2002 ) that can be used for any audit requiring data extraction and analysis . Accounting firms and internal auditing functions are increasingly utilizing GAS because of its user-friendly interfaces and its ability to quickly examine 100 percent of a population ( Lanza 1998 ; Sayana 2003 ) . GAS efficiently performs many manual procedures , allowing auditors to focus on understanding clients ' businesses and creating more value for the client ( Lanza 1998 ) . <p> Larger firms initially used internally developed GAS programs that required specialized programming knowledge . As the storage and processing capabilities of PCs have increased , firms have generally abandoned the proprietary GAS programs in favor of commercial GAS programs , which do not require any programming knowledge ( Warner 1998 ) . GAS is used by hundreds of organizations across the world , including all Big 4 accounting firms , hundreds of governmental agencies , and almost all of the Fortune 100 firms ( ACL Services Ltd 2004 ) . Moreover , almost 50 percent of internal auditors report using GAS in their operations ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GAS in practice , together with its user-friendly interface , makes it a serious candidate for inclusion in courses such as accounting information systems , auditing , and information systems auditing . Audit Software as a Learning Mechanism <p> Horsfield ( 1995 ) suggests that auditing students should understand the following three areas : audit theory , the relationship between audit theory and audit practice , and current audit techniques . Unfortunately , traditional audit classes do not provide students with concrete experience ( Siegel et al . 1997 ) . Incorporating audit software into the audit curriculum can reinforce students ' understanding of audit concepts ( Nieschwietz et al . 2002 ) . In terms of Bloom 's ( 1956 ) taxonomy , instructors can use audit software as a learning mechanism to move students from knowledge and comprehension of audit concepts to application of those concepts , and with well-designed instructional cases , perhaps to analysis , synthesis , and evaluation of audit problems . Specifically , using audit software in conjunction with comprehensive audit cases can develop strategic and critical thinking skills ( Gelinas et al . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " link data , knowledge , and insight to provide quality advice for strategic decision making " ( AICPA 1999 , 17 ) . <p> Bryant and Hunton ( 2000 ) note that research addressing educational technology in the accounting discipline is not as well developed as in the pure educational research realm . The most recent accounting research into education technology is descriptive rather than empirical and focuses on distance learning and hypermedia ( Bryant and Hunton 2000 ) . Thus , research has not empirically shown the value of incorporating audit software into the accounting curriculum . In the last two years , accounting education journals have included a small number of instructional cases using audit software ( e.g. , Gelinas et al . 2001 ; Nieschwietz et al . 2002 ) . Gelinas et al . ( 2001 ) report that their students agree or strongly agree that using the audit software supplemented their understanding of risk and audit procedures ( 72 percent ) and helped them understand the use of technology in auditing ( 91 percent ) . As we discuss later in this paper , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tool . III . OVERVIEW AND COMPARISON OF ACL AND IDEA <p> ACL and IDEA are the most common commercial GAS packages ( McCollum and Salierno 2003 ) . Both external and internal auditors use these packages for data extraction , data analysis , and fraud detection/prevention . This section presents comparisons of functional and pedagogical features of ACL and IDEA . Training Manuals <p> Both products offer self-guided training manuals : ACL for Windows 7.0 Workbook ( ACL Services , Ltd. 2002 ; hereafter ACL Workbook ) and IDEA 2002 Workbook ( Audimation Services , Inc. 2002 ; hereafter IDEA Workbook ) . The training manuals include data sets , click-by-click instructions , and screen shots of command results . However , the training manuals are not educational textbooks ; thus they do not include certain pedagogical features such as discussion questions , additional exercises/problems , or conceptual material . The ACL Workbook is over 400 pages long and is organized by audit task . Users proceed through a series of lessons organized into nine modules . Each lesson covers a type of task that an auditor might perform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) . The first five modules cover the basic functionality of ACL , while the last four modules cover more advanced functions ( see Table 1 ) . The IDEA Workbook is over 250 pages long and is organized by audit area . Users proceed through five sections , with the middle three sections devoted to accounts receivable , accounts payable , and inventory , respectively ( see Table 2 ) . Functionality <p> Both ACL and IDEA provide a broad spectrum of data analysis and extraction functions . Users can easily sort , summarize , stratify , age , and calculate data statistics . Users can extract records by setting data filters . Both software packages also permit the selection and evaluation of samples using a number of methods . Users can examine files for duplicates , gaps , and proper sequences . The packages allow the comparison of multiple files , creation of new files , customization of reports , and documentation of audit tasks in several different ways . Users can also save commands in batches for repeated use . Table 3 compares ACL and IDEA software @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extensive in their functionality . Fraud Detection <p> McCollum and Salierno ( 2003 ) report that 51 percent of internal auditors surveyed use software , including ACL and IDEA , to detect fraud. 1 The IDEA Workbook devotes an entire chapter to using IDEA to detect fraud , making it easy to incorporate fraud into the curriculum . Section 3 of the IDEA Workbook has students complete an audit and fraud investigation for accounts payable . The IDEA Workbook explains how fraud is committed in accounts payable , outlines needed audit tests , and then requires students to complete a series of exercises designed to uncover fraud . Though the ACL Workbook provides only limited reference to using ACL for fraud detection , ACL and IDEA both provide similar fraud detection capabilities . Examples of tasks that can be applied in a fraud detection context include stratifications , extractions , duplicate key detections , joining of databases , and application of Benford 's Law . Pedagogical Logistics <p> Instructors obtain the ACL Workbook by joining the ACL Education Partners Program. 2 A demo version of ACL 7.0 accompanies the Workbook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 Students purchase the ACL Workbook and software either directly from ACL ( list $50 ) or via the bookstore ( volume discounts may be available ) . <p> Students must purchase the IDEA Workbook either from the instructor or via the bookstore ( $25 student price before bookstore markup ; retail $200 ) . Beginning in 2003 , the IDEA Workbook includes the training version of the software . Audimation provides the software to instructors through the Education Donation Program , which allows free installation of software and data files on campus lab stations. 4 , 5 Table 4 presents a comparison of the two packages ' logistics for educational purposes . IV . EXAMPLES OF CLASSROOM APPLICATIONS <p> This section illustrates how one may incorporate audit software into an accounting course . Recognizing that each course at each institution is unique , we briefly discuss how instructors at various universities are using the software packages . Hopefully these illustrations , coupled with a resource web page , will make it easier for the reader to incorporate the use of audit software in an appropriate course . <p> The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is teaching the basic features of the software . Completing these manuals in an academic course provides hands-on knowledge of how audit software looks , feels , and works . However , to have an enhanced learning experience , the student should apply this hands-on knowledge in completing additional tasks . The next section briefly describes how each author incorporates audit software into her course , discusses student feedback , and discloses how other universities are using audit software in accounting courses . We refer to a variety of course materials available online at http : **38;4388;TOOLONG . Some materials , like exam questions and answers , are password protected with user name = sobajis and password = jis . To help the reader , we identify the resources available on the web page with the following parenthetical notation : ( ACL or IDEA Resource 1 , 2 , 3 , ... ) . The numbers correspond to the table of contents for the web page , which is reproduced in Table 5 . We will continue to update this web page with ( 1 ) additional materials submitted by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and ACL change their software and corresponding training materials . Using ACL in the Classroom Illustration <p> ACL is used in a graduate-level , elective IS Auditing course at the University of Montana , a medium-sized ( 13,000 students ) public university . Undergraduate auditing is a prerequisite for this class . The ACL portion of the course spans five weeks , accounts for approximately 43 percent of the course points , and requires successful completion of two large ACL assignments ( eight training exercises and six application exercises ) ( ACL Resource 2 ) and an exam ( ACL Resource 5 ) . During this portion of the course , the class meets in a computer lab for approximately ten hours . <p> During the labs , students proceed at their own pace through the first five modules of the ACL Workbook , submitting various printouts from the practice exercises ( ACL Resource 2 ) for grading . Students complete these five training modules in 10 to 15 hours . At the beginning of the lab sessions , the instructor presents mini-lectures using slides ( ACL Resource 3 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emphasize the important features of ACL . This is an opportunity to compare and contrast the various ACL commands . <p> In addition , the instructor leads the class in completing ungraded exercises ( ACL Resource 2 ) that provide additional practice with ACL . This is an opportunity for students to apply the mechanics of ACL while observing how the same task can be accomplished a number of ways . For example , there are at least three ways students can obtain a count and dollar amount of positive , negative , and zero balance items in a file . Doing this together in the lab allows students who approached it inefficiently to learn from students doing it more efficiently . More importantly , this provides an opportunity for the instructor to verbally introduce audit objectives that may be associated with each ACL task ( recall that the ACL Workbook is organized by task and not audit objective ) . Using the prior example , counting and obtaining positive , negative , and zero balances in an accounts receivable master file highlights credit balances that may need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accounts payable master file , it would highlight potential understatements ( zero balances ) as well as unusual balances . <p> After completing the first five ACL Workbook modules , students complete a series of graded exercises . These " application " exercises ( ACL Resource 2 ) require students to use the ACL Workbook data to apply what they have learned . In conjunction with completing many of these data manipulation and analysis tasks , students must note why the procedure might be performed in an audit , making the link between the ACL task and the management assertion that it examines . At the end of the semester , students complete an exam testing their ACL knowledge ( ACL Resource 5 ) . Student Feedback <p> Feedback on the ACL application in the course was provided in two formats in the last two administrations of the course , a survey specifically addressing the ACL project and the standard course evaluation form . Seventy-seven percent of students ( n = 35 ) agreed or strongly agreed that ACL helped them to understand what audit tests might be done . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them understand why audit tests might be done . Nearly all agreed or strongly agreed that ACL contributed to their learning experience ( 94 percent ) and they wanted to spend more time using ACL in this or other classes ( 86 percent ) . Feedback in comment form was uniformly positive , with no negative comments about ACL appearing on either the survey or course evaluations . The most consistent comment was that they benefited from the " hands-on " nature of using ACL , with some students specifically noting that it helped them apply what they had learned in this course and other courses . Using IDEA in the Classroom Illustration <p> IDEA was used in a senior-level , required Information Systems and Control course at Texas Christian University , a medium-sized ( 8,000 students ) private university . The IDEA portion of the course spans approximately three weeks and accounts for 13 percent of the course points earned by completing IDEA assignments ( IDEA Resource 2 ) and answering IDEA-related questions on an exam ( IDEA Resource 5 ) . During this portion of the course , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Students in this course have not yet completed an auditing course , so the IDEA project is preceded by one and one-half weeks of introduction to basic auditing concepts and CAATs . <p> Students proceed at their own pace through the first four sections of the IDEA Workbook . While the IDEA Workbook directs students to print out many screen prints/reports , the instructor designates a specific subset for them to submit for grading as part of the assignment . This assignment also requires students to answer questions based on the results of tasks completed in the IDEA Workbook . Students complete the first four sections and related questions in approximately seven hours . Each section first outlines potential audit tasks for designated audit objectives and provides a short audit program for the particular audit area . Because the IDEA Workbook is organized by audit area , most tasks are duplicated across the sections . Similar to the approach with ACL , the instructor reviews the important features of IDEA and focuses on how IDEA can be used to achieve audit objectives , using both in-class discussions and lectures with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The feedback on IDEA was obtained in the same manner as the feedback for ACL . Two-thirds of the students in the class ( n = 64 ) agreed or strongly agreed that IDEA contributed to the learning experience by helping them to both understand what audit tests might be done and why audit tests might be done . Fifty-seven percent of the students agreed that they wanted to spend more time using IDEA in this class or other classes . While the ratings did show large variation among students , responses were generally at the midpoint and more favorable end of the scale . <p> Examining student comments provides insights into successfully incorporating an audit software package into the class . Students liked the opportunity to use an audit software package that is used in industry . Given that the students had not previously taken auditing , using the software helped them relate to the overview of auditing included in this course . However , the timing of the project ( end of the semester ) was problematic . Students wanted more time to use the software . ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point in time . ) Also , several students commented on the inability to use the software outside the labs . Moreover , due to university restrictions , only one in-class lab was possible . More in-class labs would allow additional guidance to reduce the out-of-class completion times . Allowing students to complete exercises on their own computers would also increase students ' access to the software . In addition , the IDEA project was completed after manual and computerized accounting practice sets . This may have affected students ' perceptions of the IDEA project. 6 Suggestions for Instructors <p> While students are completing the ACL Workbook modules or IDEA Workbook sections , their focus is on the mechanics of the software . Because the ACL Workbook is not organized by audit area , the instructor should supplement the ACL Workbook with information on how the tasks can be associated with audit objectives in various audit areas . As noted above , the instructor can accomplish this verbally as students are learning the software mechanics or through mini-lectures . Regardless of the package chosen , the instructor should repeatedly ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ software . For example , why would an auditor look for gaps or duplicates in numbering sequences ? Why would an auditor stratify items in a file ? Why would an auditor join a payroll file and an employee master file ? The extent to which instructors need to link software tasks with audit objectives and management assertions depends on the recency of students ' audit training , if any , prior to using the software . <p> Both ACL and IDEA have the ability to sample . The IDEA Workbook , however , covers only random record sampling . On the other hand , the A CL Workbook has a much more extensive coverage of sampling . While auditing classes may expose some students to sampling , often they do not calculate , select , and evaluate samples using statistical methods ( e.g. , MUS ) . When using statistical commands in ACL , the instructor should emphasize understanding statistical terminology , knowing which statistical applications are appropriate for which audit objectives , and interpreting ACL evaluation reports . Sampling is one of the more advanced applications of audit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lab time is key to the success of using either package . Students using ACL or IDEA are both learning a new software package ( e.g. , interface , commands ) and learning how to relate the commands to audit objectives . Support from both the instructor and other students in a classroom lab environment can greatly facilitate these learning processes . <p> Both the ACL Workbook and IDEA Workbook contain a number of minor errors or items needing clarification , which the instructors corrected via errata sheets ( ACL Resource 4 , IDEA Resource 4 ) . Most students have sufficient computer intuition to easily handle these corrections. 7 How Other Universities Use ACL and IDEA <p> Given the lack of instructional materials that accompany the software and the scarcity of a wide variety of cases published in academic journals , we solicited additional input from other instructors using ACL and IDEA . Using contacts obtained from ACL and Audimation ( the U.S. distributor of IDEA ) , as well as personal contacts , we emailed instructors regarding how they were currently using the software . Eight of 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IDEA users ( 38 percent ) responded to the qualitative survey. 8 Table 6 summarizes the qualitative responses , while the quantitative responses are discussed below . <p> Respondents use ACL ( IDEA ) more often in graduate ( undergraduate ) courses . The courses in which both ACL and IDEA are most often used are audit-related and both packages consume an average 14 percent ( 13 percent ) of the course schedule . Most respondents use the respective Workbook , but more ACL users have developed their own materials and datasets . The average time respondents had been using the software was 2.8 and 2.7 years for ACL and IDEA , respectively . <p> When asked why they selected the particular software package , the reason ACL users indicated most often ( 50 percent ) was that the package was an industry leader and widely used . IDEA users also cited this reason ( 27 percent ) , as well as free software ( 27 percent ) , ease of use ( 18 percent ) , and exposure to IDEA at a conference ( 18 percent ) as common @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few respondents ( 13 percent for IDEA and 22 percent for ACL ) had technical problems with the software installation. 9 Table 6 describes the technical problems encountered . <p> Some respondents also provided the materials they used in their courses and course syllabi . We categorized syllabi resources by type of software , level of course , and focus of course and posted them on the ACL/IDEA resource web page ( ACL Resource 6 , IDEA Resource 6 ) . One respondent suggested a no-cost way of using IDEA . First , to learn the software features , students complete the Audimation " Getting Started Guide , " which instructors can copy . Next , students complete the Audimation Case study 2001 materials , which instructors can copy . Finally , students complete supplemental exercises provided by Nieschwietz et al . ( 2002 ) . Additional Methods for Implementing GAS in the Classroom <p> While a growing number of internal auditors are using ACL or IDEA to analyze audit data , over 50 percent still use Excelr or Accessr ( McCollum and Salierno 2003 ) . 10 Therefore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Access to implement GAS and the associated concepts in the classroom . Several resources have been developed for Excel and Access . For example , Borthick et al . ( 2001 ) provide a case where students develop basic queries for an Access database containing automobile customers , makers , and dealer information . Assignment files and multiple choice questions are available on our accompanying website ( General Resource 1 ) . A second excellent resource is Computer-Assisted Auditing with Great Plains Dynamics ( Lehman 2003 ) . This workbook provides 15 step-by-step exercises that require students to , first , export selected data from Great Plains Dynamics , and to then , analyze them using Wordr , Excel , or Access . V. CONCLUSION <p> This paper is a case study of the use of two audit software packages in educational settings . Our goals are to provide examples as to how audit software might be included in courses , and , to provide insight into whether ACL , IDEA , or some other application would best suit students ' needs . Incorporating audit software into appropriate accounting courses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and IDEA are both fully functional audit software packages that are easy to use . The primary differences between the educational versions of these packages are that the IDEA Workbook is organized around audit area and is shorter . Due to the organization of the IDEA Workbook and ease of use , IDEA may be better suited for undergraduate courses ; however , instructors may find less success with IDEA ( or any other GAS package ) in undergraduate courses crowded with other projects . <p> While both ACL and IDEA have education adopter programs that provide free software , they both lack additional educational materials . Two comprehensive cases have recently been published that include additional datasets : Gelinas et al . ( 2001 ) using ACL and Nieschwietz et al . ( 2002 ) using IDEA . This paper briefly describes how we use ACL and IDEA , including student feedback . More importantly , we have assembled numerous resources for educational adopters of ACL and IDEA on a resource web page , which we will continue to update with new information . <p> Finally , instructors must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ class . Its effectiveness depends on many factors , including time spent on the project , the students ' knowledge of auditing prior to the project , available in-class lab time , and the number of other projects students complete in the course . In addition , the nature of audit software assignments can range from training tasks to integrated cases . We hope the availability of these resources , coupled with our descriptions of the easy to use packages , will assist others in selecting appropriate audit software package for classroom use . <p> We gratefully acknowledge the feedback received from the associate editor , two anonymous reviewers , and participants at the 2002 AIS Educator 's Conference . Of the internal auditors using software to detect fraud , 47 percent use ACL and 6 percent use IDEA ( McCollum and Salierno 2003 ) . ACL made changes to its Education Partners Program in early 2004 . These changes are briefly described in the Appendix . Information on this program is detailed at http : **35;4428;TOOLONG . This site also contains links to material for anyone to download for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases detailing ACL in practice ) . Instructors should specifically request the ACL Workbook for 7.0 when joining the program , as this is no longer part of the program 's standard package . Instructors may also want to acquire the book CAATTs and Other Beasts for Auditors ( Coderre 2001a ) . For ACL materials on fraud , instructors may also want to acquire the Fraud Toolkit for ACL by Coderre ( 2001b ) . This book uses ACL batch code to perform eight categories of fraud detection tests , including completeness and integrity , cross-tabulation , duplicates , gaps , data profile , ratio analysis , and Benford 's Law analysis . One author installed ACL on individual lab machines and encountered no technical difficulties . Instructors wishing to install ACL to utilize network capabilities ( e.g. , file sharing ) should contact ACL for further information . One author installed IDEA on individual lab machines and encountered no technical difficulties . Instructors wishing to install IDEA to utilize network capabilities should contact IDEA for further information . Instructors making requests through the Education Donation Program also receive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ copyright release for classroom use . The case study is also available for free download on the IDEA website . This conjecture is supported by written comments comparing the IDEA project to other course projects developed specifically for educational use . The instructor should be aware that copies of the ACL Workbook obtained at different times might have slight differences , most notably margin changes or minor corrections that , in turn , change page numbers . Page numbers in the 2002 book were one to three pages different compared to the 2001 book ( same title and version of ACL ) , a fact that was impossible to discover until the course began . This necessitated last minute corrections to all assignment sheets , instructor notes , and errata notes that referred to page numbers . Numbers of users surveyed does not reflect the number of instructors actually using the software . Neither ACL nor Audimation could provide a list of active users ; they could only provide a list of those participating in their educational programs . This survey was conducted prior to IDEA including the software in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arranged for students to legally use the software at home or used software accompanying a textbook . Currently , approximately 40 percent of internal auditors use ACL or IDEA for data extraction and analysis ( McCollum and Salierno 2003 ) . 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@@4014041 Section : research update Modeling A Comet 's Collision <p> The comet fragment approaches with the lightning-quick speed of 60 kilometers/second . As it strikes the first significant amount of atmosphere , it begins to flatten , expanding sideways under the onslaught of thicker and thicker air . Within five seconds , the comet breaks apart and suddenly stops , exploding with an energy of 200,000 megatons of TNT . <p> A fireball , not unlike that in a nuclear explosion , punches up through the cloud tops . Vaporized comet material in the plume of hot gas rises several hundred kilometers above the clouds before splashing back down on top of the stratosphere . Ten minutes after the explosion , most of the action is over . Behind the plume , atmospheric gases condense , forming thick white clouds that , over the course of the next few days , spread out in a band that encircles the planet . <p> This is what astronomers think will happen when each of the twenty-one fragments of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 smash into Jupiter this coming July . The scenario is based on the results of computer programs that model what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , moving at a particular speed , runs into something with a different density , composition and temperature . This particular model was developed by astronomers Kevin Zahnle , of NASA Ames Research Center , and Mordecai-Mark MacLow , from the University of Chicago . <p> Zahnle and MacLow first met when both worked at NASA Ames , in Mountain View , California . MacLow 's research focused on the effects of shock waves from supernova explosions on the interstellar medium . Zahnle also studied shock waves , but he was interested in those created when objects from space collide with planetary atmospheres . <p> As part of his research , Zahnle created a model to run on the personal computer in his office that would test different scenarios for such collisions . " I was trying to bring organic matter to Earth safely , without it getting burned up in the atmosphere , " Zahnle says . Knowing that comets contain organic material , his program modeled what happens to an incoming comet as it travels through the Earth 's atmosphere . <p> The model was simplicity itself , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took into account friction between the comet and the Earth 's atmosphere , a second " ablation " equation that looked at the evaporation of material from the comet , and a third which described how the comet flattened and spread out from the force of the air hitting it . With his program , Zahnle became convinced that comets are not a good way to bring organic matter intact to the surface of the Earth ; they break apart too high up in the atmosphere . Venus and Tunguska <p> When the Magellan spacecraft sent back detailed radar images of the surface of Venus , Zahnle decided to see if his model could help explain the fact that there are no impact craters smaller than about two kilometers in diameter on the surface of Venus . Small cosmic projectiles striking the thick Venusian air should break apart high in the atmosphere , never reaching the ground . Zahnle changed the atmosphere in his model to match that of Venus , and tried to reproduce the observed distribution of surface crater sizes . He wanted to verify that impactors of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ground . His model worked perfectly . <p> Confident that his program had accurately modeled the Venusian atmosphere 's response to incoming objects , Zahnle turned his attention to the infamous Tunguska explosion . On the morning of June 30 , 1908 , a brilliant fireball lit up the sky over northern Siberia , followed by an explosion so powerful it knocked a man sitting at a trading post 100 kilometers away out of his chair . When authorities finally reached the desolate Tunguska River region , they found that nearly 2000 square kilometers of trees ( about the size of the state of Rhode Island ) had been flattened . But there was no impact crater or other evidence of what had caused the explosion . <p> A tremendous blast , equivalent to 15 megatons of TNT , detonating about eight kilometers above the ground , could explain the pattern of fallen trees and the lack of any crater . However , scientists could not agree on what caused the airburst -- a comet , an asteroid , anti-matter , a mini-black hole ; some even suggested an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what happens to ice , stone and iron objects traveling through the Earth 's atmosphere . He found that comets blow up too high in the atmosphere to be responsible for the Tunguska event . Similarly , iron asteroids blow up too low , or survive their descent through the air , striking the ground . But a rocky asteroid would blow up at the right altitude and with the right amount of energy . According to Zahnle , Tunguska was most likely the result of Earth 's collision with a rocky asteroid , not a comet as had been widely believed . Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 <p> On March 25 , 1993 , astronomers Eugene and Carolyn Shoemaker and David Levy discovered an unusual fragmented comet , with twenty-one pieces strung out like " pearls on a string . " As astronomers studied the comet , named Shoemaker-Levy 9 in honor of its discoverers , they were startled to discover that it was on a collision course with Jupiter . Since the giant planet is gaseous , with no solid surface like Earth , astronomers puzzled over exactly what effects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Zahnle wondered if his little computer program could shed light on what might happen . " I was ready : to put it all away and not work on it anymore , " Zahnle says , " and then along comes this comet about to hit Jupiter . " <p> He contacted MacLow , now at the University of Chicago , about collaborating on a more sophisticated model . Zahnle 's simple computer model told him , in general terms , what would happen , but he wanted a more rigorous model that would provide detailed information about what happens every second of the collision . In his work , MacLow uses a complex computer code that models how gases move and flow . He notes the same physics are involved in modeling a comet moving through Jupiter 's atmosphere as describing what happens when the shock wave from a supernova hits an interstellar cloud ; both can be described as a flow past a round body ( i.e. , the comet or the cloud ) . To model the comet collision , MacLow says , " I took the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sizes . " <p> MacLow 's model sets up a grid of points , somewhat akin to graph paper . He then sets values of density , temperature and pressure at each point on the grid . These initial values are determined by what is being modeled , in this case , a density profile of the Jovian atmosphere provided by Zahnle , with denser air on the bottom , and rarefied air on top . MacLow then adds a small region of different density , temperature and pressure to mark where the comet is , and starts the program . <p> Using equations that describe how gas flows , the model calculates how all of the parameters for each point change , given the influence of all the other points . For example , gas will tend to move from areas of high pressure to low pressure , and densities and pressures are influenced by temperature , and vice versa . It then recalculates everything again , taking account of the changes from the previous step . It repeats this process of calculation and recalculation of these values for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The grid in MacLow and Zahnle 's model encompassed half a million points . Because of the sheer number of computations involved , they used a Cray C-90 supercomputer at the Pittsburgh Supercomputing Center . The model ran for ten hours on the supercomputer before it was finished . For an idea of how precious such supercomputer time is , MacLow notes , keep in mind that most astronomers who apply for time on supercomputers are allotted only a few hundred to a thousand hours to be used during an entire year . Running his model just once used up a fair chunck of a yearly allotment . Where It Blows Up <p> Zahnle and MacLow 's model suggests that two seconds after encountering the outermost fringes of Jupiter 's atmosphere , a one-kilometer-sized comet fragment , with a density like that of ice , will begin to break apart . Within three more seconds , it explosively halts , depositing all of its energy of motion into the Jovian atmosphere . By then it is below Jupiter 's ammonia and water clouds , roughly one hundred kilometers underneath the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure at this point is about eight bars , or eight times the air pressure at the surface of the Earth . Exactly where the comet detonates depends on its size and density ; larger or denser fragments can travel deeper into Jupiter 's atmosphere before explosively disintegrating . <p> One problem all collision modelers face is that no one is sure exactly how big the comet fragments are . Original estimates of 15 kilometers quickly were refined downward . Today , the best guesses range from four kilometers to about 100 meters , depending on who you ask . " My feeling is that one kilometer is the order of magnitude , " Zahnle says . " People want three kilometers , but they 're not going to get it . " <p> Because of this uncertainty in size , competing models developed by various groups of astronomers assume different sizes for the comet fragments and can not be compared directly . " For whatever reason , small objects have not been popular to run , and most people have preferred to blow up really big things , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the liberal side . It turns out we 're the most conservative . Everyone else is blowing up bigger stuff than we are . " <p> He is not convinced that observers will be able to pin down the comet fragments ' sizes before the collision . One problem is disentangling the fragments themselves from the glowing cloud of gas surrounding each in images of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 . Even afterward , information from the explosion probably will not answer the question . " I suspect there 's enough differences between the different plausible models , that the explosion ... will not be diagnostic for size , " he says . " The temperature of the explosion might be , but that 's another matter and something that I 'm working on . " <p> Within thirty seconds of the explosion , a fireball of hot , vaporized comet material mixed with gases from Jupiter 's atmosphere will punch through the cloud tops and become briefly visible . Heated to 30,000 K by the comet 's explosion , the hot gas will have expanded and cooled by the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ redder than the Sun , with a temperature of about 3000 K. The fireball will rise about 100 kilometers above the clouds before its density drops so much that it becomes transparent . The plume of cometary material and Jovian gases will continue to rise , perhaps as high as a thousand kilometers , before beginning to fall back down on top of Jupiter 's clouds about five minutes later . The falling hot gases in the plume generate a shock wave when they hit Jupiter 's stratosphere , heating the gas and causing it to rise again . The hot plume then falls back down , etc . " The stratosphere will bounce up , and it will come down again , up and down , splash , splash , " Zahnle says , until things finally settle down about ten minutes after the impactor 's explosion . What Will We See <p> Virtually all of the material from the comet ends up in the plume of hot gas , splashing about on top of Jupiter 's clouds , spread some 20004000 kilometers from the point of impact . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cometary material escapes into outer space . According to Zahnle , " In a sense , you 're taking the comet and spreading it over the top of a region of Jupiter 's atmosphere and making it hot . " These hot gases should emit infrared radiation which can be studied by astronomers , yielding information about the impacting comet . <p> Within about 20 minutes after the comet 's explosion , new clouds may form in Jupiter 's atmosphere . " Large parts of the plume , particularly parts of the plume which are almost 100% Jovian no cometary material , " Zahnle says , " get lifted above the planet and they become very low pressure and very cold . Volatiles such as water and ammonia from Jupiter 's atmosphere contained in the plume will condense out . " Over the course of the next few days , the ' new clouds will likely spread out farther from the point of impact . " There 's lots of these events occurring all at the same latitude , so you might end up getting a white band , " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pretty much spread out over that whole latitude zone . " <p> Other effects may or may not be visible to observers on Earth . An hour or so after the detonation , seismic waves , similar to those from terrestrial earthquakes , driven by shock waves from the comet 's explosion moving downward through the planet , should be detected over much of the planet by infrared telescopes . A day later , gravity waves may start propagating out from the site of impact , like " ripples in a pond , " according to MacLow . But he doubts they will be strong enough to be seen . The Plume , The Plume <p> Zahnle and MacLow are not the only researchers modeling what will happen when Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 smashes into Jupiter . As competing groups publish their results , the two astronomers will continue to refine their own model . Over the next few months , they plan to concentrate on what happens during the first hour after the explosion , and especially to the plume in the first ten minutes , as it rises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their diverse experiences with shock waves , Venus , Tunguska , supernovae and interstellar clouds , the two astronomers are confident they can shed light on what will happen over the six day period beginning July 16 , 1994 when twenty-one pieces of a comet smash into Jupiter . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Artist 's conception of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 's collision with Jupiter , as viewed from the perspective of the Galileo spacecraft . At the time of the actual collisions , there will be much more distance between the comet fragments than is shown in this illustration . ( Courtesy D A. Seal/JPL ) <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : This mosaic of images of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 was taken by the Hubble Space Telescope after its repair mission . Twenty comet fragments are visible . ( Courtesy H.A . Weaver/T.E . Smith/STScl/NASA ) <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : This close-up of part of Comet Shoemaker-Levy 9 was taken in July 1993 , before the Hubble Space Telescope ( MST ) was repaired . Four fragments are barely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This image , taken in January 1994 by the HST after it was repaired , clearly shows the four comet fragments . The separations and orientations of the four fragments changed dramatically in the six-month span between the two exposures . <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Unusual surface features on Venus can be explained by the response of the thick Venusian atmosphere to impacting objects . Top : The impactor was large enough to survive its passage through the atmosphere , striking the ground and forming the crater <p> PHOTO ( BLACK &; WHITE ) : Bottom : This impactor was so small it explosively broke apart in the atmosphere and never hit the surface . However , a blast wave from its explosion did strike the ground and pulverized the rock into a fine sand , which appears dark in radar images such as these . ( Courtesy NASA ) <p> By Sally Stephens , ASP Staff Astronomer <p> COMPUTER SIMULATION OF THE COLLISION <p> Zahnle and MacLow 's model of what will happen when the comet collides with Jupiter . All of the panels are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ( 1 ) Ten seconds after the comet explodes just below the cloud layers ( dark bars ) , extremely hot material pushes back out along the wake left by the comet 's motion through the atmosphere . ( 2 ) Thirty seconds after the explosion , the fireball which contains the vaporized material from the comet ( indicated by the hot , dark area shaped somewhat like a flattened Greek letter Omega ) has just broken through the clouds tops . The shock wave from the explosion has pushed farther out into Jupiter 's atmosphere than the fireball. ( 3 ) Fifty seconds after the explosion , the fireball continues to rise , but , although still quite hot , its density has dropped so much that it is now transparent and can not be seen . ( 4 ) Sixty seconds after the explosion , both the shock wave and fireball continue to rise . Four minutes later , the material within the fireball will begin to fall back down on top of the stratosphere . ( Courtesy K. Zahnle ) <p> ILLUSTRATIONS : <p>
@@4014241 Section : Sky Event <p> The eyes of the world will be on Saturn during December and January . Not only does the ringed planet reach the peak of its current apparition , shining brighter and appearing larger than at any other time of the year , but it also receives the most intense scrutiny ever from a pair of robotic spacecraft . <p> From an observational viewpoint , Saturn could n't be better . The planet reaches opposition on January 13 , when it lies opposite the Sun in our sky and remains visible all night . Because the orbits of Earth and Saturn are nearly circular , opposition marks Saturn 's closest approach to Earth , which is why it appears so big and bright . <p> During December and January , you can find Saturn among the background stars of Gemini , not far south of that constellation 's two bright stars , Castor and Pollux . Saturn easily outshines those two , however , and is beaten in the evening sky only by Sirius . Saturn rises in the east around 8 p.m. local time in early December and about an hour earlier every two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it already appears conspicuous as the sky grows dark . <p> At opposition , Saturn shines at magnitude -0.4 and appears 20.6 ? across , with the ring system spanning 46.7 ? . Even the smallest telescope will show you the rings , which tilt 23 to our line of sight . That hefty angle means you should have no problem seeing the dark Cassini Division , which separates the outer A ring from the brighter B ring . <p> The man who discovered the Cassini Division , Italian-French astronomer Giovanni Cassini , also lends his name to the spacecraft currently orbiting Saturn . On December 13 , the spacecraft makes its second close pass by the large , haze-shrouded moon Titan . Then , on December 24 , Cassini will release the Huygens probe . Huygens will reach Titan on January 14 , parachuting through the dense atmosphere for nearly three hours . It should reach the surface , but scientists do n't know whether it will land on solid ground or in a lake of liquid hydrocarbons . Titan glows at 8th magnitude , bright enough to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the night Huygens lands , look north of Saturn during the evening hours . <p> Only Jupiter joins the ringed planet in the evening sky , and then only during the latter part of January . Jupiter rises around 2:30 a.m. in early December and breaks into the evening sky in mid-January , when it rises around midnight . The view of Jupiter through a telescope improves as it climbs higher in the sky , so wait until dawn approaches to get the best looks . <p> The detail you see on Jupiter should improve during December and January . Jupiter gains nearly 20% in apparent diameter over the two months , expanding from 33 ? to 39 ? across . That should make it much easier to spot the two dark equatorial belts , which straddle the brighter equatorial zone . <p> The rest of the bright planets cluster together in the predawn twilight . Use brilliant Venus , the brightest point of light in the sky , as your guide . An hour before sunrise in early December , it gleams 15 above the southeastern horizon . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you wo n't mistake it for any other object . The naked-eye view of Venus will probably prove most rewarding . The planet lies on the far side of the Sun and so appears fairly small ( 11 ? in diameter ) and nearly full ( 93% lit ) through a telescope . Venus sinks lower with each passing week , and by the end of January , it will disappear in the twilight glow . <p> In early December , Venus serves as a guide to Mars . The Red Planet lies 3 below Venus on the 1st , a gap that narrows to just 1 ( two Moon diameters ) by the 5th . Mars shines at magnitude 1.7 , so Venus appears more than 100 times brighter . Still , it should be easy to pick out the ruddy glow of Mars , particularly if you use binoculars . Like Venus , Mars lies on the opposite side of the Sun from us and so appears tiny , just 4 ? across . Although Mars pulls away from the Sun during December and January , it remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tracking is Mercury , and , once again , Venus and binoculars are the key . During the third week of December , Mercury rises out of the dawn to join Venus . If you imagine Venus stationary each day , Mercury rises from the lower left , climbs above Venus ( standing 1 above its brighter sibling on January 1 ) , then makes a hairpin turn before passing 0.3 to the right of Venus on the 13th . <p> You wo n't want to miss the Geminid meteor shower this year . One of the most reliable showers , the Geminids peak on the night of December 13/14 , just two days past New Moon . With no moonlight , you can expect to see a meteor per minute if you observe under a dark sky after midnight . As always when viewing at this time of year , be sure to dress in layers to ward off the cold . A Comet Passes the Pleiades <p> A fairly bright comet should grace the evening sky during December and January . If predictions hold , Comet C/2004 Q2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might reach naked-eye visibility at its peak in January . For Northern Hemisphere observers , the comet 's appearance improves rapidly during the course of these two months . It moves steadily northward , from Eridanus through Taurus and into Perseus , and thus climbs higher in the evening sky . <p> If you have clear weather on the evening of January 7 , be sure to look for Comet Machholz . That evening , it scoots past the brilliant Pleiades star cluster . ( Use the circular star map above to pick out the cluster , which lies in northwestern Taurus . ) Even better , the comet 's tail will point directly toward the cluster . If the tail reaches a length of 5 , it should pass in front of the Pleiades , making a wonderful sight for those observing with binoculars . DECEMBER EVENTS PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> MAP : December 2004 To locate stars in the sky , hold the map above your head and orient it so that one of the four direction labels matches the direction you 're facing . The all-sky map will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MAP : January 2005 To locate stars in the sky , hold the map above your head and orient it so that one of the four direction labels matches the direction you 're facing . The all-sky map will then represent what you see in the sky . <p> By Richard Talcott <p> <p> RICHARD TALCOTT is senior editor for Astronomy magazine . He is coauthor of the book Chasing the Shadow : An Observer 's Guide to Eclipses . <p>
@@4014341 Section : SEARCH &; DISCOVERY <p> On 1 October , four years after the National Science Foundation chose to build a new high-magnetic-field laboratory at Florida State University rather than upgrade the existing Francis Bitter National Magnet Laboratory at MIT ( see PHYSICS TODAY , January 1991 , page 53 ) , the new laboratory was dedicated in Tallahassee . <p> At the dedication Vice President Al Gore praised the creation of " the world 's preeminent magnetic laboratory , " whose 300 000-square-foot building was finished on time and on budget . The lab is billed as a partnership of the Federal government , the state of Florida , the University of Florida , Florida State University , Los Alamos National Laboratory and private industry . Gore noted that the National High Magnetic Field Laboratory is an example of the full and equal partnership advocated in the Clinton Administration 's recently released white paper on science policy ( see PHYSICS TODAY , September , page 79 ) . Former NSF director Erich Bloch , who was largely responsible for the decision to build the new facility in Florida , said that the partnership " gains leverage " for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Once the NHMFL is fully operational , the lab anticipates over 400 users annually . The facility cost the state of Florida $65 million to construct and $11 million for instrumentation . NSF is providing $12 million per year for the first five years to cover operating costs ( to power the magnets and support the magnet development group ) , and Florida is kicking in an additional $7.4 million in operating costs annually . <p> The National High Magnetic Field Laboratory will have a variety of high-field magnets and advanced instruments for research in condensed matter , biology , chemistry and materials science , most of which will be done in Tallahassee ; the lab 's other facilities are at Los Alamos and the University of Florida , Gainesville . The 45-tesla hybrid <p> At Tallahassee the most dramatic equipment is a 45-tesla hybrid magnet system , intended to provide users with a world-record steady field of 45 T in A 32-mm bore . The hybrid magnet consists of a Bitter resistive magnet , a cryostat and three nested superconducting solenoids . It 's being built by a collaboration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building the Bitter insert and one of the solenoids , made of NbTi . Florida State has overall responsibility for design and administration and is building the other two solenoids , made of Nb 3 Sn , as well as the cryogenic system and the control electronics . <p> The present record for a continuously operating magnet is held by the Bitter Lab . In May MIT achieved 35.2 T in the 32-mm bore of its Hybrid III magnet . With the incorporation of cylindrical holmium pole pieces separated by a 2-mm gap , the field was enhanced to 38.7 T. Several experiments have been performed in that configuration at temperatures as low as 0.5 K , according to Larry Rubin of MIT . <p> The 45-T hybrid solenoids are being made by a relatively new " cable-in-conduit " technique , which was initially developed for the magnetic fusion program and is expected to be used in the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor solenoids . A stainless-steel conduit supports the big forces generated in the cable . The sheath arrangement plus the confined superfluid helium are expected to produce higher stability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . <p> According to John Williams , who heads magnet technology at the Bitter Lab , the NbTi in the solenoid is arranged in 135 strands , each 0.8 mm in diameter . That cable is put in astainless-steel tube , squared off and then compressed . The MIT group is experiencing delay in getting a smooth , clean finish on the stainless-steel sheath . <p> In Tallahassee , according to John Miller , who heads the 45-T hybrid project , the two Nb 3 Sn solenoids also use multistrand cables . NHMFl'Shmfl 's industrial partner , Intermagnetics General Corporation , has fabricated 800 m of dummy cable-in-conduit ( using copper instead of a superconductor for the cable ) and a half-length model coil . Miller says a problem looms with the high-strength , iron-based superalloy selected for the conduit . After winding , each coil must be heat-treated to form Nb 3 Sn within the cable strands . This conduit alloy can become brittle or crack , he says , because of the manufacturing and heat treatment . So two tons of a new conduit material need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 45-T hybrid system from September to December 1995 . <p> A total of 17 companies , ranging from Alpha Scientific Electronics to Teledyne Wah Chang , are involved in the design and manufacture of major components , critical materials and systems for the hybrid . Other high-field labs <p> Only a handful of places have high-magnetic-field labs . The Francis Bitter Lab at MIT , in operation since 1960 , has a 10-MW power supply ( a motor generator set ) and , according to lab director Robert Griffin , the largest selection of high-field magnets to offer its users , with maximum fields ranging from 8 T to the record-breaking hybrid with 38.7 T. The lab 's 30-T hybrid has accumulated 4000 hours of running time in 11 years . Some of the magnets provide access perpendicular to the field , and the lab also has a large effort in magnetic resonance . The Bitter Lab expects to submit a proposal to NSF to secure funding past October 1995 as a collaborative research lab centered around the use of high magnetic fields . <p> Japan has two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Tsukuba , near Tokyo , has a hybrid that is expected to reach 40 T this month . Tohoku University in Sendai has a 31-T hybrid magnet built by Toshiba . <p> The High Magnetic Field Laboratory in Grenoble , France , has a 31.4-T hybrid . The Nijmegen High Magnetic Field Lab in the Netherlands has two hybrid magnets that were built at MIT , the second of which is currently running at 30 T. <p> Failures are common when high-field hybrids are first operated : The coil stack in the resistive insert can burn out or collapse ; the helium supply can fail ; the cryostat can leak ; the Lorentz force in the superconducting solenoid can cause the helium passages to collapse . Clearly Murphy 's Law has n't been repealed . <p> Horst Stormer of AT &T; Bell Labs , who has been involved with experiments at the MIT lab for many years , told us that the MIT 35-T hybrid has been operated only a few times and that its technology continues to be refined . At this stage , he says , experimenters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the magnet . Bruce Brandt , who left the MIT lab to be NHMFL associate director and head of instrumentation and operations , says that once the 45-T hybrid does start running in Tallahassee , " it 'll probably take a while ' til our hybrid operates with no hitches . " <p> Meanwhile NHMFL has three resistive magnets up and running . The lab proudly announced in June that it had set a record for purely resistive magnets operating continuously-27 T. Two more 27-T magnets and a 30-T resistive magnet are scheduled to be running by the end of this year . The highest-field superconducting magnet in operation is a 20-T unit sold by Oxford Instruments for $500 000 . Two of these magnets have been installed in Tallahassee ; one has a dilution refrigerator in it and the other will be used for experiments in the 500 mK to 300 K range . Users at work <p> One noteworthy feature of the NHMFL facility at Tallahassee is the size and high precision of its dc power supply , which is a solid-state rectifier . NSF had required the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NHMFL built a 40-MW supply , giving the lab the possibility of upgrading the 45 T to 50 T later on . The power supply can operate at three maximum power levels with its four component power supplies running in parallel . At 24 MW it can operate continuously , allowing , for example , two high-field magnets to operate in parallel . The power supply can also operate at 32 MW for 12 hours at a time and at up to 40 MW for an hour . Brandt explains that two errors typically occur in power supplies : the lack of repeatability or actability of the current and the ac hum produced in the range 1 to 2000 Hz . <p> Donald Gubser of the Naval Research Lab , who has worked at both the MIT and Florida State labs , says that sitting in the Tallahassee lab , " I could n't tell whether I had zero magnetic field or 20 T. I could n't hear the hum typical of high power . And my electronics did n't get a lot of pickup from the noise . " @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The ripple in the Florida power supply is 2 parts per million . <p> The cooling circuits are also designed to reduce noise in the magnets , by having large-diameter water pipes and large radius bends . <p> Another recent user at NHMFL is David Awschalom of the University of California at Santa Barbara . He studied the magnetic properties of ferritin proteins from horse spleen in fields up to 27 T. Awschalom is interested in ferritin for a variety of reasons ; for one , he thinks these nanometer-scale structures ( as well as artificially engineered proteins ) are an excellent way to study macroscopic quantum tunneling of magnetization . He and his collaborators , from Santa Barbara , the University of Bath and NHMFL , found that at high magnetic fields a " spin flop transition " with a strong orientation dependence occurs in natural ferritin . Awschalom says this transition provides direct evidence of antiferromagnetism in ferritin , a state that had only been inferred previously . Florida recruits <p> The first faculty appointment to NHMFL was J. Robert Schrieffer , the condensed matter theorist who is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of California at Santa Barbara three years ago to become chief scientist of NHMFL and University Professor with a joint appointment at Florida State University and the University of Florida . Schrieffer was impressed by the commitment that Florida showed to the new lab when Governor Lawton Chiles personally sought to convince him to move , since then Chiles has continued to be involved in helping build the lab . Schrieffer later recruited his old friend Lev Gor'kov , one of the founders of the Landau Institute of Theoretical Physics in Moscow , to become head of the theory group at NHMFL . Recently experimenter Zachary Fisk joined the lab , coming from the University of California at San Diego and Los Alamos . Hans Schneider-Muntau , the leading magnet designer at the Grenoble magnet lab , came to NHMFL as deputy director and director of the magnet development and technology program . <p> Jack Crow , director of the NHMFL , has an infectious enthusiasm about his new facility . Crow envisions the NHMFL as a broad lab , supporting biological and chemical research as well as materials studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lab 's magnetic resonance capability : Geoffrey Bodenhausen from Lausanne for nmr , Alan Marshall from Ohio State University for ion cyclotron resonance and Louis-Claude Brunel from Grenoble for electron magnetic resonance . <p> The highest-field nmr magnetic spectrometers produce 750 MHz precessional frequency for protons , corresponding to a 17.5-T magnet . That class of magnets has just been introduced in the last year by two English companies , Oxford Instruments and Magnex Scientific . Industry commitment <p> Martin Wood , founder of Oxford Instruments , told us at the dedication " The existence of this lab will give impetus to the development of new and improved industrial products . High magnetic fields and superconductivity are so much a part of the technology of the next 25 years or so that having this lab around is a terrific help to industry . " <p> Crow feels the best way to get industry involved is to say , " Why do n't you come on down and work with us ? " To initiate the development of the 45-T hybrid , he organized a vender 's workshop to elicit proposals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that led to a collaboration with Gibson Tube to develop the first fabrication line for long cable stainless steel conduit . <p> Crow also encourages companies to give a gift to the lab , to provide them with a sense of ownership . " We want them to commit to the technology . That 's why we get them to bleed a little to ensure their commitment . " Oxford Instruments has given NHMFL a 720-MHz nmr spectrometer , whose magnet alone is worth $1.5 million . Varian is donating $500 000 worth of electronics to go with the Oxford spectrometer . Intermagnetics General has given the lab $1 million toward its 900-MHz magnetic spectrometer project . Keithley Instruments has given $200 000 worth of equipment and engineering services . As Crow says , " Keithley gets the exposure and the users get the brand-new equipment . " And as the researchers use the equipment , the company will get ideas for new instruments . <p> Although the National High Magnetic Field Laboratory appears to be exceptionally well funded by both the public and private sector , at least part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . Michael Davidson , a Florida State researcher , has made such beautiful micrographs of crystals that his images have appeared on more than 350 magazine covers , including the one for PHYSICS TODAY 'S special issue on high-temperature superconductivity in June 1991 . These micrographs are also being marketed to industry and have been printed on men 's neckties , stationery and exercise apparel . Davidson has turned over his share of the royalties to Florida State University . He says the ties alone have generated about $175 000 in royalties , all of which has gone to the magnet lab . Future royalties will be divided so that most of the money goes to the magnet lab and some goes elsewhere . Los Alamos and Gainesville <p> At the NHMFL site at Los Alamos , one of the pulsed magnets uses a chemical explosive to compress flux ; the explosion is generated by capacitor discharge into a small volume . The magnet produces 100 to 220 T in a pulse that lasts less than 10 microsec . Los Alamos also has a collection of capacitor-driven magnets ; its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ range from 45 to 75 T , for the higher fields , pulse lengths are typically 20 millisec . <p> The University of Florida at Gainesville , which also houses part of the NHMFL , is developing an ultrahigh B/T facility that will allow studies of materials in fields up to 20 T and at temperatures to 500 microkelvin simultaneously . In addition , according to Neil Sullivan , chairman of the University of Florida physics department , the University of Florida 's advanced mri center will provide a unique 12-T , 40-cm-diameter system for imaging small animals . <p> DIAGRAM : 45-T hybrid magnet being constructed at the National High Magnetic Field Lab in Tallahassee , Florida . The experiment is placed in the center of the magnet , which has a 32-mm room-temperature bore . Because the user platform is at the same level as the top of the cryostat , it is convenient to arrange equipment on and around the magnet . The red indicates water-cooled Bitter coils and superconducting magnet current leads . Dark blue shows liquid helium ; light blue shows cooling water . Dark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structures . <p> PHOTO ( COLOR ) : Vice President Al Gore speaks at the dedication of the National High Magnetic Field Laboratory in Tallahassee on 1 October . From left : Former NSF director Erich Bloch , Congressman Pete Peterson , Lieutenant Governor Buddy McKay , Senator Bob Graham and current NSF director Neal Lane . Governor Lawton Chiles is behind Gore . <p> By GLORIA B. LUBKIN <p>
@@4014441 Section : 44th NATIONAL VACUUM SYMPOSIUM OF THE AMERICAN VACUUM SOCIETY McENERGY CONVENTION CENTER SAN JOSE , CALIFORNIA <p> Tuesday , October 21 -- 11:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m . <p> Wednesday , October 22 -- 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m . <p> Thursday , October 23 -- 9:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m . A &N; CORPORATION #714 <p> Manufacturer of high quality vacuum components for over 30 years . Our product line includes flanges and fittings in the following styles : ISO-KF(QF) ; ISO-MF(LF) ; UHV(CF) ; ASA ; Tri-Seal ; vacuum couplings ; feedthroughs ; vacuum ball valves . New for 97 ' , right angle valves and in-line valves . ABB EXTREL #323 <p> Founded as Extranuclear , has been manufacturing high resolution , high sensitivity quadrupole mass spectrometers since 1964 . Our instruments ' capabilities , stability and reliability make them the first choice for demanding , cutting edge applications in research and industry . Typical applications include , plasma monitoring , SIMS and TPD , APIMS , clusters and environmental monitoring . ACADEMIC PRESS #1208 ADOLF-SLABY INSTITUTE #1140 <p> Specializes in the area of plasma diagnostics and instrumentation . We will display a fully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ display real time information such as Bulk Plasma Power , Collision Frequency , Plasma Impedance and Process Endpoint . ADVANCED ENERGY INDUSTRIES #ISLAND E <p> A world leader in precision electrical power-conversion technology . We produce efficient , compact , and rugged switchmode power sources and control systems for thin-film processes from dc to 13.56 MHz . These include ion beam , dc magnetron , LF plasma , RF plasma , automatic loadmatch networks , and plasma impedance instrumentation . ADVANCED FLUID SYSTEMS #1106 <p> A rapidly growing company in the field of smart fluid products . Particular emphasis is on magnetic fluid rotary feedthroughs for introducing rotary motion into vacuum chambers . A wide range of standard products is offered as well as the ability to develop customized units quickly and efficiently . ADVANCED VACUUM TECHNOLOGY #547 <p> **25;623;TOOLONG : Sales and Service - Your one-stop source for all Ion Pumps and Equipment . New Equipment : Pumps and Controllers - 0.1 to 2,000 liters/sec Ion Pumps ; Diode , Triode , Differential/Hydrogen . Custom Design and Fabrication of UHV Systems : Complete Model Shop -top quality experimental and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ion Pumps : all makes and models rebuilt to better than new performance . Valves , Controllers and Power Supplies expertly repaired . Reconditioned Ion Pumps , Power Supplies and Accessories : extensive inventory - all types of Ion Pumps , Elements , Controllers and Cable Assemblies . AJA INTERNATIONAL #1126 <p> Magnetron sputtering sources for magnetic and non-magnetic materials , circular and rectangular target versions , R &D; and production sizes . ATC Series R &D; Sputtering systems . " KLICKS " Electrostatic Chucks , 75-300 mm sizes , -190 C to 600 C operating temperatures , ESC power supplies . Microwave power supplies and components , 300w to 75kw power range , switch mode and conventional automatic tuners . ALCATEL VACUUM PRODUCTS , INC. #227,229 <p> Manufacturing a comprehensive range of ADP Dry Pumps and ADS Pumping Systems , Drytel Systems employing MDP and Hybrid TMP Pumps , full range of ATP Ceramic and ATH Magnetic bearing turbomolecular pumps , Pascal rotary vane pumps . Displaying and discussing a wide range of helium leak detectors for Dry , Wet , Sniffing , Cleanroom , Longline testing , plus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Valley leader in vacuum and hydrogen brazing . Our new state of the art facility located in the heart of Silicon Valley offers vacuum furnances equipped with cryogenic pumping systems , as well as nine hydrogen bell furnaces . Our broad range of services from product design assistance and fixturing design offers our customers the advantage of a turnkey operation . Customers range from companies involved in the semiconductor field to medical , aerospace and telecommunications . AMER #209 <p> An independent analytical services lab offering Focused Ion Bearn ( FIB ) , Scanning Electron Microscopy ( SEM ) , Transmission Electron Microscopy ( TEM ) , and Rutherford Backscattering ( RBS ) analysis . Located in the heart of Silicon Valley , we offer special services , such as , immediate turnaround in-house sample preparation . AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL MICROWAVE #1142 See Manitou Systems Inc . AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF PHYSICS #1212 , 1214 <p> Visit the American Institute of Physics for a hands-on demonstration of the Online Journal Service , now with reference linking . Complimentary copies of Physics Today , The Industrial Physicist , and Computers in Physics will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ directories and other books . AMETEK/DYCOR #1302 , 1304 <p> Exhibiting the New Dycor System 20 ( 10 Software for Windows 95/NT and the New Dycor DyMaxion RGA with the smallest electronics package of any full featured RGA on the market . Outstanding features include : Open , Conductance Limited , or Enclosed Ion Sources ; Scripting capability automates your application by allowing process events to trigger Dycor command sequences using an embedded Visual Basic compatible language ; Optional On-board Analog and Digital I/O capability . AMF ENGINEERING , INC. #1220 <p> Introducing the new Vacuum Eye Trademark , a miniature CCD camera system for UHV applications . Position it up close to your area of interest . Come see our UHV and XHV Aluminum and Copper chambers , flanges and components . Achieve levels of 10- to 10 -13 Torr . See our ceramic screws for isolation . ANGSTROM SCIENCES #1211 <p> Specializes in the design and manufacture of the ONYX Trademark High Performance Magnetron Sputtering Cathodes for both research and development , and production applications . Also provides a complete line of sputtering targets , evaporation materials , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ INC. #518 , 520 <p> Need a water pump ? APD 's Aqua Trap Trademark offers optimum pumping performance in an easy to install system package . Need high performance cyropumping ? Come see the expanded line of Marathon Registered Trademark cryopumps . Want a laboratory cryogenic system ? It 's APD again providing the standard in research equipment for experimentation between 1.8-450 Kelvin . APPLIED SURFACE TECHNOLOGIES #1010 <p> The CO 2 Snow Jet will be demonstrated . This surface cleaning process removes hydrocarbon contamination and particles of all sizes . Applications include vacuum manufacturing technologies , substrate preparation , and primary areas of surface analysis . We will show manual units , new 4-axis automation abilities , and a new dual CO 2 /hO+N 2 unit . APPLIED VACUUM TECHNOLOGY #831 <p> Manufactures a full line of vacuum hardware , including flanges , fittings , weldments , and chambers for applications from low to ultrahigh vacuum . Our niche is customizing these products to your specifications while maintaining quality workmanship and minimizing lead times . Delivery can be as short as a few days for custom flanges and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ #806 <p> Manufactures High Concentration , Ultra low contamination Ozone Delivery Systems and Generators ; Downstream Plasma Sources for chemical downstream etching and photoresist stripping ; SmartMatch Trademark Intelligent Microwave Matching Unit ; AsTeX 's range of advanced Microwave Power Generators ; and ECR Plasma Sources for etching and deposition . ATRAMET INC. #1112 <p> Supplier of Vacutec Registered Trademark sputtering targets and evaporation materials . Materials available in production quantities include undoped and Boron doped Silicon , technical grade and high purity metals : fully dense chromium , NiCr , niobium , tantalum , titanium , rare earth metals and custom alloys , silicon powders . New for this year : aluminum doped silicon targets . AUSTIN SCIENTIFIC CO. , INC. #311 <p> A leading manufacturer of after-market replacement parts and accessories for CTI cryopumps and compressors and has specialized in the repair and exchange of cryopump equipment for 18 years . Based on this extensive experience , Austin Scientific now also manufactures complete cryopumps and compressors that are " CTI compatible . " BAY SEAL COMPANY , INC. #332 <p> A distributor and manufacturer of O-Rings , gaskets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Dupont Kalrez , Parker O-Rings , and Spring Energized Teflon Seals . We manufacture seamless spliced and squeaky-clean O-rings . We specialize in difficult sealing applications . BAY VOLTEX CORP . #540 <p> Will exhibit a wide range of chillers for cooling vacuum systems and semiconductor process equipment . Cooling capacities from 250W -40Kw are available with a wide selection of circulating pumps and safety interlocks . Quality construction yields very high reliability . Both the Tempryte PT and IRS series of chillers will be exhibited . BID SERVICE #243 <p> Purchases and sells preowned equipment used in the semiconductor industry . This includes vacuum chambers , E-gun systems , sputter coaters , vacuum pumps , and box coaters . All equipment is fully serviced by our technical staff . Free catalog is available upon request . BI-BRAZE DIVISION #734 BL ENTERPRISES #542 <p> Assists major manufacturers in buying and selling high vacuum production tools . Current listing includes Leybold Hereaus , Balzer VIS 750 , PECVD , Ulvac PECVD and Applied Materials P-5000 Poly Etcher . In addition , BL Enterprises performs appraisals for end of lease , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Discover a powerful new generation of affordable surface topography products for routine use in research and industry . We offer a wide range of precision 3D imaging and measurement systems to match your exact needs . Burleigh also offers the Inchworm Registered Trademark , all-piezoelectric motor for extreme-resolution positioning in and out of high vacuum and magnetic fields . BUSCH/PROCESS VACUUM SERVICES #219- 223 <p> Offers a range of dry vacuum pumps , exhaust treatment and pump refurbishment services for semiconductor manufacturing . " Cobra " single stage screw design , base pressure 7 mTorr , 47-1 , 100 CFM . " Fossa " scroll dry pump , 7 mTorr , 17.5 CFM . MagLev turbos 200-3000 L/s . " Terminator " point of use gas abatement systems . CAMECA INSTRUMENTS #340 , 342 , 344 <p> Offers these innovative tools for Materials Research : SX 100 Electron Probe MicroAnalyzer , SX 100R - Shielded Electron Probe MicroAnalyzer , TOF SIMS IV - Time-of-Flight SIMS , IMS 6f-Universal Magnetic Sector SIMS , IMS 1270 - Large Radius Magnetic Sector SIMS , IMS Wf - Magnetic Sector SIMS for Wafer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TAP - Tomographic Atom Probe . CAPITOL RESEARCH EQUIPMENT #731 <p> Capitol Vacuum Division presents high quality spare parts and rebuilt kits at 20-40% savings over OEM prices for all major mechanical vacuum pumps . Capitol vacuum has a large inventory of used equipment and also services all makes and models of turbomolecular , diffusion and cryogenic pumps . CARTER ENERGY SYSTEMS #1315 CERAC , INC. #420 <p> Manufacturer of advanced specialty inorganic chemicals and thin film materials , offering one of the largest selections of sputtering targets and evaporation materials in the world . Stock items and custom materials are produced in R &D; and Production quantities . CERAMASEAL #1132 , 1134 <p> Designer and manufacturer of ceramic-metal components for over 35 years , including a full range of standard vacuum feedthru 's , connectors , thermocouples , cables , viewports , hardware . New products include type " D " series connectors , with densities from 9 to 50 pins and our new advanced design glass-ceramic doubled ended SMA connector . CHA INDUSTRIES #408 <p> A manufacturer and OEM supplier of standard and custom High Vacuum Systems . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; magnetron and ion beam , ion beam etch , and combinations . Systems are complemented by CHA 's full line of fixturing and other components . New Mark 50 Roll/Web coating system . CHARLES EVANS &; ASSOCIATES #739 , 741 <p> A complete independent analytical service laboratory specializing in state-of-the-art surface , bulk , and microanalytical services . These services include SIMS , TOF-SIMS , SEM/FESEM , Auger , ESCA , RBS , TXRF and AFM . Our skilled staff of scientists and analysts have a unique understanding of your materials , and provide rapid turnaround ; all with the singular mission of helping you solve your most demanding materials problems . CHEMETAL , INC. #1008 <p> Offers the semiconductor , hard memory disk and vacuum industries the highest standards in chemical and mechanical cleaning . Our new state of the art facility which has been approved by most OEMs , features the latest advances in chemical cleaning/processing , handling and particulate control . CMS WELDING &; MACHINING INC. #541 <p> Providing world class precision machining and fabrication services to the semiconductor , medical and vacuum industries since 1982 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and valves . Designed for use in high and ultra high vacuum applications . In 1995 we expanded our manufacturing facility with the addition of our 10,000 square foot clean room TIG welding facility allowing us to complete our welding processes in a clean room environment . All clean components are leak tested on state-of-the-art UL500 Dry Leak Detectors in our Class 1000 clean room . Standard Products : 150 , ASA , NW &CF; Flanges , Tees , Crosses and elbows . OEM inquiries are welcome . COMDEL , INC. #242 <p> Principal innovator in RF technology , Comdel has a complete line of power supplies ( power -- 200 W to 100 KW , frequencies -- 20 Khz to 80 Mhz ) . Comdel also offers a fully programmable electrostatic chuck voltage source , matching networks and a patented power monitor that measures power at the plasma chamber . COMMONWEALTH SCIENTIFIC CORP . #926 , 928 <p> Offers a complete line of ion beam sources and systems for ion beam etching and deposition processes including thin film data recording media , gallium arsenide devices , electro-optical systems , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ materials . Featured sources this year are " ridded ion sources ( 1 to 38 cm ) , RF ion sources , gridless and-Hall ion sources and filtered cathodic ar source . CREEKSIDE TECHNOLOGIES CORPORATION #940 <p> Key provider of replacement units , spare parts , upgrades and service support for Varian/Intevac LEED , AES and RHEED surface analysis instrumentation . New and used electron energy analyzers , electron guns , ion guns , electronics units and SAM systems are offered . Upgrade packages are available for differentially-pumping the Varian gun and for PC-based data acquisition on Varian SAM systems replacing the oscilloscope and x-y recorder for Auger spectra , depth profiles and maps . CTI-CRYOGENICS #827 , 829 <p> Featuring their product line of On-Board Registered Trademark vacuum pumps which is unique in concept and outstanding in performance . On-Board pumps utilize an embedded microprocessor control , diagnostics , and communications capability that allows application-specific performance optimization in any vacuum process tool . Users can maximize process tool vacuum uptime , stabilize the process environment , realize the substantial economic benefits of predictive maintenance , and upgrade their process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A worldwide supplier of thin film process equipment for the semiconductor integrated circuits and thin film magnetic recording head manufacturing . CVC serves the semiconductor and data storage industries from locations in Rochester , NY , Fremont , CA , Dallas and Austin , TX , Londonderry , Taipei , Singapore , Tokyo and Osaka . CVI #944 , 946 <p> A designer and manufacturer of vacuum and cryogenic systems and components . Included are cryopumps ( 6 " to 48 " diameter ) , mini-refrigerators , vacuum-jacketed cryogenic piping and valves , high pressure cryogenic pumps and LNG fuel systems . DANIELSON ASSOCIATES , INC. #833 , 835 <p> Will display their full line of oil-free vacuum pumps covering 14 decades of ultimate performance . Included will be the breakthrough Barodyn Trademark diaphragm pumps with ultimate pressures to 10-4 torn The Phototron Trademark UV water desorption device and Omnibar Trademark leak sensor will be displayed and copies of The Vacuum Chronicles will be available . DENTON VACUUM , INC. #632 , 634 <p> CC-104 Cold Cathode Ion Source System : The CC-104 Cold Cathode Ion Source is a breakthrough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a patented physical design for beam generation , this high density ion source is ideally suited for large chamber applications . Compatibility with oxygen and argon dramatically widens the source 's operating window . The CC-104 source , power supply and control interface have been designed to ensure safe and robust system integration . DEXTER MAGNETICS #729 DIGITAL INSTRUMENTS #620 , 622 <p> Our leading line of NanoScope Registered Trademark Scanning Probe Microscopes ( SPMs ) , includes the MultiMode Trademark SPM , the Dimension Trademark Series SPMs and the BioScope AFM . Ask us about our new , fully automated Dimension 9000 AFM with automatic tip characterization and replacement , the Dimension Metrology Systems for critical dimension measurements , Scanning Capacitance Microscopy for 2D dopant profiling , Phase Imaging for identifying compositional differences , stiffness , friction and other surface characteristics , Scanning Thermal Microscopy for surface temperature mapping , and nanoindenting/scratching for low-force evaluation of hardness and wear on dlc and other films as thin as 5 nm . DRESSIER USA #1142 See Manitou Systems Inc . DUNIWAY STOCKROOM CORP . #428 <p> Specializes in high and ultra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full rebuilding services , a complete line of new products and a thorough collection of reconditioned , surplus equipment . Many items including silver-plated bolts , copper gaskets , flange hardware , tubes and gauges ship the same day as ordered . DYNAVAC #1028 <p> Designs and manufactures high vacuum process systems . Offer custom and standard system designs for a variety of thin film deposition applications including optical coating , inline/batch sputtering , and decorative coatings . Full service installation and technical support is provided . Dynavac also offers a wide range of accessories including a broad beam ion source and programmable sweep generator . EASTERN SMELTING &; REFINING CORP . #211 <p> Precious metal refiner of gold , silver , platinum , palladium and rhodium scrap materials . Targets , scrapings , foil , substrate , , wipes , rags , cans , jars , paste , etc . EBARA TECHNOLOGIES INC. #1227 , 1229 <p> Manufacturer of clean , dry vacuum products including dry roughing pumps for DVD , etch , and load lock applications . Cryopumps with regeneration capabilities for Sputter , Ion Implant , MBE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CryoTurbos Trademark with high water pumping speed and constant throughput . Also available : Ozone generators/monitors , Chemical Mechanical Polishing equipment , data acquisition and diagnostics for all products . EDWARDS HIGH VACUUM INT'L #1020 , 1022 <p> Manufactures &; services a complete line of high quality vacuum pumps including turbomolecular and diffusion pumps for mass spectrometry , microscopy and many other scientific instrumentation applications . Edwards also offers a range of roughing pumps including rotary vane , diaphragm and dry scroll for sample preparation and other wet chemistry applications . Additional products include vacuum instrumentation , leak detectors , thin film coaters , exhaust management systems and a wide range of vacuum accessories . ELSEVIER SCIENCE , INC. #1206 <p> The Surface Science publisher , will exhibit journals and books dealing with the physics and chemistry of surfaces , analytical tools , vacuum processing of materials and surface technology . Free sample copies are available of journals including Surface Science , Applied Surface Science , Surface Science Reports and Vacuum . ENI TECHNOLOGY , INC. #1138 <p> Advanced RF and DC generators for high power sputtering of hard disks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Choose advanced options using ENI Matchworks Registered Trademark and VI Probe Impedance Analyzer . FEI COMPANY COMPONENTS GROUP #1141 , 1143 <p> A leading supplier of focused electron and ion source products to major original equipment manufacturers worlwide . Our continuing commitment to research combined with our direct contact with end-users has established FEI as the leader in charged particle technologies . Principal products include : LaB 6 electron sources , CeB 6 electron sources , Schottky electron sources , UHV-compatible Schottky emission electron columns , and UHV-compatible liquid metal ion sources . FERRAN SCIENTIFIC INC. #1102 , 1104 <p> Presenting two new Micropole Trademark RGAs , one that offers a scanning range of 2-300 and one that has resolution of .5 amu or better . They are both fully compatible with current CNI 03 and CNL 04/03 systems giving the user more flexibility in their process monitoring and control . FERROFLUIDICS CORPORATION ISLAND A <p> A world leader in magnetic fluid sealing technology , provides the semiconductor processing industry with state-of-the-art vacuum rotary feedthroughs , gas-tight sealing solutions and full vacuum sealing of industrial equipment , crystal growing systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ customers ' products to operate faster , cleaner and more reliably . FIL-TECH INC , #1128 <p> Offers savings on the following vacuum systems and AR Coating supplies : Quartz crystals , electron beam gun replacement parts , ion source parts , FT704 , FT702 , and FT705 diffusion pump fluids , Krytox , FT19 , FT20 , FT77 , FTTW and other mechanical pump fluids , ionization gauge tubes , and thermocouple gauge tubes . FUJI TECHNOLOGY , INC. #412 , 414 <p> Total Dry Trademark oil-free vacuum pumps , offering low cost , low maintenance , lightweight , and compact design features . Available 6cfm and 12cfm models , require only the use of 115v service . Suitable for Leak Detectors , Mass Spectrometers , Electron Microscopes , Load-Locks , excellent backing for Turbo Pumps , and for use as conventional Roughing Pump . FUJIKIN OF AMERICA #1042 , 1044 , 1046 <p> Manufactures ultra clean valves and fittings for use in semiconductor process equipment and high purity gas delivery systems . Pneumatic and manual direct-diaphragm valves , assembled and tested in a Class 1 cleanroom , are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dead space and exclusive UP treatment fives a standard internal surface finish of <5Ra . See our advanced Integrated Gass System , offering easy assembly and maintenance . GALILEO CORPORATION #832 <p> Specializes in high performance detectors for mass spectrometry , surface science , UV and X-ray spectroscopy and charged particle/photon imaging . Exhibiting Channeltron Registered Trademark Mass Spec Detectors , New Miniaturized Advanced Performance Detectors for High Sensitivity Leak Detection and Time-of-Flight Mass Spectrometry , as well as Long-Life Trademark Microchannel Plates . GALISO INC. #1319 , 1321 <p> Will demonstrate HGRS technology that has reduced pump down times at a major tool manufacturer by 50% or more . Also , see how HGRS will let you know that process kits are clean before they go in the chamber . Never put a defective process kit in your tool again . GELLER MICRO ANALYTICAL LAB #826 <p> Certified to ISO-9001 , offers products and analytical services to the technical community . Products include NIST traceable magnification reference standards , reference materials for surface analysis and electron microprobe , digital imaging systems , EDS upgrades , EPMA control systems and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , XPS , SEM , X-ray , Electron Microprobe , profilometry and metallography . GENCOA LTD. #647 <p> Manufactures a wide variety of magnetron sputter cathodes and associated deposition systems . Recently introduced products include the PP ( plasma plume ) sources for very high magnetic field unbalanced ( ion assisted ) magnetron sputtering , and the VT ( Vtech ) sources allowing instant switching from balanced to any level of unbalanced operation . Full specs : www.gencoa.com . GNB CORPORATION #1202 , 1204 <p> Designs and fabricates high and ultra-high vacuum equipment : Chambers -- Custom and Semi-custom , cylindrical , box , in-line and cluster . Valves -- Custom and standard , up to 144 " free aperture , slit , gate and poppet . Components -- Baffles , traps , bellows , viewports , spools , base plates and manifolds . Integrated Components -- Load-lock with valves , valves with traps . GRANVILLE-PHILLIPS COMPANY #526 , 527 , 528 , 529 <p> Instrumentation designed to reduce costs associated with vacuum process measurement and control . Products include : STABIL-ION Registered Trademark -- the world 's best high @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading atmosphere to 10 -4 Torr gauge ; and MINI-MODULE Trademark gauges with on-board electronics for production and OEM applications . We help make your vacuum process perform better . HEATWAVE #218 <p> Cathodes and electron guns , ion sources , ionizers and ion guns , filaments and related products for vacuum equipment , vacuum tubes and other applications . UHV 1200 Celsius substrate heaters . Standard and custom engineered beam and refractory products . HELICOFLEX COMPANY #909 <p> Specializes in high performance sealing systems for UHV and high purity chemicals . The Delta Registered Trademark Seal is an all metal , low load spring energized seal that provides Helium sealing at 1 x 10 -12 cc/sec from -272 Celsius to over 700 Celsius . The seal fits standard ISO flanges and is available in custom shapes and sizes . HIDEN ANALYTICAL LTD. #519 <p> Will showcase the latest developments in quadrupole mass spectrometers for vacuum , surface , plasma and end point characterization studies . On display will be the RC-RGA range of Windows Trademark MASsoft PC controlled residual gas analyzers along with the EQP Plasma Diagnostic system and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ #1231 <p> HELSTF , a national center for high-energy laser research , development , testing , and evaluation , possesses and operates a 50-foot diameter vacuum chamber , 12 X 28-foot cylindrical vacuum chamber , and a 1000 X 4 foot beam pipe all capable of pumpdown to 10-7 torn HELSTF also operates a multi-megawatt chemical laser and can focus energy onto a variety of specially instrumented test areas -- indoors , in vacuum , or outdoors onto dynamic targets , such as supersonic missiles or objects in space . James C. Andersen , White Sands Missile Range , New Mexico 88002-5148 . HIGH VACUUM APPARATUS #215 <p> Displaying our 200mm and 300mm stainless steel and aluminum rectangular valves . Also on display : our UHV gate and angle valves in various sizes , and a variety of flanges and fittings . HUETTINGER ELECTRONIC INC. #939 <p> Manufactures a broad range of power supplies for a variety of vacuum sputtering and induction heating applications . Outputs range from 300 W up to 300 kW at frequencies from DC to 13.56 MHz . The Company 's cost effective Series TIG-P/BIG-P medium @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magnetron sputtering applications . HUNTINGTON MECHANICAL LABS , INC. #433 , 435 <p> Vacuum valves , flanges , fittings and feedthroughs . Also available are a wide assortment of roughing components including flexible hoses , traps , thermocouple and ionization gauge tubes , sorption and jet roughing pumps . Standard , custom or modified UHV devices can be provided as well for special needs . Stainless steel custom chambers , tees and crosses are supported by 25 years of experience in vacuum chamber design and fabrication at Huntington . HYSITRON INC. #645 INDIUM CORPORATION OF AMERICA #911 <p> Will exhibit its ONSPEC Registered Trademark metal sputtering targets and inorganic chemicals used in the production of Low-E windows , Flat Panel Displays , EL Lamps , Solar Panels and other applications . Also featured : Indium epitaxy sources , target bonding metals , and specialty solder fabrications such as preforms , wire , foil and ribbon . INLAND VACUUM INDUSTRIES #813 <p> Features a complete line of vacuum fluids for mechanical and diffusion vacuum pumps including a line of cost effective silicone diffusion pump fluids and synthetic inert products . Also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vacuum greases and waxes . Inland 's service includes fluid reclamation analysis and custom distillation . Inland is pleased to announce it has achieved ISO 9002 certification . INNOTEC GROUP INC. #426 <p> Thin Film Deposition Systems both sputtering and evaporation . RF , DC and Electron Beam Gun Power supplies . Electron Beam Guns and Vacuum System Components . INNOVAC CORPORATION #1228 <p> Provides various custom thin film deposition equipment ( sputtering , evaporation and ion beam deposition ) . InnoVac introduces various innovative vacuum parts such as a SiC heating stage for oxygen environment , a rotational liquid nitrogen sample cooling stage , magnetron sputter gun and sample load lock assembly . InnoVac also specializes in providing custom vacuum chambers and systems . INSULATOR SEAL #514 <p> A leader in ceramic-to-metal joining , serves vacuum science and industry worldwide . ISI 's leadership in seal technology is maintained by a core of engineers , providing unique solutions to a continuously expanding market . Standard product lines include multi-pin , coaxial , thermocouple and power feedthroughs ; also , breaks , viewports and custom design products . INTELLIGENT SENSOR @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Film Deposition Control . Using an optical beam , Atomicas Trademark determines the atomic number density in PVD processes with absolute material specificity and no restrictions on the background gas pressure . With its high sensitivity , non-intrusiveness , and long-term stability , Atomicas Trademark is an ideal tool for real-time control of many complex PVD processes including multi-source codeposition , reactive evaporation or sputtering , and MBE . ION TECH , INC. #933 , 935 <p> Provides a complete range of ion beam equipment to meet any research or production requirements . Available equipment includes a wide range of ion beam sources , including linear sources , RF sources , accompanying power supplies , gas flow controllers , planetary substrate holders , cylindrical magnetrons and complete etching or deposition systems . IONWERKS #931 <p> Real-time surface analysis during mTorr pressure thin film growth using proprietary Mass Spectroscopy of Recoiled Ions ( MSRI ) . Standard and custom reflectrons for TOF SIMS , Mass Spectrometry of Recoiled Ions ( MSRI ) and other TOFMS . Four channel , 625 psec Time-to Digital Converter plus 16 MHz Histogram Memory for under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ISA VACUUM PRODUCTS #839 <p> Will display its new E-yap 2000 R/D Vacuum Evaporator , High Vacuum custom chambers , QF , CF Glanges , Mechanical &; Diffusion pump fluids , feedthroughs , vacuum instrumentation and other associated vacuum components . ITOCHU TECHNOLOGY , INC. #539 <p> Introducing the smallest , most durable and stable Ion Gauge . The miniature metal ion gauge from Anelva with features of compact , unbreakable , wide range of measurements , dual filaments , bakeable up to 300 Celsius and long term stability . J.C . CONTROLS #1203 <p> Liquid nitrogen level controllers - simple and economical automatic filling systems for traps and baffles . Single or dual sensor controls ; timed based dewar filling controllers ; LN2 transfer lines and valves . Digital thermocouple controls - TC600 includes : numeric display , two setpoints , recorder output , DV-6M gauge tube . TC-100 includes : bar graph display , setpoint , DV-6m gauge tube . Ion gauge controller -microprocessor based , operates BA ion gauge tube . Standard features include : two DV-6M TC 's with separate bar graphs , two setpoints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ timed degas , recorder ouput . Gate valves aluminum gate valves from 2 " to 12 " . JEOL USA , INC. #308 <p> Manufactures a full line of surface analysis instrumentation including UHV-STMs featuring a high temperature sample heating stage , Scanning Auger Microprobes with ESCA attachments and ultra high resolution , low voltage , field emission SEMs . JF ASSOCIATES #830 <p> Presenting information on high flux neutral atom ( N , O , H , etc . ) RF plasma sources , mini e-beam co-evaporation sources , SEM e-beam carbon coaters , ion and electron sources ( Oxford Applied Research ) , and surface analysis systems such as EELS &; LEED ( VSI ) . Information will also be available on microsphere plate electron multipliers ( El-Mul Technologies ) and on electrostatic measurement instruments ( John Chubb Instruments ) . JOHNSEN ULTRAVAC INC. #730 <p> Designs and manufactures a full line of standard and custom made vacuum systems , instruments and components for research and development , opto-electronic devices , semiconductor industry and materials research . Products include the widest range in XYZ manipulators , ultra-long linear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and energy electron analyzers for AES , EELS and ARP . JORI RESOURCES CORPORATION #815 <p> Showing an extensive sampling of their resistive heated evaporation sources . These will include boats and coils , Silicon Monoxide sources , baffled boxes , crucible heaters , and custom made items . For 25 years they have been a major manufacturer of Tungsten , Tantalum , and Molybdenum products of unsurpassed quality and reliability . K-SPACE ASSOCIATES , INC. #441 KASHIYAMA #1310 , 1312 <p> A full service dry pump supplier . Kashiyama 's clean dry roughing pumps are used by major IC makes for CVD , Metal Etching , and other processes . Kashiyama dry pumps ultimate vacuum is 8 milliTORR with pumping speeds ranging from 18cfm to 640cfm . Come see for yourself the reliable dry pump that the hook &; claw and tri-lobe makers do n't want you to know about . KEY HIGH VACUUM PRODUCTS , INC. #915 <p> Manufacturer of high vacuum equipment and components featuring a comprehensive line of standard valves , traps , NWISO flanges , UHV flanges , pumping systems , valve controllers , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Heater Blankets for standard vacuum components . Mighty Mini stainless steel valves , ultra low profile . ISO-MF butterfly valves , standard interface , stainless steel , manual , pneumatic and motorized actuation . Complete catalog available upon request . KIMBALL PHYSICS INC. #912 , 914 <p> UHV Electron and ion sources/systems . Beam energies 5 eV to 100 keV . High brightness sources , Cathodes , Cathode cartridges ; Faraday cups , Phosphor screens . System Options : Energy sweeping , Fast pulsing , Deflection . UHV components . Multi-CF Trademark Fittings , Miniature vacuum systems , eV Parts Registered Trademark . APPLICATIONS : Surface physics , Vacuum physics , Charge neutralization , Cathodoluminescence , Space physics , Semiconductor processing , RHEED , ESD . Custom Designs . KLA-TENCOR INSTRUMENTS #326 KRATOS ANALYTICAL ISLAND B <p> New during AVS from Kratos will be the market leading Axis Ultra XPS spectrometer providing real-time imaging and small spot spectroscopy > 15p.m . Also being demonstrated is Amicus , a compact XPS system ideal for QC applications . Kratos will introduce Shimadzu 's new XRD-6000 , X-ray Diffractometer , providing qualitative , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . KURT J. LESKER CO. #609 - 613 <p> We manufacture and distribute everything for ultra high , high and rough vacuum conditions : chambers &; systems ; flanges &; components ; pumps &; fluids ; deposition sources , power supplies &; materials ; valves &; flow controllers ; gauges &; AccuQuad Trademark RGA ; electrical &; motion feedthroughs . We specialize in UHV manipulation ( Vacuum Generators ) and surface science components ( VG Microtech , Woollam and LK Technologies ) . KYOCERA AMERICA , INC. #210 <p> Featuring advanced ceramic metallization technology that has been applied in vacuum products for over 25 years , including feedthroughs , chamber , and furnace components . Metallized ceramics provide excellent hermeticity , thermal resistance , and insulation properties combined with high strength and clean vacuums . Applications include space , avionics , semiconductor manufacturing equipment , medical equipment , and a wide range of industrial machinery . LARSON ELECTRONIC GLASS #1123 <p> Manufacturer of viewports , glass-to-metal tubular seals , double ended or domed adaptors , stainless steel bellows-to-glass and fiberoptic and electrical feedthrus , usable in vacuum systems and bakeable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered . Custom glass-to-metal seal requests welcome . Call for a free 80 page catalog . LEYBOLD INFICON INC. #708 , #708 , 712 <p> Featuring advanced instrumentation techniques which combine unique sensing technology with specialized electronics . The company 's expertise includes quadrupole-based mass spectrometers and partial pressure controllers for gas analyzers , thin film deposition controllers , high sensitivity helium leak detectors , and a complete family of digital and analog vacuum gauge controllers . LEYBOLD TECHNOLOGIES #713 LEYBOLD VACUUM PRODUCTS #709 , 711 <p> The NEW Leybold TRIVAC E rotary vane pumps reduce environmental pollution and increase operational safety . Especially designed for mass spectrometers , electron microscopes , sterilizers , vacuum freeze-drying , vacuum drying , chemical and research laboratories , and as backing pumps for high vacuum pumping systems . Features include nominal pumping speeds from 1-8 cfm and ultimate pressures without gas ballast at 10-4 mbar . LK TECHNOLOGIES #735 <p> High Resolution Electron Energy Loss Spectrometers ( HREELS ) : New Model ELS3000 based on KFA , Julich design at below 1 meV resolution and LK2000 at 3 meV resolution . Also exhibiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spectrometers and scanning tunneling microscopes . LUXTRON CORPORATION #1006 <p> Manufacturer of in situ , process control solutions using fiber-optic sensors for low temperature applications ( -200 Celsius to 450 Celsius ) , and optical sensors for high temperature applications ( 125 Celsius to 4,000 Celsius ) . Luxtron 's optical sensors and controllers provide precise process control for LCD panel , plasma etch , wet etch , resist develop and CMP processing equipment . Luxtron 's patented Fiberoptic and Fluoroptic Trademark sensors and controllers provide accurate , repeatable process control that is intrinsically safe and immune to EM interference . MANITOU SYSTEMS #1142 <p> Will exhibit products from it 's American Industrial Microwave and Dressler USA divisions . These products include microwave power generators , waveguide components , RF power generators , matching networks and instrumentation . Please visit our web site on the WWW at dressler.com . MARCH INSTRUMENTS #913 MASS-VAC INC. #740 <p> Will exhibit advanced design vacuum inlet traps for corrosive or abrasive processes , high capacity oil mist eliminators for removing oil mist from vacuum pump exhaust , oil filtration systems for removing water and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ products of MaTeck are as follows : metal single crystals of pure elements and its alloys ; crystals for monochromators ( Bi , Cu , etc. ) ; metal single crystal preparation ; custom shape forming by sawing , cutting , drilling and spark erosion machining ; grinding and polishing of surfaces ; orientation accuracy of < 0.1 Degree ; surface roughness to < 0.03 Mu ; alloying of pure elements , custom shape forming , other research materials ( targets , wafer , substrates , etc . ) . MATERIALS ANALYSIS GROUP #208 <p> Analytical services laboratory offering SIMS , FIB , GDMS , Auger , ESCA , RBS/ERD , AFM/SPM , TEM , FESEM , EDX , XRF , XRD , Raman , FTIR , UV/Vis , GC/MS/IR , GPC , ICP , IC , TGA/TMA/DSC and orientation imaging microscopy for surface , interface , particle , thin film and bulk materials characterization . Trace element detection , high-resolution imaging and depth profiling , and precision cross sectioning . MATERIALS SCIENCE , INC. #238 <p> SunSource Trademark High rate-high utilization planar magnetron cathodes for industrial production ( 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Polaris Trademark Research Sputter Guns ( 2 " &; 3 " diameter ) . Ultrasun Trademark UHV Sputter Source ( 2 " - 6 " diameter ) . Also exhibiting functional , decorative and wear coating systems and technology born our joint venture company Plasma Surface Engineering , Inc . R.D. MATHIS COMPANY #1019 <p> Specializes in the manufacture of hi-vacuum evaporation sources . We offer a comprehensive selection of tungsten , molybdenum and tantalum sources as well as custom fabrication to meet your specific needs . Display will be a variety of evaporation sources along with one of our " LV Series " low voltage high current power supplies and our " GP 100 " inert gas purifier to compliment your evaporation process . MAXTEK , INC. #1013 , 1015 <p> Introducing 5 new thin film measurement and control equipment products : unveiling new thickness monitors ; sensor heads with The Next Generation , Cool Drawer Trademark ; new Snap Pack Trademark crystal packaging ; innovative full remote control DCM-220 Deposition Control Software and a Black Box version of the MDC-360 Deposition Controller . MCALLISTER TECHNICAL SERVICES #903 <p> @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UHV tribometer system , Scanning Tunneling Microscope and Electron Energy Loss Spectrometer . Full range of custom UHV devices such as bellows-sealed positioner X-Y-Z manipulators , quick-entry load lock system and linear motion feedthrough . MCNC #443 MDC VACUUM PRODUCTS CORP . #508 , 510 , 512 <p> Complete line of UHV components : Flanges and fittings , valves , roughing components , instrumentation , electrical feedthroughs , fast entry load-lock systems , all-metal sealed right angle valves and M.E.S.A. compatible rectangular gate valves . A complete line of electron beam evaporation sources in single pocket and multi pocket configuration matching 6KW , l0KW and 15KW solid state switching power supplies . MEIVAC , INC. #1114 <p> A full-service manufacturer of vacuum systems , pressure measurement &; control instrumentation and patented vacuum throttle valves . Two new products under development are : A unique combination throttling gate valve and a self-sustaining cryo-cooled throttle valve operating at 100-120 deg . Kelvin . MeiVac presently has strong strategic partnerships with many large OEM manufacturers , providing complete sputtering systems , vacuum chambers and sub-assemblies . METAL FAB CORPORATION #1026 <p> Designs and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equipment applications , including : UHV valve seals , cassette elevators , wafer lifters/manipulators , hermetic feedthroughs , flexible connectors and couplings . Metal Fab is an expert in using high nickel alloys for your demanding high temperature , corrosive application . METAL FLEX Registered Trademark WELDED BELLOWS , INC. #1323 METROLINE INDUSTRIES , INC. #115 MICRO PHOTONICS INC. #427 , 429 <p> Sentech 's film thickness probes , discrete wavelength ellipsometers and spectroscopic ellipsometers for in-situ and ex-situ applications in the UV/Vis/NIR ; CSEM 's advanced mechanical surface testing instruments including the Micro-Scratch Tester , the Nano-Hardness Tester and the AFM Microscope Objective ; VSW 's range of bolt-on surface analysis components for XPS/UPS/AES . MILLIPORE CORPORATION #1043 , 1045 , 1047 MKS INSTRUMENTS , INC . ISLAND D <p> A global leader in the supply of gas management instrumentation . MKS products manage the flow rates of entering and exiting process gases , thus controlling the mixture and pressure within a process chamber . MKS also otters products that analyze gases and isolate them from the environment . MMR TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #422 <p> Manufactures temperature controlled systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which find application in materials research in electrical engineering , physics , biology , and chemistry fields over the temperature range of 10 k to 730 k . New , low cost , long lifetime , closed cycle cooling systems are available for commercial and industrial applications . MODOC ENGINEERING CORP . #231 MOLECULAR IMAGING #233 <p> Our PicoSPM Trademark is specially designed to provide innovative solutions for imaging in fluids with electrochemical , temperature and environmental control . Its modular design brings unparalleled ease of use to studies in fluid . Its MAC Mode Trademark provides the latest technology for imaging soft and delicate samples in fluid with high resolution . MONITOR PRODUCTS INC. #213 <p> Marketing Mitsubishi MAG-LEV Turbo Molecular Pumps that can handle from 300 to 3300 L/S . These pumps feature a wide vacuum range and high throughput from several hundred torr to 10-9 torn MVAK TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #834 Provides an array of top quality vacuum pump services and products . Whether you require vacuum pump rebuilding , oils , greases , fluid reclamation , parts , valves , equipment , rentals or technical assistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and services to best satisfy your needs . MVSYSTEMS , INC. #641 <p> Provides ultra high vacuum multi-chamber PECVD/sputtering systems , arranged in a cluster tool configuration , specifically designed for thin film semiconductor materials and devices . As part of the system sale , MVS guarantees , contractually , the opto-electronic properties of thin film semiconductors , dielectrics and state of the art electronic device performance for solar cells , thin film transistor ( for displays ) and image sensors etc . Also provides Hot Wire CVD and Electron beam systems . N &K; TECHNOLOGY , INC. #538 <p> Will show the Iris 200 , the second of a new range of n &k; data analysis review stations for thin film characterization . From raw ellipsometric data and or from raw reflectance data , the Iris 200 will simultaneously generate film thickness and n and k spectra , from 190 to 900 nm . The Iris 200 has an operating system with an intuitive graphic user interface software enabling easy data processing and transfer . The Iris 200 takes only seconds to characterize even multilayer thin film structures . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Manufacturer of stainless steel vacuum components for over 30 years . Standard products include : NW , ISO , ASA , CF , and Wire Seal flanges ; fittings , viewports feedthroughs and flexible hoses ; manual and pneumatically actuated valves ; silicone foam heater jackets ; liquid nitrogen , molecular sieve , water-cooled , and particulate foreline traps ; and high vacuum and UHV manipulators . Custom chambers , manifolds , feedthrough collars and baseplates can be manufactured from customer specifications , sketches or drawings . NORDIKO USA , INC. #811 <p> Provides a line of Modular Total Process ( MTP ) solutions for the magnetic storage and memory industry ( MR/GMR ) as well as specialist expertise for diverse deposition processes . A proven array of production based modules , clustered around a central wafer handling module are offered including : Physical Vapor Deposition ( single and multiple target ) and Ion Beam Deposition ( in-house expertise ) . NOYES PUBLICATIONS #235 <p> Will display new and current books of the Materials Science and Process Technology Series . Among the new publications : Handbook of Magneto Optical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ultra-Fine Particles ; Handbook of Vacuum Arc Science and Technology ; Diamond Chemical Vapor Deposition ; and announcing the new Semiconductor Safety Series . OCEAN OPTICS , INC. #1239 <p> Ocean Optics ' S2000 is a high-sensitivity UV-VIS-Shortwave NIR fiber optic spectrometer featuring a compact optical bench anchored by a 2048-element CCD array detector . The S2000 is especially suited for low light level applications that demand high detector sensitivity . A complete line of spectrophotometric accessories is also available . OCI VACUUM MICROENGINEERING #338 <p> Manufacturers back-display LEED-Auger spectrometers , related accessories , miniature ion sputtering guns and electron guns . The new features of the LEED-AES spectrometer : improved resolution , microchannel plate mounting and integral shutter will be presented together with AES data acquisition software and LEED imaging software . OMICRON ASSOCIATES #509 , 511 , 513 <p> World leaders in the design/development of new instrumentation for UHV surface analysis . This year 's display booth will include information for the very latest UHV Scanning Probe Microscopy techniques including the exclusive " Needle Sensor " AFM technology , which allows us to offer combined STM/AFM in both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new SNOM instrument , the latest SpectaLeed control system , CMA150 Auger analyzer and the new ESCAPROBE system designed to meet the needs of industrial and research applications where fast , quantitative sample analysis is a priority . The ESCAPROBE uses the very latest hemispherical analyzer , model EA125 . OSAKA VACUUM , LTD. #726 , 728 <p> Global innovator of turbomolecular pump technology offering highly durable pump designs ideally suited for the research and development community where clean ultrahigh vacuum is required and the semiconductor industry where high throughput of corrosive gases is often necessary . Five product lines ; Turbomolecular and Compound Turbomolecular Pumps , bearing type and magnetically suspended models where dry , vibration-free pumping is important , and our unique line of Helical Groove Pumps capable of providing 10,000 sccm throughput . OXFORD INSTRUMENTS , INC. #812 <p> Plasma Technology Manufactures a complete line of semiconductor processing equipment for Dielectric Etch and Deposition , Failure Analysis , and Sputter Deposition . Also included are RIE and PECVD systems incorporating the latest High Density plasma sources for low stress and low damage Plasma processing . Oxford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systems which use our own filamentless sources and share the MESC compatible wafer handling system used on our Plasma systems , providing a flexible platform to build upon . OXFORD INSTRUMENTS , INC. #814 <p> Research Instruments Presents its exciting range of products for Scanning Probe Microscopy and Variable Temperature UHV applications . These include UHV variable temperature STM , 50 to 1000K and TOPSIII , the new Windows based SPM Control unit . Also on display will be LEED optics , Mini K-Cells , Mini CryoSTM and Ultrastat , the UHV compatible variable temperature flow cryostat . PARK SCIENTIFIC INSTRUMENTS #522 <p> Atomic Force ( AFM ) and Scanning Tunneling ( STM ) microscopes for ambient , liquid and UHV environments . Nanolithography , lateral force ( LFM ) , force modulation ( FMM ) , phase detection ( PDM ) , magnetic force ( MFM ) , and electrostatic force ( EFM ) microscopy capabilities . New UHV options for high temperature studies and extended y-translations . Cantilevers , software and other SPM accessories . PETERSEN SCIENTIFIC , INC. #1238 <p> Semiconductor processing service including ion implant anneal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and wet etching . PFEIFFER VACUUM TECHNOLOGY , INC. #523 , 521 <p> One of the world 's largest producers of turbomolecular vacuum pumps with over 100 years of vacuum experience offering a complete line of turbomolecular , dry , rotary vane , Roots and membrane pumps . Pfeiffer Vacuum is the worldwide representative for Balzers Instruments , offering vacuum gauges , leak detectors and mass spectrometers . PHELPS ELECTRONICS INC. #927 <p> Specializes in censoring devices for all thin film thickness monitors and controllers . Featuring AT-cut crystals , sensor heads , feedthroughs , and cables . Also the new MCS6 Multi Crystal Sensor . PHYSICAL ELECTRONICS , INC . ISLAND C <p> A world leader in surface analysis , will present the latest in Auger , XPS , Dynamic SIMS and TOF-SIMS technologies . On-site software demonstrations featuring the most current versions of PHI MultiPak , WinCadence and WinQuad will be available , along with the newest advances in our UHV and components equipment . PLASMAQUEST , INC. #310 <p> A full-service provider of advanced processing equipment . The Series III reactor is an R &D; or pilot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ produces films of unmatched quality at low temperatures . Etching is done with low ion energy for minimal device damage . The Series V reactor is cassette-to-cassette automated for high volume production . Both reactors feature a permanent magnet ECR plasma source and multipolar confinement . Wide temperature range chucks allow for flexible process latitudes . PLASMATERIALS , INC. #321 <p> Offers high purity materials specifically for the vacuum industry specializing in sputtering targets and evaporation materials . Materials can be fabricated to fit all deposition systems . Bonding services provide all metal bonding for affixing sputtering targets to backing plates . Nearly every element on the periodic table is available in many forms . PLASMA-THERM #544 <p> Produces a wide range of field-proven deposition and etching systems for use in Photomask , Thin Film Head , MEMS , and Optoelectronic processes Systems are available for use R &D; through production applications . A number of standard processing configurations are available on these platforms , including PECVD , HDP Deposition , RIE , and ICP . POLYCOLD SYSTEMS INTERNATIONAL #809 <p> Manufactures cryogenic refrigeration systems for use in vacuum deposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( up to 200,000 liters per see ) with total regeneration times less than nine minutes . Cryogenically cooled traps and baffles effectively prevent backs/reaming . Cooling capacities from 5 watts @ 160 Celsius to 3600 watts @ -90 Celsius . All systems utilize CFC-Free refrigerants . PRAXAIR SPECIALTY CERAMICS #1111 <p> Formerly Seattle Specialty Ceramics , manufactures high phase purity , high surface area , multicomponent ceramic oxide powders and targets for diverse markets : superconductivity , solid oxide fuel cells ( SOFCs ) , and catalysts . By leveraging PSCs unique and patented combustion spray pyrolysis ( CSP ) technology we are aggressively expanding into other advanced ceramics markets such as ferroelectrics ( doped PZTs and PLZTs ) and yttrium iron garnets ( YIG ) . PRC CORPORATION #1218 <p> Featuring the Turbo Flow Registered Trademark dry vacuum boosters which eliminate oil vapor backs/reaming , process contamination , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quiet , maintenance-free compressors feature high flow rates to 1500 M 3 /hr , ultimate pressures to 10-3 Torr , grease lubricated ceramic bearings and a two year-unlimited hours warranty . PRECISION FERRITES &; CERAMICS #312 <p> Has over 25 years of experience that . goes into our finished parts . We specialize in custom fabrication of ceramic materials . We can produce machined parts according to your specification &; deliver to our customers quality products . We work with all aluminas &; many other specialty materials . PRECISION PLUS VACUUM PARTS #1209 <p> Providing repair parts for Alcatel , Busch , Edwards , Kinney , Leybold , Sargent Welch and Stokes mechanical vacuum pumps . Precision Plus offers dry pump repair kits and major cast iron components such as rotors , plates and stators , along with a broad line of coalescing exhaust filters and oil filtration elements . PRINCETON RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS #727 <p> Will exhibit a full range of Reverse View LEED optics now including 5 RVL Models ( 1 moveable , 2 standard , &; 2 with shutter ) and the CVL 8-120 Conventional/Convertible LEED optics which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operate with the PRI 11-020 LEED electronics . The PRI RHEED system and the complete offering of In-Vacuum stepper motors , translation stages and drive electronics will also be shown . PRINCETON SCIENTIFIC CORP . #732 <p> Will display various single crystalline materials and substrates , such as sapphire , strontium-titanate , rutiles , metal single crystals , InP , etc . Also on display will be its Precision Wire Saw for cutting soft to hard materials . This saw yields very low material losses during the cutting process , but also produces a surface finish of lapped-quality . Also shown will be beam line diagnostics equipment , such as : faraday cups , beam profile monitors , capacitive pick-up probe and more . PROCESS STAINLESS LAB , INC. #643 <p> Featuring electropolishing : High vacuum components , microfittings , gas lines , chambers . Stainless steel aluminum and copper . Tubing : Electropolishing of full length high purity stainless steel tubing . Chemical Cleaning : Precision cleaning processes for aluminum , stainless steel , copper , and titanium components . Class 100 Cleanroom : 18 megohm d.i . water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nitrogen purge . PURE TECH INC. #1130 <p> An ISO 9002 Certified American manufacturer of high purity materials for sputtering and evaporation . Pure Tech produces both standard and custom materials for R &D; as well as production applications . In house capabilities include vacuum melting , inert gas hot pressing , metal and ceramic machining , custom designed backing plates , target bonding , and analytical services . QUAD GROUP , INC. #614 QUANTAR TECHNOLOGY , INC. #1040 <p> Offers a family of single-event-counting , MCP-based , position-sensitive detectors for parallel multichannel spectroscopy and 2D scientific imaging for charged-particles and photons . New 100 MHz high count rate model . Versions available for imaging detection of electrons , ions , soft X-rays ; and ultra-low-light , single-photon-counting , plus time-resolved , imaging PMT for UV-VIS-NIR optical range . Also offer FAST ComTec GmbH PC-based MCA 's , new Windows-based multiparameter MCA , new 2 Ghz 500 picosec resolution multiscalers/TOF and other time resolved , ( photon or ion counting ) data acquisition systems . QUINTRONIX #314 <p> New , rebuilt , and used vacuum and process equipment . Pumps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sorption ; vacuum evaporators and leak detectors . Electron beam , power supplies , guns , sputtering and glow discharge power supplies . Filament evaporator power suppliers , ion pump power supplies , RF power supplies , cabinets , chambers , tanks , manifolds , ovens , kilns , furnaces and metallurgical equipment . Valves , traps , bell jars , guards , hoists , baseplates , collars , feedthroughs , viewports , flanges , and fittings and transformers and much more . Please call . Some equipment is available for rent or lease . Quintronix also makes a new high voltage cable assemblies for Varian and P-E/Ultek Ion pumps . Wanted : used or surplus vacuum equipment of all types , especially Temescal electron beam power supplies and guns , in any condition . Varian portatest leak detectors especially 925-40 . R.F. SERVICES , INC. #638 <p> RFS-301 RF Training System - consist of RF matching network with built-in front panel controls , and an RF generator for use in RF training on plasma systems . Mounted on match is an RF input detector using surface mount technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filter stages to eliminate errors in phase or magnitude readings . RESEARCH AND PVD MATERIALS CORP . #1018 <p> Manufactures a wide variety of highly characterized , high purity materials for the diverse and sophisticated requirements of the Semiconductor , Electronics , Electro-Optic and related research communities . Products from this single quality source include but are not limited to : sputtering targets , thin film deposition materials , fabricated forms of specialty and exotic metals , alloys , ceramics , intermetallics , custom fabrications and " one off " components . RF POWER PRODUCTS #929 <p> Manufacturer of solid state , microprocessor controlled , RF generators with frequencies ranging from 50 kHz to 60 MMz with power output levels from 500 watts to 25,000 watts . RFPP also manufactures a complete line of automatic matching networks and accessories . RF VII INC. #1303 <p> RF Equipment , chillers and parts distributor for plasma enhanced vacuum enhanced vacuum systems . Representing SEREN IPS RF Generators at 13.56-40.68 MHZ with power levels from 300 watts to 7.5kw . Chillers and heat exchangers by Tek-Temp Instruments , spare parts , power tubes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rf generators . RHK TECHNOLOGY , INC. #1021 , 1023 <p> A leading supplier of SPM systems for the researcher , will be exhibiting both the PC based Model SPM 1000 and Silicon Graphics based Model SPM 2000 SPM Control Systems along with a full complement of control accessories . The Model UHV 300 Variable Temperature UHV STM , Molecular Imaging 's Pico SPM environmental STM/AFM and the Nanonics Ltd . NSOM scan head will also be on display . Demonstrations of the latest advancements in control software will be conducted on both the Silicon Graphics workstation and PC computer systems throughout the show . See the New SPM32 Version 5.0 Software . RIGAKU/USA , INC. #640 <p> Offers advanced Magnaseal magnetic fluid sealed rotary feedthroughs at very competitive prices . Direct Ferrofluidics replacements and Rigaku designs are stocked for immediate delivery , with custom designs available for OEM applications . The Rigaku Magnaseal employs a patented balanced magnet circuit with near-zero fringe field and reliable high magnetic field operation . ROCKY BROOK ASSOCIATES , INC. #1041 <p> Manufacturer of specialty machine parts , will be exhibiting a variety of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with full traceability of materials , realistic lead times and competitive pricing . SAGE INDUSTRIAL SALES , INC. #1038 SAKS GETTERS/USA , INC. #1127 , 1129 <p> Displaying High Porosity Thin and Thick Film getters ( HPTF ) for micro-machines and FEDs . Introducing next generation NEG pumps for UHV ( MK5 ) and HV ( Capaci Torr 70 , 100 and 300 ) application and new pump controllers . Also shown : The SpiroTorr spinning rotor vacuum gauge with an orientation-independent head which measures pressure from atmosphere to 10 -6 torn SANDMEYER STEEL COMPANY #1119 , 1121 <p> Stainless steel plate products used in vacuum equipment such as chambers , flanges , and systems . SCIENTA INSTRUMENTS AB #1039 SCIENTIFIC BOOK DISPLAYS #1207 SEIKO SEIKI CO. , LTD. #1012 , 1014 <p> One of the world 's largest manufacturers of magnetic levitation type turbomolecular pumps . The special features of all Seiko Seiki turbomolecular pumps are oil-free , maintenance-free , orientation-free , low vibration and full safety function . And latest 300 Degree/s types has miniaturized controller which has no battery . SEMIVAC #1308 <p> Established in 1977 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service in the United States . With a complete staff of highly trained technicians , we offer professional services on vacuum pumps and blowers . Semivac is a proud sales and service representative of the Kashiyama Dry Vacuum Pump and the Taitec Recirculating Temperature Controllers . SENIOR FLEXONICS INC. #334 <p> Edge welded metal bellows and component assemblies for flawless performance in high vacuum and ultra high vacuum equipment . Hermetically sealed to provide total vacuum integrity , manufactured from non-corrosive stainless steel and other special materials , reliable-normal life span of several million cycles , variety of off-the-shelf sizes or designed to specific requirements . SERVICE PHYSICS INC. #828 <p> Provides maintenance service for Surface Science Instruments and HP ESCAs . We carry an extensive stock of spare parts , provide hourly service , annual service contracts , Factory Level Calibration Service and conduct on-site User training courses in ESCA operation . SPI will be showing new accessories and upgrades developed for X-Probe and M-Probe ESCA systems . SHIMADZU PRECISION INSTRUMENTS #138-241 SHIVA TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #1139 <p> Specialists in trace and ultra-trace elemental analysis using High Resolution Glow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and LECO in NY , CA , and France . General Materials Analysis lab in Bangalore , India , offering economical material analysis services worldwide . SIERRA APPLIED SCIENCES , INC. #619 <p> Manufactures patented planar magnetron cathodes with target utilization as high as 50% . Sierra 's cathodes are adaptable to a broad range of processes and requirements : internally or externally mounted ; round or rectangular ; RF or DC . Sierra 's cathodes provide maximum target utilization , reduced downtime for target replacement , and stabilized operating performance throughout the life of the target . SIERRA TECHNOLOGY GROUP , INC. #1110 <p> Micropole Trademark RGA - operates up to 10 -2 Torr without differential pumping . Complete line of vacuum components including CF Trademark , KF , and ISO flanges , feedthroughs , and valves . Vacuum instrumentation including gauging , automatic valve controllers , and quartz-crystal deposition controllers . Sputtering targets and bonding . SIGMA INSTRUMENTS , INC. #431 <p> Manufactures instruments for the measurement and control of vacuum processes . Our SID-142 Deposition Controller provides 4 sensor inputs , unlimited process recipes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . This SIG-220 Ion Gauge uses a graphic LCD touch panel and flexible programming to replace process controllers . SIGMA LABS #1146 L.M. SIMARD , INC. #339 SKION CORPORATION #1226 <p> Has developed a novel metal ion beam source . Our metal ion source is particulate-free and UHV compatible . The compact ion source , NM.ES CS02 is mountable on 2 3/4 " CF Flange . The source is able to produce a variety of metal ion beams which can be used for synthesis of new materials metal ion beam epitaxy , nucleation studies , and surface modification . The scaled metal ion beam source ( 4-12 " ) is also available . SMC CORPORATION #1213 , 1215 SOLERAS LTD. #315 <p> A manufacturer of Sputter Targets , Original and Enhanced Backing Plates and vacuum related spare parts . The company has product design , reverse engineering , failure analysis , CAD/CAM and full traceability/analysis of materials . Soleras specializes in enhancing original parts such as water cooled copper/stainless parts , to allow increased power and uniformity . SPECS USA , INC. #840 , 838 <p> A leading manufacturer of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ built to customers ' needs for XPS , UPS , AES , SAM , ISS , SIMS , SNMS , and EELS . SPECS presents its new fully automatic ESCA instrument SAGF. 150 for routine analysis . Components manufactured are : Hemispherical Analyzers , Mass Spectrometers X-ray and UV sources , Ion-and Electron Guns . SPECTRA INTERNATIONAL #918 , 920 , 922 <p> Vision 1000 - High performance process RGA system , configurations for PVD , CVD , Etch , Implant . HPQ - Process pressure RGA . Suitable for resist , water vapor , general leak awareness . Process " EYE " - Fully automatic Go/NoGo multisensor SPC process software . Optivision - Optical spectrometers for in-situ thickness monitoring and plasma diagnostics . Langmuir Probe - Latest generation design for minimum plasma distortion . Plasma Impedance Monitor - Retrofit or built into original RF power supplies . SPUTTERMET , INC. #942 <p> Samples of the following : Plasma sprayed rotatable sputtering targets , Various bonded targets to backing plates to show bonding quality &; capabilities . STAIB INSTRUMENTS , INC. #439 <p> Manufacturers of compact , high performance electron-optical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , analyzer , and data acquisition to study structure and quality of thin films . Photo-Emission Electron Microscopes ( PEEM ) , for dynamic studies of chemical distributions with high-time and space resolution ; AES - XPS spectrometers and Electron Guns for analytical surface studies . <p> For more information , visit our web site at http : . staib-instruments.com STANFORD RESEARCH SYSTEMS #618 <p> Will be exhibiting its line of gas analysis and vacuum diagnosis equipment , including Residual Gas Analyzers ( 100 amu , 200 amu and 300 amu ) , Closed Ion Source RGAs , Sputtering monitors ( 10 mTorr to 10 Torr ) and Atmospheric Pressure Gas Analyzers ( 1 to 10 bars ) . STOKES VACUUM #108 , 110 <p> Stokes Vacuum , a total system supplier , provides vacuum users with cost effective solutions that add value to their process . Products on display : Stealth Pump - a high CFM capacity temperature controlled dry pump best suited for harsh applications . Stealth CZ - a state of the art specialty pump for users in the silicon crystal market . Eagle Pump - a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry . Microvac Pump - a single stage piston pump , the industry standard for heat treaters ; comes in a variety of models . Vacuum Dryers offered in 3 models : shelf , cone and conical . SUNNYVALE VALVE &; FITTING CO. #1307 SUPER CONDUCTOR MATERIALS , INC. #905 <p> Celebrating our ten year anniversary servicing vacuum technology , manufacturing sputtering targets , evaporation materials , crucible inserts and components for the semiconductor , electronic , optical and related industries . In-house capabilities include hot press , vacuum hot press , vacuum melting , complete CNC machine shop . Custom compounds and alloys , high density ITO , ZnO doped and undoped are just a few of our specialty products . SURFACE/INTERFACE INC. #629 , 627 <p> Surface/Interface provides innovative product solutions to meet the needs of ultrahigh vacuum , semiconductor manufacturing and surface analysis customers . S/I specializes in " ultraclean " components and UHV-compatible motors for analytical systems , vacuum and manufacturing applications . S/I also offers highly pure , characterized reference materials and custom products and consulting services to industry and the materials science community . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deposition Monitors and Controllers utilizing the quartz crystal sensing techniques . A complete line of HV and UHV sensors and shutters for these products are available . A multi-pocket E-Beam Source Indexer for the control of 4 and 6 pocket E-Beam Guns is also available from Sycon . A new deposition monitor based on the principle of Atomic Absorption is a unique product added to the Sycon Product Line . This product is used for continuous monitoring of film deposition . SYNCRO VAC , INC. #1205 <p> Syncro Vac Inc. provides a variety of high tech services specifically tailored for the vacuum , thin film , packaging and semiconductor industries . On display will be examples of " Ultra High Purity " ( Class 10 Cleanroom ) welding for gas lines and gas jungles , precision formed and bent assemblies of stainless and copper , and complex assemblies requiring a combination of precision machining and of " Ultra High Purity " welding . Also on display will be examples of our " Copy Exact " program whereby customers can obtain impossible or hard to obtain replacement parts virtually overnite . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Materials , Inc. is a full service manufacturer of high performance PVD materials , providing a vast array of metals , ceramics and alloys for sputtering targets and evaporation sources in virtually any customer defined configuration . We also offer complete target bonding , backing plate repair and materials reclaim services . TECHNOTRADE INTERNATIONAL INC. #1027,1029 <p> Provides the following products and services to the Industry : BAL-TEC systems for Electron Microscopy specimen preparation including the RES 010 Ion milling system and small tabletop sputtering and evaporation systems . SASKIA Hochvakuum oil free membrane and piston pumps , dry Turbomolecular pumping packages , Vacuum measuring instruments and construction components . MECO chain clamps and metal seals that will allow a simple upgrade of your vacuum system from elastomer to metal seals . TEK-TEMP INSTRUMENTS INC. #1305 TELEDYNE BROWN ENGINEERING #1113,1115 <p> Innovative technology continues to be a basic tenet of our organization . Well known as a leading designer and manufacturer of widely used instruments for the precise measurement and control of vacuum and gas flows , our expanding product lines reach a vast array of markets worldwide . Stop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TECHNOLOGY #313 <p> Telemark : Evaporation Sources , Power Supplies , Quartz Crystal Controllers , Optical Monitors , Sputter Components , Wafer Services including Stepper Lithography to .35 micron ; SC : Insitu Multi-Wavelength Plasma Diagnostic and Endpoint Instruments Insitu Instruments to measure reflectivity , film thickness , and develop rate on track coaters . TELEVAC #715 <p> Featuring its complete line of high and ultra-high vacuum measurement and control gauges , sensors and accessories . The Televac line includes the Modular Vacuum Gauge which employs multiple modules for measurement and control over the entire practical vacuum range , from 10+3 to 10 -11 Torr . In addition , the company offers the new , patented 4A Connection 0 +-1 to 10 -3 Torr ) and the 7E/7F Ionization Gauges ( 10 -2 to 10 -11 Torr ) . TEMESCAL , BOC COATING TECH . #319 <p> Manufactures high quality thin film components and deposition systems . Products being exhibited : Temescal 's new CV6S , 6 kW switching power supply ; SuperSource 2 modular electron beam source ; TRC-3460 turret electron beam source rotation controller ; Sweep controllers ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system upgrades for existing BJD-1800 , FC-1800 , VES-2550 , and FCE-2500 . TERRANOVA SCIENTIFIC , INC. #327 <p> High-performance , economical controllers for Bayard-Alpert and cold cathode gauges , covering 10 -11 torr to 1000 torn Also showing our new 1/8 DIN series : Model 924 digital TC gauge ; Model 908 Capacitance Manometer power supply/readout ; Model 906 Convection Gauge Controller and 926 Dual Convection Gauge Controller for Convectron Registered Trademark gauges . Convectron is a trademark of Granville-Phillips Company . TFS TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #1233 THERMIONICS LABORATORY , INC. #1002 , 1004 <p> Vacuum systems and components : 3-20 kW Hanks HM 2 e-Gun Trademark evaporation sources ; DRS-1000 Trademark in-situ , remote substrate temperature measurement systems ; RNN Trademark differentially pumped rotary seals ; PyraFlat Trademark rectangular UHV flanges ; Clear View Trademark heated viewports ; PREELS ; PLD ; and A-HEED ; K-Space ; XYZ manipulators ; sample handling and transfer systems ; mechanical , electrical and fluid feedthroughs ; Ion pumps ; valves ; fittings ; flanges ; gauges ; controls ; materials and surface science . TORR INTERNATIONAL , INC. #438 <p> Single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affordable prices . Mechanical , diffusion , turbo , cryo , and ion pumps ; many makes and models , and rebuilding service for turbos are available . Custom built deposition chambers with bell jars , or cubic chambers are built according to specifications with thermal , e-beam , sputtering , or ion assisted devices . TRIKON TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #220 , 222 <p> A global supplier of etch , PVD , and CVD processing systems for current and future manufacturing needs . By utilizing the company 's proprietary Flowfill Registered Trademark CVD , Forcefill Registered Trademark PVD , and MORI Trademark Etch technologies , Trikon can help device manufacturers fabricate tomorrow 's interconnect structures , today ! U-C COMPONENTS , INC. #907 <p> Manufacturer of vented and non-vented fasteners &; components , Class 100 cleaned and packaged for high vacuum use . U-C offers stainless , MoS2 , and WS2 coatings , as well as nickel and silver platings . Over 7,000 different items in stock . Special orders available upon request . ULVAC TECHNOLOGIES , INC. #808 , 810 <p> Will be displaying their extensive line of small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helium leak detector for most medical , scientific instrument and industrial applications . Also on exhibit : Information on their Phoenix Trademark Multi-Step Asher System which renders residuals on the wafer surface DI water soluble . UNIT INSTRUMENTS , INC. #212 , 214 <p> Exhibiting the new Z-Bloc Trademark Modular Gas Systems , Flo-Reg 2000 flow controller valve , Model 7300 HP Industrial and 7000 Industrial mass flow controllers . Other products will include digital power supplies and ratio controllers as well as a full line of process fluid system control equipment . US , INC. #1103 , 1105 <p> Manufacturer of 1 " through 6 " diameter planar magnetron sputtering sources , multi-source flanges , and resistive substrate heaters that will heat to 950 Celsius in oxygen atmosphere . Complete sputter deposition systems are available with 14 " or 18 " diameter chambers . The Gen-A-Torr cryopump regeneration monitor , purge gas heaters and valves are also available . VACUUBRAND , INC. #1107 <p> Showing Oil-Free Diaphragm Vacuum pumps , ultimate vacuum to 0.6 Torr , Chemical Series Applications to 1.5 Torr , Backing Cryopumps , compound turbopumps , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Analog/Digital Vacuum gauges to 10-3 Torr . State of the Art " Vario Speed System , " longer diaphragm life , lower pump Rpm versus vacuum demand . VACUUM COATING CONSULTANTS , LTD. #329 <p> Will show its extensive line of planar magnetron cathodes , arc sources and sputter deposition systems manufactured at their plants in the U.S. , U.K. and India . Brochures describing their cathode and system design services and technical consulting through their U.S. and U.K. offices are available . VACUUM ENGINEERING &; MATERIALS #309 <p> High purity P.V.D. Materials : sputtering targets/pellets , powders/evaporation sources ; metals , alloys , intermetallics dielectrics , cermets , ceramics ; refractories , precious metals , Tungsten/Titanium , oxides/silicides , borides/nitrides , carbides/flourides ; purities from 98% to 99.9999+% : Complete target bonding services , sputtering targets/backing plates or major cathode designs , crucibles . Vacuum Engineering &; Materials , Co. , Distributing for GflE of Nurnberg , Germany . VACUUM PARTS SUPPLY #1235 VACUUM RESEARCH CORP . #1327 , 1329 <p> Dry pumps from 6 to 32 cfm ( 170 to 960 l/min ) with ultimate pressure less than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start and automatic capacity control convection , diaphragm , pirani and TIC gauges . Gate and angle valves from 2 to 36 inch ( 50 to 900 mm ) vacuum switches with 1 mTorr sensitivity . VACUUM TECHNOLOGY INCORPORATED #639 <p> A full-service company for your gas analysis , leak detection and vacuum needs . VTI manufactures the rugged AERO VAC Trademark mass spectrometer/RGA featuring the AERO SCAN Trademark System for complete computer control and data acquisition/analysis , using WINDOWS Registered Trademark or Macintosh Registered Trademark software . The new AERO SCAN 1200 System , with I/Os for process control , turns your UTI , Extrel , MKS , Leybold and other quadrupoles into versatile PC or Mac controlled RGAs . VTI is known worldwide as the manufacturer of the ACCUFLOW Trademark calibrated leaks for all gases and all leak detectors/sniffers , and provides NIST-traceable calibrations and recalibrations . We specialize in building custom vacuum systems , automated leak testing systems , and gas sampling/analysis systems for monitoring and controlling atmospheric and vacuum processes . VALIN CORPORATION #226 , 228 <p> As California 's leading distributor of fluid handling , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offering includes valves , regulators , transducers , gauges , switches , fittings , quick couplings , transmitters , controllers , recorders , analyzers , flowmeters , filters . Manufacturers include Veriflo , Parker Hannifin , Fluoroware , Data Instruments Critical Fluids Group , Honeywell , United Electric Controls , Porter , Aeronex , and EG &G.; VARIAN VACUUM PRODUCTS #409 , 411 , 413 , 415 <p> Varian Vacuum Products will exhibit maintenance free , ceramic bearing turbo pumps in a wide range of models . Varian 's UHV products will include ion pumps and controllers , valves and other hardware . Leak detectors including dry portables , cabinet models , as well as the ultra-portable Helitest Registered Trademark will also be displayed . VAT INC. #626 , 628 VBS INDUSTRIES , INC. #733 <p> Showing their line of VBSFlex Trademark vacuum insulated LN 2 transfer hoses . These stainless steel hoses are warm to the touch when transferring cryogen 's , remain flexible during use , reduce LN 2 losses and replace typical dripping and frosty hoses . Also on display will be LN 2 automatic filling systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for SEM &; EDX tools . VEECO INSTRUMENTS INC. #919 , 921 , 923 <p> A worldwide leader in leak detection ; precision ion beam etch and deposition systems ; and metrology equipment , including surface profiles , optical profilers , atomic force microscopes and scatterometers . VERITY INSTRUMENTS , INC. #444 , 446 <p> Will show a radically new spectrograph SmartDetector optical emission sensor with a new optical design which virtually eliminates aberrations . Within a very compact Sin X 9in package is contained a combination DSP/Microprocessor controller and advanced neural net and traditional algorithm based process endpointing functionality . Also the VeriFlLM in or ex situ spectral Ellipsometer . VG SCIENTIFIC ISLAND F <p> For over 25 years VG companies have supplied the world 's surface analysis needs . This tradition continues with the modern generation of instruments . Whether you need a dedicated XPS Instrument for quality assurance or a multitechnique XPS or Auger Research Instrument , VG will provide you with the right instrument . VIRGINIA SEMICONDUCTOR , INC. #623 <p> Silicon for MST &; MEMS , in the form of Micromachineable substrates , Ultrathin Trademark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ultramachining Trademark double and single side polished wafers ( TTY 's < 2 Mu ) ; diameters of 2 " through 4 " , from both Cz and Fz silicon . Quantities available for both production and research , with or without oxidation . Some silicon machining services also offered . Measurement instrumentation for silicon membrane thickness verification , also featured . VSI VACUUM SCIENCE INSTRUMENTS #938 <p> Manufactures : ErLEED the original ErLangen reverse view optics with digital electronics &; software for LEED &; LEED/AES . DELTA 0.5 Ultimate Resolution HREELS with noise free electronics and innovative software . High resolution electron energy analysers for all types of electron spectroscopy with the latest PC driven electronic UVS300 High Intensity UV Lamp . JOHN WILEY &; SONS , INC. #1210 <p> Founded in 1807 , John Wiley &; Sons , Inc. is an independent , global publisher of print and electronic products . Wiley specializes in scientific and technical books , journals , textbooks and education materials for colleges and universities , and professional and consumer books and subscription services . Wiley 's Internet Site can be accessed at http @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One company for all your vacuum needs : helium leak detectors -upgrade , repair , and full line of parts for your CEC , DuPont , and Ametek leak detectors . Rebuild Varian and Veeco sources and filaments , standard leaks . All models -- repair , refill , recalibrate , NIST certification . Vacuum chambers -custom made to meet your specifications . Bell jars -glass , guards , and stainless steel . Test fixtures -flapper boxes -base plates bombing chambers . J.A . WOOLLAM CO. , INC. #418 <p> Spectroscopic Ellipsogleters for non-destructive materials analysis : multi-layer thicknesses , optical constants , growth and etch rates , composition , and more . Real-time Process Control with low cost , simple to use , multi-wavelength ellipsometers ( M-44 Trademark , M-88 Trademark , and M-2000 Trademark ) . In-situ applications include monitor and control of Sputter Deposition , MBE , CVD , e-beam Evaporation , Plasma Etching , and more . XPS INTERNATIONAL #543 YEAGLE TECHNOLOGY , INC. #941 <p>
@@4014641 Section : Search and Discovery Unlike Neptune and Uranus , the ice giants of our solar system , the new planets may be rocky " super-earths . " <p> In the past 10 years , some 120 planets have been discovered outside the solar system . With the exception of three lightweight oddballs orbiting a millisecond pulsar -- the dead remnant of a supernova -- all of these exoplanets have been at least two orders of magnitude heavier than Earth . Though observational biases clearly favor the discovery of such giants , astronomers could n't help wondering whether , for some unknown reason , lighter exoplanets might in fact be much rarer than gas giants like our own Jupiter and Saturn . <p> Now the catalog of known exoplanets has suddenly become more diverse . Three teams of planet searchers recently announced the discovery of three exoplanets with masses on the order of Neptune 's . The masses of Neptune and Uranus , the so-called ice giants of the solar system , are 17.2 and 14.6 M ? ( where M ? is Earth 's mass ) . By contrast , the masses of Jupiter and Saturn are 318 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 August , Nuno Santos ( University of Lisbon ) and collaborators in Switzerland , France , and Chile reported the discovery of a 14 M ? planet orbiting the Sunlike star Arae in the southern constellation Ara with a period of 9.5 days. ( n1 ) A week later at NASA headquarters , Paul Butler ( Carnegie Institution of Washington ) and Barbara McArthur ( University of Texas ) announced the discovery of two more planets with Neptune-like masses . McArthur 's McDonald Observatory team had found an 18 M ? planet orbiting the Sunlike star ? 1 Cancri with a period of only 2.8 days. ( n2 ) The planet found by the third team , led by Butler and Geoff Marcy ( University of California , Berkeley ) , executes an even shorter ( 2.6 day ) and tighter orbit around Gliese 436 , a cool red-dwarf star with a mass less than half the Sun's. ( n3 ) For that planet , Butler and company can quote only a lower mass limit of 21 M ? . But there 's good statistical reason for believing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> Though the three new planets have acquired the nickname " neptunes , " their provenance and character remain open questions . Like their namesake , they may have cores of mixed ice and rock surrounded by modest gas envelopes ( see the article by Tristan Guillot in PHYSICS TODAY , April 2004 , page 63 ) . Or they might be , overgrown earths , composed almost entirely of rock . Least likely , say the theorists , is that they are stunted gas giants , consisting largely of hydrogen and helium like Jupiter , but somehow prematurely stalled in their accumulation of gas from the proto-stellar disk . <p> Like almost all the heavier exoplanets discovered before them , the three new neptunes were revealed by the tiny , periodically varying Doppler shift imposed on the light of the parent star as it 's gravitationally tugged to and fro by the orbiting planet . Depending as it does on oscillation of the star 's velocity component along the observer 's line of sight , the so-called radial-velocity method favors the discovery of planets whose orbital planes are seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ method yields only a planet 's minimum mass M sin i , where M is the unknown true mass and i is the inclination angle of the orbital plane 's normal relative to the line of sight . <p> All the exoplanets discovered thus far by the radial-velocity method are within 100 light-years of us . To the extent that the parent star 's mass is known from its spectrum and luminosity , the periodicity of the Doppler signal yields the planetary orbit 's semimajor axis a . With their spectacularly short periods , each of the three new neptunes orbits within less than 0.1 astronomical unit of its star , ( 1 AU , the mean distance of Earth from the Sun , is about 1.5 x 10sup8 km ) . <p> Many of the Jupiter-mass exoplanets were also found in such infernally tight orbits . Those " hot jupiters , " like the new neptunes , are presumed to have formed much farther out and then migrated inward by tidal interaction with the protostellar disk in the few million years before it dissipated . There is , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as there is in favor of large masses . The amplitude of the telltale Doppler oscillation is proportional to ( M sin i ) / asup . Orbiting a red dwarf <p> In contrast to the many exoplanets found around Sunlike stars , the new neptune orbiting Gliese 436 is only the second planet found around a red dwarf , even though these stellar lightweights are much more common in our neighborhood than Sunlike stars . Red dwarfs are far less luminous than the Sun , " and the protostellar disks that surround them in infancy are also smaller , " says Marcy . " That 's probably why they have fewer planets massive enough for us to have found . " <p> Orbiting only 0.028 AU from the red dwarf , the planet is so close that tidal coupling may well have locked its rotational period to its orbit . That is , like our Moon , it may always be showing its parent the same face . But because the red dwarf is 40 times dimmer than the Sun , the temperature of the planet 's perpetually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ K , not hot enough to melt most metals or rocks . The tidal locking raises an intriguing possibility : There could be a narrow band at the fixed margin between the illuminated and dark faces that 's clement enough to sustain liquid water -- and perhaps life . <p> The Butler-Marcy team studied Gliese 436 with the 10-m Keck Telescope on Mauna Kea as part of a systematic survey of red dwarfs . In some respects , searching for planets around red dwarfs is harder than around heavier , hotter stars . But in one respect it 's easier . It 's harder because the star 's low surface temperature permits the survival of molecular species whose crowded spectra tend to obfuscate the atomic spectral lines from which one determines the Doppler shift ; and cooler stars generally have fainter spectra . On the other hand , red dwarfs , with typical masses less than half the Sun 's , acquire more wobble , and therefore a larger oscillating Doppler amplitude , from a planet of given mass and distance . <p> The radial velocity of Gliese 436 oscillates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2.6-day planet ( see figure 1 ) . By contrast , the 14-M ? planet orbiting Arae is more than three times farther away from a star more than twice as massive . Therefore , the amplitude of the radial velocity oscillation it produces is only about 4 m/s ( see figure 2 ) . With decreasing oscillation amplitude , it becomes increasingly difficult to ferret out a periodic planetary signal in the presence of various noise sources that produce random fluctuations in a star 's apparent radial velocity . <p> Figure 1 . Periodic Doppler shift of light from the red dwarf star Gliese 436 indicates that the line-of-sight component of its velocity is oscillating in response to a planet with an orbital period of 2.64 days , which implies an orbital radius of 0.028 astronomical units . The data , taken over many periods , are folded with that periodicity . ( Red dots indicate repeated data points . ) The curve is the best Keplerian fit to the data . Its amplitude yields a planet of 21 Earth masses , if the orbit is being observed edge-on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 . The 9.5-day oscillation of the Doppler shift of light from the Sunlike star Arae implies a 14-Earth-mass planet orbiting at a distance of 0.09 astronomical units from the star . The monotonic effect of two much heavier , long-period planets has been subtracted off . The mass estimate takes account of astrophysical evidence that the star 's rotation axis , and therefore presumably the axis of the planet 's orbit , is roughly perpendicular to the line of sight . ( Adapted from ref. 1 . ) A purpose-built spectrograph <p> " Using the first spectrograph designed and optimized specifically for planet searches , we can now find velocity oscillations smaller than 1 m/s , " says Didier Queloz , who , with his Geneva Observatory colleague Michel Mayor , leads the collaboration that found the new Arae planet . The resolution of the general-purpose telescope spectrographs used by the other planet hunters is limited to about 3 m/s . <p> Last year , Queloz and company installed their new high-precision spectrograph , called HARPS , on the European Southern Observatory 's 3.6-m telescope in the Chilean Andes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope that it can find planets as light as 3 M ? , " says Queloz . Still , a faithful Earth analog -- a 1 M ? planet orbiting a Sunlike star at 1 AU -- would produce a Doppler amplitude of only 0.1 m/s . <p> The new Arae neptune shares the star with two jovian giants discovered by Butler and company in 2001 . Sitting much farther out than the new neptune , they take years to orbit the star . Therefore the 9.5-day oscillation produced by the smaller inner planet is superimposed on what looks -- over several months of observation -- like a steady linear change in radial velocity . <p> The HARPS group 's paper argues that the inclination angle of the new planet 's orbit is close to 90 , so that the 14 M ? minimum mass derived from the Doppler data is close to its true mass . The crux of the argument is that the projection , along the line of sight , of the star 's surface rotation velocity , as measured by the Doppler widths of its spectral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one deduces from spectral characteristics that probe the star 's rotation rate by way of its magnetic field . The assumption is that planetary orbits line up roughly with the parent star 's axial rotation . An astrometric assist <p> There 's also supplementary information about the orbital inclination of the third new neptune -- the one orbiting ? 1 Cancri with a 2.8-day period . The new planet is , in fact , the innermost of four known to circle the star . The first three , discovered by Butler and company between 1997 and 2002 , range outward from a Jupiter-mass planet with a 15-day period to a lumbering superjupiter that takes about 14 years to circle the system 's outer reaches . <p> To study this unusually rich exoplanetary system in greater detail , McArthur and her McDonald Observatory colleagues last year mounted a two-pronged assault . With the observatory 's 9-m Hobby-Eberly telescope in the mountains of west Texas , they made precise new observations of ? 1 Cancri 's complex , multiperiodic Doppler oscillation . And , to get a handle on the planetary system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data on the star from the Hubble Space Telescope . <p> Astrometry -- the precise measurement of two-dimensional stellar positions on the celestial sphere -- complements the radial-velocity method in the study of exoplanets . Very precise astrometric measurements would show the centroid of a star executing an ellipse on the sky over the full period of a planet with sufficient pull . From that ellipse one can , in principle , determine the inclination of the planet 's orbital plane . <p> Astrometry has not yet reached a precision sufficient to find new planets on its own . That will probably have to await the launch of the Space Interferometry Mission , scheduled for 2009 . But in the meantime , interferometric data from HST 's Fine Guidance Sensor have allowed McArthur and company to determine an inclination angle i of 53 7 for the ? 1 Cancri system -- assuming that all its planetary orbits are roughly coplanar . That lets one translate the radial-velocity periods and amplitudes into actual planetary masses -- not just lower mass limits . <p> The McDonald Observatory team also augmented its new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 Cancri by the Butler and Queloz groups . Attempting to fit all these radial-velocity data to Keplerian orbits for the system 's three known planets , they uncovered a robust residual oscillatory signal with a periodicity of 2.8 days and an amplitude of 6 m/s . That translated into a new innermost planet with a mass of about 18 M ? , orbiting the star at a distance of 0.04 AU . Speculation <p> Such a four-planet system is a valuable find that invites speculation . Presumably , says McArthur , the evolution of the three inner planets is closely linked . The most massive of these , the jovian 15-day planet , might have swept its inner neighbor prematurely inward before the smaller planet could reach the critical core mass necessary for the accumulation of a jovian gas envelope . Alternatively , McDonald team 's paper speculates , the newly discovered neptune might once have been a gas giant -- before it migrated so close to the star that tidal heating stripped it of most of its gas . <p> What do planetary theorists make of the three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on which of two competing scenarios they favor for the formation of gas giants in general . Douglas Lin ( University of California , Santa Cruz ) is a champion of the core-accretion theory . This scenario proposes that a jovian gas giant forms when , by gradual accretion of rock or ice , a solid planetary core has reached a critical mass of perhaps 10 M ? . Then the core rapidly starts enveloping itself in gas it captures gravitationally from the circumstellar disk . <p> " Many incipient gas giants wo n't make it to jovian mass before the disk dissipates after a few million years , " says Lin . " So we can expect lots of failed jupiters to show up as neptunes . " But last year , before the three neptunes had been found , Lin predicted , on the basis of the core-accretion theory , that such intermediate-weight planets would be quite rare at distances closer than 3 AU to a Sunlike star. ( n4 ) " The surprising discovery of such new planets , " admits Lin , " has much to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alan Boss ( Carnegie Institution of Washington ) favors a less gradual scenario . He attributes gas-giant formation to the abrupt appearance of gravitational instabilities in the circumstellar gas disk . This sudden creation of full-grown jupiters would leave no unfinished middleweights behind . Boss argues that our own Neptune and Uranus began life as gas giants that were thermally stripped of their envelopes by UV radiation from nearby massive young stars in an early epoch of intense star formation . Jupiter and Saturn did n't share that fate , he says , because they are far enough in for the Sun 's gravity to prevent such stripping . <p> Similarly , the new neptunes orbiting close to ? 1 Cancri and Arae could not have been formed by thermal stripping . " We know from their long-period outer companions that inward migration was very limited in those two systems , " explains Boss . " I think the newly discovered hot neptunes may be rocky super-earths formed relatively close to their stars . They could be the tip of an iceberg of Earthlike planets waiting to be found in @ @ @ @ @ @ @