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The voice of the Conservative movement and the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism was heard loud and clear at its Centennial convention celebration in Baltimore this past week. I heard the voices that spoke of positive Jewish identity, that link valued traditions of our collective past to our present actions in personal and communal life. I heard the expressive voices of high school and college-aged youth contribute with singing, dancing and renewed friendship. I heard many conversations at thought-provoking sessions, and I heard the visionary messages that challenge the Conservative movement to engage the creativity of its members and leaders to build upon the strengths evolved from 100 years of communal experience. I am attracted to the Conservative movement because it includes many diverse voices that celebrate various traditional and new approaches to Jewish expression. One of the biggest challenges facing the Conservative movement is to maintain a pluralistic and centralist position supported by leadership that offers guidelines for religious practice. Another challenge is to serve a diverse membership that reflects various backgrounds and experiences. This is happening during a time of great change in the identity, attitudes, observance level and demographics of Jews involved in synagogue settings. The recent Pew Research Center study of U.S. Jews substantiates the struggle that all liberal Jewish synagogue movements are experiencing. I support the USCJ’s efforts to “conserve” the essence of Judaism in our modern age. USCJ is to be applauded for pursuing a new model of governance, for developing regional interactions that strengthen and transform synagogue community and for supporting the efforts of its auxiliary organizations. It is crucial that we reflect upon the following questions and work toward successful outcomes for the Conservative movement: > How do we define, practice and protect from loss or harm our movement’s vital, centralist approach to Jewish life? > How do we sustain and improve our movement’s approach to scholarship, teaching and the practice of our sacred heritage in the face of bewildering change in Jewish communities today? > How do we foster the civility of conversations and pursue nurturing relationships that support the growth and health of the Conservative movement, its leaders and members? > How will the Conservative movement, its synagogues, seminaries, schools and programs demonstrate derech eretz (exemplary conduct) and kavod (respect) to the rabbis, chazzanim, professionals and lay leaders and many volunteers who offer much of their time and attention to guarantee a beautiful heritage for future generations? Any conservatory of value needs commitment, tending and guarding to survive. The USCJ and the Conservative movement care for a conservatory full of Jewish treasures that includes its own narrative of an impressive 100 year voyage. The Conservative movement legacy is conserved by community study and involvement. It is conserved by its sincere communal spirit before God. And it is conserved by its mitzvot, shared through deeds of loving kindness serving our Jewish community and the nations of the world. The Conservative movement provides a valued Jewish voice that resonates to all who gain from its devoted service and sacred mission.

Arab Israeli Archives Browse our Articles Sharia Law: A Chilling Insight into Islamic Law Jews who became Admirals in a Muslim Navy Praise of Folly: Was There Ever a Chance of Peace? What is Different in the Islamic Mind that makes them think differently from us? Truth, Justice or Peace? which is the Jewish choice? Does the Pursuit of Peace Brings War? The State of Israel and Holocaust Denial David's Sling; Is It Broken? Israel and the Relationship to the Various Arab Countries Israel as an 'Apartheid' state: The Thoughts of an ex-South African who lived in White-ruled South Africa and knows what 'apartheid' is first hand Palestinian Authority Cheats on Population Count Why Peace will not come with Islam What Happened to Israeli Brains and Courage? Book Review: How Did Jews Fare in Arab Lands? The Koran, The Tribute, Or The Sword! - Islam's Conquest of the Middle East Why Abbas Doesn't Want Jews in Palestine The Ship of Fools: Polictical Commentators and Understanding the News Creation of a Palestinian State: A Better Plan Will a Palestinian State Benefit the Palestinians? Will all Israel return to the Promised Land? Pequots, Peki'in and Palestinianism and the story of Israel Discriminationfor Being a Jew Visiting the Temple Mount Lotto & Rational Irrational People "Rough-and-tumble" of Israel's Democracy Sixty Three Years of Independence: Israel's Independence Day What Claim do the Jews have to the Land of Israel? What Exactly is the Arab-Israeli Conflict About? Arabs Speaking out against Anti-Semitism: A Risky Business Let the Jews Have the Same Freedom to live where they Choose as the American Blacks today enjoy European Discovery of Egypt Interview with Dr. Sami Alrabaa - On the threshold of a Fiasco The Children's Hour in Gaza The Wisdom of Shlomo, the Barber that is...Understanding the Arab Mind What the Gaza Strip could have been Obstacles to Peace in Middle East Israel: The Separation Fence Hypocrisy in Europe Surfaces During Gaza War Jewish Ethics in War General George Patton knew how to fight a war How to Get the World To Hate Israel Refuting the Arab Power Speakers Hamas and the Lesson of Prussia The Speech that Olmert Should Have Made A personal view of Israel on her 60th anniversary Is Peace with the Arabs Possible? My Personal Lesson from General Patton Arab Israel Conflict - Back to Basics J'accuse - Was the Mohammad al Dura filming staged? Dodging Rocks in the Israeli Palestinian Conflict Jewish Life in Iran Today Dealing with Islamics and Arab Dictators The Nazi connection to Islamic Terrorism, Scandal in UNRWA: the welfare state of "Palestine" A Muslim Speaks out on Islamic Terror Organizations Ahmadinejad, the Trainer of Youthful Basij Martyrs Believes in Death Iran's Holocaust Conference and Ahmadinejad Where is our Documentary? Lebanon - While We Were Sleeping Let Rhetoric Reign: Israeli Arab Conflict Will the Western World Win? The Resurgence of Orwellian Ideals: Israel, Hisballah and Lebanon Exploring the Hidden Roots of the Israeli Palestinian Conflict Hamas, Fatah, and Israel Comparison of Arab and Jewish Nobel Prize Winners Problems of Arab Journalists Reporting the News Mid-East Update & Lost Perspectives A Lesson for Life and for the Gaza Strip What the Muslims are Taught About Us Zionism, Judaism, and the Jewish People Ariel Peres, Shimon Sharon and the end of Zionism Islam's Problem with Israel Radical Reform and the Arab Agenda History of the Root of Arab Terror Learning to Live and do Business in the Face of Terrorism Terrorism and Innocence Einstein Germany and the "Palestinians" New Approach to Stopping Arab Terror Intellectual Honesty in Recognizing Terrorism Jihad of the Pagans Terrorism - Change Must Come From Within Putting an End to a Terrorist Patrons of Arab Terrorism the Reason for Terror Terrorism - Speaking the Unspeakable Put Arafat on Trial the Myth of al-Aqsa Judaism Versus Islam I Believe Arafat Dhimmi - Jews and Christians Under Islam Terror Islam and its Inherent Danger Oslo -a Religious Cult Victory in the Arab Conflict The True Face of Islam Bernard Lewis on Islam Terrorism - is There a Limit to Unthinkability? Middle East Peace - American Style Stressed Out in the Middle-East Asking the Right Questions about Middle-East Peace the Root of Arab Terrorism Historical Quotations Relating to the Arab Israeli Conflict Hamas Mixes Religion with Terrorism Middle East Conflict Arabs & Palestine from the Archives of the Jewish Magazine Material and Opinions in all Jewish Magazine articles are the sole responsibility of the author; the Jewish Magazine accepts no liability for material used.

It looks like you're using an Ad Blocker. Please white-list or disable AboveTopSecret.com in your ad-blocking tool. Some features of ATS will be disabled while you continue to use an ad-blocker. I know the Muslim world would be be in a state of tranquil bliss if they could get control of that outstanding 0.2% controlled by those manipulative world-dominating Jews who made poor Maj Hasan go berserk. Originally posted by Night Watchman The topic of this thread is a mass murder allegedly committed by an avowed Radical Muslim extremist. I'm not sure why this fact seems to be escaping you. Should we add pictures? You ask why JJ is still posting here? I wonder why you are allowed to continue to post when all you seem to be doing is attacking other posters. You have added nothing to this thread. Perhaps you and your pathetic friend Protoplasmic Dimwit should go find another anti-Jew Thread...you both seem to enjoy those. 1. Are you aware that the Disputed Territories never belonged to the “Palestinians” and only came into Israeli possession as a result of the 1967 six day war in which Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon all massed forces at Israel’s border in order to “push the Jews into the sea”. The Arabs lost and Israel took control of the land. Do you agree that there is justice that Israel, who as far back as 1948 has always sought peace with her far larger neighbors, should live in prosperity - making the desert bloom - while the residents of 19 adjacent Arab countries who are blessed with far more land as well as oil wealth live in squalor? 2. Did you know that the “Palestinians” could have had their own country as far back as 1948 had they accepted the UN sponsored partition plan which gave Israel AND the Palestinians a countries of their own on land which Jews had lived on for thousands of years before Mohammed ever had a wet dream about virgins? The Arabs rejected the UN offer and went to war with the infant Israeli nation. The Arabs lost and have been whining about it ever since. 3. Can you tell us ANY Arab country which offers Jews the right to be citizens, vote, own property, businesses, be a part of the government or have ANY of the rights which Israeli Arabs enjoy? Any Arab country which gives those rights to Christians? How about to other Arabs? 4. Since as many Jews (approximately 850,000) were kicked out of Arab countries as were Arabs who left present day Israel (despite being literally begged to stay), why should Arabs be permitted to return to Israel if Jews aren’t allowed to set foot in Arab countries? Can you explain why Arabs can worship freely in Israel but Jews would certainly be hung from street lamps after having their intestines devoured by an Arab mob if they so much as entered an Arab country? 5. Israel resettled and absorbed all of the Jews from Arab countries who wished to become Israelis. Why haven’t any Arab countries offered to resettle Arabs who were displaced from Israel, leaving them to rot for 60 years in squalid refugee camps? And why are those refugee camps still there? Could it be that the billions of dollars that the UNWRA has sent there goes to terrorist groups like Hamas, Islamic Jihad, El Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, or Hezbollah? 6. Did you know that the Arabs in the disputed territories (conquered by Israel in the 1967 war which was started by Arabs) and who are not Israelis already have two countries right now? And that they are called Egypt and Jordan? 7. Are you aware the security fence in the Disputed Territories is built solely to keep the “brave” Arab terrorists out so that they can no longer self detonate on busses, in dining halls or pizzerias and kill Jewish grandmothers and schoolchildren? Why are the Arabs so brave when they target unarmed civilians but even when they outnumber their opponents they get their sandy asses kicked all the way to Mecca when they are faced with Jewish soldiers? 8. Please explain why you are so concerned about Arabs, who possess 99% of the land in this region and are in control of the world’s greatest natural resource, which literally flows out of the ground? Can’t their brother Muslims offer some of the surplus land and nature’s riches to the “Palestinians”? Or is it true that Arabs are willing to die right down to the last “Palestinian”? 9. Why do you not exhibit the same level of concern for say, people in Saudi Arabia who are beheaded, subject to amputation, stoning, honor killing etc.? What about women who are denied any semblance of basic civil rights, including the right not to be treated as property for the entertainment and abuse of her father, brothers, or husbands? What about the Muslims in Sudan and Egypt who are still enslaved, or the women there whose genitalia are barbarically cut off? How about the oppression of Shiites by Sunnis, the gassing of the Kurds by Iraq, or the massacre of “Palestinians” by Jordan (Black September)? Why doesn’t this concern you? 10. Did you ever stop to wonder how much better off everyone in the region would be if Arabs stopped trying to kill Jews and destroy Israel? What would happen if the Israelis gave up their weapons and disarmed? Would they live to see the next day? But what would happen if the Arabs completely disarmed? You know the answer: They would all be AT PEACE! And if there is no war to rile them up, the Arabs would be forced to look at their own repressive, pre-medieval societies. Why would they want to do that when there are Jews to kill? Originally posted by ProtoplasmicTraveler your reply is a copy and paste from a website called strategy page dot com? Yes sir! No such thing as Israel/Zionist Internet Forces and absolutely no strategy involved to their propaganda. It’s just a natural outpouring of their own unique feelings so well articulated for them from strategy page dot com! Originally posted by bsbray11 I am not anti-Jewish. I am anti-stupid. [edit on 18-11-2009 by bsbray11] Originally posted by ProtoplasmicTraveler reply to post by mmiichael True he doesn’t quite rank up there with real committed terrorists like Yitzhak Shamir leader of the infamous Stern Gang and admitted assassin of U.N. Special Peace Envoy Count Bernadotte Folke from neutral Switzerland and his aide de camp. How funny that Shamir could murder a man of peace and his aide in cold blood and have the blood of countless other terrorist murders on his hands of British, Jews and Palestinians alike and yet be elected as Prime Minister of Israel, while Hassan will likely spend the rest of his life in prison. I wonder where the heck the Muslims ever got the idea terrorism could even work from? [edit on 18/11/09 by ProtoplasmicTraveler] Upon the initiative of the Norwegian diplomat Niels Christian Ditleff in the final months of the war, Bernadotte acted as the negotiator for a rescue operation transporting interned Norwegians, Danes and other western European inmates from German concentration camps to hospitals in Sweden. In the spring of 1945, Bernadotte was in Germany when he met Heinrich Himmler, who had become commander for the entire German army following the assassination attempt on Hitler the year before. Bernadotte had originally been assigned to retrieve Norwegian and Danish POWs in Germany. He returned on May 1, 1945, the day after Hitler's death. Following an interview, the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet wrote that Bernadotte succeeded in rescuing 15,000 people from German concentration camps, including approximately 8000 Danes and Norwegians and 7000 women of French, Polish, Czech, British, American, Argentinian and Chinese nationalities. (SvD 2/5-45). The missions took approximately two months, and exposed the Swedish Red Cross staff to significant danger, both due to political difficulties and by taking them through areas under Allied bombing. The mission became known for its buses, painted entirely white except for the Red Cross emblem on the side, so that they would not be mistaken for military targets. In total it included 308 personnel (approximately 20 medics and the rest volunteer soldiers), 36 hospital buses, 19 trucks, 7 passenger cars, 7 motorcycles, a tow truck, a field kitchen, and full supplies for the entire trip, including food and gasoline, none of which were permitted to be obtained in Germany. A count of 21,000 people rescued included 8,000 Danes and Norwegians, 5,911 Poles, 2,629 French, 1,615 Jews and 1,124 Germans. After Germany's surrender, the White Buses mission continued in May and June to save approximately 10,000 additional people. In total, around 31,000 people were taken to safety in the "White Buses" of the Bernadotte expedition, including between 6,500 and 11,000 Jews Bernadotte was assassinated on Friday 17 September 1948 by members of the Jewish militant Zionist group Lehi A three man 'center' of this extreme Jewish group had approved the killing: Yitzhak Yezernitsky (the future Prime Minister of Israel Yitzhak Shamir), Nathan Friedmann (also called Natan Yellin-Mor) and Yisrael Eldad (also known as Scheib). A fourth leader, Emmanuel Strassberg (Hanegbi) was also suspected by the Israeli prime minister David Ben-Gurion of being part of the group that had decided on the assassination. The assassination was planned by the Lehi operations chief in Jerusalem, Yehoshua Zettler. By most accounts, it was carried out by six young members of the Lehi group: Yehoshua Cohen, Shmuel Rosenblum, David Ephrati, Yitzhak Markovitz, Yehoshua Zettler, and Meshulam Makover. By other accounts, a three-man team ambushed Bernadotte's motorcade in Jerusalem's Katamon neighborhood. Two of them, Yitzhak Ben Moshe (Markovitz) and Avraham Steinberg, shot at the tires of the UN vehicles. The third, Yehoshua Cohen, opened the door of Bernadotte's car and shot him at close range. The bullets also hit a French officer who was sitting beside him, U.N. Observer Colonel André Serot. Both were killed. In the immediate confusion, Col. Serot was mistaken for Dr. Ralph Bunche, the American aide to Bernadotte. Meshulam Makover, the fourth accomplice, was the driver of the getaway car The following day the United Nations Security Council condemned the killing of Bernadotte as "a cowardly act which appears to have been committed by a criminal group of terrorists in Jerusalem while the United Nations representative was fulfilling his peace-seeking mission in the Holy Land. After his death, Bernadotte's body was returned to Sweden, where the state funeral was attended by Abba Eban on behalf of Israel. Folke was survived by a widow and a 14 year old son. He was buried at the Northern Cemetery in Stockholm. Report: Hasan Wanted Patient War Crimes Trials Fort Hood massacre suspect Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan sought to have some of his patients prosecuted for war crimes based on statements they made during psychiatric sessions with him, a captain who served on the base said Monday Holding onto a secret - For nine months, they kept quiet A group of 13 soldiers left Iraq holding on to a secret -- the murders of four detainees at a Baghdad canal. They were told not to say a word, and for nine months, they kept quiet. Then, one of the 13 soldiers reported the crime and the secret was out. A CNN investigation, "Killings At The Canal: The Army Tapes," reveals why the Army's rules for holding detainees may have led to the murders of four Iraqis by three decorated Army sergeants at a Baghdad canal. CNN obtained 23½ hours of extraordinary Army interrogation tapes that detail the crime and include a confession by one of the sergeants. The series, by Special Investigations Unit Correspondent Abbie Boudreau, airs Tuesday through Friday on AC360 at 10 p.m. ET. An SIU documentary airs Saturday and Sunday at 8 p.m. ET on CNN. FULL SCHEDULE Originally posted by Chevalerous I saw on CNN International Anderson Cooper 360° & read yesterday that this FT-Hood major had repeatedly before he went "nuts" reported about "war-crimes" made by U.S troups in Afghanistan and Iraq and requested that some of his patients be tried for war crimes - but was just ignored and turned away by the Army! I guess that all these awful stories from the soldiers "confessing their pain and their guilt" to Hasan - finally broke his frustrated soul down making him more radical by the day - and in the end he went clinically insane and snapped, and went on a rampage? (even if he's now a radical nut & murderer himself) This thesis of Jews in the US and Israel somehow being responsible for the thousands of acts of overt terrorism seen in the last few years defies serious commenting on. Originally posted by earthdude If the shooter was a terrorist he was the worst one ever. He didn't take out any valuable targets. He fails as a terrorist. He is, however, really good at being insane. Group Says Army Underreporting Suicides November 18, 2009 Inter Press Service ANCHORAGE, Alaska -- According to a Soldiers' advocacy group at Fort Hood, Texas, the U.S. base where an Army psychiatrist has been charged with killing 13 people and wounding 30 in a Nov. 5 rampage, the official suicide figures provided by the Army are "definitely" too low. Chuck Luther served 12 years in the military and is a veteran of two deployments to Iraq, where he was a reconnaissance scout in the 1st Cavalry Division. The former sergeant was based at Fort Hood, where he lives today. "I see the ugly," Luther told IPS. "I see Soldiers beating their wives and trying to kill themselves all the time, and most folks don't want to look at this, including the military." Luther, who in 2007 became the founder and director of the Soldier's Advocacy Group of Disposable Warriors, knows about these types of internal problems in the military because he has been through many of them himself. Luther told IPS that he believes the real number of Soldiers at Fort Hood committing suicide is being dramatically underreported by the military. "There are suicides of active-duty troops occurring regularly both on and off base," Luther said. "One of them I knew personally since I served with him in Iraq and he was one of my Soldiers, and they still have him listed as under investigation for suicide." Originally posted by ProtoplasmicTraveler You are citing thousands of acts of overt terrorism in the last few years? I guess Jihad Watch dot com has the figures but not the actual incidents on this because a can count only a handful of actual possible terrorist incidents with the bulk of those here in the U.S. being FBI informant founded Al-Qaeda terrorist cells that the FBI funds and then plans I have never seen one Palestinian, one Iraqi, one Afghani, one Iranian urge us to give up our constitutional principles. In fact I have seen them all implore all Americans to adhere to their Constitutional principles that once made America the shining beacon of hope in a dark and dreary world. The fact that you can not demonstrate or display ONE act of Islamic terrorism committed against the U.S. prior to Israel’s independence speaks for itself. Would a Major Hassan who had his ancestral home stolen by Zionists shortly before his birth and not thousands of years ago when the non-ancestral Zionists claimed Palestine was taken from them possibly snap under the horror of watching the values and constitutions of his adopted nation be perverted and then all together abandoned through Zionist manipulation to trick Americans into waging religious genocide in the Middle East against the people of his own faith in violation of our Constitution we were terrorized into abandoning? Originally posted by mmiichael If he is opposed to the US for political reasons, as was his right, why was he still maintaining his position as an officer? Originally posted by Chevalerous Yeah Mike! too many things doesn't add up in this terrible tragedy! I mean! First! you don't put a muslim guy as a psychiatrist in a position where he every day is hearing stories from soldiers with PTSD - listening to them "confessing their pain and their guilt" from experiences in muslim countries - that would be, just asking for trouble to emerge! And when the guy finally is soo emotionally tortured in his soul so the he require that some of these people need to be taken to a "war trial" for what they have done (according to the story) they flat out ignoring him and his request! For me this story is now more understandable, and we can have a small insight into what happened in Hasan's head - and how he was more and more radicalised by the refusal of his higher command to do anything about these crimes & confessions of soldiers he took part of. In the end as a muslim he couldn't handle the frustration anymore, he went and asked his higher Army command for help putting some of these people on "trial" for crimes committed against his muslim brothers and sisters - but was every time turned down - of course for political reasons and possible impacts of such requests if granted. So the guy get's in the end soo radical and frustrated, and maybe with some underlaying mental problems, he finally snapped! The main issue here is that this man shouldn't had his position as an Army psychiatrist from the beginning in such a position of handeling patients from wars in muslim countries. Of course there was going to be problem from such by the Army crazy decision! And here start's the conspiracy - WHY did they put him in such a position from the beginning - then ignoring his reports (this should have been the first signs of that everything was not OK to have this man at this posistion) But they ignored it! or did they? The first report he made should have set off all kinds of alarms, where they could have been putting 2+2 together and understand that this man must be relived from his current position immediately. Our reign of terror, by the Israeli army In shocking testimonies that reveal abductions, beatings and torture, Israeli soldiers confess the horror they have visited on Hebron By Donald Macintyre in Jerusalem The dark-haired 22-year-old in black T-shirt, blue jeans and red Crocs is understandably hesitant as he sits at a picnic table in the incongruous setting of a beauty spot somewhere in Israel. We know his name and if we used it he would face a criminal investigation and a probable prison sentence. The young man left the army only at the end of last year, and his decision to speak is part of a concerted effort to expose the moral price paid by young Israeli conscripts in what is probably the most problematic posting there is in the occupied territories. The older ex-soldier is Yehuda Shaul, who does indeed "know how it is in Hebron", having served in the city in a combat unit at the peak of the intifada, and is a founder of Shovrim Shtika, or Breaking the Silence, which will publish tomorrow the disturbing testimonies of 39 Israelis – including this young man – who served in the army in Hebron between 2005 and 2007. They cover a range of experiences, from anger and powerlessness in the face of often violent abuse of Arabs by hardline Jewish settlers, through petty harassment by soldiers, to soldiers beating up Palestinian residents without provocation, looting homes and shops, and opening fire on unarmed demonstrators. Google Video Link Originally posted by Chevalerous Unfortunately and sadly as terrible things happens in most conflicts, there are now more and more soldiers coming through to confess their crimes which they took part in under much stress and difficult cricumstances. All these terrible things that are happening to innocent civilian population, acts as an catalyst for more young muslim men to become radicalised and strike back in events where even more innocent civilian women & are killed. I's a never ending story! - but the madness must stop from all sides in the conflicts - they need to stop all the insane killing of people now!! And Israel has it's part of this as well! - fortunately enough there are many very fine people of the Israel who are tired of all the killing as well! - but as long there are WAR HAWKS both in Washington and in Jerusalem that are hell bent on war, profit, destruction and the profits therof - there will be NO peace anywhere! To this end he killed a dozen unarmed men and women. Whether this conforms to any of the 67 different dictionary or legal definitions of 'terrorism' is up to others to decide. To me this incident is a terrible human tragedy. And there's a concern that the same destructive mindset is not unique to this individual. religious community led by Jim Jones (1931–78) that came to international attention after some 900 of its members died at their compound, Jonestown, in Guyana, in a massive act of murder-suicide on November 18, 1978. Jones began the Peoples Temple informally in the 1950s as an independent congregation in Indianapolis, Indiana. He was inspired by the ideal of a just society that could overcome the evils of racism and poverty. Although Jones was white, he attracted mostly African Americans to the group with his vision of an integrated congregation. In 1960 the Peoples Temple affiliated with the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), and four years later Jones was ordained. In 1965 he warned of a nuclear holocaust and led the movement to Ukiah, California, where members became active in both Protestant ecumenical circles and state politics. Branch congregations opened in San Francisco and Los Angeles, and an agricultural settlement, Jonestown, was founded in 1974. Jones’s “apostolic socialism” was influenced by the Marxist “liberation theology” popular among Latin American clergy at the time. He mixed social concerns with faith healing and an enthusiastic worship style drawn from the black church. He also invited members to live communally in an effort to realize his utopian ideal. Meanwhile, the church was accused in the press of financial fraud, physical mistreatment of members, and abuse of children in its care. In 1977 Jones led hundreds of the group’s members to Guyana. A year later, Concerned Relatives, a group of ex-members, convinced Leo J. Ryan, a U.S. congressman from California, to visit Jonestown. The visit apparently went well. However, for reasons still not completely understood, Ryan and those accompanying him were murdered when they reached the airport to return to the United States. Shortly thereafter, most of the residents joined together in a mass rite of murder-suicide in which they were either shot or took poison. The members of the group who had remained in California later formally disbanded. Following the tragedy at Jonestown, the Peoples Temple was identified as a “cult,” and Jones was depicted by the media as the epitome of an evil cult leader. Although numerous scholarly and popular studies of Jonestown have been written, the effort to understand the group and the tragedy continues. Congress has yet to release the files from its investigation of Ryan’s death.

AJP-Lung would like to following receipients of our first travel scholarship to attend Welcome to the 14th Annual Retreat of the International Graduate Programme in Molecular Biology and Medicine of the Lung Dr. Yoko Ito, National Jewish Health, University of Colorado Denver Dr. Andrea Frump, Indiana University School of Medicine Please view the link here to view the program: Retreat Programme Wednesday, July 6, 2016 AJP-Lung would like to recognize our excellent team that works behind the scenes to make this the best pulmonary journal published. Ellyn Kestnbaum is our journal Supervisor who works tirelessly after your paper is accepted until it is published. Mona Trang worked for us for many years in the peer review department but has recently retired. We were very lucky to have Daniel Pisconte come on as our peer review Coordinator. He is always invaluable in helping out with manuscript submissions. We are very fortunate to have these individuals on our AJP-Lung team and appreciate them very much.

Bioethics concerns the relationships between biology, medicine, cybernetics, politics, law, ethics, philosophy, and theology. Disagreement exists about the proper scope for the application of ethical evaluation to questions involving biology. Some bioethicists would narrow ethical evaluation only to the morality of medical treatments or technological innovations, and the timing of medical treatment of humans. Other bioethicists would broaden the scope of ethical evaluation to include the morality of all actions that might help or harm organisms capable of feeling fear and pain. Bioethics involves many public policy questions that are often politicized-used to mobilize political constituencies. Bioethics issues include: * Abortion, reproductive rights * Artificial insemination * Artificial life * Confidentiality of medical records and their abuse in interrogation of prisoners * Direct mind-computer interface * Donating one's sperm or eggs * Donated organs when bought illegally (transplant trade) * Fair allocation of donated organs, class and race biases * Drug pricing, HIV/AIDs drugs in Sub-Saharan Africa * Genetic engineering, genetically modified food crops * Human cloning * Medical torture * Non-human animal cloning * Treating infertility * Obligations of the individual, corporate employer, local, sub-national or national state and global community to provide health care and/or health insurance. * Primate rights under law * Stem cell cloning * Suicide, assisted suicide and human euthanasia * Non-human animal euthanasia * Pain management * Population control * Recreational drug use * Scientific ignorance * Selling one's own blood or blood plasma * Spiritual drug use * When to use, and when to withhold, life-support * When to use, and when to withhold, artificial hydration and artificial nutrition * Use of surrogate mothers * Use of nanotechnology as medical treatment * Use of artificial wombs * Treating non-human animals * Medical research on non-human animals Bioethicists focus on using philosophy to help analyze said concerns, though bioethics is becoming increasingly interdisciplinary. Religious bioethicists have developed rules and guidelines on how to deal with these issues from within the viewpoint of their respective faiths. Some secular bioethicists are critical to the fact that these are usually religious scholars without an degree or training in disciplines that pertain to the issues, such as philosophy (wherein the study of ethics is usually found), biology or medicine. Most religious bioethicists are Jewish or Christian scholars. However a small number of religious scholars from other religions have recently become involved in this field as well. Islamic clerics have begun to write on this topic. Muslim bioethicists include Abdulaziz Sachedina, at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville. There has been some criticism by liberal Muslims that only the more religiously conservative voices in Islam are being heard on this issue. Buddhist bioethicists have focused much of their concern on organ transplantation.

Acts 11:11-26 Psalm 148 1 Peter 4:12-16 John 12:20-26 May 19, 2019 Rev. Dr. Warner Bailey What’s in the C of TCU? Of course, any Horned Frog will tell you the C stands for Christian. Texas Christian University. But you could read the sports page and never know that. What’s in the C of YMCA? Again, the C stands for Christian. Young Men’s Christian Association. Today the sign on the building simply says, “Y” with a little YMCA at the bottom. And what’s in the C of the Center for Transforming Lives? Well, that’s rather obvious, isn’t it? But what was it called before that? The Young Women’s Christian Association. The YWCA. In each of these organizations, and there are many more, a process of decision making has resulted in a major change in how they brand themselves to the public. Christian loses out. The reality is that in an increasingly secular nation, all non-profits have to be vigilant and nimble in communicating effectively to potential supporters and clients. Christian may sound foreign more and more, and sadly, often the word is accompanied by awful stereotypes or simple ignorance. Some organizations decide, for communication’s sake that it is better to drop it—although for the record TCU is still officially known by its full name. These cultural shifts move us to look again carefully at what is the meaning of Christian in the New Testament. What did early Christians tell the non-Christian world about themselves? It may surprise you that, for all its importance, the name Christian is mentioned only in two places in the Bible, and you heard them today. What is the story behind them? Our starting point begins in the city of Antioch. You’ll find it three miles inside Turkey across the Syrian border. By the middle of the first century the city of Antioch was home to a half-million inhabitants. The city is situated on the Orantes River with easy access to a port on the Mediterranean Sea. This made Antioch the juncture of trade routes from Europe to India and China. Antioch had strategic importance and is a major reason why a large cosmopolitan population of Jews, Syrians and other Gentiles came to live there. Behind Rome and Alexandria, it was the third largest city in the Empire. In the mid-thirties of the first century, the followers of Jesus suffered their first persecution in Jerusalem. It was triggered by the stoning death of Stephen for whom this church is named. Many believers concluded that they could no longer live in Jerusalem, that they must flee for their lives. They decided to move to Antioch where they could blend with its cosmopolitan population. When these religious refugees arrived from Jerusalem, they resumed their preaching of Jesus as Lord among the multicultural population in Antioch. What happened when they preached? The Book of Acts solemnly proclaims: “The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number became believers and turned to the Lord.” The preachers in Antioch rejoiced to see the great prophecy of Isaiah being fulfilled before their eyes, “for my house shall be called a house of prayer for all peoples”! It was stupendous! The Jesus-movement, which began in the rural countryside of Galilee, climaxed with Easter in the urban setting of Jerusalem and then jumped to the cosmopolitan center of Antioch. From there it radiated throughout the Roman Empire. It may have been persecution that forced some believers to leave Jerusalem and start a church where it is safer in Antioch. However, God used that upsetting turn of events to do a new thing in Antioch. God stretched the church beyond its Jewish culture, to make the church multi-cultural, to make the church a home to all persons. In Antioch, God gave “to the Gentiles the repentance that leads to life.” (Acts l1.18) In Antioch believers will be called Christians for the first time. Heretofore they had been called Jewish names like “Galileans” or “Nazarenes” or “followers of The Way.” I conclude that only when the church welcomes both Gentiles and Jews can it be called Christian. What’s in a “C”? What will we tell our secular nation what our brand name means? Well, C for Christian means a specific commitment to Jesus that brings you into multi-ethnic, multi-cultural community. It means following a Christ into the wider world and worshipping a Christ with people who are different from you. It is as simple as that. What’s in a “C”? … It means following a Christ into the wider world and worshipping a Christ with people who are different from you. It is as simple as that. Our second story from 1 Peter reverses the direction. It begins by what the non-Christian world tells us who we are. Christian, in Greek, is Christianoi. Christianoi is the Greek way of saying a word that was first created to be spoken in Latin. Latin is the language of the Roman Empire. Christianoi appears to be “a label created by hostile outsiders, probably Roman which…represents a negative judgment of this group.” In this case people are suffering under this word Christian. Why should this be happening? The worship of Caesar, the Roman emperor, as god was at the heart of the grip of the Roman Empire on everyone. This religious practice had the objective of giving the empire complete control. Those who confessed Jesus Christ as Lord refused to join in this patriotic worship. They could honor the emperor, but they could not let the State take over their lives. Their refusal made others view them as those who hated the human race such as murderers and thieves. They were exposed by their neighbors and shamed publically. They were slandered, reviled, abused, tortured, and killed. It was all calculated to make them give up their new-found allegiance to Christ as Lord instead of Caesar. The Roman prosecutors coined the word Christianoi to mean something like “Christ-lackeys.” Christianoi is similar to wop, dago, wet-back, and the infamous “n-word.” That’s what the non-Christian world called us with the name Christian. C for Christian means Christ in you contradicting the dominant culture, means Christ in you going counter to the tide of what is conventional and popular and safe, means Christ in you confronting the challenge of an autocratic state to the holiness of God and upholding the humanity of God’s children. To be Christian is to become the enemy of the State for Christ’s sake when that State sucks up all power unto itself and refuses to be judged by a higher law. To be Christian is to become the enemy of the State for Christ’s sake when that State sucks up all power unto itself and refuses to be judged by a higher law. 1 Peter cleverly turns a word meant to demean and denigrate into a badge of honor which someone persecuted could use as a strategy for not buckling under. Call yourself a Christian with pride. Christ, by whom you are smeared as his lackey, he, too, was also called an enemy of the State and was crucified. Call yourself a Christian with integrity. Christ to whom you cling, he, too, suffers with you and you have a part in his sufferings. Call yourself a Christian with joy. The State thought they had triumphed when they killed Christ, but God raised him from the dead, so the State no longer has the power to scare us into submission. Christ on whom you cast yourself, his resurrection gives you the hope you need to hold out for your vindication. His resurrection gives you the hope you need to keep your integrity from slipping away from you. To the outside world, you may look defeated, but you know, deep down, that your defeat is joined with Christ’s defeat, so that his victory becomes your inheritance. That’s what the name Christian means. I understand the need for non-profits to be clear in how they brand themselves. What I am more concerned about is our being clear about what we mean when we use the word Christian. What we have in our Bibles are two stories that complement each other to give us the full picture of our name. Christian means our singular commitment to Christ who makes us into a joyously welcoming community with a positive outlook for the future. Christian means our utter opposition to any power or person who sucks up all control and rears itself above all accountability. Christian means facing the consequences of that opposition. Christian means a wholesale trust in the power of God to bring victory out of defeat. The obvious negative we turn into the opposite positive, and we drive the powers of darkness nuts by the power of our inner hope. For what follows, see David G. Horrell, “Between Conformity and Resistance: Beyond the Balch-Elliott Debate Towards a Postcolonial Reading of First Peter” in Reading First Peter with New Eyes, Methodological Reassessments of the Letter of First Peter, edited by Robert L. Webb and Betsy Bauman-Martin. London and New York: T & T Clark, 2007, 140. and Torrey Seland, “πάροικος καἰ παρεπίδημο: Proselyte Characteriztions in 1 Peter?” Bulletin for Biblical Research 11.2 (2001), 264.

On April 28, ceremonies were held to commemorate the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of the Dachau concentration camp. It might seem not a major event, as Dachau was not an extermination camp. Auschwitz-Birkenau, the main Nazi killing center, had fallen three months earlier. The absolute horror of Nazi crimes was fully known. The end of World War II was near: ten days later, on May 8, 1945, the surrender of Germany was signed. Dachau nevertheless has a special meaning: it was the first camp. After its doors opened in 1933, it became the model for all Nazi concentration camps. More than 30,000 Jewish men were sent to concentration camps shortly after Kristallnacht -- a wave of violent anti-Jewish demonstrations throughout Germany and Austria on the night of November 9-10, 1938. At the instigation of the Nazi party, Jewish businesses, synagogues and homes were attacked and burned, nearly a hundred Jews were murdered and thousands injured, and tens of thousands of Jews were arrested and sent to concentration camps. The rest of the world could still have saved Jews and stopped the destruction machine. But the world did nothing. Hitler knew -- as Iran knows now -- that the world would do nothing. Six weeks earlier, on September 30, the Munich Agreement had been signed. Britain's Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, had presented the agreement as "Peace for our time" -- in exchange for allowing Germany to help itself to the German-speaking part of Czechoslovakia, later known as Sudetenland. Chamberlain and France's Prime Minister, Édouard Daladier, had accepted Hitler's conditions without even mentioning the fate of the Jews. Six months earlier, in July 1938, during the Evian Conference, no country had agreed to take in Jewish refugees. There were few consequences for Germany. Nothing had changed. In May 1940, Auschwitz opened. On January 20, 1942, the Wannsee Conference was held, during which high-ranking German officials coordinated what they called, "The Final Solution to the Jewish Question." Auschwitz became an extermination camp a few days later. The plight of European Jews, and the crimes at Auschwitz and other extermination camps, came as no surprise. Witold's Report, written by Captain Witold Pilecki, a secret agent of the Polish resistance, who entered and escaped from Auschwitz, had been forwarded to the British. The report detailed the "selection process," the three crematoria that could burn 8,000 people a day, and the so-called "medical experiments." The British questioned the report's reliability. The recognition and commemoration of the Holocaust began in Israel several years after 1945. For decades, however, the rest of the world remained silent. Political considerations prevailed over ethical considerations. Emphasizing the responsibility of Germany would have implied that many more Germans than those tried at Nuremberg would have had to be tried. Several Western political leaders could have been considered accomplices. It was only when almost all the perpetrators and survivors were dead that the time of remembrance came. But were any lessons learned? The crime of the Holocaust was the only attempt at the total extermination of a people by industrial means, and it was committed on a continent considered the "cradle of Western civilization." The other horrific acts of extermination that took place during the twentieth century were treated as of little importance -- and still are. The crimes of Communism -- including the Communist killing fields of Cambodia that took place during in the late 1970s -- were also immense. They were committed on five continents and lasted several decades. Communism killed about a hundred million people. Although the crimes of Communism are public information, the world is still mostly silent. Again, political considerations prevailed over ethical consideration. The Black Book of Communism was published in 1999. The issue was then dropped. It is likely that there will never be a Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Communism. Another genocide took place in Rwanda, in 1994: 70% of the Tutsis living there were killed. One of the most horrifying aspects of the Rwandan genocide was that international forces, sent by the UN, stood by and remained passive. France launched a military operation to evacuate French and Belgian citizens, but refused to evacuate any Tutsis. Hundreds of people were massacred a few feet away from the French forces. Once again, political considerations prevailed over ethical considerations. The responsibilities of the international forces and the responsibilities of France have been internationally ignored. An International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was established; it will end its work soon. Only Rwandans were incriminated. Hardly anyone in the rest of the world remembers the Rwandan genocide. A genocide also took place in the Ottoman Empire at the time of its collapse, during World War I, a quarter century before the Holocaust. Beginning in 1915, between 800,000 and 1.5 million Armenians were slaughtered by soldiers of the Ottoman army. Turkey has never recognized the massacre as a genocide. The world was, again, largely indifferent to the fate of the Armenians. Hitler seized on this indifference to say that if the world condoned what happened to the Armenians, it would condone what would happen to the Jews. He was proven right. Again, political considerations prevailed over ethical considerations. As Turkey was an ally of the West against the Soviet Union, any decision likely to annoy or offend the Turkish government was set aside. Since the collapse of the Soviet empire, however, Turkey has lost some of its geopolitical importance, but it contributes to new genocide-like massacres. In recent months, tens of thousands of Christians and Yazidis have been savagely murdered in Syria and Iraq by the Islamic State -- which could not exist without the support of Turkey. Much of the oil sold by the Islamic State, and its needed military supplies, pass through Turkey. The silence of the West continues. No doubt. Political considerations are at work. Seventy years after the fall of Dachau and Auschwitz, Israeli Jews, Christians and Arabs are threatened with a second Holocaust by people who deny the existence of the first Holocaust: Iran's leadership. The West, apparently willing to vote Iran nuclear breakout capability, pays no attention and acts as if Iran's continual threats had no meaning. The next priority of many European governments is to entrust a state to the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, a movement that does not hide its genocidal intentions. Political considerations are at work, full time and at open throttle. Since the Armenian genocide, one hundred years have passed, marked by mass killings, massacres, and genocides. These culminated in the Holocaust, but did not end with it. The Communist killing fields of Cambodia took place during the 1970s. The Rwandan Genocide of the Tutsis was perpetrated just twenty-one years ago. The twentieth century was appropriately described by historian Robert Conquest as a "ravaged century." It is urgent that that ethical -- not political or monetary -- considerations receive priority. If not, this will be the second "ravaged century." The Dachau Concentration Camp, 1933 to 1945: Text and Photo Documents from the Exhibition, with CD. Dachau: Comité International De Dachau, 2005. William R. Perl, The Holocaust Conspiracy: An International Policy of Genocide, Shapolsky Publishers, Inc, 1989. Mark Roseman, The Villa, The Lake, The Meeting: Wannsee and the Final Solution, Allen Lane, 2002. Witold Pilecki, The Auschwitz Volunteer: Beyond Bravery, Aquila Polonica, 2012. There were three other reports about the conditions in Auschwitz as well: The "Polish Major's Report" by Jerzy Tabeau; the "Vrba-Wetzler Report" by Rudolf Vrba and Alfred Wetzler in April, 1944, and a short report by Arnst Rosin and Czelaw Mordowicz, who escaped from Auschwitz in May, 1944. Yom HaShoah ("Day of the Holocaust") became an annual memorial in Israel in 1953. The Days of Remembrance of the Victims of the Holocaust were held in the US for the first time in 1979, twenty-six years after 1945. The French government acknowledged France's responsibility in the deportation of Jews in 1995. A Day of Remembrance of the Victims of National Socialism was established in Germany in 1996. Holocaust Memorial Day was established in the UK in 2001. Stephane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartosek, Jean-Lous Margolin, The Black Book of Communism, Harvard University Press, 1999. Gerard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis, Fountain Publishers Limited, 1999; Romeo Dallaire, Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda, Arrow, 2004 James Nazer, The first genocide of the 20th century: the story of the Armenian massacres in text and pictures, T&T Publishing inc., 1968. Fatma Müge Göçek, Denial of Violence: Ottoman Past, Turkish Present, and Collective Violence Against the Armenians, Oxford University Press, 2014. Robert Conquest, Reflections on a Ravaged Century, W. W. Norton & Company, 1999.

Israel Mourns: Bodies of Kidnapped Teens Found Near Hevron Eyal Yifrach, 19, Gilad Sha'ar, 16 and Naftali Frenkel, 16, HY"D June 12, 2014 - In a tragic end to an intensive search by the IDF, intelligence services and police, it has been released for publication this evening (Monday) that IDF forces have discovered the bodies of the three teenagers abducted 18 days ago as they hitchhiked home near the town of Alon Shvut in the Gush Etzion region. Eyal Yifrah 19, from Elad; Gilad Sha'ar, 16, from Talmon; and Naftali Frenkel, also 16, from Nof Ayalon, went missing on June 12th, and officials soon identified Hamas as the culprits. Their bodies were found near Hevron, where the search operation for them - dubbed Operation Brother's Keeper - had been focused. Last week the IDF authorized for publication the identities of two Hamas terrorists being hunted for being "deeply involved" in the kidnappings of the boys. The two, Marwan Kawasmeh and Amar Abu-Eisha, are well-known Hamas terrorists operating in the Hevron area. Kawasmeh, 29, was first arrested in 2004 for security violations, and since then has been arrested at least four more times. In an interrogation in 2010, he admitted working on behalf of Hamas in the Hevron area. He has participated in Hamas training camps and has helped the terror group to recruit new members. Abu-Eisha, 33, was first arrested in 2005, and remained imprisoned until 2006. He was released, only to be arrested again in 2007. His brother was killed while conducting a terror attack in 2005 against an IDF patrol. His father has also been arrested numerous times for security offenses. A total of 413 terror suspects, mostly Hamas members, have been arrested during IDF operation; Kawasmeh and Abu-Eisha, however, have not yet been found, but are now presumably being hunted on suspicion of murder. During the past 18 days Israelis and Jews throughout the world had mobilized, holding prayer rallies, social media campaigns and solidarity marches calling for the return of the boys. As recently as yesterday officials were still saying they working working under the assumption that the boys were still alive, as no information had been received to the contrary. News of their murder will leave Israel, and the Jewish people, in a state of mourning. The news comes on the same day as an inquiry into the handling of the police investigation into the kidnappings found five senior police officials guilty of mishandling the investigation. The officials were dismissed from their post for mistakenly classifying a call by one of the teenagers - who said he was being kidnapped - as a prank.

George Bush Sr. on Foreign Policy President of the U.S., 1989-1993; Former Republican Rep. (TX) OpEd: internationalist by instinct and upbringing Bush was an internationalist by instinct and upbringing. Like Reagan, Bush 41 used the American military only twice in foreign wars. The first time was in 1989, when the US invaded Panama and deposed the Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega. use of force was the 1991 Gulf War, which was triggered by Saddam Hussein's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. Operation Desert Storm brought together the largest international coalition in history and was one of the only two wars to have been sanctioned by the UN Source: The Last Best Hope, by Joe Scarborough, p. 47 , Oct 5, 2010 United Nations is "the light that failed" By the end of the Reagan years, State had concluded that the UN had sufficiently reformed that we should begin repaying the arrearage built up during the 1980s. Incoming president Bush endorsed the plan, which contemplated repaying the arrearage at the rate of 20% a year, over a 5-year period. I had no doubt that Bush, a former US permanent representative to the UN, who had called it "the light that failed," had a thoroughly realistic view of both the UN's potential and its problems. The issue, though, was to translate out intentions into a strategy that was more than just perpetual dissatisfaction with contribution levels. I created a conceptual framework called the "Unitary UN" for this purpose, hoping to take a global view of the entire system, to compare performance levels so we could allocate funds based on real accomplishments. No other country paid as much attention to what the UN actually achieved, as opposed to its aspirational rhetoric. Source: Surrender is Not an Option, by John Bolton, p. 33-34 , Nov 6, 2007 Called for repeal of UN "Zionism is racism" resolution General Assembly Resolution 3379, the infamous 1975 text equating Zionism with racism, or "Z/r" as we called it, had delegitimized the UN in the minds of many Americans, because it convinced them that the UN was the hopeless captive of Soviet manipulation and Third World radicalism, both of which perceptions were accurate. Repeal of "Z/r" had become a priority for Israel and many pro-Israeli groups in the US, and a test of whether the UN could ever hope to regain even a hint of the moral authority that its founders envisioned for it in 1945. [After the Cold War, we could] right the historic wrong represented by "Z/r." Firing the opening shot in the campaign in his annual UN address, President Bush included a call for repeal, signaling that this year we were serious indeed. Persistence paid off. As one of its last official acts before it dissolved, the Soviet Union voted to repeal the resolution it had inspired. "Z/r" was dead. Source: Surrender is Not an Option, by John Bolton, p. 40-42 , Nov 6, 2007 US troops to Somalia to alleviate starvation Eleven days after two Black Hawk helicopters were shot down over Mogadishu, killing 18 and creating the gruesome spectacle of warlords dragging American soldiers through the streets, McCain, who had already been agitating for the troops to come home, did just what he'd criticized Democrats for doing two decades earlier--tried to cut off funding to precipitate a withdrawal. The U.S. troop presence, which began under President George H. W. Bush, was initially sent to alleviate an acute starvation crisis brought on by political chaos. But under Clinton the mission had crept to rooting out warlords and providing security. McCain was having none of it: "Our mission is Somali was to feed a million starving who needed to be fed. It was not an open-ended commitment. It was not a commission of nation building, not warlord hunting, or any of the other extraneous activities which we seem to have been engaged in." Source: The Myth of a Maverick, by Matt Welch, p.161-162 , Oct 9, 2007 Became UN Ambassador after campaigning against UN After losing his second run for Senate, George's public life looked as though it was over. Nixon planned to dust off his obligation to George by appointing him head of the SBA or giving him a White House staff position with no specific duties. Some Nixon aides came up with the UN as the best way to keep George politically alive. Nixon said, "I told him our plan, which didn't go down too well at first. 'We hated the UN in Texas,' Barbara said. She reminded me that George had campaigned against the UN. George had said the UN 'has largely been a failure in preserving freedom.' I explained to George that there was no better way for him to stay in public life than to become US Ambassador to the UN." After the President offered him some insignificant position, George said he'd rather have the UN because he felt that he could make friends for Nixon in a way that no one else could. And his unswerving loyalty would enable him to represent US foreign policy the way Nixon wanted it represented. Source: The Family, by Kitty Kelley, p.284-285 , Sep 14, 2004 US gives Israel $1,000 for every Israeli citizen Neil Bush got a rush of Arab investors after traveling to Saudi Arabia and delivering a speech in which he said that the Arabs' problem in the US is that their lobby and public-relations machine is not as strong as the Israelis'. In saying that, he fed directly into an article of faith held in the Arab world and by anti-Semites the world over--that America's Middle East policy is driven by the Jewish lobby rather than national interest. Neil simply had repeated the sentiments of his father who was never perceived as pro-Israel. As President, Bush had complained in a White House press conference about the strength of the Jewish lobby on Capitol Hill. He reminded his critics that the US gave "Israel the equivalent of $1,000 for every Israeli citizen," a remark that detractors saw as an allusion to the stereotype of Jews as greedy and money-grubbing. Echoing the President's comments was his Secretary of State James Baker, who said, "F--- the Jews. They don't vote for us anyway." Source: The Family, by Kitty Kelley, p.421 , Sep 14, 2004 1987: Visited concentration camps in Poland In 1986 President Reagan decided to visit the cemetery in Bitburg, West Germany, that held the graves of 49 Nazi storm troopers. His decision angered Jewish groups in the US & Europe, all of whom held public demonstrations. Ronald Reagan would not budge. He had given his word. Former President Nixon backed him in his resolve, as did Vice President Bush, who sent him a secret note, which Reagan later published in his autobiography: "Mr. President, I was very proud of your stand. If I can help absorb some heat, send me into battle--It's not easy, but you are right!!!" The outcry over Bitburg had convinced the Bush hardnoses that he needed to demonstrate his own sensitivity to the Holocaust. They scheduled a 4-day trip to Poland in Sept. 1987 with stops at the concentration camps of Birkenau and Auschwitz, where 4 million people had been exterminated. The trip was so blatantly political that the Polish press accused Bush of using their country to launch his presidential campaign. Source: The Family, by Kitty Kelley, p.439 , Sep 14, 2004 1980s: Secretly assisted airlifting Ethiopian Jews to Israel In the 1980's the Israelis launched a secret effort known as Operation Moses to rescue Ethiopian Jews. Once the news of the rescue operation broke, the effort had to be shut down, leaving hundreds of Jews stranded. The VP went directly to the CIA and secretly arranged a rescue mission that saved those Ethiopians. The mission was never made public until George's campaign. A flyer mailed to Jewish voters was titled "The one candidate who has proven his commitment to the Jewish people." Source: The Family, by Kitty Kelley, p.441 , Sep 14, 2004 1991: Returned asylum-seeking refugees from Haiti On Jan.5, I announced that I'd temporarily continue Pres. Bush's policy of intercepting & returning Haitians who were trying to reach the US by boat, a policy I had strongly criticized during the election. After Haiti's elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was overthrown by Lt. Gen. Raoul Cedras in 1991, [many refugees fled]. When the Bush administration, which appeared to be more sympathetic to Cedras than I was, began to return the refugees, there were loud protests from the human rights community. I wanted to make it easier for Haitians to seek and obtain political asylum in the US, but was concerned that large numbers of them would perish in trying to get here, as about 400 had done just a week earlier. So, I said that, instead of taking in all the Haitians who could survive the voyage to America, we would beef up our official presence in Haiti and speed up asylum claims there. In the meantime, for safety reasons, we would continue to stop the boats and return the passengers. Source: My Life, by Bill Clinton, p.463-464 , Jun 21, 2004 Resigned from Trilateral Commission during V.P. campaign Myths have long surrounded Skull and Bones, a secret society at Yale, including that they pledge themselves to one world government. Conspiracy theorists abound. However, "The truth is rather mundane: It's a club of 15 students who meet regularly to learn more about each other." What Skull and Bones probably did for Bush, other than providing him with a moneyed old boy network, was to expose him to Bonies of vastly different backgrounds. During his vice presidential campaign, the senior Bush was compelled to resign his membership in the Trilateral Commission when errant suspicious arose that he served the political agenda of the Council of Foreign Relations in pursuit of a "New World Order." Though the Skull and Bones legacy would haunt both Bushes throughout their careers, the network it gave them opened important doors. Source: The Faith of George W. Bush, by Stephen Mansfield, p. 48-49 , Apr 12, 2004 1980s-90s: Supported military junta in Haiti The Marines invaded Haiti in 1915, destroyed the parliamentary system, reinstituted slavery, killed nobody knows how many people (Haitians say about 15,000), turned their country into a plantation for US investors, and instituted a National Guard, which is a brutal, murderous force that has run the place pretty much ever since under US backing. This continued right through to when Bush and Clinton supported the military junta directly, right through the worst terror. That was another thing that I saw personally for a couple of days. Right now, in Queens, NY, one of their leading criminals, Emmanuel Constant, is hidden by the US. He's already been sentenced in Haiti for terrorist crimes. He was the head of the paramilitary force that was responsible for killing maybe 5,000 people in Haiti in the early 1990s when Bush and Clinton were supporting the military junta. Haiti has tried to extradite him, but of course the US doesn't even bother responding, and the press won't even comment on it Source: Power and Terror, by Noam Chomsky, p. 74-75 , May 25, 2002 Supported 1990 South Africa sanctions In 1990, Bush met separately with South Africa’s reform-minded president, F. W. de Klerk, and with the newly freed black nationalist leader Nelson Mandela. By supporting sanctions against the South African government, Bush appeared to help speed the dismantling of its system of racial separation. His administration lifted the sanctions in 1991 after concluding that the requirements imposed by Congress had been met. Source: Grolier Encyclopedia on-line, “The Presidency” , Dec 25, 2000 Clinton promised to overturn "immoral" Haiti policy Clinton's handling of Haiti involved many policy reversals that culminated with the Carter mission. One GOP critic said the "mess in Haiti was caused by Clinton running off at the mouth during the last election, by criticizing in an irresponsible manner President Bush's handling of the situation." While that statement has a partisan ring to it, the fact is that prior to Carter's dealing with Cedras, Clinton did not have Democratic support for an invasion of Haiti. There certainly are those who will claim that Clinton's approach to Haiti eventually worked, since Cedras was ousted and Aristide returned to power. [Overall], Clinton would have considered Haiti a foreign policy victory. Clinton the campaigner had promised that he would change the policy of the Bush administration relative to the immigration of Haiti. Clinton characterized the Bush plan as immoral. The Haitians took Clinton at his word. A boatload of 400 Haitians set off on a journey to freedom in the US. They died in the attempt. Source: The Dysfunctional President, by Paul Fick, p. 24-25&62 , Jun 1, 2000 Built consensus with UN to move against Saddam Hussein You have to build a consensus. Ross mentioned Saddam Hussein. We tried to bring him into the family of nations. When he moved against Kuwait, I said this will not stand. We went to the UN, we made historic resolutions up there, the whole world was united. If we had let sanctions work and tried to build a consensus on that, Saddam today would be in Saudi Arabia controlling the world's oil supply, and he would be there maybe with a nuclear weapon. Source: The Third Clinton-Bush-Perot Presidential Debate , Oct 19, 1992 Panama: stealing elections requires response Author's note: In the Panamanian election an international panel of observers led by former President Jimmy Carter, the Catholic Church, and others documented widespread vote fraud by dictator Manuel Noriega. "Today elected constitutional government is the clear choice of the vast majority of the people in the Americas, and the days of the dictator are over. Still, in many parts of our hemisphere, the enemies of democracy lie in wait to overturn elected governments through force or to steal elections through fraud. All nations in the democratic community have a responsibility to make clear, through our actions and our words, that efforts to overturn constitutional regimes or steal elections are unacceptable. If we fail to send a clear signal when democracy is imperiled, the enemies of constitutional government will become more dangerous." Source: Heartbeat, by Jim McGrath, p. 43 , May 11, 1989 (Remarks and a question-and-answer session with reporters on the situation in Panama, White House Briefing Room) George Bush Sr. on China 1971: Argued for dual UN representation for China & Taiwan In Oct. 1971, the UN voted to recognize Red China and give the People's Republic of China the seat occupied by Taiwan, or Nationalist China. George vowed in his Senate campaigns if that were to happen, he would advocate US withdrawal from the UN. Now, as Nixon's Ambassador, he had to argue for "dual representation" and plead for 2 seats: one in the Security Council for Communist China, and one in the General Assembly for Taiwan. He had lobbied hard among the 129 missions for support and had thought he had enough delegates committed to the US policy. But on the final count, he lost 59-55, with 15 countries abstaining. He took the defeat as a personal rebuke and said he was disgusted by the anti-American sentiments. "For some delegates--who literally danced in the aisles when the vote was announced--Taiwan wasn't really the issue," George said. "Kicking Uncle Sam was." When the Taiwanese Ambassador walked out of the hall for the last time, George caught him & apologized for what had happened. Source: The Family, by Kitty Kelley, p.289-290 , Sep 14, 2004 Tiananmen: deplored crackdown but maintained communication After China’s rulers brutally crushed massive student demonstrations in the spring of 1989, Bush-who knew the aging leaders personally-deplored the crackdown but maintained communication with the leadership. His stance angered human rights activists and appeared to have no effects on China’s policy toward internal dissent. Source: Grolier Encyclopedia on-line, “The Presidency” , Dec 25, 2000 US-China relationship needs to be preserved post-Tiananmen I don't think if Barbara and I hadn't t lived in China in 1974 7 1975 that when I became President that I would have this strong feeling that that relationship needs to be preserved. It must be preserved. There are problems today with allegations of illegal technology transfer. But somehow we have to get past these troubling things and keep that relationship strong. When Tiananmen Square happened, they did bad things, violated the international convention on human rights; but it is in our interest to keep open relations with that very important country. Now they were set back, but we didn't cut them off. We didn't cut off MFN [Most Favored Nation trade status]. We didn't bring home our ambassador, as some of the people in this country after Tiananmen Square were urging on me. And I might not have reacted the way I did as President if we hadn't had a feeling for the pulse, the real China, the pulse of the people in China. (Texas A&M University Distinguished Lecture, College Station, Texas Source: Heartbeat, by Jim McGrath, p.295-296 , Mar 8, 1999 Conciliation after Tiananmen if China freed jailed students [To Chinese leader Deng regarding the Tiananmen massacre]: I was told of your reference to the Chinese proverb: "It is up to the person who tied the knot to untie the knot." You feel we "tied the knot" by our actions, especially regarding military sales. We feel that those actions taken against peacefully demonstrating students "tied the knot." If forgiveness could be granted to the students and, yes, to their teachers, this would go a long way to restoring worldwide confidence. Such a move could well lead to improved relations with many countries. I could then publicly dispatch a high-level emissary to Beijing thus signaling to the world that our country was prepared to work our way towards more normal relations. Deng's reply was respectful, but he held steadfastly to their position that this was their internal affair. Eventually, our relationship and friendship would recover, but it took a while to work through these problems. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.435-7 , Jul 21, 1989 Principled relations with China advances world peace Goldwater wrote me an angry letter, accusing the administration of forsaking Taiwan for China. I had great respect for Senator Goldwater but wholeheartedly disagreed with him: You think the US stands on 2 different policies--one for the PRC and one for Taiwan. But in fact, we have one policy--there is one China and we acknowledge the PRC view that Taiwan is part of China, a view that is shared by Taiwan. We remain a loyal friend to Taiwan while we simultaneously try to advance our relationship with the PRC. We believe that good relations between the US and the PRC advance the cause of peace worldwide and that we would be irresponsible to let the opportunity for improved relations pass us by without a principled effort on our part. Note, I say principled. We will not turn back on an old friend, Taiwan. We will uphold the law of the land. One last point--every ally we have in Asia--all urge that we strengthen our relationship with the PRC. They see it as in their strategic self-interest. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.317-8 , May 28, 1982 George Bush Sr. on Cold War Measured response to Berlin Wall to avoid alarming Soviets The Wall has come down. The President was careful and guarded in his public reaction to the unfolding events, telling reporters that he was very pleased with the development. "We are saluting those who can move forward with democracy," the President said. "We are encouraging the concept of a Europe whole and free." These words were deliberately measured so as not to alarm the Soviets or get too far ahead of the West Germans in pushing for reunification. In private conversations within the West Wing, however, his support for unification was unequivocal. Nevertheless, when we suggested on that momentous day that President Bush go to Berlin, as Kennedy and Reagan had done, the President demurred. "This is a German moment," he said with characteristic modesty. "What would I do? Dance on the Wall?" Source: My Extraordinary Family, by Condi Rice, p.251-252 , Jan 10, 2012 1991: Met with Yeltsin but avoided embarrassing Gorbachev In April 1991 the Soviet's decline accelerated precipitously. We decided that the president needed to meet Soviet leaders other than Gorbachev. Boris Yeltsin was making a claim--outlandish at the time--that Russia needed to be liberated from the Soviet Union. Yeltsin was Gorbachev's bitter rival, and when he requested a meeting with President Bush there was some reluctance to see him. The President had enormous respect and sympathy for Gorbachev and was determined to do nothing to embarrass the Soviet leader. We settled on a tried-and-true remedy for such a problem: a meeting with the national security advisor, during which the President would make an unannounced drop-by. Yeltsin was told only that he would meet Brent Scowcroft. into the meeting, the President flung open the door. Yeltsin smiled broadly, jumped up, and embraced the startled leader of the free world in a bear hug. After about 30 minutes the President left, and I escorted a self-satisfied Yeltsin out to his car. Source: My Extraordinary Family, by Condi Rice, p.256-257 , Jan 10, 2012 1989: Restraint about Berlin Wall, to avoid Soviet reaction Then, November 9, 1989, the East German government announced a new visa policy that essentially opened the door to the West. After 28 years, the Berlin Wall "fell" in the sense that it was rendered obsolete by this new immigration policy. Given this dramatic development, there were many voices in Congress urging Dad to celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall as the triumph of democracy. "My restraint--or prudence, if you will--was misunderstood, certainly by some in Congress," Dad recalled. "Dick Gephardt, the leader in the House, was saying, 'Our president doesn't get it. He ought to go to Berlin, stand on the Wall, dance with the young people to show the joy that we all feel.' I still feel that would have been the stupidest thing an American president could do, because we were very concerned about how the troops in East Germany would react. We were very concerned about the nationalistic elements in the Soviet Union maybe putting Gorbachev out." Source: My Father, My President, by Doro Koch Bush, p.298-300 , Oct 6, 2006 Do as much as possible to stabilize Russia I read your paper "How to Lose the Cold War." I certainly agree with the major principle of this paper, namely, that we have an enormous stake with the democratic Russia. As you know, we are moving on the humanitarian food and medical aid front. Many American technologies are working with the newly energized private sector in Russia. More needs to be done. We are talking with the states of the former Soviet Union on a range of issues. I am not sure what Russian goods are denied access to our markets. We are working with them on MFN. In my view, it is the EC that must open their markets more. We are working on the prospects for a stabilization fund--though, we're talking megabucks here. We are also helping some on debt and perhaps can do more, along with the Europeans. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.549 , Mar 5, 1992 Thaw in Cold War revives repressed ethnic tensions Author's note: Bush spoke to the UN about how the worldwide "thaw" after the decades-long winter of the Cold War did more than liberate oppressed peoples: it also gave rise to ethnic & religious tensions long repressed by the straightjacket of a divided "Communism held history captive for years. It suspended ancient disputes, and it suppressed ethnic rivalries, nationalist aspirations, and old prejudices. As it has dissolved, suspended hatreds have sprung to life. This revival of history ushers in a new era teeming with opportunities and perils. "You may wonder about America's role in the new world I have described. Let me assure you, the US has no intention of striving for Pax Americana. However, we will remain engaged. We will not retreat and pull back into isolationism. We will offer friendship and leadership. And in short, we seek a pax universalis built upon shared responsibilities and aspirations." Source: Heartbeat, by Jim McGrath, p.152-153 , Sep 23, 1991 (Address to the 46th sessions of the UN General Assembly) Recognized Baltics to encourage Gorbachev [The short-lived coup against Gorbachev] brings home to me the importance of how the US reacts. We could have overreacted and moved troops and scared the hell out of people. We could have under-reacted by saying, "Well, we'll deal with whoever is there." But, I think the advice I got was good. I think we found the proper balance. Today I have a press conference. I recognized the Baltics. I talked to the Presidents of Estonia and Latvia today, having talked to Landsbergis of Lithuania a couple of days ago. I told them what we've got to do. I told them why we waited a few days more. What I tried to do was to use the power and the prestige of the US, not to posture, not to be the first on board, but to encourage Gorbachev to move faster on "freeing the Baltics." Yesterday, he did make a statement to this effect and today there is an agreement where the various republics would be entitled to determine their own relationship with the Center [the union]. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.536-537 , Sep 2, 1991 Dissolution of USSR is death knell for Communist movement Author's note: Gorbachev phoned President Bush to inform him that he was resigning as general secretary of the Communist Party and that he had ordered the government to seize Party property. Q: Do you think these events mark the impending death of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union? And shouldn't Americans take some kind of satisfaction? A: The answer is yes and yes. Yes, it is clearly the death knell for the Communist movement around the world. There's only a handful of people that stick out like a sore thumb. I think of one down there in Cuba right now that must be sweating because you can't stop this quest for freedom. Q: Should Americans be taking satisfaction-- A: Of course we should. The days when we talked about the Cold War and what it meant, and the fear of aggression--those days are gone now. And so, the American people should take great pleasure that regardless of politics, they have always stood against totalitarianism. Source: Heartbeat, by Jim McGrath, p.155-156 , Aug 26, 1991 (News conference at Kennebunkport, Maine.) Economic sanctions for Soviet actions in Baltics Publicly, we gave Gorbachev his trade agreement, but the secret deal we made with him was that I would not send it up to Congress for approval until progress had been made on Lithuania. In view of the events of the last 2 weeks--resulting in the deaths of at least 20 people in the Baltic states--I cannot continue along this path. I had hoped to see positive steps toward the peaceful resolution of this conflict; [but in their absence], I will freeze many elements of our economic relationship including Export-Import credit guarantees and most of our technical assistance programs. I would not take these steps to, in any sense, punish the Soviet Union. I viewed the expansion of our economic and commercial relationship not as a reward but rather as a natural response to Soviet political and economic reform. Sadly, events in the Baltic states call into question the Soviet government's commitment to the very reforms that provide the basis for much of what we are trying to do in the economic sphere. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.473&508 , Jan 23, 1991 Warsaw Pact falling was fragile time: don't provoke USSR By that fall of 1989, democracy and freedom were no longer marching through Eastern Europe--they were racing. Hungary had opened its Austrian borders earlier in the year, and a flood of "vacationing" East Germans were using this as an exit to the West. As a result, even East Germany--the jewel in the crown of the Soviet's Warsaw Pact--was teetering on the verge of collapse. It all came crashing down on November 9 when the Berlin Wall was opened. It was the beginning of the end for not only East Germany, but the entire Warsaw Pact. However, despite the euphoria, it was still a fragile and even frightening time. The Soviet Union still had troops and tanks stationed in East Germany, and we knew it was not entirely impossible for Gorbachev to clamp down. We were all haunted by the crushing of the uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and in Prague in 1968. We did not want to provoke a similar disaster. Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.441 , Oct 7, 1989 Funding Warsaw Pact rebellions makes them look American-run [When the Berlin Wall fell on November 9, 1989] we were all haunted by the crushing of the uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and in Prague in 1968. We did not want to provoke a similar disaster. I dictated to my diary: I keep hearing the critics saying we're not doing enough on Eastern Europe; here the changes are dramatically coming our way and, if any one event--Poland, Hungary or East Germany--had taken place, people would say, "This is great." But it's all moving fast--moving our way--and you've got a bunch of critics jumping around saying we ought to be doing more. What they mean is, double spending. It doesn't matter what, just send money; I think it's crazy. And if we mishandle this and get way out [in front] looking like [the rebellions are] an American project--you would invite crackdown, and invite negative reaction that could result in bloodshed. The longer I'm in this job, the more I think prudence is a value and experience matters Source: Letter from George Bush in All The Best, p.441-2 , Oct 7, 1989 George Bush Sr. on New World Order Democrats see America as just another pleasant country In his 1988 acceptance speech at the Republican convention, then-Vice President George H. W. Bush captured the contrast between himself and his opponent, Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis, tellingly: "He sees America as another pleasant country on the UN roll call, somewhere between Albania and Zimbabwe, And I see America as the leader--a unique nation with a special role in the world." Bush's 1988 description of Dukakis easily fits Obama today. Source: Obama is Endangering our Sovereignty, by John Bolton, p. 15 , May 18, 2010 1989: A new breeze is blowing in world refreshed by freedom Bush occupied the White House during a time of dramatic change--from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Bush recognized the opportunity provided by a period of change in his inaugural address: "I come before you and assume the presidency at a moment rich with promise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better. For a new breeze is blowing and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. There is new ground to be broken and new action to be taken." Source: The 100 Greatest Speeches, by Kourdi & Maier, p. 50-52 , Mar 3, 2010 Need public relations to change how others view America In 1975, an American diplomat wrote: "The American people do not have any concept of how others around the world view America. We think we are good, honorable, decent, freedom loving. Others are firmly convinced that though they like the people themselves in our country, that we are embarking on policies that are anathema to them. We have a massive public relations job to do on all of this." That diplomat, of course, was George H.W. Bush, at the time the US liaison to China under President Ford. His belief that the nation's problem with the world was merely a "public relations" issue is simply mystifying. Is it really possible that a man like Bush, whose job it was to understand world opinion, could really have believed that all these other people in the world, the Europeans, the Africans, the Asians--all of them merely misunderstood what the US's objectives were? Source: America's Next Bush, by S.V. Date, p.329-330 , Feb 15, 2007 Informally called world leaders often, while President Dad took an informal--relaxed, even--approach in contacting his fellow world leaders. From the beginning of his administration, he started working the phones, reaching around the globe to call his fellow leaders. Condi Rice told me, "He would call someone like German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, for example, all the time--just to say that he was thinking about him after reading how Kohl had won some big vote in the Bundestag or something like that." "This had never been done before, and in fact some of the foreign leaders thought they were phony calls at first," said [future Secretary of Defense] Bob Gates. "It was like somebody saying, 'This is Queen Elizabeth calling.' It took probably a year and a half before we had some procedures smoothed out with some of these other people. It went the fastest with the British and the Germans and the French, but it was really funny some of the time when he would reach out and try and talk to some of these leaders, because they just weren't prepared for him." Source: My Father, My President, by Doro Koch Bush, p.282-283 , Oct 6, 2006 Made deals with Gorbachev’s USSR, then Yeltsin’s Russia A series of summits with Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev resulted in the signing of treaties on arms reductions and agreements on other issues. As communist governments collapsed in Eastern Europe, Bush became to some degree a bystander, watching as nations redefined their futures. In August 1991, only weeks after Bush and Gorbachev had signed a strategic-arms--reduction treaty in Moscow, the Soviet president was nearly ousted in an attempted coup. Thanks to Boris Yeltsin’s resistance to the coup, Gorbachev was able to return to power, however briefly. When, in December 1991, the Soviet Union dissolved into a loose confederation of independent republics and several unaffiliated states, Bush quickly recognized the new states and sought a rapprochement with Yeltsin, now president of Russia. In the spring of 1992 Bush and Yeltsin agreed to substantial cuts in nuclear weapons. Source: Grolier’s Encyclopedia on-line: “The Presidency” , Dec 25, 2000 Since I became President, 43 countries have gone democratic Q: What do you feel our position is in this new world order? BUSH: Since I became President, 43 or 44 countries have gone democratic. No longer totalitarian, no longer living under dictatorship or communist rule. This is exciting. This new world order to me means freedom and democracy. I think we will have a continuing responsibility, as the only remaining superpower, to stay involved. The Soviet Union is no more. Now we're working to help them become totally democratic through the FREEDOM Support Act that I led on. Ross, you're for that, I'm sure, helping Russia become democratic. PEROT: Well, it's cost-effective to help Russia succeed in its revolution. It's pennies on the dollar compared to going back to the cold war. Russia's still very CLINTON: The end of the cold war brings an incredible opportunity for change, the winds of freedom blowing around the world, Russia demilitarizing. It also requires us to maintain some continuity, some bipartisan American commitment. Source: The Second Clinton-Bush-Perot Presidential Debate , Oct 15, 1992 New World Order: open borders; open trade; open minds Much has changed over the last 2 years. The Soviet Union has taken many dramatic and important steps to participate fully in the community of nations. We are hopeful that the machinery of the UN will no longer be frozen by the divisions that plagued us during the cold war, that at last--long last--we can build new bridges and tear down old walls, that at long last we will be able to build a new world based on an event for which we have all hoped: an end to the cold war. The United Nations can help Source: Address to the United Nations General Assembly (APP) , Oct 1, 1990 - Click here for definitions & background information on Foreign Policy. - Click here for VoteMatch responses by George Bush Sr.. - Click here for AmericansElect.org quiz by George Bush Sr.. Other past presidents on Foreign Policy: George Bush Sr. on other issues: George W. Bush(R,2001-2009) George Bush Sr.(R,1989-1993) John F. Kennedy(D,1961-1963) Harry S Truman(D,1945-1953) Past Vice Presidents: Natural Law Party Page last updated: Feb 22, 2022

Member since: Mon Aug 20, 2012, 08:26 PM Number of posts: 2,610 Number of posts: 2,610 Source: Outside magazine Leaders from six Sioux groups announced today that they plan to build a massive wind farm on tribal land in South Dakota. Speaking at the annual Clinton Global Initiative America meeting in Chicago, representatives from the Cheyenne River, Oglala, Crow Creek, Rosebud, Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate, and Yankton Sioux tribes said that the planned development would generate between one and two gigawatts of power annually and could pour as much as $3 billion into South Dakota's economy. The tribes plan to raise raise initial funding via a campaign on Rally.org, and will finance the rest of the project through the sale of bonds. "The Sioux Wind Project will demonstrate that community-support and community-funding can help push renewable-energy projects forward," Rally CEO Tom Serres said in a press release Read more: http://www.outsideonline.com/news-from-the-field/South-Dakota-Sioux-Announce-Wind-Project.html Posted by trailmonkee | Fri Jun 14, 2013, 06:19 PM (15 replies) opinion from the political garbage chute Six months ago a mentally-ill young man with an AR-15 shot and killed twenty children and six adults at Sandy Hook Elementary School. In the aftermath of the shooting, the nation was justifiably outraged. Well, I should be very clear here the vast majority of us were outraged. The NRA’s executive board, headed by Wayne LaPierre? I can’t really say what their reaction was, but it certainly wasn’t outrage. They immediately began scrambling their forces to sabotage any earnest effort to tighten up gun laws as a response to the tragedy. You would think that if anything would get our elected officials to stand up to a bunch of profiteering scumbags like the NRA’s board, it would be the nightmare of bullets and blood that ended those children’s lives. You’d be wrong though. The NRA managed to spread a lie about the Toomey-Manchin bipartisan background check bill that it would lead to a national registry, and if there’s one thing John Q. Gun-Hoarding-Asshole can’t stand, it’s the idea of the country knowing he has a gun. Well, except for the fifteen pictures a day he posts on Facebook page, but he’s doing that voluntarily damn it! So with the gun zealots in lather over a gun registry — which the amendment specifically outlawed — just enough Republican Senators were intimidated into not backing the amendment and it died short of the 60 vote mark prescribed in the Constitution. Oh wait, no, that’s just a threshold established by obstructionist assclowns on the right. My apologies. In the six months since the shooting at Newtown, thousands of people have died and been injured by guns, and yet the message coming out of Gun Hoarder Land is “nothing wrong here, keep moving, nothing to see.” The problem for that crowd though? There’s a lot to see. For instance, you can see that Santa Monica College just saw a dramatic and violent conclusion to a shooting rampage that started in the surrounding area and ended on the campus of the city college. You can see it in the story of a man in Arizona who brought his four-year-0ld son to a friend’s house and wound up being accidentally shot when his child found his friend’s gun and discharged it into his father. Or you can get really depressed reading a story about two shootings involving two different four year old kids in two different states in a single three-day span, does that drive home just how much a problem with guns we have this country? No? Let’s try one more…how about twelve people being shot in six hours in Chicago? Something’s got to give. I know we’re probably never going to get to the point where we can ask people to hand in any guns they don’t really need — you know, keep a couple for your protection and hunting purposes, and then hand over the rest of the cache — but we have to fix this issue from every angle possible. You want to talk about mental health issues? Fine, but you better be willing to move to a universal healthcare system because good luck paying for the kinds of sweeping overhauls and widely available mental healthcare facilities that are going to be needed without one. Want to enforce already existing laws better? Great! I’m all for that, but I hope you’re willing to pay higher taxes so we can hire more cops and public defenders. We also cannot be deterred in writing the kinds of common sense laws that are needed to curb the flow of guns into the black market as well as encourage responsible gun ownership. The numbers have been shouted so many times, but it bears repeating — far more people have died in this country as a result of gun crime or accident than have died in all the terrorist attacks combined. Shouldn’t the real Department of Homeland Security be working with legislators to draft a Federal trafficking law or some other form of gun legislation that helps make tracking down illegal firearms easier? Nothing is more frustrating for me than watching America not learn from its mistakes. We can’t ban all guns, and we can’t ignore the problem and hope it goes away. The worst part about all the “scandals” that are rocking Washington right now is that they completely distract us from the issues we knew we had to fix just six months ago. Sandy Hook was and still is the wake-up call this country needs. Yes, I’m worried about just how much we let the NSA swoop up without warrants, but while we’re hand-wringing over government programs that we all pretty much just assumed existed anyway, dozens upon dozens of our fellow Americans are dying needlessly because we can’t tell the gun lobby to go fuck themselves. If we don’t hold Congress accountable, if by next November we have simply shrugged our shoulders on the gun control issue — shame on us. Honestly, these few hundred words have been more a cathartic exercise than anything else. I’ve committed thousands of them to this cause, and the facts of the case remain the same. - See more at: http://www.politicalgarbagechute.com/oh-yeah-we-still-have-a-fucking-gun-problem-in-this-country/#sthash.oXZubobb.dpuf Posted by trailmonkee | Fri Jun 14, 2013, 03:55 PM (5 replies) Warning: pro-veg message ( just in case that sort of stuff upsets you ) btw... turn on the CC if you want english captions Posted by trailmonkee | Thu Jun 13, 2013, 09:37 PM (19 replies) The New York Times has identified the man who wrote a chilling letter describing Chinese factory conditions that was found in a box of Halloween decorations from Kmart. The man, identified only as Mr. Zhang to protect his identity, told the Times that he was imprisoned in a labor camp where " inmates toiled seven days a week, their 15-hour days haunted by sadistic guards." The labor camps are full of petty criminals or people who rebel against the country's religion, Mr. Zhang said. He said he wrote 20 letters over the course of two years. One was discovered by Julie Keith of Oregon, who had bought the decorations over a year ago but decided to use them to decorate for her daughter's birthday party last October. Inside the box, she found a plea for help supposedly written by a Chinese factory worker in Masanjia Labor Camp in Shenyang, The Oregonian reported at the time. Here's an excerpt from the letter, grammatical mistakes included: "If you occasionally buy this product, please kindly resend this letter to the World Human Right Organization. Thousands people here who are under the persecution of the Chinese Communist Party Government will thank and remember you forever. People who work here have to work 15 hours a day without Saturday, Sunday break and any holidays. Otherwise, they will suffer torturement, beat and rude remark. Nearly no payment (10 yuan/1 month). People who work here, suffer punishment 1-3 years averagely, but without Court Sentence (unlaw punishment). Many of them are Falun Gong practitioners, who are totally innocent people only because they have different believe to CCPG. They often suffer more punishment than others." Ten yuan is equivalent to $1.61. the NY Times article: Posted by trailmonkee | Thu Jun 13, 2013, 08:10 PM (13 replies) By Stacie Borrello, Mon, June 10, 2013 Americans hate terrorists and love our kids, right? So you might be shocked to know that preschoolers with guns have taken more lives so far this year than the single U.S. terrorist attack, which claimed four lives in Boston. This is admittedly tongue-in-cheek, but one has to wonder if the NSA’s PRISM program would have saved more lives had it been monitoring toddlers – or gun owners – rather than suspected terrorists. 11 Deaths in Five Months Where Shooter Was 3 to 6 Years Old Listed below are the 11 gun fatalities I found where a preschooler pulled the trigger (from Jan. 1 to June 9, 2013). Starting with a list of five toddler shooting deaths The Jewish Daily Forward published in early May, I unearthed six additional cases. This tragic, unthinkable event has happened every month, like clock-work. Jan. 10: 6-year-old playmate shoots and kills 4-year-old Trinity Ross, Kansas City, Kan. Feb. 11: 4-year-old Joshua Johnson shoots and kills himself, Memphis, Tenn. Feb. 24: 4-year-old Jaiden Pratt dies after shooting himself in the stomach while his father sleeps, Houston. March 30: 4-year-old Rahquel Carr shot and killed either by 6-year-old brother or another young playmate, Miami. April 6: Josephine Fanning, 48, shot and killed by 4-year-old boy at a barbecue, Wilson County, Tenn. April 8: 4-year-old shoots and kills 6-year-old friend Brandon Holt, Toms River, N.J. April 9: 3-year-old is killed after he finds a pink gun that he thinks is a toy, Greenville, S.C. April 30: 2-year-old Caroline Sparks killed by her 5-year-old brother with his Cricket “My First Rifle” marketed to kids, Cumberland County, Ky. May 1: 3-year-old Darrien Nez shoots himself in the face and dies after finding his grandmother’s gun, Yuma, Ariz. May 7: 3-year-old Jadarrius Speights fatally shoots himself with his uncle’s gun, Tampa, Fla. June 7: 4-year-old fatally shoots his father, Green Beret Justin Thomas, Prescott Valley, Ariz. At least 10 more toddlers have shot but not killed themselves or someone else this year (see here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here and here). In the first three cases, the shooter was only 2 years old. I also found nine instances where children and teens 7 to 19 years old accidentally killed themselves, a family member or friend since January (see here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here and here). Of course, most if not all of the above deaths and injuries can be attributed to careless adult gun owners. While this analysis focuses on children, another equally accurate headline could read: “U.S. Gun Culture Kills More Americans Than Terrorists Worldwide.” Posted by trailmonkee | Wed Jun 12, 2013, 10:54 AM (15 replies) even the contact lenses are Black and White! Posted by trailmonkee | Sat May 4, 2013, 04:54 PM (3 replies) Posted by trailmonkee | Thu Apr 25, 2013, 12:31 AM (5 replies) Go Don Lemon! Posted by trailmonkee | Thu Apr 25, 2013, 12:23 AM (1 replies) Source: CBS News BOSTON (CBS) – Nine years ago, Carlos Arredondo gained worldwide attention and sympathy, for being a grieving father who had a heartbreaking reaction to news that his son had been killed in the Iraq war. Now he lives in Boston, and has found himself in the middle of the marathon bombing story. He is being both praised and questioned at the same time. Arredondo running toward the blast and helping victims is one of the lasting images of the bombings. “I had to to stop the bleeding, so I grabbed this sweater,” said Arredondo. “I ripped it apart and wrapped to stop the bleeding on his limbs.” It was the reaction from the same man, who was once so broken by grief in 2004, that he set himself and a Marine Corps van on fire after hearing that his young son Alex had been killed in Iraq. Years later, his other son committed suicide. On Wednesday, two days after the marathon attack, his story took another twist. He says Boston Police and the FBI came to his Roslindale home and questioned him about the bombing. When they left, they took some items. “They took my clothes, my shoes my pants, my t-shirt, whatever they needed I provided to them,” Arredondo told WBZ-TV. Arredondo says the agents were just doing their job. “I’m 100 percent supportive,” he says. “It’s very important to support the investigation.” Read more: http://boston.cbslocal.com/2013/04/17/marathon-bombing-hero-questioned-by-fbi-police-at-boston-home/ Posted by trailmonkee | Wed Apr 17, 2013, 07:06 PM (32 replies) Roger Wicker joins GOP senators at dinner with Obama WASHINGTON — President Barack Obama hosted Republican senators at the White House Wednesday evening, with dinner conversation including the deficit, gun control and immigration. A White House official characterized their discussion over steak and sautéed vegetables as constructive and wide ranging, including all three of the pressing issues at the top of the president's agenda. Their dinner came on the same day that Obama unveiled a $3.8 trillion budget proposal and on the eve of a debate over gun legislation on the Senate floor. Georgia Sen. Johnny Isakson compiled the invitations to the White House's Old Family Dining Room, at Obama's request. Among those on the list were Sens. Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, Arkansas' John Boozman, Maine's Susan Collins, Idaho's Mike Crapo, Wyoming's Michael Enzi, Nebraska's Deb Fischer, Utah's Orrin Hatch, Kansas' Pat Roberts, Florida's Marco Rubio, South Dakota's John Thune and Mississippi's Roger Wicker. Roger Wicker votes to move forward with gun control measure The Senate voted to move forward on gun control Thursday, clearing the first of what is expected to be many 60-vote hurdles for the legislation. In a 68-31 vote, the Senate approved a procedural motion that will allow debate on the Democratic measure to begin. Sixty votes were required for approval. Sixteen Republicans voted in favor of the motion, while two Democrats — both from states President Obama lost in the 2012 election — voted against it. The two Democrats were Sens. Mark Begich (Alaska) and Mark Pryor (Ark.), both of whom face reelection next year. The 16 Republicans who voted to proceed were Sens. Lamar Alexander (Tenn.), Kelly Ayotte (N.H.), Richard Burr (N.C.), Saxby Chambliss (Ga.), Tom Coburn (Okla.), Susan Collins (Maine), Bob Corker (Tenn.), Jeff Flake (Ariz.), Lindsey Graham (S.C.), Dean Heller (Nev.), John Hoeven (N.D.), Johnny Isakson (Ga.), Mark Kirk (Ill.), John McCain (Ariz.), Pat Toomey (Pa.) and Roger Wicker (Miss.). Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) missed the vote. Envelope sent to Roger Wicker tests positive for ricin Federal officials discovered Tuesday a poison-laced letter sent to Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), uncovering the material at an off-site location where congressional mail has been screened since anthrax-laced letters were sent to Capitol Hill in 2001. Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) and other senators exiting an FBI briefing on the Boston attacks, told reporters that the letter was tested at the facility and came up positive for ricin. Officials gave no indication why the letter was sent to Wicker, a low-profile senator in his second term. Posted by trailmonkee | Tue Apr 16, 2013, 10:53 PM (8 replies)

RURAL BRYANT, SD, PRESENTS: the Golal, the Great Stone, Rolled Away A Play About the Cross, and How Mary the Mother of Jesus and Several Others First Saw the Light, In One Act, for Children and Youth, by Ronald Ginther, Prudentius Maxentius (a Roman Centurion from the detachment assigned to the crucifixions of Jesus and two robbers) Tirzah (known anonymously in the Bible as the "Woman at the Well," a Samaritan believer in the Messiah Jesus) Mary Magdalene (Galilean follower of Jesus he delivered from seven devils) Zenia (young chatty niece of Tirzah's) Claudia Procula (aristocratic Roman wife of Judean Procurator, Pontius Pilate) Old Widow (the one Jesus commended as giving above a rich man when she gave two leptons, or two "mites," worth far less than a cent, but all she had as her living) Young Woman (name unknown, the woman caught in adultery, who was saved by Jesus from being stoned to death) A Beggar with some raggedy Poor People of Jerusalem including unwed young mothers and small children Simon, also called Niger of Cyrene in Africa (a tribal convert to Judaism, a "God-fearer" making pilgrimage with his family to Jerusalem for the Passover on the Sabbath) NARRATOR: "The sky darkens over the Crucifixion site on Golgotha, the Hill of a Skull, located just outside the great, towering walls of Jerusalem. "It is the Sabbath, the day after the Crucifixions of Jesus and the two robbers on Friday. It has been a double observance day of both the Passover and the Sabbath. Gasping, Tirzah and her niece reach the cross and, supporting each other with their arms, stand there gazing up at it with horror. Something was dreadfully wrong." ZENIA: "Alas, dear Aunt, the Lord Messiah is taken away, but at least for the moment it's safe here and we can rest, there are no Roman soldiers or, worse, Jewish temple police around to molest us or drive us away. I see other people are coming up the path too, but I don't see any men, just women like us, so we have nothing to fear from them, whoever they are. Oh, Auntie, what does that sign at the top say, I wonder?" Tirzah shakes her head slowly, her eyes closed. She is beyond small talk just now. And neither Tirzah nor her niece can read inscriptions, for women commonly were not taught letters or schooled. TIRZAH:(recovering a bit from her dark despair) "But why did they leave this one stake and crossbeam, and just take the other two? Didn't we hear from travelers on the way that three were to be crucified here together. Was THIS perchance our Messiah's?" Mary, mother of Jesus, who has just now gained the top of the stony heights,, leans heavily on her staff. She is an older woman now, evidently enduring much suffering, with dark rings under her eyes. She shook her head. She doesn't seem to know or care that the other women there are Samaritans. She even speaks to them, something no pious Jews would normally do, though both peoples knew and spoke a common language of Aramaic hating to use or hear each others Hebrew, one pure, the other full of foreign words. MARY: "Good, there are women here, so I won't be alone. I perceive by your manner of dress you are strangers visiting our land. Welcome! Have you come here to view my son's Cross? You might know of him, Jesus who is commonly called the Nazarene, for we come from Nazareth in Galilee." The two Samaritans recoil, and are struck speechless. But Mary pays no mind to their drawing back from her and continues. MARY: "When I first heard the report His cross remained here alone, my people prevented me, saying I would die if I went out, or be arrested by the Romans as a disciple of the malefactor, and suffer all the more. But, my daughters, I couldn't lie there abed for hours and do nothing. I just had to get away from Salome and John's house. I had to come see for myself, even though I have broken the Sabbath law to do it! Yes, this is his cross, it is the very one he hung upon yesterday when we--" Tirzah pulled away from Zenia's grasp, and darted at Mary with consternation, wanting to make the matter sure. TIRZAH: "Could YOU really be his mother, the woman called Mary? How could you be her? How could you give him birth, suckling him at your breasts, and then return to this ghastly thing that slew him? It is... it's too horrible! The blood, HIS very blood everywhere on the cross and on the ground!" Her horror was so great, she drew back from the ugly dark stains on the ground as if she saw serpents coiled there. At the same time she stuffs a part of her head shawl over her nose, overcome by the stench of death that covers Golgotha. Mary's face looks stricken. She gazes first at Tirzah and then at Zenia, and lastly back at the cross. "Oh, it is not loathsome and ugly to ME, it is beautiful, so beautiful! Don't you see its beauty, my daughters? Don't you smell the sweetness of its perfumes with the aloes, myrrh and frankincense" Mary draws slowly toward it, step by step, her hands out. Tirzah and Zenia stare at her with something like shock and repulsion. Now a woman with a beautiful gold veil, attended by a maid, carefully approaches the cross and the people gathered there. Of all people, she has least reason or qualms about breaking the Sabbath law against travel and has come all the way from a palace across the City to reach Golgotha. NARRATOR: "Who is this latest newcomer? She is Claudia Procula, a Roman woman of noble birth, married to an ambitious Pontius Pilate. She has come on foot, having left her sedan chair and all but one attendant at the base of the hill. She hasn't slept but a few fitful hours since the crucifixion, but she recognizes Mary at once, having been given a full report on her by her spies. She takes several mincing, careful steps toward Mary, trying to avoid the worst of the blood stains. PROCULA: "No, don't touch it, dear mother, don't!" Mary seems not to hear her cries. Her eager hands reach the filthy, blood, spittle and gore-spattered cross, and she enfolds it with her arms, putting her cheek against it as if in an embrace of her son and Lord. Tirzah rouses herself. Mary's embrace of the cross somehow sets her free of her own unbearable grief. She remembers the rare spikenard perfume she has brought all the way in case it was needed. Drawing the vial out of her robes, she goes and pours the costly ointment, anointing the cross, since she dare not hope she will ever locate the Lord's body, much less be allowed to see it once buried or entombed. Immediately, the cross and its environs is enveloped in the wonderful scent. TIRZAH: "But where are the soldiers? Why haven't they returned? They mind no Sabbath of the Jews surely! Why did they leave this one cross and not retrieve it today if not yesterday? Have they gone mad? I never heard of Romans acting this way before. It makes no sense. Nothing does! All I know is Jesus is dead, dead! Our great Messiah is dead!" Procula draws her veil away from her face and smiles at this outburst. She goes and speaks confidentially aside to Tirzah. PROCULA: "Oh, but you must know how superstitious they are, my dear. These crude, uneducated men from the lower classes fear and abhor bloodguiltiness, and believe that merely touching the blood of an innocent man slain unjustly will unleash a deadly curse of the gods upon them! So they gladly took away the robbers and their crosses, who were criminals and riff raff, to save the valuable wood from Jews who they say will steal it, but not one man of them dares so far to touch this cross for the present. Everyone saw the events on Friday and the auspicious quake and storm that attended its end. To free himself of any taint of bloodguilt, did not even the Procurator dares curse his hands with an innocent man's blood! Did he not publicly wash his hands in a basin before the eyes of all the people and their leaders? Yes, indeed, we all know his orders were to take it away for safekeeping in the Antonia's vaults, but soldiers are still men, and fear the wrath of heaven more than the sword. So I think they are delaying as long as they can--perhaps till after the Jews' Sabbath. You understand this, don't you, dear?" Tirzah is still bewildered after Procula's explanation, draws away from Procula while staring at the woman's face and costly ear and neck ornaments. TIRZAH: "What did you say? Who are you? How do you know so much about them and their commander? You are saying those terrible men believed Jesus was innocent of all crime, just as we believe? That was why they took the robbers' crosses away, but not the Lord's! Then if that is so, why, in the first place, did they hang him here and kill him? How could they dare to commit this great crime against God's Messiah?" PROCULA: "Who am I? I needn't tell you my name, Madam! I haven't asked yours, have I? It is safer or more discreet for us both if we remain strangers in this terrible place. You have uttered reckless accusations against the Procurator, which I dare not repeat. But I will say this. I daresay not all people, but some did believe in Him, we have to think. I myself was so inclined. For I have dreamed much of him of late and beheld this Man as a God, even the Son of God, while being warned of harming him by a great voice from heaven, so I feel strongly he was what He claimed. For when he died about the third hour yesterday, it grew very dark of a sudden, with a fearsome storm in the heavens, and the whole earth shook. All, including the soldiers, were terrified by those omens, and many fled away at once." Procula paused, peered more closely at the cross, then shrank back a few paces as if the horror of it, even with the spikenard perfume, was too much to bear up close. PROCULA: "And where I reside, the whole building shook as if it would collapse upon me and my servants! I'll never forget it! Never! It was as if the world was ending! Everything seemed turned upside down! Everything!" Procula's voice now turned heated, troubled, even scornful in tone. PROCULA: "But all this happened, all this calamity and woe, because His Excellency, Pontius Pilatus, did what he never should have done--he sentenced that righteous Man to death, all because he was afraid the Jews would accuse him to the Emperor By the gods, what a mistake! Even Herod Antipas declared this Man innocent! The Jewish authorities, all from envy, pressed for the Man's death, citing crimes that were no crimes. They charged he said he would tear downs he temple and in three days raise it again! Absurd, and so what if he said such a thing, which I doubt very much? But it is done! We have lost this greatest and best of men! Now we will just have to make the best of the loss however we can. I am so sorry, sorry for all of us!" Procula looked over to Mary, as if she wanted to go to her and comfort her, but she did not go. Tirzah also glanced toward the mother, who was still embracing the awful cross, her lips moving as if in prayer or grieving. TIRZAH: (suddenly suspicious) "Ha, are you a secret follower of his then? Is that what you are saying? So don't tell us who you are! Keep your pity for yourself, if you please! And by all means keep your name and reputation unstained from the filth and the folly and the crimes of this place! Well, I don't care what people think of ME anymore! My name is Tirzah, Tirzah of the Samaritan people, a dweller in Sychar, residing with my niece in the house beside the gate nearest the well of Father Jacob--if you don't mind an uncouth Samaritan addressing the likes of you, fine lady!" Her fury and contempt voiced, Tirzah wheeled away to look at the others, her face full of utter sorrow. TIRZAH: "But tell me where on earth now can we go now? For He had the words of life, and they were living water to my soul!" Overhearing this exchange are some other folk lately come up the hill, people of the lowest, most despised levels of society, who ordinarily observe little or nothing of the Jewish laws regarding the Sabbath. They are three, a Widow, a former Leper, and a Young Woman, a former condemned adulteress. Seeing the single cross, they don't question if it is Jesus's or not, they clasp their hands together, one by one crying out as they stagger toward it and fall upon the rocky ground. The widow is an old woman, stooped enough to use a bent stick for support, and her voice is shrill. WIDOW: "He was my greatest Friend! Where can I go, who will help me now with words of cheer and comfort? He was my bread from heaven! I feasted on his words and did not starve and die as everyone supposed I would, having nothing after I gave my last money as tithe to the Temple Treasury. Where can I go now? Who will help, defend, and strengthen me?" YOUNG WOMAN, formerly a condemned adulteress: "He stopped the people and the authorities of the Temple from stoning me! He saved my life, he saved my soul, and forgave me, and wiped away my shame and my tears! Who will help me now? Where can I go?" "Where can we go?" chorused the two women, one young, the other very old. "Where? Who will be our Savior? our Friend? our Helper? our Defender?" The man who was healed of leprosy cried out even louder. HEALED LEPER: "He healed me and my friends! I was cast out unclean by all the people, and my family shut its door to me, and there was no hope left for me but to starve and perish of my sickness. I was one of ten, who were from our village and were forced out to starve and hide in the Vale of Hinnon and under the bridges. But now I am back with my family, clean of the disease, and Jesus healed me! Nobody at the temple would go near me or pray for me to be healed. They had also cast me out, so I could not worship in the temple and beg God for healing. But Jesus came to me and laid his hand on me and healed me! He alone did not fear my disease! He made me clean, clean! Now where can I go? Who will be my Lord now? Whom can I follow that is like him? I would seek out his disciples if I knew where they dwell." There is much moaning and crying. Tirzah is still uncomprehending, and bewildered and questioning, but she gains enough command over her grief somehow to speak, and her voice prevails over the weeping, and they pause to listen to her. She addresses the former Leper, but everyone is listening after what she said to the well-dressed, rich lady. TIRZAH: "Oh, his disciples too are no good at all, if you think they might be of any use to you! I heard they have gone into hiding, and it must be so, because they are none of them in sight. But whether they believed or not, Romans still crucified him, and his body lies in a tomb or grave somewhere, and his blood...his blood is shed on this very ground on which we stand!--holy blood they shed unjustly. May God have mercy on their souls for this evil deed! Killing an innocent man, who loved us all dearly and did us many kind deeds, and never did any of us any harm! What can ever repair this crime or make it right? Nothing! We are all lost, Roman and Jew and Samaritan together!" Procula, seeing her own effort to comfort the women was of no avail and nobody will listen to her consoling words, and still not wishing to reveal her identity, draws a veil over her face, and lifting her robe's purple and gold hem away from the ground, with her maid disappears down the path. Tirzah and Zenia sink down, drawing their robes around them against the cold creeping up over the hill. Some more Poor of the City have now come up, joining the others, as if to keep a vigil with them. They too are living beyond the Jewish laws, impoverished outcasts of society, and don't observe even the Passover, much less the Sabbath. Some young women in the group, whose husbands had left them, even have small children along. BEGGAR: "Good women, do not fear us. We will do you no harm. O blessed Daughters of Zion, we have come to mourn and bewail with you the death of this good, just man! For we all loved him! Did he not heal me of the shaking in my arms and legs, so that I could stand and walk upright like a man again?" All the woman stare at the beggar and his group, and say nothing. But the beggar is not put off, and he tries again. BEGGAR: "Is it true this is His cross, the doleful fate of the holy One who lately rode into Jerusalem through the Gate of Benjamin on a donkey's foal. Wasn't He the Blessed One we hailed with palm branches and singing, crying 'Hosanna to the King of the Jews!'? How then can he be crucified and dead as people tell us he is? Please tell us what happened!" Mary gazes at the speaker kindly but appears near to collapse. Her voice trembles. MARY: "Yes, this is the cross where he died. But why come here now after He is dead and lies yonder in a tomb? There is only this cross left behind he was hanged on. But he is not here, his body is laid in the tomb of the rich man from Arimathea. Go there, if you will, but beware, Children, it is guarded by fierce soldiers Pilate assigned to the chief priests of the Temple, who will beat you severely if you bother them." The Beggar shakes his head and doesn't know who she is yet, though he is calmed by the kindness in her voice. He too cannot read in any language, so the inscribed Roman tabula atop the cross is of no use to him. BEGGAR: "Why do we come here now, O Daughter of Zion? Why are you here, all you Good Women? We heard certain things from others who were here when he died yesterday before the Sabbath, that he was acclaimed the King of the Jews on a sign the Roman ordered inscribed. Is that the sign up there? No one else dares tell us anything, fearing the Temple authorities and the Romans, so we came here supposing we might learn something. And here we find you!" NARRATOR: "Before either Mary or Zenia or Tirzah can answer, an armored figure of a man climbs up and gains the top of the hill. Now everyone, except Mary at the cross, draw back in mortal dread. By his uniform and armor, it truly is a Roman, an officer of the guard. Surely, he will punish them all severely. He will accuse them of attempting to steal the cross! But their fears are mistaken. The Centurion hasn't come to arrest this ragtag group, so his eyes are not on them but the cross itself. But he can't look at the cross very long. He stares first at one woman and then the next, finally fixing his gaze on Mary the mother of Jesus, whom he does not seem to know or recognize, for he addresses her as any Jewish matron. PRUDENTIUS: "Jewess, yes, you there! Why do you embrace that foul stake? It is covered with blood still, you are ruining your robes! If you are a decent Jewess, and so I perceive you to be, then according to your Sabbath law you are defiling yourself! Have you no regard for your own religion's laws? And mind, I know if the chief priests and scribes catch you all here, they will order their guards to beat you for breaking their Sabbath." Mary hears him, and starts. But as she replies her words seemed to be dragged out of her, as she addresses him with eyes nearly closed. MARY: "You are mistaken, sire, this is my son's blood, and the blood of my Lord and God! So I cannot be defiled in the eye of God! And I do not fear their beating me. I could not stay at home and so have come back!" Prudentius hears mention of the name of the God of Israel on the lips of the grieving mother of Jesus, and he is greatly shamed somehow. That he has made first acquaintance with the mother of Jesus is also more than he expected. PRUDENTIUS: "Forgive me, I did not know it was you, his mother! They claimed he broke your laws and was a criminal, employing false witnesses and lies. But truly, as I said after he was perceived dead, I say now to you: He was a righteous man, even the very Son of God, and so...and so I shed the blood of an innocent, righteous Man!" The Beggar, hearing this, claps both his hands on his head, staring at the centurion. Prudentius seems to feel the full weight of his own words when he spoke of Jesus as innocent and righteous. He stares at his own hands with horror as if they had blood on them, for he has slain many men in battle and never felt any qualms whatsoever before, he was only doing his duty. But his now shaking hands have touched Jesus' blood, and the blood of Jesus is another matter entirely different to deal with. With a cry he steps away, staring still upwards at the cross, beating his breasts, and rocking back and forth as pious, praying Jews do, in his great distress, as if he is imploring the God of Israel to forgive him. Then he turns and hurries back down the hill. NARRATOR: "The hours pass as the women huddle together, and the Poor, beyond them, huddle in their group. Misery loves company, but it is none the less uncomfortable to be so miserable and hopeless at the same time. The little children are now whimpering due to hunger and the cold." The POOR OF THE CITY: "Has Sabbath passed?" "Yi yi yi, it's so bitter cold up here! All my bones ache so much I could scream!" "What day is it? Has the new day come yet? Let's go from this evil place before the soldiers come and catch us!" Someone else among the poor people replies to them both, "Oh, hush, you and you! Let us wretches and offscourings of the earth rest a while more before we all go back to our holes in the City!" NARRATOR: "Someone runs up toward them, and Tirzah and Zenia clutch each other hard and shrink away. The poor people all spring up together as if to run away, but the runner reaches them before they can escape. Whoever the intruder is soon made known. She throws back the head shawl, and it is Mary Magdalene, the once notorious woman out of whom the Nazarene cast seven devils. The women gasp." Mary Magdalene addresses Mary, mother of Jesus, first. MARY MAGDALENE: "Oh, dearest! How could you do this? You shouldn't have come here! You're not well, and you should be in bed! You'll die out here. Come, you must not stay a moment more! I thought you might be here, after you left Salome and John's house! Other than the tomb, or to seek out Pilate to grant you his body for taking back to Nazareth, it was the only place I knew you might go!" Mary Magdalene turns to the others, after throwing her arms around Mary and drawing her gently away, with Jesus's mother making no protest. She throws back her head shawl and clearly has something important to say to the group. MARY MAGDALENE: "You all, wake up and hear my words! God's mercy on me! Why do you look at me so strangely? What do you think you see? A ghost from among the ancient tombs? It is only I, Mary of Magdala, a follower of the Master! Don't fear! I've got news for you, dear mother, and you all!--" As Mary Magdalene continues, her mouth moving soundlessly and her hands gesturing, the Narrator speaks for her. NARRATOR: "Mary Magdalene is beside herself, but she speaks rapidly, almost breathlessly, as if she were reliving every word. She is even acting it out with expressions and gestures, it is so alive to her mind since she has experienced it all a short time before." NARRATOR, OR ACTRESS PLAYING MARY MAGDALENE: "I've just come from the disciples in hiding in the city after telling them this," she says. "I and the women with me saw the great stone, its chief priestly-marked seals broken, rolled away and the tomb empty. There were some soldiers, but they sat or lay on the ground, doing and saying nothing! I ran to tell the disciples. I told them 'They have taken away the Lord from the tomb, and I don't know where they have laid him.' Peter and John ran to see what had happened, and I followed. All the soldiers were gone, so no one prevented us. I saw John stop in the open door, but Peter went in. John's face was changed, but Peter's was bewildered, and both soon left and ran back toward the others. Left there like that, what was I, a woman, to do? I was weeping by the tomb door when two young men I hadn't seen there before appeared and said to me in my native tongue, 'Woman, why are you weeping?' I said, 'Because they have taken away my Lord, and I do not know where they have laid him.' I turned around, for I felt someone else had come. I supposed he was the gardener, when he too asked me why I was weeping. He said to me, "Mary!" Then I knew! I cried, "Rabboni!" I fell at his feet, which still bore the marks of the nail. And I touched his scarred feet all over, and saw the very hole the nail piercing them had made, kissing it and wetting his feet with my tears, for he was alive! Alive! Then he said to me, "Do not cling to me, for I have not yet ascended to my Father and your Father, and to My God and your God." It was so hard to leave him! I just couldn't! But I obeyed the Master, my Lord and my God. I went as he commanded me, back to the disciples, and though I could hardly speak a word without tears and coughing and losing my breath, I told them all what he said to me, and still they did not believe, and would not believe a woman's word..." As Mary Magdalene concludes her news, with the Narrator possibly speaking for her this long speech, she begins pointing in the direction of the tomb, still making an appeal while the Narrator continues. NARRATOR: "Most all still stare at her as if she has gone stark raving mad and there is much shaking of heads. A few believed her, though it was a woman's testimony, you can tell by both bewildered and joyful faces, when she said that the tomb is indeed empty, the guards all run away." Mary Magdalene makes one last appeal as she points toward the empty tomb. Without waiting any more, the people all hurry off in the direction she pointed, yelling and shouting and several rejoicing. Slowly, Mary Magdalene, her arm around her Mary, helps Jesus' mother each step of the way down the steep path." Mother Mary takes a few steps, then abruptly halts, holding Mary Magdalene back. NARRATOR: "Mary gazes off toward the tomb, while Mary Magdalene stares at her with surprise. Mary's eyes and face are lighting up, shining expectantly. Then she starts off toward the tomb, Mary Magdalene holding her by the arm. While the women are descending, a Passover pilgrim has climbed the hill and passed them on the path. He is Simon, also known as Niger of Cyrene. He has taken a Jewish name, "Simon," after becoming a "God-fearer," a Gentile African observant of Jewish law. He looks furtively around the vacant scene and fixes his eyes on the cross. He knows a number of languages, being a dealer in draught animals in an important port city ,and he reads the sign. He falls to his knees. He stretches his hands out over his bent head, as if pleading for something. Then after a moment or two, raising his head he rises unsteadily to his feet and goes to the cross. He takes a knife and cuts off a blood-stained sliver, which he slips quickly in a leather bag and ties round his neck by a small strap, pressing it to close his heart with one hand. Then he turns and hurries off down the path. Where I first saw the light And the burden of my heart rolled away. It was there by faith I received my sight, And now I am happy all the day... And now I am happy all the day." The Sabbath and Passover observances are winding down as the light wanes. A single cross, which could be seen for a long distance, stood atop the hill. Two foreign women, Samaritans from out of Judea have left their donkeys tethered at the base of the hill where there is a little grass for forage, and after hiring a poor shepherd boy to guard them along with his few wretched sheep, they now approach the cross after a hard climb up the stony path of the hill. Despite the ban on travel or work of any ordinary kind except for the Temple festival observances, behind them struggle several other people climbing the hill. Tirzah and Zenia missed the crucifixions, having heard too late to make the long journey on foot to Golgotha in time. Located near Sychar's Jerusalem gate, they were well situated to gain the first news arriving there, and so had heard alarming reports of trials and floggings suffered by Jesus the Messiah, which boded ill for him. Were the Jewish authorities conspiring to sentence him to death? Taking a few things, the women departed immediately for Jerusalem on two donkeys. Even that statement is a gross understatement! Few could argue sensibly that it has never been fully explained, even with thousands of books written by the greatest theologians extant, and thousands more to come, both written by theological experts and Biblical luminaries beyond my ability to mention them all. The Gospels are preeminent, of course, in the revelation of the Cross's significance and meaning for every single individual and all of mankind, past, present, and future. This object stands, therefore, at the very crossroads of humanity, and from its time it took a course it could deviate from but which it could never again totally ignore. What did the Cross work of Christ accomplish? Many things, and to start with the most overlooked today: The Cross essentially created Western Civilization and all its freedoms and even its prosperity. The Cross liberated mankind and continues to liberate sin-and-man-oppressed people, and such were and are the black people of Africa, in that continent or enslaved in their dispersion in Moslem-dominated lands today. One character in this play is Simon, who is also called Niger, for he is of the black tribal peoples of Africa, who was forced by Roman guards to carry the Cross of Christ and help Jesus too make it to the site of the crucifixion, Golgotha, after he collapsed in the street. To do that feat, Simon of Cyrene had to be mighty in strength to bear both burdens, and possibly he was given supernatural strength by Christ beside him, though Christ took none for himself. The Cross turned the Jewish race Messiahward like no prophet in their religious history had ever accomplished. The Cross will save the Jewish remnant at the end of human history, in fact, as Revelation portrays so well it need not be repeated here. The cross is where Jesus won salvation for each and every sin-doomed human soul, paying the full penalty we owed for our individual sins. For these and other reasons, the Cross Play is recommended to one and all as a humble attempt to shed a little light on its overwhelming magnitude and and transforming effect it had in the lives of Jewish individuals such as you find in the Bible and portrayed in this play.--Author So, children, I know what memories God has given you at your young ages far exceeds what I have now to work with! Then, ask your parents to explain difficult words or sentences. They can do that for you, or you may even cut down the parts if you will keep the meaning intended. For the 2017 play rehearsal, we must start well in advance to get our parts chosen and the speaking parts memorized. We cannot wait until the reunion to do that. Then when we gather, we can work on the action, learning how we are to act out the various parts. We can decide to perform it after rehearsal, or we can even reserve the major performance for the 2018 Centennial of the Farm when many people will be present. Lastly, if I didn't believe that children and young people can do great and even awesome things, to glorify God, with their talents, this would not have been written.--Author Copyright © 2016, Butterfly Productions, All Rights Reserved

The Two State Solution, the Churches and Bible Prophecy The Coming Christian Crusade December 12, 2008 - Audio, 11.75 MIN (Links at bottom of page to download free viewers.) The two state solution is presented as the solution to the mid-east conflict. The plan consists of taking the current nation of Israel and dividing it into two states. One for Israel and one for the Palestinian Arabs. The Arab state would exist in the Gaza strip and the central highlands of Israel - what is know as the West Bank or Judea and Samaria. Jerusalem would be a shared capital city for both states, of course divided. The Catholic Church would like to give an international status to the city governed by a UN body. In this way the Vatican would virtually rule Jerusalem due to the large number of Catholic countries in the world. It is said if the two state solution is imposed it will lead to tranquility in the Middle East and as a consequence peace in the whole world. The two state solution is marketed upon the premise that the Middle East problem could be solved by satisfying the national aspirations of the Palestinian Arabs with a state. Somehow it has been forgotten that the land under the British Mandate has already been divided between Jordan - which is largely Palestinian Arab - and Israel. This also supposes that the middle east conflict is a fight for land and not a war of ideology. The question has been raised however, that if the middle east conflict is all about the national aspirations of the Palestinian Arabs why are Jews being targeted in places like Mumbai? Yes many foreigners were murdered at Mumbai, but try and find Jews in India. Try and find a Chabad house, such as the one where the Rabbi and his wife were killed - it’s like searching for a needle in a hay stack. What does a Rabbi and his wife in Mumbai have to do with a Palestinian Arab state? It is worth watching a short video put out by the Group of 18 that forcefully raises this question. http://www.the18.org/video.html The answer given, is that the Middle East conflict is not about territory but about murdering Jews. In actuality the Middle East conflict is war between two opposed ideologies. On the one hand there is the Vatican viewpoint, expressed in the official Vatican paper Osservatore Romano, on May 14, 1948: “Modern Zionism is not the true heir of Biblical Israel, but a secular state ... Therefore the Holy Land and its sacred sites belong to Christianity, the True Israel.” Incidentally this argument may seem plausible while Israel is a secular state, but it falls flat as we see Israel becoming more religious. This presents a problem for the Vatican’s theology. Not just a small problem, but a ominous threat to their claim to being the “True Israel”. Then, there is the other diametrically opposed view point as expressed by Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Ha’Cohen Kook: “When the flag of the State of Israel was raised, all of the Vatican’s doctrines of the outcast, miserable Jews collapsed. We returned to our land, and it became clear that the Eternal One of Israel will not lie.” The late “Arthur Hertzberg” in his book “The Fate of Zionism” clearly defines this conflict of ideas. He writes: “It is even more important within the Jewish community that modern Zionism not be identified as the heir and continuation of the messianic element in classic Jewish religion. If the Zionist endeavor is ever dominated by the notion that Jews have come back to Palestine as a giant step toward the coming of the messiah, there can be no peace within the Jewish camp.” It is clear that the problem is with the return of the Jews to the land of Israel as a fulfillment of Bible Prophecy. A process which is leading to the redemption and the establishment of the Kingdom of God and the coming of Messiah. It demonstrates that God is not finished with the Jewish people, but must have a purpose with them to bring them back to His land. This goes against the grain of replacement theology. This means the Catholic Church is not the Kingdom of God. It means that the Jews have been brought back to the land of Israel by the hand of the Almighty - who are we then to say they can’t live in Hebron, Bethel, Shiloh and Jerusalem? Not only this but it proves the Bible True. The Vatican and many other Churches are fully aware of these facts, to them it is like smoke in the eyes. They will do anything to stop this. Today, December 12th, the Associated Press reports under the headline: “National Council of Churches denounces Christian Zionism”, that: “The National Council of Churches has released a pamphlet denouncing Christian Zionism, which treats modern Israel as a fulfillment of Biblical prophecy. “The council calls Christian Zionism "a dangerous movement that distorts the teachings of the Church, fosters fear and hatred of Muslims and non-Western Christians, and has negative consequences for Middle East Peace." “Christian Zionists, including many American evangelicals, are among Israel's strongest supporters. “But the church council says they misinterpret Scripture to support "destructive directions in U.S. foreign policy with regard to the Middle East." Again the problem is treating modern day Israel as a fulfillment of Biblical prophecy. The Church cannot tolerate the conclusions of this fact. The Muslim world has joined with the Christian world in fighting this ideology. In 1922 Chaim Weizmann wrote: “If the mandate does not go through this time, it never will. The Catholics have been chiefly responsible for uniting the Muslims and the Christians against us, because what the Vatican really wishes to have is something which amounts to power in Palestine, and it has been using various Catholic members of the League, such as Spain, Brazil, Italy, Belgium and France, in order to achieve its object, and this is really the inner meaning of its attacks against us.” There is a situation developing in the world where there will be tremendous pressure upon Israel to accept the presence of a Palestinian state within its borders. President Elect of the United States, Barack Obama’s middle east policy is beginning to take shape and by all indicators it seems as if he plans to make the ‘peace process’ a priority. The ‘peace process’ has become a proxy term for the ‘two state solution’. The ‘peace process’ is the path for imposing the ‘two state solution’. Tony Blair, who quickly converted to Catholicism after his exist from Downing Street has been made the EU envoy to the Middle East, he is driving for the ‘two state solution’. The drive for the two state solution looks as if it will be impossible to stop today. The ‘two state solution’ with the return of Palestinian refugees is the definite end of the Jewish State. Even a ‘two state solution’ without the return of Arab refugees would most likely spell the end of a Jewish State. More importantly it would provide an argument that the Vatican lost in 1967. The argument that Israel wasn’t the true heir to Biblical Israel because they didn’t have the old city of Jerusalem, and the Biblical towns such as Hebron. This is the question at the heart of the fiasco in Hebron last week. Should Jews be able to buy homes in Judea and Samaria? The world says no. These areas should be Jew free, or as the Germans would say, Juden-rein. The two state solution means expelling ten thousands of Jews from their homes in Judea and Samaria. The two state solution does not fit with Bible Prophecy. In Joel 3 the prophet says: “For, behold, in those days, and in that time, when I shall bring again the captivity of Judah and Jerusalem...” Judah and Jerusalem. This is the West Bank, the territory they want for another Arab state. The prophet continues: “I will also gather all nations, and will bring them down into the valley of Jehoshaphat, and will plead with them there for my people and for my heritage Israel, whom they have scattered among the nations, and parted my land.” The prophet Micah speaking of the same gathering of nations says: “Now also many nations are gathered against thee, that say, Let her be defiled, and let our eye look upon Zion.” (Micah 4:11) The nations are gathered against Zion to defile her. The idea is to take something that is Holy and mar it - make it filthy. This is exactly what the Vatican, leading the Christian Churches and the Muslim world wish to do to Zion. Defile it so they can say, “this is not the heir to Biblical Israel, but an impostor, we are the True Israel!” Defiling Zion is to destroy her claims to being God’s chosen nation. One way is to murder the Jews and expel them from the land that God has brought them back to. The gathering of the nations to defile Zion will be a holy war. It will be a Christian crusade against the Jewish development in the holy land. The prophet Joel continues in chapter 3 verse 9: “Proclaim ye this among the Gentiles; Prepare war, wake up the mighty men, let all the men of war draw near; let them come up.” The verb here for “prepare” is the imperative of the verb 'to be holy'. The idea is to sanctify war. The nations will sanctify war against Israel to defile it. We see the seeds of this all around us in the world and in the media - the seeds of Armageddon. Yahweh will not allow Israel to be defiled and by extension his name. The prophet Joel goes on to say Jerusalem will be holy in verses 16, 17: “The LORD also shall roar out of Zion, and utter his voice from Jerusalem; and the heavens and the earth shall shake: but the LORD will be the hope of his people, and the strength of the children of Israel. So shall ye know that I am the LORD your God dwelling in Zion, my holy mountain: then shall Jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass through her any more.” We pray God that these events will soon come to pass when all the things to do with Zion will be exalted and Yahweh’s name glorified. Thank-you for listening. This has been David Billington with you for the Bible in the News. God Bless and see you next week. Bible in the News provides a weekly analysis of world politics and events in the light of Bible prophecy — the Bible in the News!

"All Kinds of Strong" written by Sharon Reiss Baker, illustrated by me... Despite being small and frail, Sadie Rose is strong in other ways. She never forgets to check the chicken coops so the foxes can’t get in. She notices when the farm animals are sick. And she always has a new idea when it’s needed. Even so, her neighbors worry that she’s not strong enough for life on a farm. But when there’s a calamity and friends and family can no longer celebrate the Sabbath in their neighbor’s parlor, Sadie Rose comes up with an idea that proves that there are “all kinds of strong." Available on Amazon A PJ Library Selection FREE! All Kinds of Strong Kids' Activity Guide A 5 Star Book "This is a wonderful story about a physically challenged eight year old girl who helps her family, neighbors, and community. She shows that there are many ways to be a strong young girl. This book is a good introduction to the Jewish farming history of Eastern Connecticut. The illustrations are beautiful throughout. Children (and grandchildren) will enjoy this story when they are in their early years in elementary school. Highly recommended!"

The law, which was signed by President Vladimir Putin in June, bans "propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations" and had already seemed likely to spark protests until the end of the Feb. 7-23 Winter Games. The issue gained more momentum Wednesday as Moscow prepares to host International Olympic Committee leaders for meetings before the start of the athletics world championships on Saturday. Obama canceled a planned September meeting in the city with Putin in a diplomatic rebuke over Russia's harboring of NSA leaker Edward Snowden, having also said in a television interview hours earlier that he had "no patience" with countries that discriminate against gay people. "I think they (Putin and Russia) understand that for most of the countries that participate in the Olympics, we wouldn't tolerate gays and lesbians being treated differently," Obama said Tuesday to host Jay Leno on NBC's "The Tonight Show." Fry went further in an open letter to British Prime Minister David Cameron and IOC President Jacques Rogge, comparing Putin's "barbaric, fascist law" to persecution of Jewish people in Nazi Germany. "An absolute ban on the Russian Winter Olympics of 2014 in Sochi is simply essential," Fry wrote. "At all costs, Putin cannot be seen to have the approval of the civilized world." Fry's letter was delivered by All Out at Olympic headquarters in Lausanne along with a 320,000-name petition asking the IOC to denounce the law in Russia. After a one-hour meeting with All Out campaigner Guillaume Bonnet, IOC spokesman Mark Adams told The Associated Press that the Olympic body "cannot enter into political debate." "Our challenge is to change the world through sport and in sport, and that is what we are doing," Adams said. "We very much respect and welcome gay athletes to the games. We will ensure to the best of our ability that people can come and compete and spectate free of discrimination." Earlier this week, IOC board member Ser Miang Ng -- a presidential candidate to succeed Rogge next month -- suggested to reporters in London that Olympic officials were engaged in "quiet diplomacy" with the "highest authority" in Russia. All Out's Bonnet noted that Rogge will soon be in Moscow, where the IOC has a joint board meeting and news conference with the IAAF athletics governing body on Friday. "That is an amazing moment to take a strong stand and ensure the IOC is the guardian of Olympic principles," Bonnet told the AP. "The Olympics are an amazing opportunity to pressure Putin to remove the anti-gay law that is affecting all Russians' freedom of speech and legitimizing the anti-gay crackdown in Russia." Whether Russia is willing to compromise could become more apparent Thursday, when sports minister Vitaly Mutko is scheduled to share a news conference platform at a Moscow hotel with Lamine Diack, the IAAF president and longtime IOC member. Mutko raised concern last week among gay rights advocates with comments that the law would be enforced during the Sochi Games. It allows Russian authorities to impose fines for providing information about the gay community to minors or holding gay pride rallies. Foreign citizens -- potentially including athletes -- could be arrested, jailed for 15 days and then deported. Take ABC13 with you! Download our free apps for iPhone, iPad, and Android devices

Title: The Martyr Author: Liam O’Flaherty Genre: Depressing Historical Fiction Rating: 3 of 5 This fictionalized account of the capture of a small town in Ireland requires a basic understanding of the Irish Civil War. The edition that I read included a basic overview in the introduction, but my knowledge of Irish history was sketchy enough that I had to supplement from Wikipedia. This falls into the “War is stupid and depressing and twists people into something ugly” category of war fiction rather than the “honor, heroism, and glory!” variety. O’Flaherty examines the character, motivations, and ideologies of people on both sides of the brother-against-brother conflict. Characters range from a vengeful atheistic communist soldier of fortune to a pacifistic religious officer with a martyr complex (both on the same side) and every shade of zealotry, nationalism, and religiosity in between. There is as much conflict within most of the characters as there is between characters (pacifism vs. patriotism, vengeance vs. love, faith vs. fear, etc.) After a lot of angry disillusioned “ugliness and heartbreak of civil war and macho soldiers” stuff, the story devolves into an increasingly outrageous faith vs. atheism confrontation which ends with neither side in a particularly flattering light. I appreciated the book for a look at a part of history I hadn’t read about before and for some astute observations about the darker side of human nature, but it certainly wasn’t an enjoyable read. Title: Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil Author: Susan Neiman Pages: 386 (plus citations, indices, etc.) Rating: 3 of 5 I reject the romanticized “Lost Cause” interpretation of the American Civil War. A perusal of the Declaration of Causes of Seceding States, the “Cornerstone” Speech, and similar primary source documents makes it very clear that for the decision-makers in leadership the war was fought to preserve slavery (whether that is what individual soldiers felt they were fighting for or not). This book is driven by this understanding of the Civil War and the Confederacy coupled with a recognition of the shameful evil of slavery in America and its racist legacy (“Jim Crow,” etc.). The author, a Jewish American philosopher who currently lives in Germany, explores the difference between how Germany and the US have dealt with government propagated racism in their past history. No direct “more/less evil” or “more/fewer victims” comparison is made between Nazism and slavery. The comparison is in how these events are memorialized, acknowledged, defended, excused, atoned for, and/or (her favorite phrase) “worked off.” Personally, I have pondered this idea before and was interested to see a scholarly book on the topic. It ended up being a very different book than what I was hoping for. The book meanders through history, the author’s personal experiences (mostly living in Berlin & visiting racially charged locations and racial reconciliation groups in Mississippi), and her own philosophical/political thoughts. Much of it felt scattery and as if she were trying to talk through her ideas on paper and come to conclusions as she was writing. As she does this, she comes from a philosophical/political perspective somewhere to the left of Bernie Sanders, and tends to attribute the worst possible (usually racist) motives to those of other political persuasions. Overall, I did find much to appreciate and ponder in this book even though there are areas where I would strongly disagree with the author. I would love to see this same topic taken on by someone whose forte was history rather than philosophy. Title: Our Man in Charleston: Britain’s Secret Agent in the Civil War South Author: Christopher Dickey Genre: History (American Civil War) Rating: 4 of 5 This book provides a unique Brit’s-eye view of the American Civil War. Even though “Secret Agent” appears in the subtitle, don’t expect a convoluted spy yarn. This is the story of British consul Robert Bunch whose tireless activities mostly involved schmoozing politicians and sending his superiors reports on the society and goings-on in Charleston (and the South in general). Bunch’s disgust for slavery and the cruel, pompous hypocrisy of Charlestonians high society filled his reports as he kept his superiors abreast of the political developments up to and beyond South Carolina’s secession. With his Southern friends and acquaintances he hid his disdain well enough that none of them realized how much he abhorred their “peculiar institution” and how foolish he found the “fire eater” secessionists. According to the author, Bunch’s reports on slavery in the South and the possible revival of the African slave trade contributed heavily to Britain’s refusal to fully recognize the Confederacy (good man!). Besides offering Bunch’s point of view, the book gives a decent overview of the national political maneuvering before and during the war. This includes both the jockeying to preserve slavery that led to secession* and relations between Britain and both the USA and CSA. The political maneuverings involving Britain and the African slave trade were something with which I had only a passing acquaintance from previous study, so I found them particularly interesting. The one major weakness that I found with the book is that the author almost always paraphrases or summarizes Bunch’s reports rather than quoting them at any length. I’m not sure if there are any direct quotes that are longer than a sentence in the entire book, and precious few of even that length. Maybe it’s just me, but this seems a bit sparse and interpretive even for a popular level history book. Overall, I enjoyed the book and appreciated reading about the Civil War from a different perspective. * The “lost cause” narrative of the Civil War that portrays slavery as a red herring is unsustainable in light of primary source material (e.g. secession documents) even if you ignore Bunch’s eyewitness accounts Title: The Lost Indictment of Robert E. Lee: The Forgotten Case Against an American Icon Author: John Reeves Rating: 4 of 5 Future Release Date: 6/1/2018 (Thank you to the author and publisher for a free eARC through NetGalley…this does not affect the content of the review) In most of my school history books Robert E. Lee was presented as being practically the fourth member of the Trinity. Among many dedicated church-going people I know, it is a “known fact” that Lee was a godly man fighting for a noble lost cause (states rights, not slavery which he abhorred). John Reeves calls this narrative into question with his well-researched book. As the title suggests, the main focus is on the treason trials promised by President Andrew Johnson after the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Though he is clearly not very sympathetic to Lee, the author is fairly even-handed in his presentation of the facts; not cherry-picking just the ones that suit his purpose and admitting when contradictory reports (e.g. of Lee’s cruelty to the 197 slaves under his charge) render a point uncertain. The neutral examination of thoughts and attitudes in the North immediately following the war provides a helpful perspective that I had never read about before. I feel that the book suffers slightly from a lack of focus as it leaps between the attempted treason trials, reconstruction, the character of Robert E Lee (including his inconsistency/hypocrisy regarding slavery), and the revisionist “lost cause” narrative. I am unsure whether the main goal was to simply describe the events surrounding the attempted treason trials as accurately as possible or to discredit the Lee-as-godly-hero mythos. Nevertheless, it was an excellent read that I would highly recommend for those who want to read about a forgotten part of post-Civil war history and for anyone who wants a balance to the usual hagiographic Lee biographies. Title: The Myth of the Lost Cause: Why the South Fought the Civil War and Why the North Won Author: Edward H. Bonekemper III Rating: 4.5 of 5 In my high school American history book (published by Bob Jones University Press) the Civil War (always referred to as “The War Between the States”) was presented something like this: This conflict was about states’ rights flowing out of conflicting priorities in the industrial North and agricultural South. Slavery (a largely benevolent institution) had practically nothing to do with it and was a red herring brought into the narrative by the despotic, manipulative Abraham Lincoln to bolster Northern support for the unjust war. Robert E. Lee was one of the greatest generals of all time and one of the godliest men ever (second only to Stonewall Jackson in his piety) who led the South in a series of glorious victories. In the end these saintly men lost their noble cause only because Ulysses S. Grant (a profane, drunken butcher) had access to unlimited resources. I never found this narrative believable, so I was excited when I ran across this book. In it, Edward H. Bonekemper III declares this “myth of the lost cause” to be “revisionist history” and “a tangle of falsehoods.” He vigorously backs up this assertion with solid research and well-constructed (though occasionally repetitive) argumentation. His assertions that slavery was a brutal institution and that its preservation was indeed the primary cause of secession and the war are nearly indisputable given the primary source evidence he produces (e.g. the secession documents, the cornerstone speech, and similar primary sources from before and during the war). I would have liked to have seen him deal with the protectionist tariffs that my old history book went on about, but the evidence he did produce was damning enough without that. Some of his analysis regarding Lee’s weaknesses as a general, Grant’s tactical acumen, and the winnability of the war for the South may be a bit more open to interpretation, but I found most of it compelling. I have seldom read a book where Lee is spoken of with anything other than practically religious awe or Grant with anything better than a dismissive attitude, so this part of the book definitely enhanced my understanding of the Civil War. Overall: if you are at all interested in American Civil War history you need to read this book. Yes, the author has an axe to grind, but that does not change the value of his research in the pursuit of truth (even if you do not completely agree with the conclusions he draws from it).

Centre for the Study of Conflict School of History, Philosophy and Politics, Faculty of Humanities, University of Ulster [Background] [Staff] [Projects] [CENTRE PUBLICATIONS] [Other Information] [Contact Details] [Chronological Listing] [Alphabetical Listing] [Subject Listing] Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland by Valerie Morgan, Marie Smyth, Gillian Robinson and Grace Fraser Out of Print Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland by Valerie Morgan, Marie Smyth, Gillian Robinson and Grace Fraser Centre for the Study of Conflict The Centre for the Study of Conflict is a research centre based in the University of Ulster. Its main work is the promotion and encouragement of research on the community conflict and to this end it concentrates on practical issues to do with institutional and community structures and change. It publishes papers and books arising out of this work including: a series of research papers particularly designed to make available research data and reports; a series of Majority-Minority reports; and a series of occasional papers by distinguished academics in the field of conflict. The Centre is very pleased to publish this new report on Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland by Valerie Morgan, Marie Smyth, Gillian Robinson and Grace Fraser. The purpose of the research was to look closely at the whole range of past research findings on this subject and then to investigate the social and institutional context within which mixed (,or inter-faith) marriage exist and survive in Northern Ireland. In particular the problems and difficulties created for mixed couples with regard to religion, education and housing are examined and discussed in this report. The Centre has recently published a number of other reports on topics such as Sport and Community Relations, Peer Mediation in Primary Schools, the Role of the Police, Parades in Northern Ireland, the Quaker Peace Education Project and Ethnic Residential Segregation in Belfast. This report on Mixed marriages is one of three new reports to be published at this time, the other two being on 'Education for Mutual Understanding' and on 'Ethnic Residential Segregation in Northern Ireland'. A full list of the Centre's publications is printed at the back of this volume. As this report goes to press (February 1996) the Irish Republican Army (IRA) has just declared the ending of its eighteen-month cease-fire and has set off a bomb in London, killing two innocent people and wounding many more. The ceasefires called by the IRA and Protestant paramilitary groups in autumn 1994 had brought to an end a phase of violent conflict that had been going on in Northern Ireland for over twenty five years. For much of that time it provided one of the most visible and accessible models of inter-community, political violence in the world. As a result it attracted a considerable amount of international academic, governmental and media attention and one element of this attention has been that numerous aspects of the conflict have been examined by researchers. Many of the resulting studies, especially in recent years, have laid emphasis on the complexity of the conflict, the variety of levels at which it operates and the enmeshed nature of the different political, economic, social, religious and cultural strands. As a result, the impossibility of providing simple explanations and even less simple solutions has become increasingly apparent. One consequence is a growing awareness that even if further violence can be avoided, and formal political structures acceptable across the community can be negotiated, many years of effort will be needed to build cross community confidence and understanding. The concern of this report is with one aspect of life in Northern Ireland that highlights many of the complexities and long term difficulties of the conflict here: that is the experiences of couples in 'mixed marriages'. To readers from outside the province, it is necessary to clarify that in Northern Ireland the phrase 'mixed marriage' is used to describe a marriage between a Catholic and a Protestant. This immediately raises one of the first problems encountered in this research, that of terminology. In other contexts terms such as 'inter-faith', 'cross-community' or 'inter-racial' are used to describe marriages in which the partners are from different religious, cultural or linguistic backgrounds, and marriages between members or nominal members of different Christian denominations are frequently not regarded as warranting a special description. But in Northern Ireland the term 'mixed-marriage' is normally used to describe a marriage between a Protestant and a Catholic1. On the other hand people in Northern Ireland who are actually partners in such marriages often find the 'mixed marriage' label unacceptable. However, there is no consensus amongst them on a preferred term; 'inter faith' is favoured by some ( Northern Ireland Mixed Marriages Association, n.d.) but rejected by others who do not wish to be identified in religious terms. Similarly the designation 'cross community' produces both favourable and unfavourable responses (Robinson, 1992). In this report the term 'mixed marriage' will be used simply because it is the one most familiar in the Northern Irish context and the one which the majority of those interviewed in the course of the study used throughout their discussions and descriptions. Any attempt to examine the incidence and consequences of 'mixed marriage' in Northern Ireland illustrates how complex the question is, The intensity of the emotions which a marriage between a Protestant and a Catholic can evoke, and the scale of the ramifications which can affect the couple, their families and many religious, social and political groups and organisations, encapsulates the cross-currents and contradictions in the Northern Irish situation. Of course marriage across cultural, religious or racial boundaries is not a phenomenon unique to Northern Ireland, and indeed the extent of the division between the partners may seem less than that encountered in many other contexts such as Christian - Jewish or Islamic - Christian marriages, or inter-racial/inter-ethnic marriages in countries such as the United States. Arising from analysis of such marriages across the world there is a considerable intemational literature which examines inter-faith and cross-cultural marriage in a variety of contexts (Barbara, 1989; Donnan, 1990; Tillion, 1977; Larson and Munro, 1990). This literature looks at such issues as the attitudes and responses of the individuals and families directly involved, the effects on family structures, and the implications for the upbringing of children. In addition there has been some consideration by researchers of the wider social repercussions as exemplified in the reactions of religious and civil institutions and their representatives. Mixed marriage in Northern Ireland is less well documented. The studies that have been conducted consist mainly of accounts of the experiences of individuals and analyses of the formal positions of the churches (Morgan and Fraser, 1991; Robinson, 1992; Heron, 1977; Harris, 1972; Jenkins and Macrae, 1967; Lee, 1981; Lee, 1985; Leyton, 1975; MacFarlane, 1979; Masterson, 1973). The research project on which this report is based has also been concerned with the impact of Catholic/Protestant marriage on individuals, but its primary aim is to place such personal experiences in a wider context by attempting to catalogue and understand the actions and reactions of the wider family group and of major social institutions such as the churches and the schools. Incidence of Mixed Marriage Before this can be attempted, however, some attempt should be made to establish the extent of 'mixed marriage' in Northern Ireland. In fact this has varied over time, geographically and in relation to social variables, so that the general figure of around 10% which has been suggested for the province as a whole is not very helpful and may not even be accurate. Compton (1989) had found that 3.6% of all marriages were mixed at the time of asking and that this rose to 6% when respondents were asked about religion of origin. Comparable figures from the 1991 Census (Compton, 1995) indicate that 2.3% of marriages in Northern Ireland were mixed. Details are not available for percentages relating to religion of origin. Analysis of four years of the Northern Ireland Social Attitudes data (1989, 1991, 1993, 1994) show a figure of 6%. However these Northern Ireland figures hide considerable variation across the province. Data obtained from the Catholic Diocesan office (Robinson, 1992) reveal that, in 1991, 20% of all marriages in the Down and Connor diocese were mixed; the comparable figure for the Armagh diocese was 4% and for the Derry Diocese it was 9%. Further analysis of the 1993 Northern Ireland Social Attitude data by area of residence reveals a variation of 8.4% in Belfast, 6.2% in the East of the Province and 2.2 % in the West. It might have been anticipated that over the period of the current 'Troubles', heightened community tension would have led to a reduction in the rate of mixed marriages, but in fact over the last 25 years the incidence has fluctuated considerably, and there seems to have been some increase since the mid 1980s. For example figures relating to the number of 'mixed marriages' celebrated in Catholic churches in the diocese of Down and Connor (including Belfast) suggest that the proportion grew during the late 1960s and early 1970s, reaching 25 % of marriages in the diocese in 1971. Subsequently, in the late 1970s, during the most violent phase of the Troubles, the figure fell before rising again to about 16% in the late 1980s (Lee. 1994). Interpreting such data is, however, somewhat problematic since there have been other social changes during the period, such as an increase in civil marriages and in couples choosing to live together without marrying, which may also have affected the pattern. Detailed information about the socio-economic status of individuals within mixed marriages is not available. There have, however, been suggestions that mixed marriage is predominantly a middle class phenomenon although one analysis of the census data (Lee, 1981; Lee, 1985) indicates that 'the likelihood of intermarriage varies very little by the occupational level of the husband ... (although) ... The tabulation does indicate, in line with ethnographic reports, that intermarriage is very rare where the husband is in a farm-related occupation' (Lee, 1994). Information from those mixed marriage families who send their children to integrated schools suggests that the partners in mixed marriages contracted from the mid 1980s onwards come from a very wide spread of socio-economic backgrounds (Morgan et al., 1991) The Impact of Mixed Marriage Analysis of the data collected in this study suggests that the effects and impacts of mixed marriage can be generalised in terms of a series of interfaces along each of which a marriage between a Catholic and a Protestant generates mismatches which illuminate and replicate many of the underlying tensions in Northern Irish society. The most important arenas in which these are played out are the family and the religious community; however, the policies and actions of other agencies such as the education system may become major factors at specific points in the development of the marriage. 'The mismatches can be expressed in a number of ways, for example as structural tensions between the church and the individual, or as emotional dichotomies between the happiness of the couple and the unhappiness of the families. There are also contrasting feelings of having a secure identity within a new relationship and having no clear place in wider social circles; of belonging, and yet being isolated and rejected. In order to explore these tensions the main sections of this report will examine the interactions between mixed marriage couples and families, and the churches, the education system and public housing authorities. Whilst this division into discrete sections makes analysis easier, two major reservations must be made clear. Firstly, it is important to bear in mind throughout that the influence and impact of political, religious and social institutions in Northern Ireland interact with and affect each other and are not independent variables. Secondly, when this study was being planned it was thought that a number of other branches of government, and a number of other public bodies including divisions within the social services and the media - would have policies and patterns of behaviour likely to be influential with regard to mixed marriages. During the course of the research, however, it became clear that a considerable number of organisations did not have a policy, or any organisational response, with regard to mixed marriages. For example, social workers responsible for adoption services indicated that, since each prospective adoptive parent was assessed individually, there was no general response or policy for couples in a mixed marriage who wished to adopt a child. Similarly, discussions with media representatives indicated that stories and issues were normally assessed on a pragmatic one-off basis. and so the question of a policy or institutional response to mixed marriages was not applicable. The question of media responses to mixed marriages, therefore, needs to be treated in an a posteriora manner through the collection and analysis of stories and presentations, out of which it might be possible to construct an implicit or assumed set of attitudes and responses to mixed marriage. This sort of approach, while of considerable potential interest, would necessitate content analyses of radio, TV and print media coverage and this is a time-consuming and long-term process. SECTION 2: METHODOLOGY As indicated in the introduction, this study sets out to examine in more detail some of the interfaces between institutions and people who have contracted, or are contemplating, a mixed marriage. The emphasis is on how the policies of institutions affect the interactions and inter-relationships of the couple and their families. In particular, for the reasons outlined in the previous chapter, it focuses on the impact of the attitudes and policies of the churches, the structure of the education system and the framework for the provision of public sector housing. It is based primarily on ethnographic field work carried out during a funded research study based in the Centre for the Study of Conflict at the University of Ulster, Coleraine. The most important set of data collected was qualitative and verbal. resulting from semi-structured interviews carried out with a range of individuals, and individual members of specific groups described below. The interviews were all conducted on a one-to-one basis. Where it was acceptable to interviewees, a tape recording was made and subsequently transcribed. Where interviewees did not feel that this was appropriate, the interviewer took notes during the interview and wrote a full record as soon as possible after the completion of the interview. The interview transcripts were fully and carefully analysed, using, in the first place, the set of questions and issues on the interview schedule. Various forms of content analysis were also carried out relating to themes and matters considered to be of central importance and the results were used to produce the analyses contained in this report. Interviews were carried out by the full time project research officer, the other principal researchers and two part time researchers. All were social scientists with extensive experience in qualitative, ethnographic research. Given the sensitivity of the issues under discussion, all interviewees were given assurances of complete confidentiality. Where direct quotations are used, names have been omitted and only general attribution is made. Among other data sources used were relevant reports and published research materials such as the four reports of the Northern Ireland Social Attitudes Survey’, previous reports and publications on mixed marriages, relevant publications produced by the churches, and by educational and other bodies (see the list of references at the end of this report). The groups interviewed were: 1. Clergy of the Main Christian Denominations. This category included ‘ordinary’ clergy in urban and rural parishes and congregations, clergy who had special responsibility within their denomination for advising and supporting mixed marriage couples and clergy with responsibility for inter-church relations. A total of twenty clergy, five from each of the four major denominations, were interviewed. 2. School Principals and Educational Administrators. This included principals in primary and secondary schools in urban and rural locations. It also covered the three main management types. that is controlled schools (de facto Protestant), maintained schools (Catholic) and integrated schools (designed to educate Catholics and Protestants together). Educational administrators included officials and advisors working with the Area Education and Library Boards, the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) and the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICLE). A total of 50 people were interviewed, some of them as part of other parallel researches on aspects of education generally. 3. Public Housing Officials. Officials working with the Northern Ireland Housing Executive were interviewed. 4. Mixed Marriage Couples. In addition to the institutional representatives, a total of 25 mixed marriage couples were interviewed and asked to comment on the information provided by the institutions. SECTION 3: THE RESPONSE OF THE CHURCHES In spite of recent changes in the role and influence of the churches throughout Ireland, Northern Ireland is still a society in which a large majority of the population profess religious belief, and regular church attendance remains higher than in almost any other part of western Europe. Information on levels of church attendance is included in the data collected in the regular Social Attitudes Survey. Respondents are asked to assess their own religious observance in terms of how regularly they attend church services. In the 1992 survey 84% of Catholics, 52% of Presbyterians and 45% of members of the Church of Ireland classified themselves as ‘frequent churchgoers’ i.e. attending church at least once a week. The contrast with the rest of the United Kingdom is clear in the table below (Bruce and Alderdyce, 1993). Church Attendance expressed as percentages. As a result the churches still play a central role in the lives of individuals and in social and community life. A number of key events in individual’s lives are usually marked by church ceremonies: reception into the church through baptism; entry into full communicant membership of a particular denomination; formation of a new family unit at marriage and, services to mark the end of mortal life. But the influence of the churches in Northern Ireland extends beyond these sacramental events, since they have a significant influence on education and, more indirectly, on many aspects of community and social life, for example through church affiliated sports and recreational clubs. Such a pattern is not, of course, unique to Northern Ireland. However, because the religious boundary between the Catholic church and the Protestant churches coincides very substantially with the cleavages in national identity. political aspiration and cultural background - between Irish and British or Nationalist and Unionist - religion has become a fundamental marker of division in the society. As a result, actions which lead to a person crossing that division, or being seen as compromising their religious identity, are likely to generate reactions ranging from anxiety to open animosity. To select a marriage partner across the religious divide’, therefore, directly raises a number of religious issues for the couple. These are magnified and augmented by the significance of a ‘mixed marriage’ for the family and the community and by the entanglement of the theological implications with the coincident secular divisions in Northern Irish society. So even when neither partner in a relationship has ever held the religious beliefs of his or her family or community, marriage across the sectarian divide presents difficulties. In this situation, the official doctrines of the various churches, the actual responses of clergy and the views of church members all contribute to the pattern of organisational responses experienced by those embarking upon, or living in, a mixed marriage. These organisational responses will be considered in the following sub sections of the report. The Attitudes of the Churches - Historical Development of Positions on Mixed Marriage Within this essentially hostile environment each church has developed its attitude to mixed marriage unilaterally. The general standpoints of both Protestant and Catholic churches have historically been to discourage interchurch marriage, to seek to retain the allegiance of their own members where such marriages do occur, and to focus on ensuring the upbringing of any children within their church. The Catholic church has perhaps been the most active both in legislating and in enforcing legislation with regard to mixed marriage. Less formal structures have existed within the Protestant churches, although the historical response of some Protestant denominations has been equally triumphalist and separatist. However, in recent decades the position of some of the Protestant denominations in Ireland can be seen as framed mainly in reaction to the Catholic church’s position. The views of the Catholic church have always appeared to be more fully developed than those of other denominations, mainly for historical reasons. The relationship between the views of the Catholic church and the views of the Protestant churches on mixed marriage - as on other matters - can be characterised by action and reaction. In the period after the Reformation, the Catholic church had already adopted a stance on mixed marriage that was based on a tradition of legislation and sanction that was fundamentally opposed to mixed marriage. As far as can be ascertained the early Catholic church did not consider marriage to be within its jurisdiction at all. As it became established, however, notably around the time of the responsio ad Bulgarios of Nicholas 1(866), the Eastern Orthodox church began to require that a priest be the celebrant of a marriage, although the western church did not make this obligatory until considerably later. By the end of the Middle Ages marriage, except for the nobility, was still considered a largely secular matter in much of western Europe. Irregular, clandestine and ad hoc marriage arrangements were common and these were becoming a major concern to the church. By the sixteenth century, and particularly after the Council of Trent, the Catholic church began to regard marriage as a major theological issue and to produce regulatory legislation. The papal decree Ramet (1563) laid down that to be valid a marriage must be contracted in the presence of a priest and with witnesses. By this stage the Protestant churches had already separated so they did not recognise the decree and, as a result the development of legislation and tradition relating to marriage, diverged and continued to develop separately. Even following the Council of Trent, cultural and geographical conditions across Europe and beyond varied so much that Catholic legislation on marriage was not uniformly interpreted and enforced. It was only with the decree Ne Temere (1907) and the Codex luris Canonici (1918) that a fully uniform practice was imposed throughout the Catholic church. Formal church doctrine regards it as a principle of divine law that a Catholic should remain within their faith and if married to a non Catholic should do all in their power to bring up their children as Catholics. To protect this position marriage between a Catholic and anon Catholic is formally forbidden but this prohibition is not absolute. Dispensation in order to permit a Catholic to many a non Catholic can be obtained but Cautiones (conditions) must be fulfilled and promises made, particularly in relation to the Catholic partner remaining within the church and ensuring the upbringing of children as Catholics. Traditionally in Ireland this meant that the marriage had to be conducted by a Catholic priest and written undertakings given that children would be brought up in the Catholic faith. The Protestant churches had no parallel body of canon law and no equivalent regulations regarding marriage. The tradition of dissent, the high levels of local autonomy of the individual denominations - even of single congregations - and the frequent sub-dividing within many of the Protestant denominations, meant that they found alien the concept of a divine requirement that individuals remain within one particular church. This does not, however, imply a more liberal attitude or indeed an acceptance of mixed marriage. Deep theological differences and opposition to the teachings and practice of the Catholic church meant that there were strong objections to mixed marriage, particularly to marriage with a Catholic, from most of the Protestant denominations. These could result in some cases in the exclusion from church membership of individuals contracting a mixed marriage. In addition the existence of papal decrees such as Ne Temere acquired powerful symbolism for many Protestants. They came to be considered as inherently divisive by many within the Protestant churches and as providing evidence of the arrogance and intolerance of the Catholic church (De Bhaldmithe, 1988). At a practical level there have been formal moves by the churches, both internationally and in Northern Ireland, to establish structures to handle various aspects of mixed marriage. There is an international commission on mixed marriage in which the Catholic church and many of the Protestant churches participate. and in Northern Ireland there is an Inter-Church Standing Committee on Mixed Marriage. The result of these changes, and the increased general level of contact between Catholic and Protestant clergy, has been that many priests and ministers now see the situation as much more relaxed and supportive. There has been a lot more contact over the last 7 or 8 years. I regularly meet with the other Protestant ministers as well as with the parish priest ... I’m hopeful that things are and have been improving significantly (Church of Ireland minister). There was a great welcome when the old ‘Ne temere’, to which we all violently objected was supplanted by the ‘moto proprio’. If the ‘moto proprio ‘is interpreted in a liberal manner most people would say it is acceptable (Church of Ireland minister). There’s no more fudging of the issues any more, we (The Inter Church Standing Committee on Mixed Marriage) confront things, and I think we know what is going on at grassroots level (Presbyterian We felt that we had reached a sufficiently common ground with the other churches to get together something of our own guidelines (Methodist minister). Now I’ve almost worked myself out of a job because of all the extra contact with other clergy. I’m not needed as liaison person and secondly most priests are now aware of the changes within the church so it’s very rare that someone has to come and see me for advice (Catholic priest and diocesan mixed marriage counsellor). In addition to the improved general framework of co-operation, there was also evidence of initiatives in relation to joint pastoral care for mixed marriage couples and of willingness to try to accommodate individuals over such things as the actual format of the marriage ceremony. In the Catholic church priests on the ground are urged to be more open to people coming to discuss mixed marriage, to welcome the couple and to give them as much help and support as possible. Similar attitudes were cited by Methodist. Presbyterian and Church of Ireland clergy. For example the Methodist church has developed a policy of encouraging partners to worship in one another’s churches and officially endorses joint pastoral care. In addition to joint pastoral care, we put the Catholic partner on a list of adherents. They can come if they wish, jointly to communion. I think this is a good step (Methodist minister). We were all doing a lot more co-pastoral work Relations had improved to such an extent that we felt the time had come to do something constructive, acknowledging that relations had improved - in fact relations were very good (Methodist minister). In relation to the actual marriage ceremony many clergy are now ready to discuss the format and incorporate elements from both Protestant and Catholic liturgies. We try to be as open and accommodating as possible and, if it is wanted, the priest and myself will get together and almost rewrite a service if the couple aren't happy and we will always attend the wedding in the other church if requested (Church of Ireland minister). Changes have been gradual and there are now ‘grey areas’ in relation to procedure. One result is that there are some variations in the way priests and ministers interpret and operationalise the system, and clergy were clearly aware of this. There are still some ministers who won ‘t involve themselves in it (mixed marriage) (Presbyterian minister). It’s true there are ministers who would advise young couples against it (Presbyterian minister). Remaining Problems - Local Church Responses The people in these parts (a strongly loyalist area) are very wary after all the trouble - there have been a number of shootings in the estate in the last year, two of which were fatal and a taxi driver was found murdered. They don't trust anyone, never mind a Catholic. So you can see what we’re up against here. There is a lot of animosity towards Catholics (Church of Ireland minister). ... participating in a mixed marriage ceremony would be impossible to implement everywhere. There are places and churches where clergy would be hesitant about that (Methodist minister). We very often find that difficulties arise not so much with the couples themselves or their parents but from the community or grandmothers in particular seem to be very awkward people to deal with (Methodist minister). Such attitudes can still lead to couples having to go outside their own area and negotiate with clergy, in places where there would be less opposition to a mixed marriage ceremony or to the participation of both Protestant and Catholic clergy in the service. This ‘having to shop around’ model is less common than it was in the past when couples frequently had to be married far away from their own home area, and mixed marriage ceremonies were usually small and quiet so as not to attract attention and opposition. I have carried out mixed marriages for couples from ... where the couples reckon it would be difficult, to say the least, to have the ceremony (Methodist minister). In addition to the general anxiety about community reactions, some respondents talked about more focused objections from a clergyman’s own church members. The participation of Catholic clergymen in a ceremony in a Protestant church or vice versa was cited as a particular problem. I know of one provincial town where the minister had no objection whatsoever but there were enough people in his congregation to object, especially as regards a Catholic priest taking part (Church of Ireland minister). A minister might be quite happy to go to the Catholic church but the elders might be very critical and unless the minister felt his authority was secure (Presbyterian minister). It is clear that many of these comments relate to the experiences and perceptions of Protestant clergy. This may have a number of causes. It may reflect more opposition among the Protestant lay people to mixed marriages. Gallagher and Dunn (1991) analysing Northern Ireland Social Attitudes data found that 54% of Catholics were in favour of a bit or much more mixing in people’s marriages compared to 34% of Protestants with similar views. Or it may arise out of opposition to joint clerical participation in marriage services. Finally, it may reflect differences in the organisational structures of the churches and the greater power of the laity in for example the Presbyterian system of church government. This possibility was supported by one interviewee. I’ve known the Catholic Bishop of - travel quite a distance to counsel parents and grandparents who are greatly worried. Especially in the Catholic church this is very significant because, if the bishop says it’s OK, generally it is. Protestants aren't so amenable (Methodist minister). Though the marriage ceremony and the events surrounding it represent the area of tension most frequently discussed, it is clear that there are often ongoing difficulties in relation to church attendance and especially the communion service. Even if the couple consciously decide to attend services in each other’s churches, and subsequently carry this through in a systematic way, one partner may not be able to participate fully in the services in the other’s church. For example, concerning the receiving of communion: The tragedy of history is that this act of unity has become the very symbol and demarcation of the divisions and differences of the Christian churches. It has become a divisive act. For mixed marriage couples this is a particular tragedy, for here at the point of unity with Christ they cannot be united together (NIMMA). The Church of Ireland welcomes all who receive communion in their own churches, while Presbyterians and Methodists unite all who ‘love the Lord Jesus’. Catholics, however, may never communicate at a non-Catholic Eucharist, and non-Catholics may not communicate at a Catholic Eucharist, except in cases where certain exceptional criteria apply such as ‘danger of death or urgent need (for example, if there is not access to one’s own minister)’ (Laishley, 1991). For mixed marriage couples, clerical interpretation of this ‘need’ can prove a difficulty. Once again this emphasised the ‘different’ status of the mixed marriage family. One interviewee said: I would love us to be going out (to church) together as a family, just like my elder sister (Mixed marriage partner). The Religious Upbringing of Children of Mixed Marriages For those who have no personal faith or only limited commitment to Christianity it may be easier to either live together without marrying or to marry through a civil ceremony. Unfortunately evidence about whether these options are being increasingly exercised is difficult to obtain. The number of marriages conducted in registry offices is still low in Northern Ireland. and there are no data to indicate what proportion of such marriages involve partners with different religious backgrounds. Similarly, there is no concrete evidence about the numbers who choose to live together without marrying or the reasons for this choice, other than general evidence of increasing secularism in the society and the changing nature of the family. Where the partners have retained only a nominal connection with their churches, or where one partner has a clear attachment to their church but the other is indifferent, couples may choose to ‘go along with the procedures of one church or the other in respect of the marriage ceremony. Subsequently one or both partners may drift away from church attendance. In such situations one partner - often the man - accedes to the wishes of the other on the format of the marriage ceremony and the upbringing of children, but opts out’ of formal religious observance. Again data on these patterns is difficult to obtain although many of the clergy interviewed were aware of them and able to quote specific examples. One partner just takes a back seat (Presbyterian minister). It takes only one to care (Church of Ireland minister). It is the couple who both have deep religious beliefs who may find the stresses of handling relationships with the churches most difficult. Where their interactions with clergy are positive and they receive sympathetic consideration. this may help them and even strengthen their religious beliefs. In other cases both churches may ultimately lose them as a result of unsupportive experiences with clergy in relation to participation in church ceremonies. SECTION 4: THE RESPONSE OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM As already indicated, a number of studies have emphasised the significance of particular stress points for people in mixed marriages. These have been identified as situations in which the marriage partners have to interact with social or organisational structures which are either unused to coping with, or actively unwilling to accommodate the needs of, people who do not fit into the traditional dualistic structures of Northern Irish society. Such events are particularly likely to arise in interactions involving some combination of family, community and social institutions such as schools or sporting organisations. In these situations, the - often traditional - expectations and hopes of two extended families can be in direct opposition to each other, leading to tensions and conflict. The question of the education of children from mixed marriage families represents a particularly frequent, and often deeply contentious, example of this sort. The birth of children can, in some cases, bring the two extended families together and help to heal division. But it can also initiate or intensify difficult interactions with some family members and with the churches over things such as the naming of a child or the place of its baptism. Many of the discussions, or arguments, are reopened when the child reaches school age, since at this stage mixed marriage families have to discuss the range of possible options with schools, principals and class teachers as well as with family members, and also possibly with clergy. Moreover the debates have the potential to run for the whole period of the child’s schooling The Implications of the Structure of the Northern Ireland Education System Schooling, therefore, poses serious difficulties for mixed marriage families. Since this study is concerned primarily with the responses of institutions to mixed marriage, the investigation has focussed on the views of teachers and educational administrators, and it is clear that making special provision for children from mixed marriages poses a number of problems for schools and points towards difficulties within formal educational structures. These stem essentially from the way in which the education system was set up at the inception of the Northern Ireland state. Separate educational systems subsequently developed as one of the central elements in maintaining the dual structures of a divided society. Over the last seventy years schools in Northern Ireland have seen their task as serving the needs of the two separate sections of the community. The structures which have evolved reflect a long series of power struggles, compromises and victories between religious, political and community organisations and interest groups. All, however, have been based on the premise that individuals would either actively claim, or at least tacitly accept, an identification as either Catholic or Protestant. In order to understand the difficulties that schools have in meeting the needs of mixed marriage families, some background information is essential. There have been numerous detailed analyses of the Northern Ireland education system and its complex relationship with both the religious and political divisions in the society (Dunn, 1986 and 1991; Morgan, et al.. 1993). Briefly, whilst there are a number of types of schools and differences in provision based on gender, ability and social class, in Northern Ireland the major cleavage is between state managed schools, which are in effect Protestant (controlled schools), and schools managed by the Catholic church (maintained schools). In addition there are a smaller number of ‘voluntary schools’ at secondary level, which have a semi-independent management structure, but which can nevertheless be identified in each individual case as either Protestant or Catholic. Finally, there are a very small group of recently established integrated schools which stand outside the dualistic (controlled - maintained or Catholic - Protestant) structure. The controlled schools have always been wholly financed by, and under the direct management of, the government mediated through one of the five regional Education and Library Boards (that is local education authorities). They are open to all children and provide ‘non-denominational’ religious education. In reality, however, they have, since the establishment of the state, promoted a Protestant and pro-Union identity. The teaching staff is made up almost entirely of Protestants, or those from a Protestant background; only Protestant clergy come into the school to assist in the provision of religious education; and, the religious education syllabuses reflect Protestant interpretations of Christianity. In addition the overall culture of the schools is supportive of a Protestant /Unionist identity. This is reflected in areas of the curriculum such as history and physical education where particular textbooks are used and specific sports played. It is perhaps even more clearly displayed in the ‘hidden curriculum’, the places visited on schools trips, the events and causes supported, the visitors invited for occasions such as prize-givings and the symbols displayed around the school. The other pole of the duality is presented by the maintained schools. These were set up by the Catholic church and until very recently were partially funded by contributions from church members. The Catholic church retains a central role in their management and sees the schools as integral to the religious development of Catholic children, a vital element in the trilogy of family, parish and school. Documents produced by the church stress the importance of the ‘Catholic ethos’ of these schools and this ethos permeates all aspects of education. Teachers are almost all Catholics and Catholic clergy visit regularly and participate in the management of the schools. In primary schools, religious commitment by the teachers is regarded as very important, since teachers are expected to take an active part in the preparation of children for the sacraments of first communion and confirmation - a task for which they must have training and qualifications acceptable to the church. Furthermore, these schools’ curricula in areas such as history and physical education and their hidden curriculum support an Irish rather than British cultural identity, and a Nationalist rather than a Unionist political identity. Within the framework provided by the controlled and maintained schools there seems little scope for schools to respond to the complex uncertainties and blurring of identity and affiliation which might reflect the situation of children of mixed marriages. The ‘voluntary’ schools might appear to provide a third strand, but in reality these are almost all selective secondary schools (grammar schools) which are distinctive only in terms of their management structure. These schools have a relationship with government directly through the Department of Education for Northern Ireland, rather than via the Education and Library Boards or the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS). In other respects they fit into the dual system in that each individual school can be identified with either the Catholic or the Protestant tradition. Indeed, many have very specific religious links since they were established either by one of the religious orders of the Catholic church or by particular Protestant denomination. Others have more secular foundations. with a clear British identity, such as the ‘Royal’ schools founded in the Plantation period. Originally many of the voluntary grammar schools were explicitly exclusive to particular religious and social groups, but there have been some shifts in the recent past. Voluntary grammar schools are more likely than either controlled or maintained schools to have pupils from the ‘other side’ of the community and a small number of them have a reputation for a degree of ‘mixing’s although this rarely exceeds 10%. However, this mixing does not imply a policy commitment to integration or to specific provision for pupils from a mixed marriage background. The planned integrated schools which have been established during the 1980s and 1990s specifically provide for pupils from all Christian denominations, from other religious backgrounds and from homes which do not have any religious commitment. As already indicated these schools are currently few in number and, therefore, are inaccessible to parents in many parts of Northern Ireland. In particular, there are a limited number of secondary schools at present: in the 1995-1996 school-year there were two in Belfast, one in Derry/Londonderry, one in Newcastle, one in Enniskillen, one in Omagh, one in Craigavon, one in Dungannon and one in Banbridge. Even when an integrated school is available problems for mixed marriage couples do not necessarily end. Structures which support mixing of pupils from Catholic and Protestant backgrounds may not meet the specific needs of parents and children who wish to establish a dual identity within both traditions, as later sections will indicate. There are, therefore, difficulties in the interaction between mixed marriage families and the education system at all levels and these are largely the product of the underlying structures of the education system which have been outlined above. These give, and indeed were intended to give, almost all schools a religious and cultural ethos which immediately identifies them with one community or the other. This means that any school which parents choose to send their child to (unless it is one of the integrated schools) will promote and value the identity, culture and religion of one side of the child’s family and ignore or even actively devalue, those of the other half. With the increasing number of mixed marriages and the more open discussion of the experiences of mixed marriage couples, most of those involved in teaching and educational administration have some awareness of the problems mixed marriage families experience in relation to education. Indeed, most larger non-integrated schools are likely to have had a small number of pupils from such backgrounds. In some cases, principals and class teachers take the view that since the numbers are small the children can just ‘fit in’. The schools, therefore, ignore the issues posed by these children’s identity. A small number of cases were reported by interviewees from mixed marriage families in which schools appeared to have been actively antagonistic or unhelpful to parents wishing to discuss the potential, or actual, problems their children might, or did, encounter. Even in schools where staff are sensitive to potential problems, and endeavour to support pupils and their parents, there are still a number of difficulties in realising this support in relation to the specific issues faced by children of mixed marriages. These real practical problems do not, however, explain all the difficulties, some of which result from the insecurity, lack of experience and lack of training of teachers and parents in what is, for them, a new situation. Both parents and teachers are operating on unfamiliar territory and misunderstanding and uncertainty can easily generate mistrust and anger, which the inclusion of relevant teacher training at either pre-service or in-service level might help to resolve. Currently most teachers undertake their initial training in institutions which are segregated on the same lines as the schools. In the one education first degree course which takes Catholic and Protestant students, recent evidence suggests that contact between Catholic and Protestant participants is limited and often superficial (Farren, et al., 1992). (This course is now being phased out and had its final intake in autumn 1995). Teacher education courses include training designed to cover the Education for Mutual Understanding and Cultural Heritage elements of the new curriculum, but there is no specific treatment of issues which may arise in relation to children from mixed marriage families. The very tightly specified curriculum for pre-service education makes the possibility of inclusion of new material problematic. However, provision of training at pre-service level directed at issues raised by children of mixed marriages is both possible and appropriate, since it can be related directly to teachers’ classroom experience. Even if teachers are aware of and sympathetic to the situation of children from mixed marriage backgrounds, and feel confident in handling material about ‘the other’ section of the community, they may face opposition from a number of sources. Other teachers, governors, or the local community may oppose what they see as ‘concessions’ and the dilution of the traditional identity and ethos of a school. Some of the voluntary grammar schools which educate pupils ‘across the divide’ have experienced this sort of difficulty. For example, in a school with a strong Protestant tradition which had a growing number of Catholic and mixed marriage background pupils, there were requests for the provision of the Irish language as a GCSE option. Initial reaction by the principal was favourable, but as a result of anxieties amongst governors, the plan was abandoned. Informal but perhaps even more personally damaging antagonism may come from other pupils. The peer group culture in many schools in Northern Ireland can be very partisan. It may find expression through support for particular football teams or sporting personalities, scatological rhymes and chants, slogans carved on desks or written on walls, decoration of book covers or name-calling and fights in the area around the school and on school buses. Although there is considerable variation, it is usually at secondary level that many children from mixed marriage families are most likely to experience alienation as a result of their ‘different’ status. This alienation may range from situations in which they feel uncomfortable through name-calling and ostracism, to intimidation through bullying and real physical threats, and even actual violence. Schools are usually aware of these problems and many have taken action to stop, for example, pupils decorating their note files and exercise book covers with sectarian slogans and emblems or the wearing of partisan badges. School staff often feel that they are walking a tight-rope between challenging sectarian behaviour on the one hand, and on the other attracting attention to the position of children who do not ‘fit’ into the expected categories. Highlighting issues of community division may mean setting pupils with a mixed marriage background apart from other children and this may mean they suffer more. at least in the short term. The Planned Integrated Schools Interviews with teachers, parents and pupils in integrated schools suggest that many mixed marriage children find positive support in the integrated schools. Pupils who have moved from other schools comment that they feel able to talk about their mother’s or father’s family without being worried that using the names of aunts, uncles or cousins would ‘give away’ the fact that one of their parents is ‘from the other side’. For both parents and children, being in a situation where there are a number of other families with the same background is a new and affirming experience. Parents say that they find the fact that their insights and knowledge are valued and seen in a positive light by teachers and other parents enables them to make a specific contribution rather than feeling constrained and ‘keeping quiet’. There are problems, however, in the relationship between integrated schools and mixed marriage families. At an organisational level, integrated schools strive to maintain a balance of Protestant and Catholic pupils, usually within a 40:60 ratio in either direction. If this ratio is problematic, there may be pressure to define children from a mixed marriage family as either ‘one or the other’. This may help the school and be acceptable to some mixed marriage parents, but for others it may place them in precisely the situation they have been striving to avoid. Similar issues can arise in relation to religious education. Integrated schools are part of a politically, religiously and socially divided society, and unless they become totally secular (an option which is currently not acceptable to most parents) they have to relate to the existing church structures. In an effort to respond to both the ecumenical concerns and denominational loyalties of the majority of parents, together with the concerns of the churches, they provide a common core of religious education and worship - this is designed to be appropriate for Catholic and Protestant pupils - and in addition they provide specific denominational instruction. Parents have to decide whether their child will receive this additional teaching. Exercising this option, in effect, means opting for one religious identity. This decision is usually taken at primary school, when the family decide whether the child will attend the classes taught by trained Catholic teachers in preparation for first communion and confirmation. So sending a child to an integrated school does not mean avoiding choices which may be painful and difficult, although mixed marriage parents have said that integrated schools provide a supportive context, a space in which to make these decisions. Furthermore, in the integrated schools, although a primary identity with one denomination may be established. links with the other parent’s faith are not completely cut. The cultural traditions of both can be maintained and valued, a situation which cannot currently be achieved in the mainstream education system. SECTION 5: RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND PUBLIC HOUSING As we have seen, in our discussion of separate education in Northern Ireland, endogamy is supported by educational segregation. Conversely, mixed marriage presents a challenge to the educational status quo, and mixed marriage couples and their children are marginalised and made virtually invisible within the education system as a result. Thus, the institutions, such as marriage, which structure family and personal life, are supported as the endogamous norm by other social institutions, such as education. Those who depart from the norm in family and personal life by entering a mixed marriage, find that they also run counter to the norm within educational institutions. A similar relationship can be seen between endogamous marriage norms and housing provision. The provision and nature of public housing in Northern Ireland has been a contested political issue, carrying a weight of sectarian significance. Allegations of discrimination in housing allocation were the instigation of the formation of the Civil Rights Movement in the mid 1960’s and Catholic grievances about housing discrimination lie at the heart of the origins of the civil unrest from that period on. Prior to the end of the second world war, local councils had been responsible for the provision of public housing. Provision was piecemeal, due to the socially conservative nature of some local councils which meant that they were hostile to the idea of public housing provision. The significance of housing for the political make-up within political boundaries ensured that councils were keen to maintain control of public housing. The establishment of the Northern Ireland Housing Trust under the Housing Act (NI) 1945 constituted a threat to this control. The operations of the Northern Ireland Housing Trust was subject to criticism. Financial constraints meant that rents within the public housing sector were high, and those with greatest housing need were not catered for. Housing provision was unevenly distributed throughout Northern Ireland. and most was concentrated in the east. with the south and west under-provided for. Furthermore Catholic grievances about having unequal access to public housing were to become a major political issue. With allegations of discrimination in housing being at the centre of civil rights issues. housing was a key area for reform when Stormont was prorogued and local government was reformed in 1972. The establishment of the new Northern Ireland Housing Executive was designed to remove housing entirely from the political arena, and provide a fair and neutral method of regulating housing provision and management. The Housing Executive inherited a number of problems - an ageing and numerically inadequate housing stock, segregation and intimidation, and suspicions and anger about discrimination in housing allocation. The Housing Executive introduced a single standard selection scheme for housing allocation, which was needs based. and standardised the setting of rents. In the last fifteen years, changes in housing policy, and moves towards privatisation have led to the increasing importance of the voluntary sector. namely housing associations, in the provision of public housing. These developments notwithstanding, the Northern Ireland Housing Executive remains the main body responsible for public housing in Northern Ireland. Residential segregation has been seen either as a bad thing, which fosters and deepens division in an already divided society or as a mechanism for protecting the identity and culture of the segregated community. At the time of writing, those ‘peaceline’ security fences still surround many urban communities, and there has been recent resistance to removing them, in spite of the peace process. About half of the province's 1.5 million population live in areas more than 90 per cent Protestant or more than 90 per cent Catholic (McKittrick, 1993). There is some evidence that, certainly until the time of the ceasefires in 1994, segregation was increasing and deepening (McKittrick, 1993; S myth, 1995). One of the most striking trends is the movement of Protestants out of the cities, and into the hinterlands of North Down and Ards in the case of Belfast. and Limavady and Eglinton in the case of Deny or Londonderry. In areas where housing is mixed, Boal (1982) has argued that, mixed areas are particularly vulnerable to destabilisation. Vulnerabilily also appears to be generated by differences in ethnic tolerance levels between the two groups - Catholics being more accepting of numerical minority status in a neighbourhood than Protestants (Boal, I982 p. 274). The pattern of residential segregation has meant that enclave communities -surrounded on all sides by the ‘other’ community - have become a feature of urban life in certain areas such as North Belfast. Life in an enclave community poses particular issues for those who interact (or who have interacted) across the sectarian divide, such as mixed marriage couples. Many enclaves experience ongoing sectarian attack, and, paradoxically, communities which were established to improve the safety of residents can become sitting targets for such attacks. These attacks continued after the ceasefires. Murtagh (1993) points out that, in relation to the role of planners and housing administrators. rather than engineering urban space in these areas, planners and housing administrators are often responding to social reality (Murtagh, 1993, p. 1). However, the universal failure of planners directly to address issues of sectarian division in planning policy in Northern Ireland (Smyth, 1995) obscures their direct or indirect role in either maintaining or challenging existing divisions. Housing administrators have had a more direct involvement in housing allocation in a divided society and have necessarily taken the realities of segregation into account when designing and managing housing provision. However, some housing officials regard segregation as ‘self-regulating, thus avoiding the need for explicit policy on the issue. Although segregation is also manifest in private sector housing, it is in segregated public sector housing areas that intimidation and violence has been at its worst. The stigma attached to living in a ‘bad’ area is partly a class stigma. since ‘bad’ areas are almost invariably public sector housing. Enclave areas in particular have been shown to experience untoward levels of social deprivation - higher than other non-enclave public sector areas (Murtagh, 1993). Within enclave communities, family and kinship ties are very close, and an injury to an individual can quickly become an injury to the entire community. Reasons given for remaining resident in an enclave area include close family ties, a refusal to be intimidated, a commitment and loyalty to the area. and, most significantly an inability to resource (financially) a move out of the area. Whilst some residents in segregated areas express regret at the loss of contact with the other community, the history of attack on such communities can meant that bitterness and anger at the other community surfaces from time to time. Virtually all segregated and enclave communities contain a small number of residents from the ‘other’ community, and many of these are in mixed marriages. Within such a residentially segregated society mixed marriage couples face particular challenges in relation to their choice of home location. The couples who can afford to buy a home obviously have more choice than those dependant on public housing, and can elect to locate themselves within any one of a larger number and a wider range of areas, both segregated and mixed. That is to say, social class and economic status is a major determining factor in housing choice. As a result, the housing difficulties posed by a mixed marriage in a residentially segregated society can be more successfully managed because relative anonymity is the norm, and the nature of their marriage may not be a matter of immediate neighbourhood scrutiny. Couples who are dependant on public housing may not be able to escape such scrutiny. nor choose from such a range of options. Mixed Marriage Couples and Public Sector Housing - Northern Ireland Housing Executive Policy and Procedures The requirement on the Housing Executive to be ‘fair in matters of housing administration creates a difficulty in dealing with individuals or groups in the population who have special needs. When asked about their policy in relation to mixed marriage couples, one Housing Executive official who was interviewed indicated that: We don't have any specific policy as such; we have the same process for everyone. The procedure for allocation of public sector housing is governed by a categorical prioritization programme. Category A allocation applies to people who are in urgent need of emergency housing. This includes people who are in urgent need of housing through intimidation or sectarian attack. those who have special health requirements or specific social need, key workers who are moving to take up jobs in local industry, or those who have had their houses vested for redevelopment. Category B allocation involves a points system, where points are awarded to applicants for housing on the basis of need. Applicants are awarded points for living in poor accommodation, for a lack of specific amenities in their existing accommodation, for the size of their family, or for age or special needs. It is only when the applicant is considering where they wish to live that the relevance of a mixed marriage arises. A Housing Executive official indicated how this might happen: It’s maybe at this stage that the mixed marriage thing would come into it, because in the original application form, applicants are asked to choose three areas in which they would like to live, in order of preference. Obviously there are some areas where it would be completely inappropriate for these people to live, but we do have some mixed estates in the suburbs where we rarely have problems. Our housing officers obviously know where the best places might be for people, and as they get to meet up with them, they can normally advise and recommend accordingly. It is clear that housing officers consider mixed housing and areas where there is less intimidation more appropriate for mixed marriage couples. Really, I feel it boils down to correct staff training. We advise our staff well. so that they can deal with any problems appropriately. Giving everyone else the same choice can only be fair as long as you give them the advice to go with it (Housing Executive manager). The system for dealing with mixed marriage couples seems somewhat ad hoc in nature. The opportunity to make well informed public housing choices and decisions depends on the knowledge of the individual housing officer and his or her ability to advise any given couple. One implication of the system as it stands is that couples in mixed marriages may have to move away from areas in which they have networks of relationships and family support. if those networks were in segregated areas. Whilst this may be necessary in order to establish a feeling of safety for the couple, it sets up a further potential problem of social isolation. If a mixed marriage couple wish to live in mixed public housing, the choice of areas where they could live is severely restricted in some parts of Northern Ireland. Yet, during the interviews, some Housing Executive personnel suggested that sectarian division presented fewer problems to them that it used to: Actually, as far as any hassles and problems are concerned nowadays, they're normally associated with the usual neighbour-type disputes like noisiness and building extension set cetera, rather than religion. It doesn't come into it now as much as it did in the past. There is much less in the way of Catholic- Protestant problems than there was in the seventies. Personally, I think peoples’ attitudes to mixed marriage are changing. Whether attitudes to mixed marriage are changing or not, it remains the case that mixed marriage couples who are seeking public housing face a difficult series of choices. They run the risk of intimidation of themselves or their relatives if they go to live in segregated areas. The choice for some couples may be between breaking with family ties in segregated areas in order to live in a mixed area where they may be more acceptable as a mixed couple, or choosing to remain living in a segregated area, risking intimidation and having to manage information about one partner’s identity in order to maintain family and neighbourhood ties. Where the anonymity of private housing is financially available to them, some couples will choose that option as a resolution to the dilemma, but for those dependant on public housing, the dilemma seems likely to remain. At its formation, the Housing Executive adopted a policy of not monitoring the religious affiliation of its clients. This has meant that certain data on religion and housing was not available. However, this policy has recently been reviewed, and the Housing Executive now monitor the religion of applicants for public housing, including mixed households (Melaugh, 1994). This will allow a more detailed assessment of the impact of policy on the various groups in the future, including the impact on mixed marriage couples. Collection and analysis of this data will allow a clearer picture to emerge, and may well provide the basis for policy development around the specific public housing needs of mixed marriage couples. A considerable volume of recent survey data and a number of qualitative investigations have suggested that, within Northern Ireland, there has been some increase in levels of cross community contact and some reduction in sectarian attitudes especially since the early 1980s. Many of these changes have emerged at local level and reflect developments such as the growth of women's groups and the establishment of community development projects. Whilst such initiatives may have begun to change people's everyday experience of life in Northern Ireland, it often seems that the formal structures of the society, for example the political parties, have been much more resistant to change. Examination of personal and institutional responses to mixed marriage does to some extent echo this emerging public/private. institutional/ personal split. However, the data gathered during this study also indicate that any attempt at generalisation inevitably oversimplifies the confusing and often contradictory trends in relationships between the two communities Whilst some institutions and elements within institutions have, for a number of reasons, found it difficult to modify their structures, others have made very considerable changes. The major churches, as institutions, have edged their way towards a more sympathetic and individual response to the needs of mixed marriage couples and families. At the same time, however, some individuals, both lay and clergy, within these churches still find it difficult to accept what they see as dangerous compromises, while some of the smaller evangelical churches remain firm in their condemnation of mixed marriage. The traditional education system, preoccupied since the mid 1980s with far reaching and seemingly endless general changes both in curriculum and management, has not yet found it possible to respond in any very organised way to the specific needs of pupils from mixed marriage backgrounds. And yet, education, operating initially outside the established structures, has been the base for one of the most potentially supportive developments for mixed marriage children and their families, that is the growth of integrated schools. The Housing Executive was one of the first institutions to develop formal structures aimed at combating discrimination and improving community relations. However, its equity based system for housing allocation. whilst aiming to ensure fairness in access to housing, did not address residential segregation or the particular problems this poses for mixed marriage couples. The recent introduction of procedures for monitoring the religious affiliation of applicants for public housing may be a first step towards developing structures which take account of specific needs such as those of mixed marriage couples. Whether it will actually provide a base for developing supportive policies remains to be seen. If the institutions investigated display variety and contradiction in their responses to mixed marriage, the reactions of individuals compound the complexity. All the structures and policies are to a degree dependant on the individuals who put them into practice. From the data gathered during this study, it is clear that. even when policy is developed centrally, local conditions and individual attitudes produce wide variations in how such general policy statements are interpreted and implemented at a micro-social level. There is therefore still tension and uncertainty in the interactions between mixed marriage couples and families, and the major public institutions in Northern Ireland. This anxiety is based on the fact that, even today, it is difficult to predict how a request for help, co-operation or support will be received. In some instances, such as in housing or mainstream education, the variation in response is due to a lack of specific policy; in others, such as religion, the variation may be due to local conditions and consequent differences in how policy is interpreted. In the context of Northern Ireland. where violence and constitutional instability have had deep-rooted and largely unmeasured social and community consequences, it is a matter of some delicacy how sensitive and profoundly intercorrelated issues - such as mixed marriages - are understood, interpreted and dealt with. It is therefore of great importance that recommendations in regard to change and development make considerable efforts to take account of sensitivities and anxieties, if they are not to do more harm than good. Background to Recommendations This proposal would also help to sensitise those clergy and laity who are unsure about recent developments. As always, such an approach, must be developed sensitively and strategically, and with consultation and discussion. There is the particular danger that the wrong kind of publicity can help to provoke resistance in some quarters. With regard to the institutions and structures of education, it would add considerably to the easing of the problems which some parents and children experience, if the issues and difficulties of mixed marriages were taken account of in some aspects of school management, and within appropriate parts of the curriculum. The form of church services used in the school, the content and structure of assemblies, the locations of school visits, the arrangements for clerical counselling, and so on, should all be sensitive to and aware of the increasing incidence within the society of children from mixed marriages. Children ought not to be subjected to judgements - even implicit judgements - about the ways in which their parents have chosen, in good conscience, to live their lives. The curriculum themes of 'Education for Mutual Understanding' and 'Cultural Heritage' are particularly apposite locations for the promotion of understanding and thinking about the reality of mixed marriage. Obviously age is an important variable in considering the suitability and congruence of material and topics in this area. Among older pupils it would seem important to discuss the relevance of mixed marriage to a society where the wider social and political divisions parallel perfectly the religious divide. The range of issues and questions is very wide and could include: the significance and possible impact of such developments with regard to Northern Ireland society in general and the conflict in particular; the set of moral imperatives within which any discussion of marriage is placed; the possible long-term consequences of a continuing growth of numbers of mixed marriages; the impact of such growth on church membership, attendance and belief systems. It is also important to be aware that there is not as yet any unanimity of view about mixed marriages, their within-church (or indeed between-church) legitimacy or how to deal with the short to medium term issues with which they present us. The recommendations that follow are written with an awareness of these difficulties and so are not presented as final or definitive views on the matter. There is, we believe, a continuing need for discussion, debate and deliberation. We also believe that these processes of necessity force us to reflect on the significance of mixed marriage in any understanding of what constitutes a good and healthy society or democracy. Section 7: Recommendations Click on the icon to return to the text reference. 1. The term Catholic is used in this report as a short-hand for Roman Catholic. and Protestant is used as a generic term for members of the Church of Ireland, Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, and so on. Both terms are also used occasionally to denote people who were born into one of these two religious traditions whether they are still practising members or not. 2. A recent highly detailed and historically summative study of the subject of ethnic residential segregation in Belfast in particular, and in Northern Ireland generally, has been published in two volumes by the Centre for the Study of Conflict (Doherty and Poole, 1995; Poole and Doherty. 1996). SECTION 8: REFERENCES Barbara. A. (1989) Marriage across frontiers, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Last Modified by Martin Melaugh :

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Some cities were made for the cold. New York with its roasted chestnuts and skating rinks, Venice with its mist and Carnival masks, Budapest with its steaming baths and cosy, cobbled lanes. No crowds, cheaper flights, locals reclaiming the tourist-free streets: summer steals all the brochure headlines, but winter is where some towns are at. So grab your coat, tie your scarf, and discover which cities put the “win” into winter, the best things to do in each of them, and where to warm the cockles before turning in. Words by: Jeremy Lazell Budapest’s tangled alleys swelter in summer, but in winter they cosset you from the cold, the cobbles and coffee houses whisper with the ghosts of a grand, Austro-Hungarian past. With the Opera House in full swing, ice rinks in castle grounds, and steam rising off the bath houses, it’s the only time to come. Don’t miss: the “ruin pubs”. Housed in reclaimed tenement houses and abandoned factory buildings, they’re the hippest ticket in town. Szimpla Kert was the first to open and is still a paragon of cool, with live music, movie nights and furniture made from a scrapheap of recycled goods including a Communist-era Trabant. Bath houses are the big winter draw. Gellert and Szechenyi are famous but crowded, 16th century Veli Bej the oldest in town and the one locals target for a quieter soak. It’s ice rinks a-gogo in Budapest over winter. The Christmas market below St Stephen’s Basilica has the prettiest, but City Park has the best: built in 1869 just below Vajdahunyad Castle, it is the largest ice rink in Europe, with a beautiful neo-Baroque pavilion. Winter one-off: The Nutcracker at the indecently ornate Hungarian State Opera House is the pre-Christmas favourite for Budapest’s ballet fans; the Magic Flute and La bohème the opera to target in the New Year. The Snug: eat, drink at be Magyar at Doblo, a cosy Jewish Quarter wine bar with more than 200 varieties of Hungarian wine and belt-busting ham and cheese platters. Januar kalt, das gefallt – January is cold, and that’s how we like it. Not kidding. Germany’s capital gets bone-bitingly cold in winter, and Berliners love it, filling cafes with frost-fleeing chatter, packing the cultural calendar with festivals. Don’t miss: any number of cultural events, including Berlinale film festival (Feb 9-19), Transmediale art fest (Feb 2-Mar 5), and the opening of the Barberini modernist museum in Potsdam (Jan 23). Or join Berlin’s Kultur-Vultürs at the utterly enchanting – and free – classical concerts in a piano restoration workshop in Uferhallen cultural centre. Overrun in summer, Tiergarten park is eerily, magically quiet in winter, the creeks frozen over, the grass blanketed in snow. A walk between sculptures is the perfect cobweb-buster, then thaw out at Vabali Spa, a tourist-frei, Bali-meets-Berlin sanctuary of saunas, steam baths and steaming outdoor pools. Opened in early 2016, the Boulder Klub in Kreuzberg is a spectacular indoor climbing wall and great place to hang out with Berlin’s hipsters. Winter one-off: the annual snowball fight between Kreuzberg and Neukölln in Görlitzer Park is a hoar-frosted hoot (2pm, Dec 31), then carry on partying at Tiergarten’s New Year’s Eve extravaganza, with DJs, laser shows and fireworks over Brandenburg Gate. The snug: escape the Tiergarten cold with fireside coffee and cake at the park’s candlelit Cafe am Neuen See. More than 22 million tourists visit Venice each year – in summer it’s like they’re all on the same pavement as you. But winter? That’s when La Serenissima lives up to her name, the crowds gone, the low sun turning the mist sepia, the city reclaimed with a raft of riotous festivals – there are plenty of things to do in Venice in the winter months. Don’t miss: Puccini’s La bohème, the highlight of a stellar winter season at La Fenice, the outrageously opulent, €90 million opera house – tickets in February go for a snip. Then make a like a local with cichete – Venetian tapas – around the corner at Osteria de Carla. Acqua alta, literally “high water”, hits Venice three or four times every winter, when high tides and the Scirocco force seawater up the Adriatic and into the lagoon, turning St Mark’s Square into a surreal – but stunning – Sea of Tranquillity. Opened in January, welly specialist, Acqua Marea is the essential first stop. The bus is the quickest way in from the airport, but per favore, take the Vaporetto. Yes, it takes an hour and a quarter to reach St Mark’s Square, but you get the greatest airport transfer on earth, chugging across the lagoon and into the Grand Canal via the Rialto Bridge, Gritti Palace and a string of beautiful Byzantine facades. Winter one-off: Carnevale, a riot of masked merriment spilling onto the streets, is Venice’s big winter draw (February 11-28). The snug: Caffe Florian is Italy’s oldest coffee house, drawing a Who’s Who of literary greats, including Goethe, Proust and Dickens. Make like Casanova, who girded his loins here every day with a hot chocolate. The city that gave the world the coffee house simply makes sense in winter, its cosy pubs and buzzing wine cellars beckoning under damp, dark skies lit by gleaming gothic spires and baroque domes. Throw in some of Europe’s best galleries and museums, opera houses and concert halls, and winter is simply what Vienna does best. Don’t miss: Karlsplatz Chriskindlmarkt. Yes, Christmas markets are old (Santa’s) hat in Europe, but this one, bang in front of perhaps the finest baroque church in Europe – is a tat-free (Christmas) cracker, with all items first passed by a committee to guarantee they’ve been handcrafted by the stall holders themselves. The Museumsquartier is a cultural Promised Land of museums and galleries, its central courtyard a hive of light shows, live music, and art installations, fuelled by hot punch pop-up tents and Glühwein stands (until December 23). You could watch a cage fight at Vienna’s State Opera House and still feel culturally enriched: outrageously ornate, dripping in crystal and gold, it is one of Europe’s great opera and ballet theatres, and the place to rub shoulders with the city’s ball-gowned burghers. Verdi’s Otello is the winter big-hitter. Winter one-off: every Friday, Saturday and Sunday in December, St Stephen’s Cathedral stages a stunning, candlelit advent concert, with Vienna’s Chamber Orchestra performing Bach, Mozart, Handel and Schubert in the very place where Mozart was married. The snug: Freud, Trotsky and Lenin all swore by Cafe Central (now 140 years old) which specialises in artery-choking torte below grand vaulted ceilings and marble pillars. Etwas Alkoholisches, vielleicht? The dark, woodpanelled Loos Bar is the place for something stronger. It doesn’t do drizzle, New York: just crisp blue skies or a winter wonderland of snow. Either way, you win. At Christmas you will find many of the best things to do in New York: skate on the ice rinks, view the festive shop windows and visit the eggnog pop-ups, the city is a Santa’s sack of Yuletide treats. Don’t miss: the “Christmas Windows”. Macy’s started it in 1870, and nothing says Big Apple Christmas today like a walk along (and around) 5th Avenue, with department stores from Barneys to Bergdorf competing for the best display. The Rink at the Rockefeller Centre – 80 years old in 2016 – is the skating rink of choice with its iconic Christmas tree, but boy, is it crowded. For a proper twirl and the best skyline-selfies in town, get your skates on in Central Park instead. The Rockettes at Radio City is the standard winter tip, but we say catch the Knicks instead: the basketball is a winter institution, and your best bet of spotting an A-grade NYC sleb, with Woody Allen, Spike Lee, Jay Z and Beyonce all Madison Square Garden regulars. Winter one-off: Mark Rothko’s Dark Palette exhibition at Pace Gallery in Chelsea (until January 7). The Snug: Le Baricou is a hip Williamsburg bistro with worn leather armchairs a wood-burning stove in the lounge out back – the perfect spot to defrost with Brooklyn’s finest.

The intellectual status of Émile Zola and the Dreyfus Affair In 1881, La loi sur la liberté de la presse permitted the publication of political subversive imagery. This omnipresent press provided a platform for political illustrations and ‘ubiquitous imagery’ from the political sphere to the everyday, notably during the Dreyfus Affair (Everton, 2012: 388). Émile Zola, the most established novelist of this period, projected himself into mass media to contest the battle of injustice against Alfred Dreyfus. His main persuasive and polemic rhetoric was the open letter ‘J’accuse…!’, addressed to President Felix Faure and published in L’Aurore on 13 January 1898, which accused the government and military of a miscarriage of justice. Zola’s involvement was viewed as betraying his nation, with Doumerc describing his political action as ‘son engagement dans l’affaire a choisi de trahir sa patrie’ (2007. ‘J’accuse…!’ was widely read and brought vast publicity to the Affair, proving to be one of the greatest works of writing. Zola’s literature was often overlooked for its preaching and scandalous nature. Nevertheless, he has been universally described as having a ‘fierce passion for the truth’ (BBC, 2017). This passion is illuminated during his attempt to exonerate Dreyfus, a Jewish officer convicted for allegedly passing military secrets onto the Germans in 1899. The Dreyfus Affair split the nation between the Dreyfusards, a group of left-wing intellectuals and anti-military, and the Anti-Dreyfusards, a group of nationalistic, anti-Semitic conservatives. Anti-Dreyfusard artists published caricatures of Zola as a porcine figure in attempt to discredit his intellectual status, whilst also labelling Dreyfus as a traitor and turning him into a national symbol of evil. Such caricatures contributed to the intensification of anti-Semitism during the Affair. Musée des Horreurs Musée des Horreurs is a publication of fifty-one coloured lithographical posters featuring those connected to the Dreyfus Affair such as Dreyfusards, Republican leaders and Jews. They were published in weekly subscriptions but prohibited by the government in 1900. These illustrations have been described by Hyman as ‘a powerful creative addition to the standard anti-Semitic iconography and to political propaganda in general’ (1989: 97). It is true that these drawings differ from other subversive imagery, as the artist draws human faces onto unpleasant animal bodies. Under the alias of Victor Lenepveu, he described his posters as a ‘panthéon des monstres’ (Doumerc, 2007). Indeed, his imagination led him to actively participate in sharing his anti-Semitic views during this period and portray beastly representations of those involved in the Affair. Illustrations alike were published in mass media to expose the opposing identities and beliefs of Dreyfusard supporters and opponents. As Doumerc states, Lenepveu wanted to illuminate ‘l’immoralité de la cause Dreyfusard’ (2007). Hence Lenepveu represented these characters as beastly and animalistic figures to express the immorality of those seeking to acquit Dreyfus, during a period when such caricatures of bestiality were created for mass consumption. As Everton writes, these illustrations were ‘intended to direct their viewers’ perception and comprehension of the affair’ (2012: 389). Thus, political iconography like Lenepveu’s significantly influenced the political observations of the Affair. Le Roi des Porcs Under this title, Zola is condemned as the ruler of grotesque and slovenly animals. Lenepveu further disgraces Zola to a swinish status by merging his face to a pig’s body. Kleeblatt describes this imagery as having ‘a caricatural yet naturalistic reading’ to Zola’s face (1993: 56). This can be identified in the realistic and undistorted imitation of Zola’s hair, beard and glasses. However, with the body of a fat, malodourous pig with a tail and trotters, Lenepveu destructs the intellectual vision of Zola by replacing it with a beastly, contemptuous figure. Zola is illustrated painting brown liquid from a pot of ‘caca international’ onto the map of France, which represents the tarnishing of his nation with foreign excrement (‘caca’ being slang for excrement). The ‘caca international’ could be representing those who supported the Dreyfus Affair. Guieu states that ‘international’ can be interpreted as a ‘code word for anyone considered as anti-French’, which visibly included the Jewish community, given they were deemed as ‘stateless’ during this period in France (2008:3). Thus, Lenepveu is emphasising how the immoral nature of Jews, and those connected to the Affair, were actively spoiling the reputation of France. Even though Zola’s intellectual status appears somewhat acknowledged in this illustration, Lenepveu incorporates his novels in an undesirable light to discredit his literary works. Kleeblatt believes the image of Zola sitting on top of his literature offers the novels a ‘trashy’ nature (1993: 57). This is demonstrated as Nana, Germinal and L’oeuvre are squashed underneath his bottom in a chamber pot, an object most commonly used for urination and defecation. Hence, the association of his novels with faeces and dirt denounces his literature as worthless. It appears the most brutal political illustrations promulgated in the press were of Dreyfus. It is interesting that Lenepveu chose to combine Dreyfus with the body of a hydra, a many-headed serpent and an infamously deceptive creature with mythological symbolism. Such imagery of a sea monster that could regrow heads demonises and ridicules Dreyfus’ character, and Jews as an entity, who were often portrayed in this treacherous light in newspapers such as La Libre Parole and La Croix. Hyman also writes that anti-Semitic imagery like this intended to ‘demean Dreyfus’, such as anti-Dreyfusard art portraying him as a ‘modern Judas’ (1989: 97). Hence the deceitful and evil nature of this snake appears representative of Dreyfus’ alleged betrayal, one not dissimilar to the disloyalty Judas showed Jesus. Additionally, the detail in this hydra-like iconography, such as the clawed feet and the six snake heads hissing behind Dreyfus, stresses the existence of anti-Semitism and the belief that the Jewish community were traitorous. Further, the body of the monster has been penetrated by a sword, with the bold letters Le Traitre, which symbolises the hatred towards Dreyfus and Jews in general. Doumerc underlines that ‘cet animal représente dans la tradition chrétienne le pèche’ (2007) in the belief that the Christian symbolism of a snake traditionally embodies malevolence. Lenepveu is thus manipulating the target audience on account of their religion, highlighting how illustrations were used to shape public perception of the Affair. Evidently, the freedom of the press had a significant influence in France with the explosion of widely available subversive propaganda during the Dreyfus Affair. The existence of engaging imagery was captivating, and as Guieu argues, the aim was to ‘invite a gut reaction from the man in the street’ (2008: 4). The existence of such prominent and prolific anti-Semitic iconography against Dreyfus and his supporters was shocking, exposing how close to the surface anti-Semitism was during this period. Likewise, it is interesting that Zola became such a target of anti-Jewish iconography by associating himself with Dreyfus and believing in his innocence. Despite the criticism and mockery that Zola received as a beastly and swinish figure in political caricatures, Zola’s intellectual engagement was not hindered by these illustrations. If anything, it energised the public and political discourse surrounding the Dreyfus Affair, especially with ‘J’accuse…!’ being one of the first works to initiate public engagement in political and social affairs in France. Lenepveu, V. (1898-1900) Le Roi des Porcs, Musée des Horreurs. Lenepveu, V. (1898-1900) Le Traitre, Musée des Horreurs. BBC. (2007) Blood, Sex and Money by Emile Zola – BBC Radio 4. Davies, S. (2015) Zola and the Victorians by Eileen Horne – book review: A piping-hot tale of literature on trial in an age of hypocrisy, The Independent [Online]. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/zola-and-the-victorians-by-eileen-horne-book-review-a-piping-hot-tale-of-literature-on-trial-in-an-a6774706.html [Accessed: 1 November 2018] Doumerc, V. (2007) L’antisémitisme au Cœur de l’Affaire Dreyfus. L’histoire par l’image [Online]. Available at: https://www.histoire-image.org/fr/etudes/antisemitisme-coeur-affaire-dreyfus [Accessed: 1 November 2018] Everton, E. (2012) Scenes of Perception and Revelation: Gender and Truth in Antidreyfusard Caricature, French Historical Studies, Vol. 35 (2), pp. 381 – 417. Guieu, J. (2008) Caricatures: The Visual Impact of the Dreyfus Affair, video transcript, Lorraine Beitler Collection of the Dreyfus Affair, Vol. 1, pp. 1- 5. Hyman, P. The Dreyfus Affair: The Visual and the Historical, The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 61 (1), pp. 88-109. Jones, D. (2011) “A Beastly Affair”: Visual Representations of Animality and the Politics of the Dreyfus Affair, Canadian Journal of History, Vol. 46 (1), pp. 35-62. Kleeblatt, Norman. (1993) Merde! The caricatural attack against Emile Zola, Art Journal, Vol. 52 (3), pp. 54 – 58. Lethbridge, R. (2016) Rethinking Zola and Cezanne: Biography, politics and art criticism, Journal of European Studies, Vol. 46 (2), pp. 126-142. Ponty, J. (1974) La presse quotidienne et l’affaire Dreyfus en 1898-1899. Revue d’Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine, Vol. 22 (2), pp. 193-220. Sachs, M. (2010) Émile Zola’s Last Word: Vérité and the Dreyfus Affair, Romance Quarterly, Vol. 45 (4), pp. 203-2010.

May 22, 2013 They launched the 'Arab Spring' but now yearn for the good old days of a strongman May 20, 2013 Richard A. Serrano: Is Meir Kahane's assassin now a changed man? Genetic copies of living people from embryos no longer science fiction Jewz in the Newz by Nate Bloom : The Kosher Gourmet by Cathy Pollak: Jews Inducted into Rock Hall of Fame; Anton Yelchin co-stars in New "Trek" film; Kutcher (but not Kunis) visits Israel; Jewish TV Star Praises Jewish Rap Star WARNING: This WALNUT CAKE WITH PRALINE FROSTING, perfect for afternoon coffee, is addicting May 13, 2013 Rabbi Nathan Lopes Cardozo: Why the giving of the document that would permanently change the world could only be done in desolation David G. Savage: Church-state, literally? Supreme Court weighing public school graduation in a church May 10, 2013 Rabbi Berel Wein: Be all that you should be May 8, 2013 Peter Ford: Why China is welcoming both Israel's Netanyahu and Palestinians' Abbas Obama administration quietly backs out of appeal over new contraceptive mandate At Kerry-Putin meeting, US-Russia relations thaw --- a tad The Kosher Gourmet by Leela Cyd Ross : Almost too pretty to eat, this colorful salad with Sicilian inspiration will tickle the taste buds and delight your visual sensibility May 6, 2013 May 3, 2013 Kids, kittens the Same? With employee perks at struggling Internet pioneer Yahoo! it's hard to tell Artificial kidney offers hope to patients tethered to a dialysis machine April 29, 2013 Poland's new Jewish museum celebrates life, doesn't revisit Holocaust Terrorism in America: Is US missing a chance to learn from failed plots? Boston Bomber's 'Svengali' Revealed Tiny satellites + cellphones = cheaper 'eyes in the sky' for NASA April 26, 2013 Clifford D. May: Defense in the Age of Jihadist Terrorism Sharon Palmer, R.D.: How to feel your best -- with plenty of energy, a healthy weight and optimal mental and physical function -- without driving yourself batty April 24, 2013 Jewish World Review Sept. 10, 2007 / 28 Elul, 5767 The public looks beyond Iraq This week, the American public will surely be focused on Iraq, as Gen. David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker present their reports to Congress. Petraeus and Crocker will undoubtedly speak of the striking military success of the surge strategy, while Democrats will try to focus on the failure of Iraqi politicians to reach agreement on major issues. But Iraq is not the only challenge America will face in the coming years. Islamist terrorists will continue to try to attack the United States and undermine if not destroy our free society. And Americans, for all the media's concentration on Iraq, seem aware of this and will be keeping it in mind as they decide on how to vote next year. That's the message you get from an interesting poll conducted in mid-August by Public Opinion Strategies, a widely respected Republican firm, for the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Unlike most polls, it doesn't include specific questions on Iraq, but rather focuses on the wider struggle. It still shows some divisions that parallel those on Iraq. Will the United States be safer from terrorism if it confronts the countries and groups that promote terrorism or if it stays out of other countries' affairs? Some 48 percent prefer confrontation, 44 percent staying out of other countries' affairs. Fully 79 percent of Republicans are for confrontation, while 67 percent of Democrats are for staying out of other countries' affairs. But you don't see such a partisan division when the question is whether the next generation of Americans will be less safe from foreign threats than we are now. Americans agree by a 57 percent to 39 percent margin the margin of agreement is statistically identical among Republicans (17 percent), independents (19 percent) and Democrats (18 percent). Will the threat from Islamic fundamentalism be significantly reduced once George Bush is no longer president? By a 58 percent to 35 percent margin, Americans say no. Will that threat be significantly reduced once U.S. troops leave Iraq? By a 58 percent to 37 percent margin, they say no. What we see here is quite at odds with what has been the prevailing political dialogue. When the question is approval or disapproval of the conduct of the war in Iraq, the middle segment of the electorate independents have joined Democrats in expressing sharp disapproval. In the Democratic presidential debates, candidates have been vying to show that they support withdrawing from Iraq (though lately some have felt obliged to concede that they wouldn't remove all U.S. troops anytime soon). On this issue, the Democratic field is in line not only with the Democratic primary voter, but also with most of the general electorate. But when it comes to the question of protecting Americans from Islamist terrorists, the Democrats have little to say, or nothing. Democratic candidates have mentioned Islamist terrorism only briefly or, more often, not at all in their several debates. In contrast, Republican candidates in their debates have more to say on the subject. On this issue, it is the Republican candidates who are in line not only with their primary electorate but also with most voters in the general election. This helps to explain one anomaly in current polling, that while voters generically prefer a Democratic candidate, when they are presented with a choice between the two candidates now leading in the polls, Hillary Clinton and Rudy Giuliani, they are split just about evenly. The reason is that Democrats are giving voters the impression that they believe everything will be just fine in the world once Bush is back in Crawford and the troops are home from Iraq. The Public Opinion Strategies poll indicates that that is a notion a solid majority of American voters reject. They know that the Sept. 11 attacks were planned long before Bush became president and that our enemies will try to launch new attacks after he is gone. Raging against George W. Bush plays well among Democratic primary voters while Bush still has more than a year left in his presidency. The Democratic base has been in a fury against Bush since the Florida controversy in late 2000, and its appetite for denunciation of him and all his works seems never to be satisfied. But raging against Bush, and leaving the impression that you feel the threats we face will disappear when he does, could leave the Democratic presidential nominee vulnerable next fall when Bush's presidency will be about to recede into history. Every weekday JewishWorldReview.com publishes what many in in the media and Washington consider "must-reading". Sign up for the daily JWR update. It's free. Just click here. The New Americans Now, more than ever, the melting pot must be used to keep America great. Barone attacks multiculturalism and anti-American apologists--but he also rejects proposals for building a wall to keep immigrants out, or rounding up millions of illegals to send back home. Rather, the melting pot must be allowed to work (as it has for centuries) to teach new Americans the values, history, and unique spirit of America so they, too, can enjoy the American dream.. Sales help fund JWR. JWR contributor Michael Barone is a columnist at U.S. News & World Report. Comment by clicking here. Michael Barone Archives © 2006, US News & World Report Richard Z. Chesnoff Frank J. Gaffney Victor Davis Hanson A. Barton Hinkle Judge A. Napolitano Cokie & Steve Roberts Debra J. Saunders J. D. Crowe Ask Doctor K

Video Game Lets Players "Kill" Osama Bin Laden A video game launched barely a week after US Special Forces killed Al-Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden at his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, lets players reenact the raid and "kill" Bin Laden themselves. KumaWar Episode 107: Osama 2011, the latest in a series of free online games based on anti-terror themes, allows gamers to lead the team that killed the Al-Qaeda leader. The game does offer one variation on the actual mission – the virtual Special Forces can suffer casualties. Thailand, Cambodia Border Talks Fail Talks aimed at defusing the tension between Thailand and Cambodia over a disputed border region that has been the scene of escalating attacks in recent weeks failed Monday. Hun Sen of Cambodia and Abhisit Vejjajiva met on the sidelines but did not reach any breakthrough. At least 18 people have been killed in the clashes thus far. Israel's Population Stands at 7.74 Million on 63rd Independence Day Israel's population on the 63rd anniversary of the founding of the state was 7,746,000, a 2% growth since last Independence Day, the Central Bureau of Statistics reports. Since Independence Day 2010, 178,000 babies have been born; 43,000 people have died; and 24,500 new immigrants and residents abroad came into the country. 70% of Israel's Jewish population was native-born. Of the native-born Israeli, half are second-generation "sabras." Jews comprise 75.3% of Israel's population. Broadcom to Buy SC Square for $42 Million The US chipmaker Broadcom has announced plans to buy Israel's SC Square for $41.9 million, the Hebrew-language business website talniri.co.il reports. SC Square, founded in 1999, develops information security software. Its products include smart cards, ID cards, employee cards and banking. Broadcom made its last acquisition in Israel in March, when it bought Provigent for $313 million. The deal for SC Square is expected to be inked by June. Dollar Weakens 0.2% Against Shekel The dollar was down 0.2% against the shekel Monday morning, trading at a rate of NIS 3.441/$. The Euro lost 1% to trade at NIS 4.9561/€. In international currency trading, the dollar was mixed – dropping 0.1% against the euro and gaining against 0.2% against the pound. The dollar also gained on the yen, trading at ¥80.615/$.

A chill has taken hold lately among both government officials and the US media. It comes in the wake of a US district court’s decision to jail a New York Times reporter for refusing to reveal to a grand jury her sources in the Bush Administration and the FBI investigation of a Pentagon Iran analyst for leaking classified information to former officials with the pro-Israel lobby group AIPAC. As a result, those who engage in what have long been standard Washington practices–reporters ferreting out information from government sources, those sources confiding in policy associates, lobbyists and reporters–have become increasingly inhibited in carrying out their jobs. Even as a press frenzy surrounds a grand jury investigation of whether top presidential advisor Karl Rove leaked a CIA officer’s identity to the press, unease in the Washington policy and journalistic communities is also evident. In the wake of Times reporter Judith Miller’s jailing and in fear of government prosecution, the Cleveland Plain Dealer has decided, on the advice of its lawyers, not to publish two major articles based on leaked government information. At a recent gathering in a suburban Maryland living room, the conversation among a handful of foreign policy experts and reporters was about the sense of fear and clampdown. One government expert was convinced office phone conversations were regularly monitored by higher-ups, and reporters noted that senior government sources, intimidated by the Franklin investigation, have become more tight-lipped. While the Franklin/AIPAC investigation is often described as a counterintelligence case, it too is really about government leaks, and the Bush Administration’s determination to plug them. On September 9, 2001, the New York Times published a story by then-State Department correspondent Jane Perlez, who reported a major shift in what had been the Bush Administration’s rejection of the Clinton Administration’s deep engagement in trying to broker a peace settlement between Israelis and Palestinians. Perlez reported that after months of refusing to meet with Yasir Arafat, George W. Bush would grant the Palestinian leader his first audience with the new US President at an upcoming UN General Assembly gathering in New York “if progress were made in high-level talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis.” That meeting between Bush and Arafat never happened. Two days after the Times story appeared, Al Qaeda terrorists crashed planes into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon and a field in Pennsylvania, killing almost 3,000 people. In the aftermath of those attacks, few people recalled that for a brief moment in the late summer of 2001, the Bush Administration had considered meeting with Arafat and deepening its political involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Everyone forgot, except the FBI. According to a recent report by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, it was that September 2001 news article, based on leaks of sensitive Administration deliberations, that prompted then-National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice to demand an FBI leak investigation that has since taken on a dramatic life of its own. Most recently, the investigation has led to the federal grand jury indictment, unsealed last month, of Pentagon Iran desk officer Larry Franklin on charges involving conspiracy to disclose classified national defense information to unauthorized recipients. It is expected to lead to indictments, under the Espionage Act, of two recently dismissed employees of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee for engaging in a conspiracy to receive and pass on to other unauthorized recipients what they knew to be classified information. They are AIPAC’s former director of foreign policy research, Steve Rosen, and his deputy, Iran specialist Keith Weissman. Among those the FBI reportedly wants to interview as a potential witness in its investigation is a Washington Post journalist who was allegedly briefed on some of the classified information by the former AIPAC officials–information those officials had allegedly received from Franklin in an FBI-arranged sting. In addition, Franklin, Rosen and Weissman are all alleged to have relayed classified national defense information to an Israeli Embassy official. It is this latter connection that has raised talk of espionage.

In and around Jerusalem, there have been numerous anti-Christian graffiti attacks painted on the walls of churches and monasteries: "Price-tag" and anti-Christian slogans were sprayed on the gate of the Monastery of Saint Francis, just outside of Jerusalem's Old City in early October. In early September, suspected Jewish extremists torched the wooden door of a Jerusalem monastery and sprayed "Jesus is a monkey" and pro-settler graffiti on the walls. In February, suspected Jewish extremists wrote "Death to Christianity" on two Jerusalem churches. The graffiti also included profanity about Jesus, and the vandals slashed the tires of several cars parked in one of the church compounds. The BBC, to their credit, has reported on gangs of price-tagging Jewish hoodlums from the illegal settlements in the West Bank who spray paint anti-Christian and anti-Muslim slogans and deface and vandalize Arab property. Jane Corbin explains that "Price-tagging is the term they use for a range of acts, from vandalism to arson attacks and religious desecration." She reports that "One of the most provocative price tags so far was in February in the Palestinian village of Burka, where the mosque was attacked, prayer mats were burnt, insults sprayed and war declared on the walls." Here's what I found on CBC when I searched the mainstream Canadian news for anti-Christian graffiti in Jerusalem.

Our second day in Moscow was full of cultural museums. We hopped on the metro (practically a tourist attraction itself) and went to the new Gulag Museum. Nestled in a quiet neighborhood a few miles from city center, the Gulag Museum documents the lives of Russians who had the ill luck to be on the wrong side of Stalin’s regime. Labor camps began around 1920 as a way to punish monarchists, White Army sympathizers, and anyone not interested in the Bolsheviks in power. The first was housed in a monastery in the northwestern part of Russia, near the sea. At first it was all very hush-hush, and then Stalin took power. Today Russians are pretty evenly split on their opinions on Stalin—about 46% think he was a sadistic, evil man while about the same number think he was a good leader, albeit flawed. I personally think that if WWII (known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War) hadn’t happened during Stalin, people would have a much more unified, negative opinion of him. To many he’s the man who protected the Motherland and beat the Nazis. Interesting story: not only were Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany allies in the 30s, but Stalin and Hitler were friends (at least, Stalin thought so). When the call came, telling Stalin that the Nazis had invaded and attacked without a declaration of war, he felt so betrayed that he locked himself up in a rural retreat for three days, grieving, until his advisors pulled him out and said he had to address the people and get the counter-attack moving. In the 30s, under Stalin, the Soviet government became more paranoid, always worried about “enemies of the state” and “foreign influence.” Government agents routinely stalked civilians, then approached them for “questioning.” Once the person was taken in the black car, they didn’t come back. “My mother went white with shock,” a survivor recounted on a video. “She said, ‘she must have her coat!’ and the agents said, ‘that is not necessary, we are just going to talk and she will be back tonight.’ Well, was I grateful to my mother for the fur coat! During the winter I would tuck my hands and feet inside the coat, and that’s how I stayed alive for the years I was in the gulag.” We saw different doors used, heard recordings of the common sounds in a gulag, and saw old guard uniforms displayed. The most interesting parts, I think, were the survivors’ accounts streaming on tv screens throughout the museum. Soviet prisoners would interrogate the suspects for hours or even days at a time. While they were held in cold, concrete prison cells, police would ransack their apartment to find proof they were American spies or disloyal to the party. One teenager had his poems used against him. A woman said that during her sessions the interrogator would pause to use a phone, calling hospitals and clinics and doctors’ houses to search for penicillin. “My son is sick, he’ll die without the medicine,” he’d demand. “Let the boy die, oh please, let the boy die,” she wished silently, sometimes bruised and bloody. Finally, after days of interrogations (and sometimes torture), the guards would shove a piece of paper at them. “Sign this. It says you’re guilty of being disloyal to the party.” One woman stood in complete shock, throwing the papers in the interrogator’s face. “I won’t sign it! I won’t! I’m not disloyal!” She said later that it hadn’t been on principle, but just in shock.” Most were sentenced to 20 years of “corrective hard labor” and shipped far away. Russia opened mines, lumber companies, and railroad lines in far, remote corners of the country and forced millions of innocent people to work 13, 14 hours a day with little food. Often camps were over-populated and people had to share their twin beds with another prisoner. Shock therapy was used as a punishment, and mining was probably the worst labor camps. A few of the mines were in search of uranium, so of course their workers died frequently. As word of the gulags got out to the general public, the government released marketing in support of the camps, claiming it was a cost-effective way to pull the country into modernity. They showed photos of people working while smiling, of promises of extra rations for hard work, and how much money the government was saving. These newssheets also were distributed in the gulags—a nice bit of gaslighting on top of the cruel and inhumane conditions. Stalin died in 1953, and thousands, perhaps millions, of people silently rejoiced even while their neighbors cried in sadness. The very next day some villages tore down their Stalin statues and some of the gulags opened the gates, the guards allowing the people to walk free. Over the next three years changes in the Soviet government reformed the system, creating more oversight and less harsh punishments. Unfortunately, not all gulags closed. The last closed in the early 80s. The end of the museum was dedicated to the writers and artists that had been imprisoned. Poetry and moving passages from their books were displayed on the wall and the books sat on a nearby table. “They always go after the intelligentsia, don’t they?” Jordan asked as we left the building. “Undesirables and tiny ethnic minorities, then the educated.” “Yeah, it seems so.” We reflected on the different museums we’ve visited. “If you kill the intelligentsia, there are no professors warning the people about what’s going to happen next. No doctors to tell you how inhumane conditions are. No judges or lawyers to tell you how illegal something is. No religious scholars to tell you how unethical the regime is.” It’s what they did in Soviet Russia, Pinochet’s Chile, Khmer Rouge’s Cambodia, Eastern Europe and Nazi Germany, Rwanda, and Mao’s China. Jordan looked at me. “Where to next? Something more cheerful, right?” “Nope.” I shook my head. “Pogroms come next.” “We’re off to the Jewish Heritage and Cultural Center.” “Pogroms?” Jordan cocked his head. “Think Fiddler on the Roof.” “This isn’t going to be a happy day, is it?” Jordan pulled out the map and we started walking. “Probably not,” I agreed. It ended up being a bit happier than we expected—mainly because the Jewish Center’s exhibits were so well done. It definitely ranks up in the Top Five Museums we’ve been to. After an 8-minute 4D movie on the beginnings of Judaism and Jewish culture, we wandered through exhibits beginning with and overview of the Jewish Diaspora and timeline—this was so helpful for me. I’d heard the terms Sephardic and Ashkenazi Jews, but was never quite sure what they meant. Primarily, they’re geographic terms. The Sephardic immigrated to Spain (and got hit with Ferdinand and Isabel’s Inquisition in the 15th century), the Ashkenazim immigrated to Eastern Europe, though mostly Poland. We even discovered a tiny sect of Jews in China! The museum mostly centered around the Ashkenazim. As Jews moved across Europe to the west, Europe responded with strong anti-Semiticism. Many retreated back to Poland and surrounding countries, where they were more-or-less accepted into society in the 13th century. However, after the War of 1812 against Napoleon, Emperor Alexander I of Russia took control of the majority of modern-day Poland. Suddenly Russia had a pretty sizable Jewish population it didn’t know what to do with. Although the Ashkenazim had been considered more of a religious group rather than an ethnic group, that changed under Russia. They mostly tried to live as they always had, slightly separate on religious terms, but still involved in village business (towns with sizeable Jewish populations were called shetls, in a region the empire restricted Jews to, called “Pale of the Settlement”). However, laws were passed limiting their right to travel, abolishing their right to go to university, and more. Every so often a pogrom rolled through town. Soldiers encouraged anti-Jewish riots that usually ended with the destruction of Jewish property and the death of Jewish men. Restrictions grew tighter, and then suddenly Jewish boys were drafted into the military alongside Russian boys. In the later half of the 19th century there were all-Jewish platoons, Jewish military social groups, and more as the Jews struggled to retain their heritage while appeasing the ever-demanding empire. By the turn of the 20th century Russia was spiraling downward. After WWI, which ravaged the Jewish homeland, anti-Semeticism exploded. Jewish reaction was varied—the older generation said that they had to keep their lifestyle, keep their heritage, and ignore the looting and burning (think Tevye in Fiddler on the Roof). The young villagers were tired of being poor, being looked-down on, and just wanted to make a living. A few looked to large cities, like Kiev (think Motel the tailor). And a few young people were revolutionaries, ready to bring political change across the empire, ready to protest and demand the right to attend university as full-fledged Russians (think Perchik). With much of Russia in an economic downturn after WWI, Russians were ready to blame anyone they could—anyone that appeared “other” and therefore suspect. Pogroms erupted again, more deadly than ever. With entire villages pushed out of their homes, a few emigrated west to Germany or Hungary, looking for land. The lucky emigrated to America. When the Bolsheviks took power, Lenin expressly invited the Jews to join their cause, while the White monarchists tended to favor anti-Semeticism. Eventually, Jews that hadn’t left joined the Socialist cause. It didn’t really protect them, and in 1938 the Nazis attacked Poland. From there the museum widened it’s scope, showing the Great Patriotic War from a general Russian history view, not just the Jewish angle (we were quite grateful, as we had little frame of reference for special angles of history). We worked with a Russian girl in Argentina, and she had explained to us that WWII is as just a big deal to Russians as it is to Americans, perhaps more so. “Plenty of Russians are still angry with Germany,” she told us. “It’s a deep, deep scar.” And as we watched old newsreels, warning citizens of air raids and sieges and how not to freeze through winter, we understood. massive amounts of Jews were murdered, their bodies thrown into rivers, or they were made to dig their own mass grave, crawl down into it, and wait for a bullet to the skull. And then there was the Siege of Leningrad (Saint Petersburg), one of the bloodiest sieges in all of the war. The battle was waged for months house to house, street to street, while civilians ducked and tried to avoid tank shells. Few survived. “The snow was red that winter,” a Russian veteran recounted. “We had no heat. We had no food. We melted snow, and that’s how we stayed alive,” another survivor remembered. “I remember a little girl, my age, coming up to me one morning and saying, ‘I have good news!’ And I said, ‘what is it?’ and she said, ‘My mother died last night!’ And I remember staring at her saying, ‘that’s good news?’ ‘Yes,’ she told me. ‘Now I have double the bread rations.’” The man shook his head. “That’s how warped our minds became.” Through sheer determination and massive amounts of civilian manpower, the Russians pushed against the Nazis and took back their Motherland. It was a fight for their very survival, in ways that it wasn’t for the U.S. or even England, and the memory runs deep, perhaps even deeper than Americans’ collective memories. After the war, during Soviet Russia, Jews were finally allowed to be true citizens. All racial restrictions were lifted off them, but it came at a high price—Judaism, the Torah, and synagogues were all outlawed. A few Bible stories were preserved by being recounted as fables in books printed by rabbis and Christian priests together. And today, while the Jews have retained their rights they received in the Soviet era, there is still some anti-Semeticism they must deal with. Jordan and I left the museum impressed with the sheer size and cutting edge exhibits. Videos played flawlessly, recording of folk music played whenever we walked past, and there were lots of interactive displays showing original 19th-century newspaper articles and government decrees. We highly recommend a visit to this museum. Jordan and I had one last stop to make—the Novodevichy Convent. Hopping back on the metro, we crossed under the river and went south. Unfortunately, we arrived just as the massive clock tower chimed five o’clock, right when the museums closed. The complex is still a working convent, founded in 1524 by a Grand Prince of Moscow to celebrate taking Smolensk from Lithuania. According to the Lonely Plant guide, “From early on, the ‘New Maidens’ Convent’ was a place for women from noble families to retire—some more willingly than others.” Our time in Russia was over, and we had to catch a plane that night. Russia was amazing, beautiful, complex, and enigmatic as we expected it to be.

Plunderer and Protector of Cultural Property: Security-Intelligence Services Shape the Strategic Value of Art Journal of Art Crime, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 25-40, 2009 Posted: 5 Jul 2011 Date Written: 2009 International conventions that criminalize wartime abuse of cultural property and bilateral treaties that target trafficking in antiquities reflect evolving consideration for looted art in foreign policy. Since the poignant plunder of Jewish collections by Nazi authorities, restitution of artworks has garnered political clout, and looting of developing nations during the Cold War era compounded the significance of cultural property in foreign affairs. In parallel, the increasing financial volume of the art market over the past half-century has attracted the attention of transnational organized crime and has implications for funding of terrorist groups. This paper examines how security-intelligence services of World War II and the Cold War have controlled the looting and recovery of fine art and antiquities. The examination reveals that, in the post-Cold War period, the areas of application for foreign intelligence on looted art have expanded from diplomacy to security policy. Keywords: cultural property, art, antiquities, looting, foreign intelligence, security services, foreign policy, international security, illicit markets Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

When in the early years of the twentieth century the Belgian businessman Edouard Empain began to turn his dream of building an entirely new satellite city in the desert outside Cairo into a reality, he followed the then novel urban-planning concept of the “garden city.” But in naming his creation, he turned back to one of the most ancient sites in Egypt, the solar temple of Heliopolis, the biblical On, and in its architecture he sought inspiration in the heritage of Cairo’s Islamic tradition. When the city, known as “New Egypt” in Arabic, was completed, a half-hour tram ride through the desert was needed to reach it. Today, Heliopolis has been enveloped within the huge and ever-growing metropolis of Cairo. However, despite rapid development, overpopulation, and increasing traffic, Heliopolis has retained much of its original character and charm, and the captivating atmosphere of Egypt’s Belle Epoque is still tangible. Its houses, mosques, and churches, designed to imitate various styles of the past, have become historic buildings in their own right. This fully illustrated book introduces the reader to the history and development of Heliopolis through its architecture and its inhabitants past and present. Rebirth of the City of the Sun 1 November 2006 150 illus. incl. 100 in color For sale worldwide Also available by this author An Imperial Story of Cairo, Istanbul, and AmsterdamAgnieszka Dobrowolska The small sabil–kuttab (a charitable foundation particular to Cairo that combines a public water dispensary with a Quranic school) built in 1760 opposite the venerated Sayida Zeinab Mosque is almost unique in Cairo: it is one of only two dedicated by a reigning Ottoman sultan, and—astonishingly—it is decorated inside with blue-and-white tiles from Amsterdam depicting happy scenes from the Dutch countryside. Why did the sultan, Mustafa III, cloistered in his Istanbul palace, decide to build a sabil in Cairo? Why did he choose this site for it? How did it come to be adorned with Dutch tiles? What were the connections between Cairo, Istanbul, and Amsterdam in the middle of the eighteenth century? The authors answer these questions and many more in this entertaining and beautifully illustrated history of an extraordinary building, describing also the recent conservation efforts to preserve it for posterity....read more 15 March 2012 220 color illus. Egypt and Nubia / The Holy Land Limited Collector’s edition Drawings by David Roberts, R.A. With historical descriptions by William Brockedon Lithographed by Louis Haghe Limited Collector’s editionDrawings byDavid Roberts, R.A. With historical descriptions byWilliam Brockedon Lithographed byLouis Haghe The genius and sensitivity of the justly celebrated nineteenth-century Scottish artist David Roberts are fully revealed in this outstanding special three-volume collector’s edition that reproduces in unprecedented print quality all 247 of Roberts’ published drawings of Egypt and the Holy Land. In 1838 and 1839, Roberts spent eleven months traveling and sketching throughout Egypt from Alexandria to Abu Simbel and through Sinai to Petra, Jerusalem, Palestine, and Lebanon. The 247 lithographs that Belgian engraver Louis Haghe then produced at the rate of one a month from the drawings executed during Roberts’ extraordinary trip were published in six volumes by Francis Graham Moon, as The Holy Land, Syria, Idumea, Arabia, Egypt and Nubia (1842–46) and Egypt and Nubia (1846–49). This monumental work assured the artist of a fame that has lasted until the modern day. Once again in this limited collector’s edition, the wonders that Roberts saw on his trip and the style of life in the Middle East in the middle of the nineteenth century are brought vividly to life by the pictures and the original accompanying texts by the Reverend George Croly and William Brockedon. All admirers of David Roberts will want to own this unique and exquisitely produced edition....read more 3 volume boxed set320 + 288 + 32 pp. 247 color plates Arts of the City Victorious Islamic Art and Architecture in the Fatimid North Africa and Egypt Jonathan M. Bloom Islamic Art and Architecture in the Fatimid North Africa and EgyptJonathan M. Bloom Arts of the City Victorious is the first book-length study of the art and architecture of the Fatimids, the Shi‘ite dynasty that ruled in North Africa and Egypt from 909 to 1171. The Fatimids are most famous for founding the walled city of Cairo in 969, and their art—particularly textiles and luster ceramics, but also metalwork and carved rock-crystal, ivory, and woodwork—has been admired for nearly a millennium. Fatimid art is known for its strongly figural imagery, and its elegant and inventive use of Arabic calligraphy, particularly the angular Kufic script. Highlighting surviving examples of Fatimid art and architecture, this volume also draws on an unusual wealth of medieval sources that provide written evidence for the rich visual culture shared among the Muslim, Christian, and Jewish inhabitants of the Fatimid realm. Whereas earlier studies treated the two and a half centuries of Fatimid art and architecture as a single category, this book is the first to show how they grew and evolved over time. Written in an engaging and accessible style, this book focuses on key works of art, copiously illustrated with photographs, many in color. With this volume, art historian Jonathan Bloom synthesizes the findings of many scholars in many languages, to offer a rich portrait of a vibrant artistic period in Islamic civilization....read more 150 illus. incl. 50 color Early Persian Painting Kalila and Dimna Manuscripts of the Late 14th Century Kalila and Dimna Manuscripts of the Late 14th CenturyBernard O’Kane Kalila wa Dimna (or The Fables of Bidpai) is one of the gems of world culture, having been translated through the centuries everywhere from China to Spain. The stories of Kalila wa Dimna, like the Fables of Aesop or Lafontaine, are subtle and suggestive moral tales—a kind of repository of wisdom and understanding about the human condition. It was the most commonly illustrated medieval Islamic text. This book focuses on the group of seven Persian manuscripts from the second half of the fourteenth century, which contain several of the finest masterpieces of Persian painting. It is a work of enormous erudition and scholarly importance, a huge contribution for art historians and students interested in Persian painting and early Islamic art. In a world now besotted with images, these superb early paintings can give us a glimpse of the power and delight that they must have given their original viewers, and help explain the work’s attractiveness throughout the ages. “These pages will remain forever as a basic tool for all further work on this particular text and as a model for the study of illustrated manuscripts in general”—Oleg Grabar, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton...read more 50 b/w, 91 color illus. His Lost City and Great Mosque His Lost City and Great MosqueTarek Swelim Ahmad Ibn Tulun (835–84), the son of a Turkic slave in the Abbasid court of Baghdad, became the founder of the first independent state in Egypt since antiquity, and builder of Egypt’s short-lived third capital of the Islamic era, al-Qata’i‘ and its great congregational mosque. After recounting the story of Ibn Tulun and his successors, architectural historian Tarek Swelim presents a topographic survey of al-Qata’i‘, a city lost since its complete destruction in 905. He then provides a detailed architectural analysis of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, which was spared the destruction and is now the oldest surviving mosque in Egypt and Africa, from the time of its completion until today. Rare archival illustrations and early photographs document the changing appearance and uses of the mosque in modern times, while extraordinary 3D computer renderings take us back in time to recreate its architectural development through its early centuries. Plans, drawings, and maps complement the history, while striking modern color photographs showcase the elegant simplicity of the building’s architecture and decoration. This definitive and generously illustrated book will appeal to scholars and students of Islamic art history, as well as to anyone interested in or inspired by the beauty of early mosque architecture....read more 13 December 2015 120 illus., including color photos, computer drawings, archival prints

Tyndale’s translations were condemned in England, where his work was banned and copies burned. Catholic officials, prominently Thomas More, charged that he had purposely mistranslated the ancient texts in order to promote anti-clericalism and heretical views. Why was Tyndale hated? Controversy over new words and phrases. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church did not approve of some of the words and phrases introduced by Tyndale, such as “overseer”, where it would have been understood as “bishop”, “elder” for “priest”, and “love” rather than “charity”. … Tyndale was accused of errors in translation. How did Tyndale react to the bishop buying the print run of his Bibles and burning them? Tyndale later commented that “in burning the New Testament, they did none other thing than I looked for; no more shall they do if they burn me also, if it be God’s will it shall so be.” 21 Out of an estimated 18,000 copies printed between 1524 and 1528, fewer than a handful of copies have survived to modern times. Who accused William Tyndale of heresy? In May 1536, Anne Boleyn, second wife of King Henry VIII, was convicted of adultery and beheaded. Five months later, accused heretic and English Bible translator William Tyndale was strangled and burned at the stake. What did William Tyndale do that caused him to be hunted down and killed? William utilised the works of Desderius Erasmus, a Dutch Scholar as a basis for his bible. This led to him being hunted down by the authorities as it was considered heresy. Not deterred by this after finishing the New Testament he began translating the Old Testament from Hebrew. Is Tyndale Bible accurate? Based on 18 sampled passages from those portions of the Bible that Tyndale translated, we conclude that for the New Testament Tyndale’s contribution is about 84 per cent of the text, while in the Old Testament about 76 per cent of his words have been retained. Who tried to destroy the Bible? On February 24, 303, Diocletian’s first “Edict against the Christians” was published. Among other persecutions against Christians, Diocletian ordered the destruction of their scriptures and liturgical books across the entire Roman empire. Why did King James dislike the Geneva Bible? King James despised the revolutionary Geneva Bible because he thought it was anarchical. He thought the Bible’s notes threatened his authority and kingship. … Paranoid, he outlawed the Geneva bible and ordered a new translation. This translation came to be known as the King James Bible. Who wrote the first Bible? According to both Jewish and Christian Dogma, the books of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy (the first five books of the Bible and the entirety of the Torah) were all written by Moses in about 1,300 B.C. There are a few issues with this, however, such as the lack of evidence that Moses ever existed … Who was the first to translate the Bible into English? The first complete English-language version of the Bible dates from 1382 and was credited to John Wycliffe and his followers. Was William Tyndale a Roman Catholic? William Tyndale, (born c. 1490–94, near Gloucestershire, England—died October 6, 1536, Vilvoorde, near Brussels, Brabant), English biblical translator, humanist, and Protestant martyr. Is the Tyndale Bible Catholic? Tyndale is pleased to announce the NLT Catholic Holy Bible Readers Edition, approved by the Catholic Church for reading and study and including the official Imprimatur. The Bible includes the New Living Translation text with deuterocanonical books. It also features book introductions to aid your personal study. Was William Tyndale a Catholic priest? On the eve of the Protestant Reformation, William Tyndale was ordained a Roman Catholic priest in London, Holy Saturday, 1515. … Raised in a yeoman family in Gloucestershire, Tyndale entered Magdalen Hall, later Hertford College, Oxford, where he earned his B.A in 1512 and his M.A. in 1515. Why did William Tyndale translated the Bible into English? The greatest challenge that Tyndale’s Bible caused the Catholic Church is best summed up by Tyndale, when he gave one of his primary reasons for translating the Bible: to “cause a boy that driveth the plough to know more scripture than the clergy of the day”, many of whom were poorly educated. What happened to the Reformers Martin Luther and William Tyndale? What happened to the reformers Martin Luther and William Tyndale? Luther was excommunicated and Tyndale was executed. What version of the Bible was popular among Puritans? The Geneva Bible remained popular among Puritans and remained in widespread use until after the English Civil War. The Geneva notes were surprisingly included in a few editions of the King James version, even as late as 1715.

A Fleischer Popeye cartoon to add to the Vintage Monkey Cartoons list. Another one for the Vintage Monkey Cartoons list… this one is from Warner Brothers. A excerpt from a weird and ugly (but interesting) WWII propaganda cartoon made by inept and humorless nazis featuring Mickey Mouse, Popeye, Donald Duck, Goofy, Felix, and horrible Jewish stereotypes. I’ve seen a lot of WWII propaganda from the Allies, but not much from the Axis… presumably most of it was destroyed. If all their animation was this uninspired, it is no wonder we won the war. WARNING: This cartoon contains offensive ethnic caricatures. If offensive stereotypes bug you, you may not want to view it. This is a short cartoon from 1938 by George Pal advertising Philips radios. Special effects pioneer George Pal was the king of what is known as “replacement animation” in the world of stop motion animation. Replacement animation is an extremely labor intensive process (in the already inherently labor intensive process of animation) where different elements of an animation puppet are removed and replaced with another similar item in a slightly different pose. A single character can potentially have hundreds of replaceable elements in different poses. It is very common for this technique to be used with character’s heads… Jack Skellington in The Nightmare Before Christmas is a good example of a very-well done puppet with replaceable facial poses. The Phillips Broadcast animation is remarkable in how much of it is done with replacement animation… the heads are replaceable on all the characters… but so are entire bodies. The shapes distort and transform wonderfully with the kind of physical exaggeration generally only seen in hand-drawn animation. It boggles the mind how much labor must have gone into this short film. It has to be seen to be believed. It is truly a masterpiece of stop-motion animation. Note that it is REALLY, REALLY worth your time to go and view this cartoon at a higher resolution with much more brilliant color here on the Europa Film Treasures site (unfortunately that version is not embeddable on this website). WARNING: This cartoon contains racial depictions that many will find offensive. If this sort of thing bothers you, you may not want to view it. Go here to check out the George Pal DVD set George Pal – Flights of Fantasy on Amazon, which contains this and many other cartoons. Here is a gorgeusly designed and animated, extremely bizarre stop-motion animation for the petroleum industry from the demented mind of Charley Bowers, the man who made the previously posted and equally bizarre Metal Eating Bird. Here is the last spooky cartoon I’m going to get to before Halloween… check out the expanding Directory of Vintage Spooky Cartoons here. It will continue to be updated as long as I keep finding more… and there are a lot more out there still. This is a Terrytoon called Who Killed Cock Robin! from 1933, discovered courtesy of the Saturday Morning Blog. Here’s an early Disney Silly Symphonies cartoon for the Vintage Spooky Cartoons list… Halloween is coming up fast. Another cartoon for the ongoing Vintage Spooky Cartoons list… the Fleischers’ Popeye versus a ghost ship. Unfortunately, the only version of this available online that I can find right now is the colorized version. I’m not talking Ted Turner colorized either… bad as that is, this is much worse. My understanding is that at some point (around the time color television came around?) some brilliant entrepreneur decided it would be a good idea to make a buck by remaking some old public domain black and white cartoons in color by tracing cartoons on the cheap, coloring them and re-filming them. The results are poorly traced, and hideously colored, with far less “in-betweening” than the originals… leaving the animation a clunky, jerky, ugly mess… a hollow shell of the original. I imagine that they generally have chunks of the cartoon outright missing as well, judging from the budget-minded nature of this monstrous process (not to mention the sort of censorship that inevitably occurs when dimwits revisit the material of yesteryear and judge it by modern standards). In the very likely event I have any of this information wrong, someone out there please do correct me in the comments. Needless to say, I’ll replace this with a black and white version if it becomes available. Another cartoon for the ongoing Vintage Spooky Cartoon list in anticipation of Halloween. Could this Mad Doctor be The Phantom Blot? Apparently this cartoon was considered too frightening for children by British censors.

Archive for the ‘Neveh Zuf’ tag Jewish settlers blocked the Neveh Zuf junction to Palestinian traffic. Several Palestinian vehicles were damaged. Jewish settlers set fire to a two story Palestinian home in the village of Hawara, the windows of another home in the village were smashed. The traffic routes: Gilad, Trans-Binyamin, the T-intersection near Beit El, Shavei Shomron junction, the road near Neveh Zuf, were blocked from movement of Palestinians for varying periods of time by Jewish settlers. At the T-intersection near Beit El, the windshields of a Palestinian vehicle were smashed. At the entrance to the village of Deir Abu Mashal, Jewish settlers are confronting Palestinians. Staff members of the Tazpit unit, identified with settlers, say that they photographed Palestinians and left-wing activists staging damage in a Palestinian field. The pictures, which were taken by the Halamish Junction and the Neveh Zuf settlement, portray Palestinians and left-wing activists damaging olive trees with an electric saw. (Hebrew)

The success of the mainstream music industry depends partly on recognising opportunities to introduce consumers to a new music style, then commercializing it for mainstream audiences, and ultimately exploiting the trend until it is no longer popular or profitable. Throughout the history of popular music in America, this model has been successful countless times throughout the decades, whether Minstrel songs of the nineteenth century, ragtime tunes, swing music, and even New Wave and grunge. Perhaps the most famous and infamous example of this marketing model came during the mid-1970s with the arrival of disco. It was an era when the opportunity for fun novelty dance music could not have come at a better time. The early 1970s was an age of bombast played out on rock albums à la Led Zeppelin, Yes, Pink Floyd and T. Rex. At the same time, singer/songwriters and adult contemporary “soft rock” took over AM radio. It is easy to understand why a genre characteristic of big beats, lavish production and frivolity became popular. Put much simpler by Disco promoter Wanda Ramos, “disco is happy music. It has a basic rhythm that everyone can understand.” Disco was tremendously successful, Larry Starr and Christopher Waterman note that a number of additional factors contributed to the appeal of disco, including a mainstream popularity of soul and funk, as well as fresh technologies like synthesizers, synchronized turntables and drum machines along with a revitalization in America’s interest in social dancing. Disco eventually became a profitable commodity to exploit; by 1977, “95% of all record companies have released albums with at least one disco-formatted song” according to the Journal of Marketing. The crash in the market for disco music came in 1979; some rock purists rose up in protest. Famously, seventy thousand people crowded into Chicago’s Comisky Park for Disco Demolition Night, an event where disco records were smashed, set ablaze and a rioting melee ensued. While Disco Demolition Night was not the cause of disco’s decline, it was an indication of an overheated market; the music industry consequently moved on and left the disco craze behind. The music industry does not always get it right in the way it did with disco, though. While recording artists during the early 1920s brought the new style of blues to record, the publishers and composers of Tin Pan Alley attempted to bring the blues to sheet music as well. During the late 1910s and early 1920s, at the same time that jazz had brought a new nomenclature to the music industry, “blues” was also entering the lexicon of popular music. A rural folk music sung for decades in Jim Crow era South, what would eventually become known as blues music had spread across the South by the end of the nineteenth century. With a highly adaptable chord progression and verse structure, the blues was a style that could be embellished with flatted “blue notes” and lyrics which expressed the minutia of everyday life, creating an immeasurable number of songs. In the early 1910s, composer WC Handy, who had been interested in the artistry and potential profitability of the music, published two commercially successful songs that would give the blues national attention. Following the First World War, with jazz on the minds of many music publishers, record companies and music consumers, blues became another buzzword throughout Tin Pan Alley with dozens of songs taking the blues name. Many of these tunes were not truly indicative of blues music and there are plenty of examples in which the blues name had been exploited, with comical characters in compromising situations and a rash of racial stereotypes that had been en vogue for decades. However, once the publishing craze died down, the blues emerged from the 1920s as its own genre of music with its distinct catalogue of musicians, who eventually went on to influence generations of rock and roll musicians throughout the twentieth century. Long before the blues constituted its own genre of music in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the term blues had already been widely used in songs during the nineteenth century. “The blues” had been used in songs to refer to depression, malaise and lassitude as early as the nineteenth century, in such titles as “I Have Got the Blues To Day!” by Gustave Blesser and Sarah Graham from 1850 in which the main character feels depressed since his sweetheart Fannie has gone away: But more, oh! More than all I sigh, That Fannie ever pleased my eyes; Or that the charmer went away. To leave me in the blues to day; This connotation of feeling blue continued in the twentieth century with songs like “That’s Why I’m Lonesome and Blue” from 1909, and even upbeat numbers like “Blame It on the Blues (Very Blue)” from 1913, a ragtime instrumental in tempo di ragioso with the sheet music cover illustrated with a happy couple dancing. The blues had another, more conspicuous usage during the nineteenth century, in which the Blues, capital B, referred to police officers, soldiers, and subsequently, political candidates who supported Union veterans of the Civil War. There were numerous examples in which military units and personnel were honoured with songs and marches. “The Blues Quick Step” by John Holloway from 1836 is dedicated to the “light infantry company Winslow Blues,” while the “Washington Blues March” by F. Watson published in 1843 is “dedicated to the officers and members of the Louisville Washington Blues.” “Republican Blues March” from 1860 had been “composed and respectfully dedicated to the officers and members of the Republican Blues of Savannah Geo.” Specific individuals were also honoured with their own marches. “The City Blues Quick Step” from 1851 is “dedicated to Capt. Johnson of the City Blues.” This practice became even more common following the Civil War as an abbreviation for the “the boys in blue” referring to Union veterans; consequently, various presidential campaign songs, particularly for candidates of the Republican Party, extolled their candidates support of “the Blue.” There are many instances of linking candidate with the Blues including “Rally for the Leader” for the 1868 campaign of General Ulysses S. Grant “Who led the ‘Boys in blue.’” “The Boys in Blue with See It Through,” a campaign song for Rutherford B. Hayes and William Wheeler in 1876, shows confidence that “Gen’ral Rutherford B. Hayes We have an honest man/And Wheeler has such upright way, We’re bound to lead the van.” “The Veteran’s Vote,” a campaign song from the election of 1880, candidate James Garfield and his running mate Chester A. Arthur are promoted as being staunchly “in line” with the boys in blue. Long before the blues constituted its own separate genre of music, using the blues in music had an already established tradition in American music during the nineteenth century. While no one is exactly clear how or where the blues tradition developed, it is generally known that the musical style came of age in the South, was sung by former slaves and by the late 1900s, had diffused across the South, in urban and rural areas alike. According to writer LeRoi Jones, blues music “could not exist if the African captives had not become American captives.” The blues moniker did not exist yet; it was social music that developed in the late nineteenth century far away from publishing offices, desks of composers and bandstands of smartly suited brass band musicians. Apparently, there had not been enthusiastic interest in studying the music and its social history at the time of its development. For many white people throughout the region, it was just “Nigger music,” a sentiment shared by erudite African Americans in the north who viewed the style as vulgar. “With a couple of exceptions, ethnomusicologists didn’t become interested in the blues until later, thus missing prime opportunities to document the origins of the music and to record its pioneers,” notes music historian Robert Santelli. After the Boys in Blue left the South following Reconstruction during the late 1870s, segregation laws had been passed in state legislatures throughout the South, leaving recently freed African Americans to face a new legislated social reality that they must “remain subordinate or be exterminated,” according to South Carolina senator Benjamin Tillman in 1900. Blues singing in the Jim Crow South illustrated life in an era of segregation, lynching, tenant farming, poverty and backbreaking labour. Kevin Phinney notes that “the blues was not just a style of music, but a way of being, and its practitioners passed the hat for food and shelter alongside the folk who gathered at honky tonks, cheap eateries, and street corners to listen for a while.” Most of the blues music during this era in the South was likely performed by solo artists, sometimes duos, untrained musicians playing on second-hand or crudely made instruments of any variety. Yet, in spite of the Jim Crow cultural context, there was entertainment value in the music and the opportunity to make a buck during this time. Eventually, it became a form of folk entertainment and “most [blues] musicians likely interspersed into the collection of songs…spirituals, folk standards pop favourites, just about anything that would make a crowd of people take note.” By the early twentieth century, what would eventually become blues music had spread to nearly every corner of the South. Folklorist Howard Odum noted that, during a trip reaching from the Mississippi Delta to Georgia between 1905 and 1908, “more than half the songs he documented were blues.” Although there had not been any study of the roots of blues music during its development, the rural, pastoral music style had spread across the South by the early 1900s. Typically, blues songs have a rigid system of construction, but one to which each individual performer can add his or her own individual personality to the songs, creating a multitude of song variety. The most ubiquitous elements of blues music depend on the constructions of the verse and the combination of a few simple chords that give the blues its distinct timbre. A distinguishing feature of blues music is the construction of the stanzas, put together in segments of twelve measures, or bars; an unusual structure, since many of the songs coming from the major publishers of the day were nearly always in sixteen bars. Another recognisable characteristic of blues music is the tonal arrangement of the chord progressions. The harmonic structures are simple in form, only three chords are typically used in a fixed order, the “tonic, subdominant and the chord of the dominant seventh…then back to the tonic chord.” But blues music also has a flair for personality including the ways in which singers and musicians add unexpected notes and the lyrical topics which give insight into everyday life of a performer. Flatted notes frequently pepper the music almost at the singer’s whim, the so-called “blue notes” from which blues music gets its name. More specifically, “the flattened third and seventh notes which give the Blues its sound; not unsurprisingly, these have become known as ‘blue notes’.” While the standard twelve-bar verse constructions and the chord progressions give blues songs their structure, the topics and the words of these songs gave the blues the individual flavour and expressed the experiences of each individual singer. “Southern Negroes sang about everything. Trains, steamboats, steam whistles, sledge hammers, fast women, mean bosses, stubborn mules” composer WC Handy remembered from a music trip to the South in 1903. No one is quite sure how blues received its name. In fact “no definite association between the word ‘blue’ and the music known as ‘the blues’ can be established before the 1910s,” including the blues notes, according to jazz historian Frank Tirro. Feeling blue is a common feature, but the blues music does not always rely on complaining about troubles in one’s life, in fact music historian Gilbert Chase observes that while “most blues have the burden of lament associated with the expression ‘feeling blue,’ they have an undertone of humour.” Blues music has a distinctive style in lyrical format, song structure and melodic chord progressions, and yet there are countless permutations to create songs. The blues remained an underground folk music stretching from Texas to Georgia and from Louisiana to Kentucky until two songs published during the early 1910s brought the style and the moniker into the mainstream consciousness, this was partly due to artistic interest in composing the music and partly due to capitalist intentions to bring a new style to consumers’ attention. Composer and musician William Christopher Handy had travelled across the South during the early 1900s and the rural, pastoral music with its unique phrasing, chord progressions and blue notes had a profound effect on him. In describing his first encounter hearing the music, Handy remarked that “The effect was unforgettable… the weirdest music I have ever heard.” Although he found the style rather primitive, he saw the beauty in it and Handy recalled, “They had the stuff people wanted. It touched the spot.” Handy knew that there was also potential to capitalise on this unusual style of music, as evident from the way that audiences were throwing money at buskers. Handy remembered that “dollars, quarters, halves—the shower [of coins] grew heavier and continued so long I strained my neck to get a better look….There before the boys lay more money than my nine musicians were being paid for an entire engagement.” Financial motives were certainly part of the decision to write down blues music and Handy understood that “their music wanted polishing….People would pay money for it.” In 1912, Handy published “The Memphis Blues,” a reworked “Southern Rag” melody he originally published in 1909 for the election campaign for Memphis mayoral candidate E.H. Crump. It was an immediate hit; within three days, his initial run of 1000 copies sold out. After the success of “The Memphis Blues,” two years later, Handy published “The Saint Louis Blues,” which brought Handy and the blues national attention and fame. Both titles have the virtues of being different both sonically and rhythmically from other popular songs of the early 1910s, however, both tunes have commercial elements which appealed to consumers of mass-produced pop songs. “Like most of Handy’s ‘blues’, those two compositions had much more in common with popular ragtime tunes of the day,” comments Peter Bekker. “The Memphis Blues” after all had been labelled in the way that many ragtime tunes of the day had been labelled, as a cakewalk, while “The Saint Louis Blues” was labelled as a “widely known ragtime composition.” Lyrically, “The Saint Louis Blues” fits within the sort of torch songs popular in the early 1910s and is fairly commonplace; in the song, a woman pines for a man who is leaving, a topic which had been published dozens of times during this time period, “He’s got a heart like a rock cast in the sea/Or else he would not go so far from me” read some of the rather poetic lyrics. Keeping in touch with the pop music trends of the day is what often leads to commercial success after all, selling a product that people already know and will purchase even for a foreign sounding music, and this was Handy’s method. For all of the commercial success that both songs had over a relatively short period of time, W.C. Handy was modest in his role in the development of blues music, never having claimed that he invented the genre, likening himself as a person whose role in the “history was to introduce this, the ‘blues’ form, to the general public,” although his publishing firm Pace & Handy Music Company in Memphis had been referred to as The “Home of the Blues.” By 1914, the blues music that had been prevalent folk music found its place within the pop music scene after the publication of “The Memphis Blues” and “The Saint Louis Blues.” It would not take long before major music publishers and famous songwriters took notice and produced their own blues songs throughout the late 1910s and early 1920s and attempted to ride the wave of popularity of the song style, or at least its name. The rhythmic, lyrical and sonic characteristics of blues music were slowly creeping into the music market of the early 1910s. “Nigger Blues,” published in 1913, has all the elements of blues music including its twelve-bar verse patterns, blue notes, characteristic chord progression and the lyrical style of twice-repeated lines: When a man gets blue, He takes a train and rides, When a man gets blue, He takes a train and rides, When a woman gets blue, She hangs her little head and cries. Vaudeville star Sophie Tucker saw the value of adding blues music to her act as early as 1915; after all, adding fresh, new song styles would garner further interest in her performances and perhaps increase attendance of her shows. “The Broadway Blues” was in the blues style, about her having the blues in the midst of Broadway glamour; drinking seems to be the best method of defeating her blues: Got to go and get myself some gin right now Got to go and get myself some gin right now It’s an awful thing when gloom keeps hanging ‘round With the Broadway blues those Broadway blues. But the blues trend never really accelerated in popularity during the mid 1910s; Tin Pan Alley composers were busy cashing in on two consecutive music crazes, the first, for Hawaiian songs between 1915 and 1916 and a second craze over wartime music during the Great War. By 1919, two converging trends would push Tin Pan Alley composers and lyricists to write a number of songs about having the blues. Around 1919, after Jazz music had found its way into the lexicon of American music, songs about the South became immensely popular. Two songs by Milton Ager from 1919 affirm this trend, that “Everything is Peaches Down in Georgia” and that “Anything is Nice if It Comes From Dixieland.” During these years, composer Walter Donaldson made a career of writing songs about life in the South, even though he was born and raised in Brooklyn. It was an era when Al Jolson interpolated George Gershwin’s song “Swanee” for his musical vehicle Sinbad and managed to make it a hit, along with two other Southern songs, “My Mammy,” sung in blackface, and “Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody.” During this time, blues songs and singers were making their way on record and becoming increasingly popular with both black and white audiences. With Southern music en vogue on stage and in sheet music and the Southern style of blues music coming of age on record, unsurprisingly, a rash of various “Blues” titles came out of Tin Pan Alley and featured on stages up and down Broadway. The Louis Hirsch comedy The Rainbow Girl (1918) included “The Alimony Blues,” the Rudolph Friml comedy Tumble In (1919) included “The Wedding Blues,” Jerome Kern “topped the score” with “Left All Lone Again Blues” in The Night Boat (1920), Kern also wrote “The Blue Danube Blues” for Good Morning Dearie (1921). Titles of this time also included “Singing the Blues Until My Daddy Comes Home” and “Home Again Blues” from 1920, “High Brown Blues” and “The Wood Alcohol Blues” from 1921. By 1922 and 1923, Tin Pan Alley songs about various sorts of blues included titles like “Lovesick Blues,” “The Blue Kitten Blues” “Yankee Doodle Blues,” “Cinderella Blues,” “Golfing Blues,” “Out Where the Blues Began,” “Blue Hoosier Blues.” During the late 1910s and early 1920s, Tin Pan Alley composers pumped out blues tunes with ferocity, with hopes that they would earn a big blues hit. Within the lyrics of these sheet music Tin Pan Alley blues songs, there is a pattern which emerges regularly; the blues songs as imagined by composers and lyricists involve certainly that a character in the song has the blues about some aspect of his or her life. Topics of money, work, and, of course, love come up regularly with characters lamenting about their personal situations. Topical fears of losing family members in the war connected music consumers to “Those Draftin’ Blues” from 1918, in which persons are instructed in the refrain that “When Uncle Sam calls out your man/Don’t sigh, And cry…You know it’s gonna break your heart/To let you honey go away,” all the while performers are instructed to “observe grace notes with moaning effect” to mimic the style of blues singing. In Albert Von Tilzer’s “I’ve Got the Travelling ‘Choo-Choo’ Blues,” the main character, a homeless “roamin’ Romeo” complains about his “home that runs on wheels Where they don’t serve homemade meals.” Work is lamented in “Pullman Porter Blues (A Light Brown Blues)” from 1921, in which a tip collector “get[s] nothing but abuse” from demanding passengers: It’s “Pullman Porter What town are we at?” It’s “Pullman Porter Brush off my hat” “Now look here porter someone stole my booze,” I got the Pullman Porter Blues. Money, or more exactly, the lack of money, is the source of a person’s blues in Irving Berlin and Henry Akst’s “Home Again Blues” from 1920 in which a “rolling stone for many years” decides to return home without a cent to his name: When I left my home I didn’t have a cent I wasn’t broke but I was badly bent I didn’t have a single dine to count And now I’m going home with the same amount The main character of “I’ve Got Those Bonus Blues” from 1922 asserts that the audience has “heard of all kinds of blues” and then expresses grief about his money woes, but is at least hopeful about his future: Better days are sure to come, That’s plain to see Uncle Sam will surely send it And I know just how I will spend it Such sentiment about people in dire situations having the blues continues when love and relationships are involved. Humour is threaded throughout the stanzas of “Cry Baby Blues” form 1921, a song in which a man cannot get any loving from his “baby,” “You’re the baby I’ve been callin’ my own/Oh! Me, Oh! My, You’re about the meanest baby I’ve known/And here’s just why, When I wanna kiss you answer no.” This sort of song topic is reminiscent of the 1890s, when sad sentiment had been shamelessly pedalled to evoke emotion; the sadder the song, the bigger the profit. The blues streak of the late 1910s and early 1920s was about hearing how other people had felt sad and dejected by love, money and work. There is something fundamentally at odds with the bucolic nature of blues music and what it became during a publishing fad, that the blues had become exploited by composers trying to bring the song’s style to sheet music. Traditional blues music was not composed; instead, it was played on rudimentary instruments and sung by black people in the Jim Crow South observing life around them. It was music that had context within its environment. According to Ted Gioia, blues music “sings of small, everyday details of individual lives.” The composers and lyricists of Tin Pan Alley, on the other hand, were professionals, most often white folk since African Americans were routinely barred from ASCAP. They wrote commercial music that they thought consumers would purchase. According to music historian Frank Tirro, the “two most successful songwriters composing blues were Irving Berlin and Gus Kahn” during this time. Bluesman Clarence Williams asserts that “I’d never have written the blues if I had been white. You don’t study to write blues, you feel them.” African American musicians and composers Porter Grainger and Bob Ricketts in 1926 instructed people that “to render a ‘blues’ song effectively, it is necessary to possess a fair knowledge of the spirit and circumstance” of the music. Obviously, there are major discrepancies and sometimes silliness to some of these blues numbers coming from the major publishing houses. When Prohibition came into effect, titles like “The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues)” and “I’ve Got the Prohibition Blues (For My Booze)” came into existence, neither of which were in the blues twelve-bar style or embellished with blue notes; the songs contained such maladroit lyrics as “I’ve got the blues, I’ve got the Blues Since they amputated my booze” and “I’ve got the prohibition blues/In memory of beer I’ll shed a tear.” The blues meme was not restricted to the topicality of prohibition, pop culture came into the sphere of blues influence including the self-referential “Everybody’s Crazy ‘Bout the Doggone Blues But I’m Happy” and “I’ve got the ‘Yes! We Have No Bananas’ Blues,” which expresses annoyance of constantly hearing the popular nonsense song that became a “national scourge” in 1923. A slew of comical yet racially insensitive stereotypes that had been Tin Pan Alley fodder for at least two decades also came through in various blues songs. The piano-playing talent of “A darkey known as Hosanna Clay,” was commemorated in “Bluin’ the Blues,” which became a major instrumental hit for the Original Dixieland Jazz Band in 1919. Asians were also included as in Philip Braham and Douglas Furber’s “Limehouse Blues” from Charlot’s Revue of 1924, in which “yellow chinkies love to play…those blues all day.” An orthodox Jewish jazz band is caricatured on the cover of “The House of David Blues” from 1923 and their long whiskers are mentioned since “they play the Barber Shop Chord but they never shave.” An immigrant has the blues for mother Russia in “Russian Blues” from Englishman Noel Coward: Maybe I’ll return some day It may be hysteria, but even if it means Siberia, Start your locomotive, Rock your little boat, I shall feel so happy when I know that I’m afloat. It seems as though the songwriters of the major publishing houses were missing the point and the soul of blues music, using it as a commodity in some silly ways. The craze for blues numbers came and went on Tin Pan Alley and, although making occasional appearances on sheet music, the fad fizzled within a few years. However, blues remained tremendously popular and is one of the few fads in American music history to undergo a profound change from music fad into its own genre which continues to influence generations of musicians. While many of the songs mentioned in this essay had no lasting implication on song history, their recorded counterparts, the “classic blues” of the likes of Charley Patton, “Ma” Rainey, Mamie Smith and Bessie Smith enjoyed so much success that an entire industry of “race records” flourished during the 1920s, a term later replaced by “rhythm and blues,” “a term invented by a white Billboard writer, Jerry Wexler…to replace the derogatory trade name ‘race music,’” notes John Seabrook. Blues has also enjoyed international appreciation when bluesman Spencer Williams published many Delta Blues songs and even popularised the music in Europe with successful tours in France in 1925 and in England 1932. In 1924, blue notes became part of the American classical music canon in the writing of George Gershwin’s “Rhapsody in Blue,” one of the most famous compositions in American music, a piece which manages to blend together pop, jazz, blues and even elements of klezmer music into orchestral instrumentation. Blues musicians became musical celebrities like Muddy Waters, B.B. King, Sarah Vaughn, etc. Blues music and its musicians consequently influenced an entire generation of musicians coming of age during the early Rock and Rock Era like Elvis Presley, Little Richard, Jerry Lee Lewis and even the Beatles. Bill Wyman of the Rolling Stones remark that “For the rest of [the 1960s], the blues was one of the key ingredients of rock music, leaving its unmistakable mark on international superstars as Jimi Hendrix, Led Zeppelin, Cream and Bob Dylan.” Although the publishing craze of the early 1920s came and went, the blues influence continued to have an impact on the music industry for decades and continues to enjoy success as its own genre of music. Bekker, Peter O.E. The Story of the Blues. New York: Friedman/Fairfax Publishers. 1997. Bordman, Gilbert. American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992. Burton, Jack. The Blue Book of Tin Pan Alley: A Human Interest Anthology of American Popular Music. Watkins Glen, NY: Century House. 1951. Chase, Gilbert. America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. 1966. Davis, Francis. The History of the Blues: The Roots, the Music, the People from Charley Patton to Robert Cray. New York: Hyperion. 1995. Deats, Randy. Dancing Disco. New York: Morrow Quill Paperbacks. 1979. Gates, Jr, Henry Louis. Life Upon These Shores: Looking at African American History, 1513-2008. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 2011. Gioia, Ted. Delta Blues: The Life and Times of the Mississippi Masters who revolutionized American Music. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2008. Hine, Darlene Clark, William C. Hine and Stanley Harrold. African Americans: A Concise History. 4th Ed. New York: Pearson. 2012. Johnson, Lonnell. “Sep. 28: WC Handy Published Memphis Blues in 1912.” Examiner.com. 26 September 2013. King, Stephen A. I’m Feeling the Blues Right Now: Blues Tourism and the Mississippi Delta. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi. 2011. Komara, Edward. Encyclopedia of the Blues. New York: Routledge. 2006. Morgan, Thomas L and William Barlow. From Cakewalks to Concert Halls: An Illustrated History of African American Popular Music from 1895 to 1930. Washington, DC: Elliot & Clark Publishing. 1992. Phinney, Kevin. Souled American: How Black Music Transformed White Culture. New York: Billboard Music. 2005. “Pistol Packin’ Mama.” Life Magazine. Volume 15, number 11. 11 October 1943. Reproduced in Gentry, Linnell. A History and Encyclopaedia of Country, Western and Gospel Music. St Clare Shore, MI: Scholarly Press. 1972. 55-56. “Rhapsody in Blue.” Jewish Currents. JEDAYO (blog). 11 February 2014. http://jewishcurrents.org/february-12-rhapsody-blue-24271. Santelli, Robert. A Century of the Blues. Contained in Martin Scorsese Presents the Blues. Peter Guralnick, Robert Santelli, et al, ed. New York: Amistad. 2003. 12-59. Seabrook, John. The Song Machine: Inside the Hit Factory. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2015. Starr, Larry and Christopher Waterman. American Popular Music: The Rock Years. Cary, NC: Oxford University Press. 2005. Stibal, Mary E. “Disco—Birth of a New Marketing System.” Journal of Marketing 14, No 4 (1977): 82-88. Tindall, George Brown and David Emory Shi. America: A Narrative History. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2012. Tirro, Frank. Jazz: A History. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 1977. Wyman, Bill with Richard Havers. Bill Wyman’s Blues Odyssey: A Journey to Music’s Heart and Soul. New York: DK Publishing. 2001. Berlin, Irving and Harry Akst. Home Again Blues. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1920. Blessner, Gustave (music) and Sarah Graham (lyrics). I Have Got the Blue To Day! New York: Firth Pond & Co. 1850. Braham, Phillip (music) and Douglas Furber (lyrics). Limehouse Blues. New York: T.B. Harms. 1922. Coward, Noel. Russian Blues. New York: Harms Inc. 1923. Downing, David. City Blues Quickstep. New York: William Hall & Son. 1851. Frangkiser, C.M. (music) and Lew Hatton (lyrics). I’ve Got Those Bonus Blues. Fort Dodge, IA: King House Music. 1922. Goedeler, R. The Boys in Blue Will See It Through. New York: S.Y. Gordon & Son. 1876. Handy, W.C. Beale Street Blues. Memphis, TN: Pace & Handy Music Co. 1916. ——-. The Memphis Blues. Memphis, TN: Joe Morris Music Co. 1912. ——-. The Saint Louis Blues. Memphis, TN: Pace & Handy Music Co. 1914. Herrick, George D (music) and D. McNaughton. Rally for the Leader! Chicago, IL: Root and Cady. 1868. Holloway, John. The Blues Quick Step. Boston, MA: John Aston & Co. 1836. Keene, Bessie L (music) and W.C. Keene (lyrics). That’s Why I’m Lonesome and Blue. Baltimore, MD: W.C. Keene Music Publishing Co. 1909. Kunkle, Charles (music) and I.D. Foulon (lyrics). The Veteran’s Vote. St. Louis, MO: Kunkle Brothers. 1880. Louis, L. Republican Blues March. New York: Firth Pond & Co. 1860. Meyer, George W. (music) and Joe Yong and Sam Lewis (lyrics). Cry-Baby Blues. New York: Irving Berlin Inc. 1921. Pickard, Maceo. Those Draftin’ Blues. New York: Jos. Stern & Co. 1918. Ragas, H.W. (music) and Sidney D. Mitchell (lyrics). Bluin’ the Blues. New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1919. Schoebel, Elmer, Billy Meyers and Irving Mills. The House of David Blues. New York: Jack Mills Inc. 1923. Sherman, Terry (music) and J. Brandon Walsh (lyrics). Sophie Tucker’s Broadway Blues. Chicago, IL: Will Rossiter. 1915. Ulrich, Clifford and Burton Hamilton. Pullman Porter Blues (A Light Brown Blues). New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1921. Von Tilzer, Albert (music) and Edward Laska (lyrics). The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues). New York: Broadway Music Corporation. 1919. Von Tilzer, Albert (music) and Lew Brown (lyrics). I’ve Got the Travelling “Choo-Choo Blues.” New York: Broadway Music Corporation. 1921. Watson, Lieutenant F. The Washington Blues’ March. New York: J.J. Hewitt & Co. 1843. White, Leroy “Lasses.” Nigger Blues. Dallas, TX: Bush & Gerts. 1909. Zerse, Carl. I’ve Got the Prohibition Blues (For My Booze). St. Louis, MO: Carl Zerse. 1919. Wanda Ramos qtd in Randy Deats, Dancing Disco, (New York: Morrow Quill Paperbacks, 1979), 125. Starr, Larry and Christopher Waterman, American Popular Music: The Rock Years. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 223. Mary E. Stibal, “Disco—Birth of a New Marketing System,” Journal of Marketing 41, No 4 (1977): 83. Gustave Blessner (music) and Sarah M. Graham (lyrics), I Have Got the Blues To Day!, (New York: Firth Pond & Co, 1850). Charles L. Cooke, Blame It on the Blues, (New York: Jerome H Remick & co, 1913). John Holloway, The Blues Quick Step, (Boston MA: John Ashton & Co, 1836). Lieutenant F. Watson, Washington Blues’ March, (New York: J.J. Hewitt & Co, 1843). L. Louis, Republican Blues March, (New York: Firth Pond & Co, 1860). David Downing, City Blues Quick Step, (New York: William Hall & Son, 1851). George D. Herrick (music) and D. McNaughton, Rally for the Leader!, (Chicago, IL: Root and Cady, 1868). R. Goerdeler, The Boys in Blue Will See It Through, (New York: S.R. Gordon & Son, 1876). Charles Kunkle (music) and I.D. Foulon (lyrics), The Veteran’s Vote, (St Louis, MO: Kunkle Brothers, 1880). LeRoi Jones qtd in Harry Louis Gates, Jr, Life Upon These Shores: Looking at African American History, 1513-2008, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011), 351. Stephen A. King, I’m Feeling the Blues Right Now: Blues Tourism and the Mississippi Delta, (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 2011), 136. Robert Santelli, “A Century of the Blue,” contained in Martin Scorsese Presents The Blues: A Musical Journey, edited by Peter Guralnick, Robert Santelli, et al, (New York: Amistad, 2003), 14. Benjamin Tillman qtd in Tindall, George Brown and David Emory Shi, America: A Narrative History, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2012), 717. Kevin Phinney, Souled American: How Black Music Transformed White Culture, (New York: Billboard Books, 2005), 93. Santelli, “A Century of the Blues,” 18. Ibid, 17. Bill Wyman with Richard Havers, Bill Wyman’s Blues Odyssey: A Journey to Music’s Heart and Soul, (New York: DK Publishing, 2001), 69. Gilbert Chase, America’s Music: From Pilgrims to the Present, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1966), 450. Wyman with Havers, 15. W.C. Handy qtd in Darlene Clark Hine, William C. Hine and Stanley Harrold, African Americans: A Concise History, 4th Ed, (New York: Pearson, 2012), 358. Frank Tirro, Jazz: A History, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1977), 53. Chase, 449. W.C. Handy qtd in Wyman and Havers, 68. W.C. Handy qtd in Hine, Hine and Harrold. W.C. Handy qtd in Francis Davis, The History of the Blues: The Roots, the Music, the People from Charley Patton to Robert Cray, (New York: Hyperion, 1995), 26. W.C. Handy qtd in Hine, Hine and Harrold. W.C. Handy, The Memphis Blues, or Mister Crump, (Memphis, TN: W.C. Handy, 1912). Lonnell Johnson, “Sep. 28: WC Handy publishes Memphis Blues in 1912,” Examiner.com, 26 September 2013, http://www.examiner.com/article/sep-28-1912-wc-handy-publishes-memphis-blues. W.C. Handy, The Memphis Blues. W.C. Handy, The St Louis Blues (Memphis, TN: Pace and Handy Music Co, 1914). W.C. Handy qtd in Thomas L. Morgan and William Barlow, From Cakewalks to Concert Halls: An Illustrated History of African American Popular Music from 1895 to 1930, (Washington, DC: Elliot & Clark Publishing, 1992), 92. W.C. Handy, Beale Street Blues, (Pace & Handy Music Co, 1916). Leroy “Lasses” White, Nigger Blues, (Dallas, TX: Bush & Gerts, 1913). Terry Sherman (music) and J. Brandon Walsh (lyrics), Sophie Tucker’s Broadway Blues, (Chicago, IL: Will Rossiter, 1915). Jack Burton, The Blue Book of Tin Pan Alley: A Human Interest Anthology of American Popular Music, (Watkins Glen, NY: Century House, 1951), 165-166. Gilbert Bordman, American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle, 2nd ed., (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 331. Bordman, 347. Maceo Pinkard, Those Draftin’ Blues, (New York: Jos. W. Stern & Co, 1918). Albert Von Tilzer (music) and Lew Brown (lyrics), I’ve Got the Travelling “Choo-Choo Blues,” (New York: Broadway Music Corporation, 1921). Clifford Ulrich and Burton Hamilton, Pullman Porter Blues (A Light Brown Blues), (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1921). Irving Berlin and Harry Akst, Home Again Blues, (New York: Irving Berlin Inc, 1920). C.M. Frangkiser (music) and Lew Hatton (lyrics), I’ve Got Those Bonus Blues, (Fort Dodge, IA: K.L. King Music House, 1922). George W. Meyer (music) and Joe Young and Sam Lewis (lyrics), Cry-Baby Blues, (New York: Irving Berlin Inc, 1921). For a look at how sad songs had been pop gold see Morgan Howland, “1890s Pop Trend: The Sentimental Ballad,” 13 February 2014, Pop Song History (blog), https://popsonghistory.wordpress.com/2014/02/13/1890s-pop-trend-the-sentimental-ballad-3/. Ted Gioia, Delta Blues: The Lies and Times of the Mississippi Masters who Revolutionized American Music, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2008), 13. Morgan and Barlow, 49. Tirro, 61. Clarence Williams qtd in Morgan and Barlow, 91. Porter Grainger and Bob Rickets qtd in Edward Komara, Encyclopedia of the Blues, (New York: Routledge, 2006). 438. Albert Von Tilzer (music) and Edward Laska (lyrics), The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues), (New York: Broadway Music Corporation, 1919). Carl Zerse, I’ve Got the Prohibition Blues (For My Booze), (St Louis, MO: Carl Zerse, 1919). Marion Harris, Everybody’s Crazy Bout the Doggone Blues, But I’m Happy, (Victory 18443) 1917, http://www.loc.gov/jukebox/recordings/detail/id/6462/ “Pistol Packin’ Mama,” Life Magazine, Vol 15, No 11, October 11, 1943 found in Linnell Gentry, A History and Encyclopedia of Country, Western and Gospel Music, (St. Clare Shores, MI: Scholarly Press, 1972), 55. H.W. Ragas (music) and Sidney D. Mitchell (lyrics), Bluin’ the Blues, (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1919). Philip Braham (music) and Douglas Furber (lyrics), Limehouse Blues, (New York: T.B. Harms, 1922). Elmer Schoebel, Billy Meyers and Irving Mills, The House of David Blues, New York: Jack Mills Inc, 1923). Noel Coward, Russian Blues, (New York: Harms Inc, 1923). John Seabrook, The Song Machine: Inside the Hit Factory, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2015), 53. Jack Burton, The Blue Book of Tin Pan Alley: a Human Interest Anthology of American Popular Music, (Watkins Glen, NY: Century House, 1951), 248. To see a clip from of Paul Whiteman and His Orchestra performing Rhapsody in Blues, please visit “Rhapsody in Blues,” JEWDAYO (blog), Jewish Currents, 11 February 2014, http://jewishcurrents.org/february-12-rhapsody-blue-24271. Wyman and Havers, 15. Pop Song History is making a comeback. Recent career changes are allowing me to once again research and write about the history of mainstream pop music in America and the intellectual history offered by some of the most popular and commercially successful songs. But this next series of Pop Song History will be a departure from the earlier series investigating the popular songs of the early twentieth century, where Pop Song History left off. Sorry to disappoint, but the previous series about the Jazz Era in America will not be concluded or continued. Instead, I will be focusing on the current era of pop music, beginning at around 1989, which I have been calling the Club Banger Era. There are two major reasons why such a drastic and peculiar shift is occurring. First, I found pop songs from the Jazz Era of the 1920s, 30s and 40s boring to listen to and even more dull to write about. It may be considered an era full of “songs that remain an essential part of the repertoire of today’s jazz musicians and pop singers,” but the whole period lacked fun and amusement, in my opinion. Second, there are many similarities shared between the music culture of the first two decades of the twentieth century and the twenty-first century that is seems natural for this transition. Just as the nature of music in the 1890s or the 1910s existed for almost the purpose of promoting “unique rhythms, curious groupings of words and melodies that gave zest and unexpectedness,” according to composer William Marion Cook, the overall cultural context of songs in the Club Banger Era is to encourage fun, dancing and generally having a good time. This new series of Pop Song History, hopefully, will be a nice companion to previous essays. There are some considerable pop culture and historical moments and events which set the current era apart form the previous Rock ‘n Roll Era, roughly beginning in the mid 1950s up until the late 1980s. Historically, Cold War fears of nuclear annihilation fizzled out as the Iron Curtain separating Western and Eastern Europe fell during the autumn of 1989 and the Soviet Union crumbled during the early 1990s. In its place, America’s foreign affairs obsession has been a nearly nonstop fixation with Iraq since 1990. Fear for abstract nouns has changed during the Club Banger Era, the fear of terrorism has replaced the twentieth century’s fear of Communism. Pop culture in America in general since 1989 has gotten louder, brasher and more bombastic. Now, serious discourse on social or political substance has bee replaced by spectacle while loud personalities on both right and left persuasion shout at each other from separate media outlets, rarely with discourse concluded. It is much more important that individual media personalities the likes of Morton Downey Jr, Rush Limbaugh, Bill O’Reilly, Rachel Maddow, for example, to have camera time and earn ratings with each one’s specifically targeted demographic. Regular Americans in Club Banger America are more than willing to air their dirty laundry on a variety of daytime talk shows of Jerry Springer, Jenny Jones, Maury Povich, or Ricki Lake, a tradition which continues with plenty of people sharing, tweeting, liking and commenting on everybody else’s personal drama via social media. Tens of millions of viewers tune into Judge Judy or other similarly formatted shows per week to watch small claims disputes between plaintiffs. Entertainment in the Club Banger Era is not just ubiquitous, but over-the-top and yet, temporary and quixotically only briefly remembered. During the 1990s, television viewers were commanded from NBC that Thursday night was “Must See TV.” At the movies, the tradition of the camera has turned into a delivery device of image to computer, to which increasingly realistic CGI effects are added for sensational blockbuster appeal for moviegoers. This is within this general cultural context of that the Club Banger Era is and has been happening. A foundation of the ideas behind the Pop Song History blog has been that song lyrics of the most popular, successful songs can be some of the best gauge of American social intellectual history; however, from a lyrical perspective, admittedly, the Club Banger era is shallow. One of the reasons for this change, and part of the milieu of the Club Banger Era, is that there is increased detail in the production of music and songs rather than traditional bones of song craft of words and music. Music has also followed the themes of overall bombast and showiness; as a result, commercial music has fallen back into its comfortable archetype of fun escapism. Current music consumers have a taste for novelty and escapism, dancing and drinking, ego and materialism, sex and temporary relationships; yet, sentimentality can be as big a part of music culture if a specific song hits a nerve with audiences. As well, social awareness often comes into the pop song conscience through the art of hip-hop. This series will look at each of these topics by gathering a number of similarly themed songs and examine their lyrics to see what they have to say, how they converge or diverge in intent and meaning. Love has existed in commercial pop music in America for over century, but this topic has radically changed in the Club Banger Era, songs commonly feature sex and frequently celebrate breakups, which is a first in the long history of commercial song in America. A less surprising aspect of the Club Banger Era is the return of the drinking song to American pop song after a lengthy hiatus from the commercial mass market. Drinking songs have had folk popularity in America since colonial times, but in the Club Banger Era, songs encouraging partying and intoxication, in some years, are the more popular and successful tunes. The Pop Song History blog will be taking many of the topics into consideration when looking at the intellectual content of the songs from this era. Naturally, there are music trends to write about as well. But since much of this era is focused on dance music and what music sounds like, this raises the impossibility of writing about what sounds sound like. The Pop Song History blog will circumvent this question by not writing about how music sounds during this series unfortunately. Instead, it will focus on how various trends proliferate through music and pop culture and what it means for consumers and the music business. There are some rather large topics to write about during this time period. Two ingredients, hip hop and dance beats, are integral to the Club Banger Era and will be explored. The status of rock will also be explored, notably the rise of modern rock and how alternative has become the mainstream rock format since the early 1990s at a time when “audiences were beginning to look for music that was seen as real, authentic and not fabricated,” according to historian Thomas Harrison. Collaboration and features are also essential part of the Club Banger Era and will be researched, including the commercialisation of the urban folk traditions of hip hop, “the ultimate commercial product because its main formats have often been borrow from other tried-and-true products,” according to author M. Elizabeth Blair. Hip-hop quickly found success with audiences “to such a position that one can say it was becoming one of the most important genres as the 1990s began” and its history as a commercial product is integral to the development of popular song. There are other topics which may be too esoteric to warrant a full essay like European dance tracks of the early 1990s, boy bands of turn of the millennium, Reggaeton of 2005, Autotune of 2008/2009, dubstep of 2012/2013 or Trap over the past couple of years. All of these trends will make their appearance over the next few essays for the Pop Song History blog. Central to the content of the Pop Song History blog is the reality that, while entertaining, music is a business, a multibillion-dollar industry which exists in order to sell a product to a consumer. During the Club Banger Era, there have been sweeping changes in the ways in which consumers get their pop songs, requiring a transition from a business model dependent on the sale of whole albums to a culture in which consumers demand interaction with music products and do not necessarily need a hard copy of music. This series will look at various ways that music consumers get their product and how this aspect has changed over the past quarter of a century, from the market-saturated CD album boom of the 1990s fuelled by retail outlets and mail order music clubs hawking “10 CDs for a penny” to a time when online programmes like Napster launched a demand for digital music in the and early 2000s. In the 2010s, there are even more avenues in which music is a part of everyday life that technology is vital to delivery of music to consumers including satellite radio, digital download services like iTunes or Amazon, YouTube and Vimeo for streaming music videos that can reach up into the hundreds of millions of views, and subscription streaming services like Spotify, Rdio, iHeartRadio and AppleMusic which provide a musical service rather than an actual physical product. These methods of getting pop songs will also be featured as part this series into the Club Banger Era. There has been discord in the music business while all of these changes have been happening. Demand for the music market has never been higher and yet, industry is not really in control of the business anymore. The music industry needs to sell a product to a consumer, after all, that is how songs become popular, and consequently make money to make more music for audiences always eager to get fresh products. The business is so pervasive that television commercials using popular songs can be used as an advertisement for the music and as an advertisement for the product shown. In the past, music labels and retailers controlled the market for music, but this aspect has changed and there is disconnect between consumer demand and selling products. The Pop Song History blog will explore how business has had to adjust to these changes in consumer sentiment, or sometimes when it fails to forecast consumer trends. The series on the Club Banger Era will also explore the ways in which the music industry responds to a popular culture where the consumer commands more control of the music market than the media companies. Also important are the numerous ways in which the legal system is involved and how copyright and intellectual property rights figure into a constantly changing technological environment that moves faster than legislation about intellectual property law. It has been a tumultuous time for recording industry and the retail of selling music and the Pop Song History will be there to explore what happened and how it affects pop music and the music consumer who demands it. So these are the topics which Pop Song History will feature over the coming months. With this renewed vigour, there is great enthusiasm behind studying music from this era; it will be an interesting time, since there does not seem to be much research into intellectual history of contemporary popular music. The next essay will be a discussion on what a Club Banger is, why it merits its own separate era of music history and what separates this era from the previous one in music history. There will also be an explanation on why I do not believe that it is accurate to call it the Hip-Hop Era, even though there has been substantial influence of hip hop and African American music and musicians on the overall pop song culture in America. Thanks for reading, I hope for a prolific series. Barker, Cory. “The End of an Era: A Eulogy for NBC’s Thursday Night ‘Must See TV’ Comedy Block. TV.com. 6 February 2015. Found at http://www.tv.com/news/nbc-comedy-block-is-dead-remembering-the-legacy-142290362410/. Blair, M. Elizabeth. “Commercialism of the Rap Music Youth Subculture.” Contained in That’s the Joint!: The Hip Hop Studies Reader. Murray Forman and Mark Anthony Neal, editors. New York: Routledge. 2004. 497-504. Hamilton, Jack. “Columbia House Offered Eight CDs for a Penny, but Its Life Lessons Were Priceless.” Slate.com. 12 August 2015. http://www.slate.com/blogs/browbeat/2015/08/12/columbia_house_bankrupt_mail_order_cd_club_s_owner_finally_going_out_of.html. Harrison, Thomas. American History through Music: Music of the 1980s. Denver, CO: Greenwood. 2011. Kondolojy, Amanda. “Syndicated TV Ratings: ‘Judge Judy’ Tops Households & Viewers; ‘Live with Kelly & Michael’ Leads Talkers for Week Ending August 16, 2015.” TVByTheNumbers.com. 25 August 2015. Found at http://tvbythenumbers.zap2it.com/2015/08/25/syndicated-tv-ratings-judge-judy-tops-households-live-with-kelly-michael-leads-talkers-for-week-ending-august-16-2015/453256/. Lewis, Cary B. “William Marion Cook.” Contained in From Jubilee to Hip Hop: Readings in African American Music. Kip Lornell, ed. Toronto, ON: Prentice Hall. 2010. 80-84. Randall, Jessy. “Drinking Songs (United States).” Contained in Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: A Global Encyclopaedia. Jack S. Blocker Jr, David M. Fahey and Ian R. Tyrrell, editors. Santa Barbara, Ca: ABC-CLIO. 2003. 208-210. Starr, Larry and Christopher Waterman. American Popular Music: From Minstrelsy to Mp3. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 2007. Larry Starr and Christopher Waterman, American Popular Music: From Minstrelsy to Mp3, 2nd ed, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 65. William Marion Cook, qtd in Cary B. Lewis, “William Marion Cook,” contained in From Jubilee to Hip Hop: Readings in African American Music,” Kip Lornell, ed, (Toronto, ON: Prentice Hall, 2010), 82. Amanda Kondolojy, “Syndicated TV Ratings: ‘Judge Judy’ Tops Households & Viewers; ‘Live with Kelly & Michael’ Leads Talkers for Week Ending August 16, 2015,” TVByTheNumbers.com, 25 August 2015, found at http://tvbythenumbers.zap2it.com/2015/08/25/syndicated-tv-ratings-judge-judy-tops-households-live-with-kelly-michael-leads-talkers-for-week-ending-august-16-2015/453256/. Cory Barker, “The End of an Era: A Eulogy for NBC’s Thursday Night ‘Must See TV’ Comedy Block, TV.com, 6 February 2015, found at http://www.tv.com/news/nbc-comedy-block-is-dead-remembering-the-legacy-142290362410/. Jessy Randall, “Drinking Songs (United States),” contained in Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: A Global Encyclopedia, Jack S. Blocker Jr, David M. Fahey and Ian R. Tyrrell, eds, (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2003), 208. Harrison, 62. M. Elizabeth Blair, “Commercialization of the Rap Music Youth Subculture,” contained in That’s the Joint!: The Hip Hop Studies Reader, Murray Forman and Mark Anthony Neal, ed, (New York: Routledge, 2004), 498. Thomas Harrison, American History through Music: Music of the 1980s, (Denver, CO: Greenwood, 2011), 23. Jack Hamilton, “Columbia House Offered Eight CDs for a Penny, but Its Life Lessons Were Priceless,” Slate.com, 12 August 2015, http://www.slate.com/blogs/browbeat/2015/08/12/columbia_house_bankrupt_mail_order_cd_club_s_owner_finally_going_out_of.html. Alcohol and commercial songs have a long and symbiotic relationship in the history of American pop culture. During the 1890s, the saloon had been an incubator for many pop song moments; one can imagine rowdy drunken saloon patrons heartily breaking into verses of F.J. Adam’s “There Is a Tavern in the Town” (1891), Fred Gilbert’s “The Man That Broke the Bank in Monte Carlo” (1892), Harry S. Miller’s “The Cat Came Back “ (1893), Theodore Metz’s “A Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight” (1897), or George Giefer’s “Who Threw the Overalls in Mrs. Murphy’s Chowder” (1898). Composer Harry Von Tilzer earned a hit in 1902 with an advertisement for beer with “Down Where the Wurtzburger Flows,” a song which advertises the beverage as much as it celebrates the saloon where patrons consume it. Throughout the years, there have been numerous references to drinking in pop songs like The Andrews Sisters’ “Rum and Coca Cola” (1945), Will Glahe’s “Beer Barrel Polka” (1939) or The Glenn Miller Orchestra’s “Moonlight Cocktail’ (1942) just to name a few. A rather lengthy hiatus for drinking songs from the pop song market commenced during the Rock and Roll era beginning in the mid 1950s, but in recent years, drinking has had a tremendous revival in pop songs. In the hedonistic and narcissistic world of the Club Banger Era, where sex, ego and temporary relationships are the ingredients for commercial success, going out, getting crazy and drunk and are not just acceptable, but encouraged. A number of iconic songs from the past decade are evidence of this like 50 Cent’s “In Da Club” (2003), Lady Gaga’s “Just Dance” (2008), The Black Eyed Pea’s “I Gotta a Feeling” (2009), Ke$ha’s “Tik Tok” (2010), LMFAO’s “Party Rock Anthem” (2011) and Katy Perry’s “Last Friday Night” (2011). The dance floor stream-of-consciousness of Beyonce’s “7/11” epitomises the drunk club experience while getting crazy on the dance floor: Hold that cup like alcohol, hold that cup like alcohol Hold that cup like alcohol Don’t you drop that alcohol Never drop that alcohol, never drop that alcohol I know you thinkin’ bout alcohol I know I’m thinkin’ bout that alcohol In this era, it is difficult or inconceivable to imagine a time when getting some drinks was punishable under federal law, but that is what happened in 1920 when enforcement of Prohibition took effect. For thirteen years, the United States would be sober by constitutional diktat. Various social movements had been encouraging temperance and abstinence from alcohol throughout the nineteenth century, with the hopes that prayer and education would reform Americans’ desire for drink. When each wave of reform failed, the social cause would turn political and throughout the 1900s and early 1910s, total prohibition became the goal. Composers and lyricists of Tin Pan Alley, some of who were certain that outlawing alcohol would damage the music industry, turned Prohibition into a topical fad during the years that two different laws had come into effect in 1919 and 1920. Consequently, songwriters churned out songs centralising on individual characters that gave up the drink and were adjusting to life in a newly dry America. Sentimental songs of sadness about everyday life without alcohol and nostalgia for celebratory times became fashionable, as did a few comical numbers of characters so angry, they were intent on abandoning the United States. Some songs even embrace positive aspects of Prohibition with male characters becoming better domestic partners through sobriety. But Prohibition caused a split between favour and opposition in American pop culture, and songwriters wrote tunes which favoured opposition. Questions of Prohibition’s constraints on liberty and freedom came through pop songs, as did characters that expressed derision at or the foolishness of drinking non-alcoholic beverages. As the law came into effect, songs which featured characters getting a drink, consequently breaking the law, came onto a pop market that was about to absorb a bevy of “defiant rebellious youths determined to go their own way in music.” Prohibition would not just be about an American society benefitting from national sobriety, as supporters of Prohibition had hoped; it would define a tumultuous decade of the Jazz Era when urban Americans drank heavily at illegally operated speakeasies, a new social space which encapsulated the spirit of the Jazz Age. Alcohol has always been a staple in American life since colonial times and in the nineteenth century, Americans drank substantially more than they do in contemporary times. In many households in the 1800s, hard cider had been consumed casually at each meal, including breakfast. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the average Massachusetts resident was consuming per capita thirty-five gallons of cider per annum. But during the rise of American Evangelism during the Second Great Awakening of the early nineteenth century, a time when “churches were more vital and powerful than the state,” more Evangelical Americans found a problem with the thirst for alcohol. For social activists, alcohol could lead to inebriation, which could then lead to social problems of unemployment, poverty or domestic violence. Long before the modern notions that alcoholism should be treated as a disease of an individual, requiring treatment, recovery time and support, in the mid-nineteenth century, drunkenness was considered by many as a problem requiring reform across American society as a whole. Various church-based temperance movements came into existence willing to take up the cause and urge men in particular, to voluntarily limit or give up drinking. In 1873, the “Women’s Crusade” became a pop culture phenomenon when women blocked entrances of Ohio saloons by kneeling and praying. But in 1879, a new organisation, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, led by Frances Willard, took a much more organised and populist approach, using almost bureaucratic organisation tactics to encourage people to refrain from drinking and encourage more people to join the cause of temperance. The organization churned out volumes of anti-alcohol propaganda in the process, and upwards of twenty two million schoolchildren sat through “Scientific Temperance Instruction” in the 1880s, learning about “the nature of these substances and the peril beginning to use them at all.” However, American demographics and drinking habits started to change during the Gilded Age. When more and more European immigrants with different sets of drinking customs settled in urban centres, the saloon and its chief product, beer, continued to grow and the beer brewing industry flourished despite these efforts of temperance workers. For the crusades for an inebriation-free American society to be more effective, a much more politically focused movement would be necessary. In 1893, the Anti-Saloon League, a well-organised lobbying group lead by Wayne Bidwell Wheeler, turned society’s problem with drunkenness into a political goal of prohibition and, namely, the elimination of the saloon. The saloon was much more than a place to drink in Gilded Age America; it was the hub of the male social network. In a saloon, one could find employment opportunities, cash a pay cheque in financially unstable times, socialise, get away from back-breaking manual labour, find respite from crowded, unsanitary tenement housing, and engage oneself in political discussions. New immigrants could connect with fellow countrymen, learn colloquial English and even locate recently settled family members before the age of mass communication. The urban saloon was also viewed by rural Americans, most of whom may never have even patronised a saloon, as places of vice and the chief source of social ills, where already poor, non-English speaking immigrants emptied their pockets for the bartender, consequently impoverishing their families. In 1905, there were “more saloons in the United States than there were schools, libraries, hospitals, theatres or parks, and more certainly than churches.” Anti-saloon sentiment was passionate; “saloon smashing” became a radical method of protest against illegal yet openly operating saloons across Kansas and its chief terrorist, Carry Nation became a national celebrity. The Anti-Saloon League, “a union of all temperance forces,” earned an enthusiastic and vociferous following and to achieve their goals of prohibition, the organisation needed “dry” politicians for their cause to legislate alcohol out of American drinking habits. Setting up in every state, the Anti Saloon League initially targeted local politicians and candidates with tremendous success in the first two decades of the twentieth century. By 1916, with Anti-Saloon League efforts through local option laws, twenty-three states and a number of local jurisdictions had been voted dry. But for the ultimate goal of national Prohibition, a Constitutional amendment would be needed. In 1917, both houses of Congress passed the 18th amendment to eradicate the “manufacture, sale or transpiration of intoxicating liquors.” The amendment was consequently sent to the states for ratification. In the interim, Prohibition would be prematurely imposed in 1919. With the First World War consuming American raw materials, Congress passed the Wartime Prohibition Act, attaching it to an agricultural appropriations bill in 1918 which regulated grain’s use in manufacturing alcohol, including beer. The law came into effect after armistice, actually making it completely worthless for wartime. The states eventually ratified the amendment in 1919, and the law which enforced it, the Volstead Act, would take effect in January of the following year. For the music business interests of Tin Pan Alley, always eager to capitalise on a topical song trend, Prohibition became the inspiration for songs of all varieties; about how the law would affect individuals by incorporating characters into songs that people could relate to, no matter what the music consumer’s opinion may have been about “going dry.” It seems as though songwriters published any kind of outlook about the law that could sell copies of songs where not drinking was the main idea. However certain music industry executives in the decidedly wet city of New York viewed Prohibition with foreboding. Predicting the “poisonous effects of [the Volstead Act],” music publisher Joe Stern retired from the business “almost as soon as the Amendment went into effect.” Regardless of personal opinion, the music business needed to make money, after all, and appeal to the largest number of music purchasing consumers, which required a wide variety of songs that offered varying viewpoints about the Prohibition law. Support for Prohibition had been reinforced with lyrics that extolled the law and showed how domestic life would be improved by the lack of alcohol. In John Stark’s “John Barleycorn Good-Bye” the positive effects included an end to alcohol-induced domestic violence, that alcohol “change[d] good Doctor Jeckel to the villain Mister Hyde/You’ve separated man and wife, raised many a family storm.” A number of songs predict characters who will change their habits favouring domestic duty over entertainments and drinking. In Harry Ruby’s “What’ll We Do On a Saturday Night (When the Town Goes Dry)” an idyllic domestic life will emerge “With no place to spend our money we’ll get off cheap/We’ll sit at home and rock the baby to sleep.” Likewise, in the lyrics of Albert Von Tilzer and Lew Brown’s “I Never Knew I Had a Wonderful Wife,” a man has previously neglected his wife for the saloon, but he becomes helpful around the home when forced into sobriety, “He’d run out to the store, help her scrub the floor/He’d hug her and he’d love her like he never did before.” William Jerome and Jack Mahoney’s “Every Day Will Be Sunday hen the Town Goes Dry” predicts that drinking will simply become “out of date” in modern sober America. But with such songwriter focus on the lack of drink, the law’s eventual start prompted songwriters to write material to encourage people to drink up while supplies last. In Al Sweet’s “Prohibition Blues,” the main character Mose Brown and his friend Sam’l Birch, after hearing about the new Prohibition laws, go on a humorous daylong bender, one character informs the other: “Dat dry times comin’ and dere goin’ to can de booze, Come on to the corner, dere’s no time to lose.” So we just started in drinkin’ gainst dat day Likewise, a whole town is eager to have one last big party right up to the start of Prohibition in Abner Silver and Alex Gerber’s “At the Prohibition Ball”: Also predicted, along with domestic peace, quite prophetically, were Prohibition’s eventual short lifespan and the law’s ineffectiveness at curbing people’s thirst for drinking. An expatriate soldier in Joseph McCarthy and James Monaco’s “I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town” says that he’ll come back to America when the law gets repealed, and in “America Never Took Water and America Never Will” by J. Kiern Brennan, Gus Edwards and Paul Cunningham, the law is characterised as leading to the destruction of the United States. The main character, a preacher in Will Skidmore and Marshall Walker’s “Save a Little Dram for Me,” does not believe that the government will be able to regulate anyone’s thirst for drinking, even though he supports the law; all the while, hypocritically imploring his parishioners to give him a nip of gin.” From the outset, songwriters wrote material which any audience would find agreeable regardless of personal views of the law. Songs had also been written about how depressed characters were dealing with force sobriety and a large number of songs feature languished sentiments and nostalgia about drinking. Music publisher Edward Marks notes that entertainment sector had been taken into consideration when Prohibition was being debated, that people would have more money to buy sheet music and spend time entertaining at home, however, “depressed, hypocritical people do not sing” remarks Edward Marks, “the only worthwhile product of prohibition…was a crop of clever songs.” Pop culture had survived Wartime Prohibition with weak beer; the “Thirsty First” of July when the Wartime Prohibition law came into effect “was mighty tough but we could get enough/And if we knew the barman we could get the reg’lar stuff,” according to the main character of Harry von Tilzer and Andrew Sterling’s “Whoa January (You’re Going to Be Worse than July.” The character continues that alcoholic beverages were still available: That first of July they said we’d go dry And ev’ryone thought there’d be nothing to buy but you got yours and I got mine But the total prohibition in of alcohol in 1920 provoked songs which expressed that the mood of society had been deflated by a lack of alcohol. Titles like “Prohibition Blues” and “Alcoholic Blues” feature lyrics in which drinks are likened to deceased friends, and literally characters grieve over their lost booze, “‘Scuse me while I shed a tear/For good old whiskey, gin and beer.” Songs also reflected people’s memories of drinking and the elevating effects that alcohol has on emotion, “No more beer my heart to cheer; Good bye whiskey, you used to make me frisky.” A scene of social emotional collapse over a lack of alcohol is found in Billy Joyce and Rubey Cowan’s “Oh! Doctor:” Most ev’rybody you meet now a days Seems to be feeling so blue They say it is an imposition To enforce this prohibition Emotional response to economic changes brought about with the of closing saloon, breweries and distilleries is depicted in Robert Hood Bowers and Frances Dewitt’s “The Moon Shines of the Moonshine,” where a portrait of industrial depression is illustrated, “Now the bar is ‘on the hummer,’/and “For Rent” is on the door…How sad and still tonight, by the old distillery!/And how the cob-webs cob, in its old machinery.” A character in “I Never Knew I Had a Wonderful Wife” is depressed and boredom sets in where “Jones began to cry/With no cafes or cabarets, I know I’m going to die.” With sadness such a noticeable theme in these songs, it is not surprising that nostalgia for more celebratory times are often paired with these instances of melancholy. Happy memories of socialising at the local saloon are given in “Every Day Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry” in which, cosy memories are paired with the absence of socialising, “No more saying: ‘Fill the pail’/No more feet upon the rail.” In Irving Berlin’s tune “I’ll See You in C-U-B-A” the nostalgia for alcoholic drinks is soothed through alcoholic tourism, “Have you been longing for the ‘smile’/That you haven’t had for quite a while” because going to Cuba and drinking will alleviate one’s sadness. Although there had been general feeling that the Prohibition laws would hurt the music industry, composers and lyricists published songs which could help to reassure consumer sentiment of depression over the newly imposed sobriety and nostalgia for drinking. Throughout the trend in Prohibition songs around 1920, anger, whether comical or humourless, is also directed at the law and what it meant for American life. Prohibition forbade Americans to do something at the federal level through the Constitution, a document which consistently expanded American rights. There had been numerous songs in which patriotic Americans would rather abandon their liberty-loving country for settling on foreign soil. In “How Are You Going to Wet Your Whistle (When the Whole Darn Town Goes Dry),” the main character is willing to abandon America, “We took this country from the Indians/They can have it back again.” In “I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town (When I’m Dry, Dry, Dry),” the main character is so upset about the wartime Prohibition laws that he “must sail with the last day of June” and move to London before the Wartime Prohibition law took effect. In Brennan, Edwards and Cunningham’s “America Never Took Water and America Never Will” a returning doughboy learns about Prohibition after returning from the western front, and expresses opinions that the trenches are more appealing than a dry America. The dialogue is rather humorous: One fighting Yank said, “If such is the case, This is no place then for me! I’m going back again, back o’er the sea” While these examples are humorous and hyperbolic in tone, there were justifiable concerns about just how far the government can go in regulating Americans’ lives. It was the era of political Progressivism, a time when government had achieved a breathtaking amount of reform in everything from labour laws to women’s suffrage to the national parks system to food and drug regulations to a graduated income tax. Prohibition was forward-thinking legislation, a way for government to make citizens’ lives better. Opposing sides viewed the passage of Prohibition as a blatant overextension of what the American government could do. Songs referenced this argument against Prohibition as well. In “Alcoholic Blues” the main character stoically lists the rations and government restrictions of the Great War that had been tolerated, then laments about the lack of alcohol, “I cut my sugar, I cut my coal, But now they dug deep in my soul.” McCarthy and Monaco’s “I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town” where the United States is characterised as a place where “everything is free,” the main character is “sorry” to relocate to a foreign land over the lack of personal liberty. For some, the idea that the federal government was regulating products that people willingly and freely consumed was ludicrous like in Martin Ballman, Theodore Phillip and Anna Ballman’s “No Beer, No Work” where like-minded music consumers are encouraged to take political revenge at the ballot box: The war is past and over, And peace now rules the land, The people of this country Have another fight on hand, For liberty of home, now calls defenders to the fore; With ballots let us now defeat the drys’ forever more. The phrase “No Beer, No Work” became national news as a slogan “calculated to thrill the most sluggish soul, to rouse the slumbering spirit of liberty in every breast” as industrial workers threatened to strike and bring the American industrial economy to a halt if they did not get their beer: Don’t you think that they will be sore If we don’t show up no more? Let us now united agree No beer, no work no beer, no work for me. Along with songs which featured listless and depressed characters, there were songs which also exude anger, whether humorous or passionate, directed at the prohibition laws and what they meant for American lives and American liberty. With a plethora of sad or excitable song characters not getting their drinks, there were alternatives to drinking alcohol and Tin Pan Alley composers presented either glowing endorsements for or characters’ total derision to soft drinks as effective replacements to alcoholic beverages. Naturally, there were instances in which Tin Pan Alley would gladly write any kind of musical endorsement for a product if the price were right. The superstar duo Van and Schenk along with Vaudeville superstar Eddie Cantor collaborated to write music for Green River soda in 1920, so popular, according to the lyrics that everyone likes it including “that rich man, poor man, beggar man, thief/doctor, lawyer, Indian chief.” Harry Von Tilzer composed a jingle for Clysmic Water that same year. However, the soft drink alternatives to alcoholic beverages were not for everybody and there are instances where music audiences are invited to imagine how soft drinks are silly and completely inappropriate for certain situations and certain populations of society. The audience of Jerome and Mahoney’s “Everyday Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry” is invited to “picture some big husky with a pick and spade/When it’s ninety in the shade, drinking warm, red lemonade?” Likewise, the picture of a couple enjoying a sober dinner is comically depicted in “What’ll We Do on a Saturday Night?” where the audience is invited to “imagine a fellow with a cute little queen/Trying to win her on a plate of ice cream.” “How Are You Goin’ to Wet Your Whistle When the Whole Darn Town Goes Dry” by Francis Byrne, Frank McIntyre and Percy Wenrich predicts a more saccharine addiction: And ev’ryone will be a candy fiend If they pack the soda fountains to the doors, And turn the bars all into dry goods stores. There are other instances in which non-alcoholic alternatives are derided pointedly without any kind of favour with drinkers, particularly, the non-alcoholic “near beer” brand Bevo. Examples are plentiful with the lack of enthusiasm for the brand, as in “Alcoholic Blues,” “Just if my daily thirst they only let me quench/And not with Bevo and Ginger Ale.” The burly worker in Sammy Edwards’s “No Beer, No Work” “never could like lemonade or Bevo.” Harry Von Tilzer’s “Whoa January” declares that “Mister Bevo never made a hit with me” and in “Everyday Wil Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry,” “Ev’ry little Broadway daughter will be sipping Clysmic water… You can bet that we will grieve, oh, when we gargle Bevo.” When the consumer market in beverages had changed, so did the lyrical focus of songs where the alternatives to drinking alcohol had been written about positively for commercial gains, or derided to reflect audience tastes. Even though the lack of alcohol had been the focus of Prohibition tunes, alcohol would continue to exist in the songs at the start of Prohibition, in clever and droll ways. Alcohol was still legally dispensed from “physicians holding a permit to prescribe liquor” and “rabbi minister or priest” who can manufacture wine for religious purposes. Obtaining legal alcohol from a doctor or a chemist was the goal in Joyce and Cowan’s “Oh! Doctor;” the lyrics describe a scene of “the drug stores on the corners are filled with liquor mourners” all going through the time, effort and expense of getting liquor prescriptions filled. Alcohol would be a fashionable accessory once it became illegal, which is the main idea of “It’s the Smart Little Feller Who Stocked Up His Cellar (That’s Getting the Beautiful Girls),” on the cover, a man surrounded by a gaggle of flirtatious girls winks playfully as though everybody knows what the secret to his romantic success is: You may live in a palace, but Annette and Alice Will pass up the Dukes and the Earls; For some guy in a shanty, with lots of Chianti, He’s getting the beautiful girls In other songs, there is mention of holding illegal parties despite the legal status of alcoholic beverages. In Edward Rose, Billy Baskette and Lew Pollack’s “Everybody Wants a key to My Cellar,” where the central character has been “having parties ev’ry night,” his cellar, i.e. his illegal stash of alcohol, is the admiration of everybody else in town who desires a peek or a nip. The main character in Berlin’s “I’ll See You in C-U-B-A” is disappointed by the environment of illegal drinking, that “Drinking in a cellar isn’t nice” and so decides to go to Cuba for alcoholic tourism. In “The Moon Shines on the Moonshine” it seems as though the only place to be happy at a time when breweries and saloon going out of business, is next to a campfire and an illegal still, “Oh! how the moon shines on the moonshine, so merrily!” In another more forceful scene in “Save a Little Dram for Me” a preacher gets a whiff of someone’s gin in church and demands a nip, threatening his parishioners that they will all go to hell if he does not get a drink. He demands, “I’ve shared your joy and I’ve shared your sin/And believe me brothers I’m gwine to share your gin.” Even though the start of Prohibition produced a bevy of songs which had been written solely about the lack of alcohol, there would still continue to be references to the fashionable aspect of illegal drinking and references to the availability of illegal booze in secret stashes and basement parties. Even though a constitutional amendment had been ratified by the states and went into effect in January 1920, it would not curtail people’s thirst for alcohol. Prohibition did not eliminate alcohol from American life; it had just made it illegal. As soon as licensed, regulated and taxed saloons went out of business, the market for drinking had simply adjusted to illegal products and establishments including bootleg alcohol and urban speakeasies, with millionaire criminals profiting from all of it. The fines for speakeasies were relatively low compared to the income of their operators, “What was even a $10,000 fine to millionaire [bootleggers] such as George Remus and Willie Haar?” Even president Harding, faced with the mounting difficulties of enforcing Prohibition, imbibed during White House cards games where, according to his wife, “trays with bottles containing every imaginable brand of whiskey” were plentiful. Weirdly, eliminating alcohol managed to modernise drinking culture in America. People of all sorts were partying with each other, since the law made everyone a criminal. Saloons of the Gilded Age were male centric, but the Jazz Era speakeasy was where women partook in drinking, in fact “some male drinkers were initially shocked to see women revelling in the alcoholic excesses of the era, matching men drink for drink.” The modern-day cocktail was also a product of Prohibition, in which various concoctions made with fruit juices and sugar syrups were added to mask the unpleasant taste of bootlegged liquor for customer palates. There are numerous reasons why the speakeasy became such an iconic, yet illegal, symbol of Jazz Era America. Politically, in wet urban areas, it was not fashionable to close speakeasies since “it was immensely profitable to the politicians to let the speakeasies flourish: politicians never lack for poll workers on Election Day,” notes journalist Mabel Willebrandt. Getting wasted at an unlicensed speakeasy was the main objective since drunkenness was the ultimate method for disobeying and protesting the law. Jazz would be linked to Prohibition, getting drunk, and youth as Frank Tirro notes, “While women were campaigning for prohibition and the vote, jazz was extolling fun, excitement and the pleasures of youth.” Jazz’s critics during the 1920s blamed the music for everything, but during Prohibition times in the 1920, jazz music underwent increasing scrutiny because it became “a symbol of crime, feeble-mindedness, insanity, and sex.” Musicians naturally adapted to the change in entertainment, “The clubs of Chicago and New York…became entertainment centres rival the halcyon days of Storyville,” according to Tirro. As the 1920s progressed and Prohibition continued, Jazz would compliment the pop culture of urban America. Prohibition would leave an indelible mark on American culture, as a good cause that did good for certain portions of Americans and as a stupid law which required Americans getting drunk for the purpose of protest. Naturally, when such a topical subject comes up in American culture, there were songwriters and lyricists wiling to profit from it and they did so by covering as many angles as possible while the topic is fresh in music consumers’ minds. Songs had been written about the positive aspects of going sober of domestic life improved through the lack of alcohol. Songs had been written about the emotions of characters in songs which music consumers could sympathise with through sadness of a lack of drink, of nostalgia of more celebratory time or even through anger with the restrictions on liberty that the law had been forced upon citizens. All the while, America would continue to drink, particularly in urban areas in which enforcement was difficult with corrupt or novice Prohibition agents who could be paid off or bribed, or in smaller jurisdictions, where turning against the speakeasy and the bootlegger would have caused backlash. Prohibition would define the first decade of the Jazz Era and Jazz music would be the soundtrack for a defiant generation willing to risk jail time, fines and one’s health for the sake of getting a drink. “An Inspiring Slogan.” The Bankers Magazine. Volume XCVIII, No. 4 (April 1919). 415-416. Behr, Edward. Prohibition: Thirteen Years that Changed America. New York: Arcade Publishing. 2011. Cherrington, Ernest Hurst. History of the Anti-Saloon League. Westerville, OH: The American Issue Publishing Company. 1913. Gioia, Ted. The History of Jazz, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 2011. Hunt, Mary H. A History of the First Decade of the Department of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Schools and Colleges of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Boston, MA: Washington Press. 1892. Lehault, Chris. “The Cider Press: A Brief History.” Seriouseats.com, 2 February 2015. http://drinks.seriouseats.com/2011/02/the-cider-press-the-lost-american-beverage.html Lerner, Michael A. Dry Manhattan: Prohibition in New York City. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2007. Madison, Arnold. Carry Nation. New York: Thomas Nelson Inc. 1977. Marks, Edward. They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée. New York: The Viking Press. 1934. Sibley, Katherine A. First Lady Florence Harding: Behind the Tragedy and Controversy. Lawrence, KS: The University Press of Kansas. 2009. Tirro, Frank. Jazz: A History. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 1977. Traub, James. The Devil’s Playground: A Century of Pleasure and Profit in Times Square. New York: Random House. 2004. Wills, Garry. Head and Heart: American Christianities. New York: The Penguin Press. 2007. Ager, Milton (music) and Grant Clarke (lyrics). It’s the Smart Little Feller Who Stocked Up His Cellar (That’s Getting the Beautiful Girls). New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1920. Ballman, Martin (music) and Theodore Phillip and Anna Ballman (lyrics). No Beer, No Work. Chicago, IL: Martin Ballman. 1919. Berlin, Irving. I’ll See You In C-U-B-A. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1920. Bowers, Robert Hood (music) and Francis DeWitt (lyrics). The Moon Shines on the Moonshine. New York: Shapiro and Bernstein Music Publishers. 1920. Brennan, J. Keirn, Gus Edwards and Paul Cunningham. America Never Took Water and America Never Will. New York: M. Witmark & Sons. 1919. Byrne, Francis, Frank McIntyre and Percy Wenrich. How Are You Going to Wet Your Whistle (When the Whole Darn World Goes Dry? New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1919. Edwards, Sammy. No Beer, No Work. Philadelphia, PA: Emmett J. Welch. 1919. Jerome, William and Jack Mahoney. Everyday Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry. New York: Leo Feist Co. Inc. 1918. Joyce, Billy and Rubey Cowan. Oh! Doctor. New York: Stark & Cowan Inc. 1920. McCarthy, Joseph (music) and James V. Monaco. I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town (When I’m Dry, Dry Dry). New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc. 1919. Rose, Edward, Billy Baskette and Lew Pollack. Everybody Wants a Key to My Cellar. New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc. 1919. Ruby, Harry. What’ll We Do Saturday Night (When the Town Goes Dry). New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co. 1919. Silver, Abner (music) and Alex Gerber (music). At The Prohibition Ball. New York: M. Witmark & Sons. 1919. Skidmore, Will E. and Marshall Walker. Save a Little Dram for Me. New York: Skidmore Music Co. 1920. Stark, John. John Barleycorn Good-Bye. St. Louis, MO: Stark Music Co. 1919. Sweet, Al. Prohibition Blues. New York: M. Witmark & Sons. 1917. Van and Schenk (music) and Eddie Cantor (lyrics). Green River. Chicago, IL: Van & Schenk Publishers. 1920. Von Tilzer, Harry (music) and Andrew B. Sterling (lyrics). Whoa January (You’re Going to Be Worse Than July). New York: Harry Von Tilzer Music Publisher. 1919. Von Tilzer, Albert (music) and Lew Brown (lyrics). I Never Knew I Had a Wonderful Wife (Until The Town Went Dry). New York: Broadway Music Corporation. 1919. Von Tilzer, Albert (music) and Edward Laska (lyrics). The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues). New York: Broadway Music Corporation. 1919. Beyonce. “7/11.” Beyonce: Platinum Edition. Columbia Records. CD. 2014. Beyonce, “7/11,” Beyonce: Platinum Edition, Columbia Records, CD, 2014. Ted Gioia, The History of Jazz, 2nd ed, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 73. Chris Lehault, “The Cider Press: A Brief Cider History,” seriouseats.com, 2 February 2011, http://drinks.seriouseats.com/2011/02/the-cider-press-the-lost-american-beverage.html. Garry Wills, Head and Heart: American Christianities, (New York: The Penguin Press, 2007), 297. Mary Hunt, Preface to A History of the First Decade of the Department of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Schools and Colleges of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, (Boston, MA: Washington Press, 1892), vi. Wills, 491. Arnold Madison, Carry Nation, (New York: New York: Thomas Nelson, Inc, 1977), 120. Ernest Hurst Cherrington, History of the Anti-Saloon League, (Westerville, OH: The American Issue Publishing Company, 1913). The United States Constitution, amend. 18, sec 1, cl 1. Michael A. Lerner, Dry Manhattan: Prohibition in New York City, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 44. Edward Marks, They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée, (New York: The Viking Press, 1934), 200. John Stark, John Barleycorn Good-Bye, (St. Louis, MO: Stark Music Co, 1919). Harry Ruby, What’ll We Do Saturday Night (When the Town Goes Dry)?, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co, 1919). Albert Von Tilzer (music) and Lew Brown (lyrics), I Never Knew I Had A Wonderful Wife (Until the Town Went Dry), (New York: Broadway Music Corporation, 1919). William Jerome and Jack Mahoney, Everyday Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry, (New York: Leo Feist, Inc, 1918). Al Sweet, Prohibition Blues, (New York: M. Witmark & Sons, 1917). * A Horse’s Neck is a cocktail of brandy, ginger ale and a lemon peel garnish served on the rocks. Abner Silver (music) and Alex Gerber (lyrics), At the Prohibition Ball, (New York: M. Witmark & Sons, 1919). Joseph McCarthy (music) and James Monaco (lyrics), I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town (When I’m Dry, Dry, Dry), (New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc, 1919). J. Kiern Brennan, Gus Edwards and Paul Cunningham, America Never Took Water and America Never Will, (New York: M. Witmark & Sons, 1919). Will E. Skidmore (music) and Marshal Walker (lyrics), Save a Little Dram for Me, (New York: skidmore Music Co. 1920). Marks, 199. Harry Von Tilzer (music) and Andrew B. Sterling (lyrics), Whoa January (You’re Going to Be Worse than July), (New York: Harry Von Tilzer Music Publisher, 1919). Sweet, Prohibition Blues. Albert Von Tilzer (music) and Edward Laska (lyrics), The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues), (New York: Broadway Music Corporation, 1919). Billy Joyce and Rubey Cowan, Oh! Doctor, (New York: Stark & Cowan Inc, 1920). Robert Hood Bowers (music) and Francis DeWitt (lyrics), The Moon Shines on the Moonshine, (New York: Shapiro and Bernstein Music Publishers, 1920). Von Tilzer and Brown, I Never Knew I Had a Wonderful Wife (until the Town Went Dry). Jerome and Mahoney, Everyday Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry. Irving Berlin, I’ll See You In C-U-B-A, (New York: Irving Berlin, Inc, 1920). Francis Byrne, Frank McIntyre and Percy Wenrich, How Are You Going to Wet Your Whistle (When the Whole Darn World Goes Dry?), (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1919). McCarthy and Monaco, I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town (When I’m Dry, Dry, Dry). Brennan, Edwards and Cunningham, America Never Took Water and America Never Will. Von Tilzer and Laska, The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues). McCarthy and Monaco, I’m Going to Settle Down Outside of London Town (When I’m Dry, Dry Dry). Martin Ballman (music) and Theodore Phillip and Anna Ballman (lyrics), No Beer, No Work, (Chicago, IL: Martin Ballman, 1919). “An Inspiring Slogan,” The Bankers Magazine, volume XCVIII, no. 4 (April 1919), 416. Ballman, Phillip and Ballman, No Beer, No Work. Van and Schenk (music) and Eddie Cantor (lyrics), Green River, (Chicago Il: Van & Schenk Publishers, 1920). Jerome and Mahoney, Everybody Will Sunday When the Town Goes Dry. Ruby, What’ll We Do Saturday Night (When the Town Goes Dry?). Byrne, McIntyre and Wenrich, How Are You Going to Wet Your Whistle (When the Whole Darn World Goes Dry?). Von Tilzer and Laska, The Alcoholic Blues (Some Blues). Sammy Edwards, No Beer, No Work, (Philadelphia, PA: Emmett J. Welch, 1919). Von Tilzer and Sterling, Whoa January (You’re Going to Be Worse than July). Jerome and Mahoney, Everyday Will Be Sunday When the Town Goes Dry. Joyce and Cowan, Oh! Doctor. Milton Ager (music) and Grant Clarke (lyrics), It’s The Smart Little Feller Who Stocked Up His Cellar (That’s Getting the Beautiful Girls), (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1920). Edward Rose, Billy Baskette and Lew Pollack, Everybody Wants a Key to My Cellar, (New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc, 1919). Berlin, I’ll See You In C-U-B-A. Bowers and DeWitt, The Moon Shines on the Moonshine. Skidmore and Walker, Save a Little Dram for Me. Edward Behr, Prohibition: Thirteen Years that Changed America, (New York: Arcade Publishing, 2011), 167. Florence Harding qtd in Katherine A.S. Sibley, First Lady Florence Harding: Behind the Tragedy and controversy, (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2009), 185. Lerner, 177. Behr, 87. Mabel Willebrandt qtd in Behr, 165. Frank Tirro, Jazz: A History, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1977), 158. Ibid, 178. The Pop Song History blog is going defunct. It has been a fun journey through the history of popular songs in America throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; I have learned a great deal and have been acquainted of some great yet forgotten songs from this exciting time in American culture. But there are more important things that will occupy my time shortly, namely, graduate school. At any rate, the essays already on my site will continue to be available (actually, viewership of the Pop Song History blog has doubled since March and tripled since October, so I guess the essays have had some usefulness). There is another essay in production about songs and the start of Prohibition, but I have not made up my mind whether I want to finish it or not. Thank you to my very few dedicated readers around the world for your continued interest; that’s right, internationally, y’all. If there are any questions, don’t hesitate to ask. In the first two decades of the twentieth century, robust development in the musical business and its assortment of technologies had turned every aspect of the American pop song industry on its head. At the turn of the twentieth century, rags, cakewalks and coon songs had captured the attention of the music business, but after twenty years, the entire vocabulary of music industry had morphed into jazz, blues, and fox trots. Male barbershop quartets which had a considerable presence on record for the entire Ragtime Era, relented their popularity while instrumental jazz orchestras and their celebrity bandleaders became the preferred musical fashion for the 1920s and 1930s. The entire Ragtime Era brought changes in musical culture from domestic piano culture to passive entertainments of mechanical music reproduction of player pianos and talking machines. Consequently, the recording industry had become a multimillion-dollar business which “shoved the piano down a sharply steeped slope.” The voices that consumers were hearing on record had undergone dramatic demographic change as well between these two decades. Instead of white singers performing coon songs in black dialect, a style that had been in vogue circa 1900, two decades later, African-American singers and musicians like “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, Mamie Smith and Louis Armstrong found mainstream success, so much so that niche labels like Okeh, Ajax and Paramount came into business releasing so-called “race records” with the increasing demand for African-American musicians who had “greater influence upon American culture.” The recording industry would undergo further dramatic changes just a few years later when electronics put an end to turn-of-the-century acoustic methods of recording and transmitted music directly into the home via radio. With all of this change and sheet music in a slowly declining state, a new song trend about foreign and exotic lands would make a stylish impact on sheet music in the early Jazz Era. At the beginning of the Jazz Era in the late 1910s and early 1920s, popular culture’s interest in Asian and Middle Eastern things had been renewed and riding the trend were the composers and lyricists of Tin Pan alley; a song trend featuring exotic and oriental lands had come to the market. The trend was noticeable with illustrations of oriental themes on sheet music and lyrics which describe exotic people and their mannerisms. The trend also had its own distinctive sound with a specific beat and Jazz-styled chords and intervals in melodies. The word oriental was a convenient word for lyricists to use since it adds an element of novelty without being terribly specific and it was used to describe everything to environment to personal appearance. However, looking more deeply at the trend in exotic songs, the oriental trend featured song-writing techniques which had been in use by Tin Pan Alley for years. With geography and distance between people inherent parts of the trend in oriental songs, sentimental torch songs of unrequited love, make up a sizeable majority of these songs. There were cases in which the oriental trend had brought about funny people engaged in funny situations in the Orient, including the sex appeal of the harem and curious encounters with Sultans. However, within the trend in oriental songs, there were ways in which oriental elements of these songs had been used beyond the scope of the exotic trend. Songs with dated formats, song-writing buzzwords used for non-oriental purposes and caricatures of Chinese people had been influenced by the trend in oriental songs. By 1924, the trend had subsided, but with so much activity in the pop song market, had been a noticeable trend than a prevailing fad. Oriental influence on pop culture was nothing new to Americans in the 1920s, in fact popular culture had been impacted by interest in the East for decades. After Japan and China had been opened up for western trade in the nineteenth century, Asian styles of decorative arts became fashionable in American and Europe homes and Western companies found great success with their lines of Chinoiserie or Japonisme designed domestic arts. Decorative plants like azaleas and rhododendrons became an increasingly popular choice in Western gardens after their export from China during the nineteenth century. Noel Fahden Briceno notes that expositions in Philadelphia in 1876, Chicago in 1893 and Buffalo in 1900 brought Asian arts to the attention of even more American consumers and successive waves in availability for Chinoiserie items followed each exposition. Middle Eastern, particularly Egyptian motifs also found their place in the Western decorative market including obelisks, sphinxes, and pyramids and images of Cleopatra. The trend was so pervasive throughout the history of decorative arts that the term Egyptomania is used to describe the phenomenon. Exotic places and people were nothing new to the pop song market either by 1920; numerous songs during the Ragtime era feature distant lands including titles like “Egypt” (1903), “Turkish Trophies” (1909), “Under the Oriental Moon” (1909), and “an Indian isle,” the setting of the popular “I’ve Got Rings on My Fingers” from 1909. By 1919 following the conclusion to the First World War, a renewed interest in all things Asian, Middle Eastern and Egyptian had come into fashion. Advertising brought exotic portrayals of girls in Egyptian wardrobe hawking everything from Cusenier Cognac to Egyptian Luxury Cigarettes to Palmolive Shampoo. By 1919, popular movies often depicted oriental themes including The Fall of Babylon, Harakiri, Broken Blossoms and Auction of Souls became some of the most popular films of that year. Egyptomania would be reignited in America in 1922, followed the discovery of King Tutankhamen’s tomb. The pop song market would also reflect this renewed interest with the East and stylish sheet music featuring Middle Eastern landscapes, fashion accessories on beautiful exotic women and lyrics which reflected the distant nature of the Orient. When exotic and oriental songs came onto the pop song market in the late 1910s, pop culture had already experienced various waves of oriental influence and was enjoying a resurgent spike in interest in oriental and exotic themes. With renewed interest in the Orient, the subsequent pop song trend prominently offered music consumers foreign settings; geography consequently plays a central role in oriental songs. Naturally, the most effective way to introduce a song’s distant and exotic setting is to style the sheet music covers as much as possible. Cover art is musical advertisement; it is the first thing that music consumers see when shopping for music and the decorative nature of the oriental trend was colourfully displayed conspicuously, and Middle Eastern elements had been the prevalent theme on these illustrations. Byron Gay’s “Sand Dunes (My Desert Rose)” features an illustrated scene of camels, caravans and the golden light of sun setting against a desert. The cover art for “Egyptian Moonlight” features illustrations of all things Egyptomania including palm trees and a couple resting beside a slumbering camel. In other songs, the artwork is more specific in detail including a girl wearing fashionable Egyptian-styled clothing and jewellery with towering minarets of a mosque in the background in Olson, Thompson and O’Neill’s “Kharmine.” The cover art of “The Sheik (Of Araby)” features a scene of a sheik clad in a turban and robes embracing his adoring maiden. The description of these far off lands is even more baroque and stylised within the lyrics of the song with geography illustrated in dreamy detail for the sake of the song’s setting. In “Egyptian Moonlight,” the action of the song happens in relief to the Egyptian landscape illustrated rather attractively as “Down where the old dreamy Nile is flowing.” A similar graceful and stylish scene of Egypt can be found in “There’s Egypt in Your Dreamy Eyes” There’s Egypt in your dreamy eyes A bit of Cairo in your style The shades of night are in your hair While fragrant incense seems to the fill the air. In “Hindustan” the exotic nature of the geography is the most memorable experience for the main character in the song, the landscape is so important that the lyric “where I met her and the world began” emphasises the impact of Hindustan’s geography. “The Sheik (of Araby)” features lyrics which combine descriptions of arid land and robust action, “Over the desert wild and free/Rides the bold Sheik of Araby,” the imagery is amplified by the romantic embrace illustrated on the cover. When the exotic and oriental nature of the songs had come onto the pop song scene, the imagery of the setting both on cover art and within the lyrics became an important addition to define the style of song content. The protrusion of oriental songs onto the American song market had not just been about the dreamy style of the songs’ locations and decorative nature of sheet music; it had briefly formed its own musical genre with its own distinct sound suited for the tonal sensibilities of the Jazz Era including heavy distinctive beats and interesting combinations of chords. There had developed a distinctive beat to oriental songs, of heavy march-like “four on the floor” beat with the second beat of a measure composed of two accented eighth notes. This beat is a common marker of a new genre of “Oriental Fox Trots” which had come onto the market of sheet music and disc recordings. “The Vamp,” specifically labelled as a “novelty Oriental Fox Trot” according to the title page, incessantly has this rhythm from beginning to end, which is amplified on record between the sparse lines in the verses and refrain. This distinct oriental rhythmic pattern is also found in the accompaniment to Byron Gay’s “Sand Dunes,” Olson, Thompson and O’Neal’s “Kharmine,” and the heavily accented chord accompaniment to Oliver Wallace and Harold Weeks’s “Hindustan.” However, with the sonic changes that Jazz had brought to the music market at the time, the melodies and chord progressions had been stylised with chromatic runs, exotic chords and intervals to add more distinctive musical elements to Tin Pan Alley songs. The song Richard Whiting and Raymond Egan tune “The Japanese Sandman” opens with a descending flourish of syncopated chromatic chords. The melodic lines of “Dardanella” ascend and descend a chromatic scale seemingly without any key at all, the song’s sound was tremendously popular that recordings by Ben Selvin and his Orchestra sold one million records. The chorus of “Hindustan” features some very jazzy blue notes of minor thirds and flatted ninths. The verses of “The Sheik (Of Araby)” prominently feature the Middle Eastern-sounding interval between minor third and raised fourth. For the oriental song trend, songs did not just look pretty with exotic locations on the covers, but also sounded exotic with a distinct rhythmic accompaniment and foreign sounding intervals and chromatic runs. However, besides the style of the images and the sound of the music, there is another feature to these oriental songs, that their exotic people and places are characteristically described as vaguely as possible with the qualifier oriental. Presumably, the word could mean anything Middle Eastern or Asian and its inclusion is a convenient way for lyricists to describe something exotic without getting bogged down with details. Giving a new song an oriental name representative of a new genre had been a noticeable feature, for example, “Egyptian Moonlight” is specifically labelled as an “Oriental Love Song.” The rhythms of the accompaniments to exotic songs had given way to a new genre of Oriental Fox Trots; a popular recording by Paul Whiteman Orchestra was generically titled “Oriental Fox Trot.” A further examination of the word oriental in reference to song lyrics reveals that there are instances when it is both semantically vacuous, while also at least adding intrigue to the song’s content. In the song “Dardanella” the setting where the title girl resides is described “Beside the Dardanella Bay/Where Oriental breezes play” although oriental does not really mean anything. The oriental geography also becomes part of personal characteristics of people in songs, which adds mystery without much specificity. For example, in “There’s Egypt in Your Dreamy Eyes,” a girls is described as having “All the Orient in your smile/Mysterious as River Nile.” The Irving Berlin song “The Syncopated Vamp” links the vocabulary of jazz trends with new with the interest in Egyptomania by describing the main character, a dancing girl, as a “Jazzy Cleopatra.” The title character of the song “Kharmine” is addressed as “Kharmine, my gypsy Kharmine, So Oriental” in the refrain, a statement which is descriptive but as generic as the word oriental. In the song “Chong (He Came from Hong Kong)” the main character of the song Little Allee Ho Chong is described as “played all day in an oriental way,” but that does not actually describe what he is doing. Beyond the dreamy descriptions of geography and the sounds of Jazzy oriental songs, there is also a self-referential quality to these songs which is more semantically vacuous while curiously adding depth in detail. Among the dreamy landscapes, exotic locations and driving jungle beats rampant during the exotic trend, there is admittedly nothing truly distinctive about the overall lyrical content of exotic songs. Similar to the ways in which love is represented during World War I love songs where couple had been separated by the conflict or the Hawaiian fad of 1915 and 1916 where one half of the couple is in Hawaii and the other is on the mainland, love during the exotic trend is similarly expressed by means of geographic separation. Consequently, most of the trend’s love songs have the lonesome sentiment of torch songs that had been on trend with musical fashion of the late 1910s. Much of the actual lyrical content apart from exotic geography rests upon the content of sentimental torch songs, maudlin feelings set against the backdrop of exotic locations deserts, nights and sand. In “Hindustan,” the main character in the lyrics pines over his love emotionally, “Soft my heart is crying for my love afar.” In “Kharmine,” the title character languishes, “I’m so lonely I want only you…Kharmine, My heart’s aflame/And dearie, I know I’ll be content With you in the orient.” A female perspective in “Burnin’ Sands” addresses love in the same manner, this time, in the middle of a desert suggested by the title. “Across the Burning Sands, There waits my Arab man,” read the lyrics. The title girl in “Dardanella” stands next to the sea waiting for her man to come back to her, There lives a lonesome maid, Armenian By Dardanelles with glowing eyes. She looks across the seas and sighs.” The main speaker in “Sand Dunes” envisions an idyllic life in the oriental desert, “No clouds of show’rs in the lands of repose, A world of True love is ours, Sweetheart in our little Sand Dunes home” while longing for “my sweet desert rose.” In Irving Berlin’s “Tell Me, Pretty Gypsy,” the speaker in the song consults with a Gypsy fortune-teller to tell him some good news about his future and his love life. While this sentimental torch song element represents a large variety of exotic numbers, not all oriental songs have this sort of sentiment. In “The Sheik (of Araby),” inspired by the imagery of a popular film The Sheik starring Rudolph Valentino, a sheik finds not just a bride, but also a queen, “You’ll rule this land with me; the Sheik of Araby.” The lyrics of “Dardanella” are more about the celebration of the title girl rather than an emphasis on her distance from the speaker in the song. Even though the new fashions of songs with foreign locations had come onto the market, their lyrical content of love, and the consequences of distance of oriental locations resulted in sentimental torch songs. Of course, whenever the music industry finds a new song trend, there are other facets to consider and not all songs during the exotic wave were about teary proclamations of unattainable love. Humour was also a tremendously important entertaining component to music and during the trend in oriental numbers, songwriters included humour by using out of context Americans in the orient, with awkward encounters with Sultans and visits to their various harems. The easiest method to include funny situations and characters was, of course, to compose a story song which would be equally humorous and also salacious and during the trend in oriental themes, this was accomplished by mentioning harems filled with Sultan’s many wives. These sorts of songs frequently pair men and Sultans in funny exchanges for the sake of getting into the Sultan’s harem to see what goes on inside. The actual description of situations can be humorous as in Irving Berlin’s “Harem Life” in which a Sultan, “a poor old man with young ideas,” has so many wives and yet “each day a wife arrives Fresh from Bagdad.” But funny stories are more about out of context characters, for example in “Lock Me in Your Harem and Throw Away the Key,” the sultan loses his horse and comical Irishman Pat McCann “who happened to be there” is rewarded with a trip to the harem after saving the Sultan’s life. The comical nature of the harem is more than just a funny story to play out in song lyrics, it also adds sex appeal and intrigue about such an exotic concept as a many-wived harem in an exotic land. In “I’m the Guy who Guards the Harem,” extramarital shenanigans are assumed when the Sultan of Turkey “goes out for a spree,” and the title guy guarding the harem finds that “it keeps the wheels a-working in my knob/If Sultan ever saw the way I guard his harem/He would go out and engage someone to guard over me.” The curious nature of the harem excites one character in “Lock Me in Your harem and Throw Away the Key” who has his own physical curiosities for the women inside, his eagerness for departure lacking: “Down in you harem there’s Rosie, Josie, Posie and I know that you spare ‘em/So won’t you let me stay, Locked in the harem with the keys thrown away.” But such comically represented examples of harems are not the only ways in which Sultans and harems are described. In “Dardanella,” the title maiden’s virtue is protected from a frisky Sultan who “said ‘I’ll buy her for my Harem” and her suitor “just told the Sultan to be nice/She can’t be bought for any price.” The use of harem within song lyrics of the Orient add both humour and sex appeal which could get consumer’s attention by being funny and provocative. With any song trend that come into fashion on the American market, there are ways in which songwriters and lyricists take full advantage of its vocabulary and imagery and during the rash of oriental songs in the late 1910s and early 1920s, there were songs which feature oriental-like words, but have nothing to do with the trend’s most salient feature, the geography of the Middle East. For example, “The Vamp,” specifically labelled as a “Novelty Oriental Fox-trot with words” on the sheet music, has nothing to do with the milieu of the Orient at all, in fact, the song is about a new dance step, the lyrics instruct “ev’rybody do the Vamp/Vamp until you get a cramp.” The song “The Love a Gipsy Knows” lacks all of the characteristic oriental beats, sounds and lush geographical description; instead it is a waltz ballad with lachrymose lyrics reminiscent of pop songs of the 1890s. “Lovin’ Sam (The Sheik of Alabam’)” is a warning about a man in Alabama, i.e. “the sheik,” who can “vamp” a girl better than anyone and steal her away for his own, resulting in an odd combination of oriental vocabulary and Southern Ragtime song. The spike in oriental songs had caused Tin Pan Alley arrangers and lyricists to modify Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakoff’s “Song of India” from the opera Sadko to suit the trend, consequently, various English lyric versions styled for the American pop market became tremendous popularity during the first part of the 1920s, including “Play that ‘Song of India’ Again” from 1921, which uses Rimsky-Korsakoff’s music while the lyrics are referential to the oriental currents in the pop market, “There’s a melody I know that’s always haunting me/Just a melody who strain is always taunting me.” Chinese caricatures had also come onto the pop market during the flurry of exotic songs, but they were about the funny features of Chinese characters living in the United States, instead of exotic locations and these songs focus on a humorous caricature of Chinese people in the lyrics in rather racially insensitive ways. In “Chong (He Came from Hong Kong)” the main character’s musical talents are the main feature of the song’s lyrics, and not the place where he lives; “I betcha he teachee his China girl how to dance, like in a trance/Teachee Preachee Melican song;” the song does not venture into the oriental trend’s characteristic portrayal of foreign places. Another Chinese song, “Ching Chong,” also does not fit the exotica trend, instead, the lyric tells about a Chinese shop owner and his popular café in San Francisco; presumably, an opium den: The when the time is ripe, He’ll fill your little pipe, And then a light he’ll bring, Gently you’ll float away Far out on slumber Bay And softly you will sing, Such stereotypes and caricatures were not just limited to the lyrics of these songs, but also in their recordings. In a 1919 Premier Quartet recording of “Chong (He Came from Hong Kong),” for example, the sounds of the Chinese language are mimicked for comical effect. While the trend in exotic locations had been going on, there were ways in which the trend’s superficial elements were used in rather non-exotic ways including use of vocabulary and inclusion of caricatures of oriental people. By 1923, the exotic trend had subsided and its historical legacy within the context of pop song history became a noticeable, but not a pervasive trend. Considering the amount of activity in the pop song market of the early Jazz Era, it is not surprising that consumer attention could not have fixated on single fad. Even though exotic songs charted well, recording artists and the new sounds of orchestras were more popular than these songs, after all. But left behind are songs from a time when new and novel locations became part of popular culture once again and scenes of deserts and foreign places became popular in description and illustration. The music suited the times when Jazz brought new rhythms and sounds to the American market. But the song trend, in retrospect, had lyrical content which had a familiar presence on the American market including pining torch songs of loves left in distant lands. While humour and sex appeal were brought to the attention of consumers through the use of a foreign concept of the harem, which had been used as something novel and funny. But there were other ways in which the trend in Oriental songs had produced music, which had nothing to do with the oriental song trend, in fact the vocabulary was used in ways which lacked the exotic trend’s focus on geography including racial stereotypes of Chinese people, for humorous effect. By the middle of the 1920s, the exotic nature in pop had had gone and left in its wake was a pop market which had increasingly focused on American themes and pop trends rather then looking internationally for musical inspiration. Brentschneider, E. History of European Botanical Discoveries in China. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Company. 1898. Briceno, Noel Fahden. The Chinoiserie Revival in Early Twentieth-Century American Interiors. Brier, Bob. Egyptomania: Our Three Thousand Year Obsession with the Land of the Pharaohs. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. 2013. “Ching Chong form 1917 – Original Roll.” Youtube.com. Posted on 5 November 2010 by John A. Tuttle. Found at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CyEJjxInCo0. Peerless Quartet’s recordings of Ching Chong. “Edison Blue Amberol Cylinder 3769 – Chong (He Came from Hong Kong) by Premier Quartet.” Found on YouTube.com. Posted on 12 October 2014 by bigtradermicks. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vf0ST2KcP_4. Green, Adam. Selling Race: Culture, Community and Black Chicago. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 2007. Hischak, Thomas. The Tin Pan Alley Encyclopaedia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 2002. Loesser, Arthur. Men, Women and Piano: A Social History. New York: Dover Publications. 1990. Monserat, Dominic. Akhenaten: History, Fantasy and Ancient Egypt. New York: Rutledge. 2001. Most Popular Feature Films Released in 1919. Internet Movie Database. Imdb.com. http://www.imdb.com/search/title?year=1919,1919&title_type=feature&sort=moviemeter,asc. “Palmolive: Re-Incarnation of Beauty.” (poster). The Advertising Archives.co.uk. Accessed 5 May 2015. http://www.advertisingarchives.co.uk/detail/87518348/1/Magazine-Advert/Palmolive/1920s. Ager, Milton (music) and Jack Yelen (lyrics). Lovin’ Sam (The Sheik of Alabam’). New York: Ager, Yellen & Bornstein Inc. 1922. Berlin, Irving. Harem Life (Outside of That Every Little Thing’s All Right). New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1919. ——-. I’m the Guy Who Guards the Harems (And My Heart’s In My Work). New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1919. ——-. Lock Me In Your Harem and Throw Away the Key. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1914. ——-. The Syncopated Vamp. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1920. ——-. Tell Me, Pretty Gypsy. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1920. Bernard, Felix and Johnny S. Black (music) and Fred Fisher (lyrics). Dardanella. New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc. 1919. Fancho and Marco. The Love A Gipsy Knows. New York: Jerome Remick & Co. 1920. Gay, Byron. Sand Dunes (My Desert Rose). New York: Leo Feist, Inc. 1919. ——-. The Vamp. New York: Leo Feist, Inc. 1919. Olson, Elmer, Moe Thompson and Dannie O’Neill. Kharmine. New York: Harrison Music Co. Inc. 1921. Onivas, D. (music) and Jack Meskill (lyrics). Burnin’ Sands. New York: Richmond-Robbins Inc. 1922. Phillips, A. Fred (music) and Jack Caddigan (lyrics). Egyptian Moonlight. New York: Ted Garton Music Co. 1919. Rimsky-Korsakoff, Nikolas (music) and Leo Wood and Irving Bibo (Music), arranged by Paul Whiteman. Play That “Song of India” Again. New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1921. Roberts, Lee S. Ching Chong (He Came From Hong Kong). Chicago, IL: Lee S. Roberts. 1917. Scott, Maurice (music) and Weston & Barnes (lyrics). I’ve Got Rings on My Fingers, or Mumbo Jumbo Jijjiboo J. O’Shay. New York: T.B. Harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1909. Snyder, Ted (music) and Harry B. Smith and Francis Wheeler (lyrics). The Sheik (of Araby). New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder. 1921. Spencer, Herbert (music) and Fleta Jan Brown (lyrics). There’s Egypt in Your Dreamy Eyes. New York: Jerome Remick & Co. 1917. Wallace, Oliver G. and Harold Weeks. Hindustan. Chicago, IL: Forster Music Publisher Inc. 1918. Weeks, Harold. Chong (He Came from Hong Kong). New York: Leo Feist, Inc. 1919. Whiting, Richard A. (Music) and Raymond B. Egan (lyrics). The Japanese Sandman. New York: Jerome Remick & Co. 1920. Paul Whiteman Orchestra. Oriental Fox Trot. Victor 18940. located at The Library of Congress National Jukebox. Found at http://www.loc.gov/jukebox/recordings/detail/id/8853/ Waldorf-Astoria Singing Orchestra. The Vamp. Columbia Record. A2758. 1919. Found on YouTube.com. Posted on 2 August 2009 by cdbpdx. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51Iop5LZqsI. Arthur Loesser, Men, Women and Pianos: A Social History, (New York: Dover Publications, 1990), 602. Adam Green, Selling Race: Culture, Community and Black Chicago, (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 54. E. Brentschneider, History of European Botanical Discoveries in China, (London, Sampson Low, Martson and Company, 1898), 476. Noel Fahden Briceno, The Chinoiserie Revival in Early Twentieth Century American Interiors, Thesis. Spring 2008, University of Delaware. 15. Bob Brier, Egyptomania: Our Three Thousand Year Obsession with the Land of the Pharaohs, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 160. Maurice Scott (music) and Weston & Barnes (lyrics), I’ve Got Rings on My Fingers, or, Mumbo Jumbo Jijjiboo J O’Shay, (New York: T.B. Harms & Francis, Day & Harris, 1909). “Palmolive: Re-Incarnation of Beauty,” The Advertising Archive, accessed 5 May 2015, http://www.advertisingarchives.co.uk/detail/87518348/1/Magazine-Advert/Palmolive/1920s. For synopses of these films, see “Most Popular Films Released in 1919,” Internet Movie Database, imbd.com, accessed 20 May 2015, found at http://www.imdb.com/search/title?year=1919,1919&title_type=feature&sort=moviemeter,asc. Dominic Monserat, Akhenaten: History, Fantasy of Ancient Egypt, (New York: Routledge, 2001), 8. Byron Gay, Sand Dunes (My Desert Rose), New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1919). A. Fred Phillips (music) and Jack Caddigan (lyrics), Egyptian Moonlight, (New York: Ted Garton Music, 1919). Elmer Olson, Moe Thompson and Dannie O’Neill, Kharmine, (New York: Harrison Music Co Inc, 1921). Ted Snyder (music) and Harry B. Smith and Francis Wheeler (lyrics), The Sheik of Araby, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co, 1921). Phillips and Caddigan, Egyptian Moonlight. Herbert Spencer (music) and Fleta Jan Brown (lyrics), There’s Egypt in Your Dreamy Eyes, (New York: Jerome H. Remick & Co, 1917). Oliver G. Wallace and Harold Weeks, Hindustan, (Chicago, IL: Forster Music Publisher, Inc, 1918). Snyder, Smith and Wheeler, The Sheik (Of Araby). Byron Gay, The Vamp, (New York: Leo Feist, Inc, 1919). Gay, Sand Dunes (My Desert Rose). Olson, Thomspon and O’Neill, Kharmine. Wallace and Weeks, Hindustan. Richard A. Whiting (music) and Raymond B Egan (lyrics), The Japanese Sandman, (New York: Jerome H. Remick, 1920). Felix Bernard and Johnny S. Black (music) and Fred Fisher (lyrics), Dardanella, (New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc, 1919). Thomas Hischak, The Tin Pan Alley Encyclopedia, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), 74. Wallace and Weeks, Hindustan. Snyder and Brown, The Sheik (Of Araby). Paul Whiteman Orchestra, Oriental Fox Trot, Victor 18940, located at The Library of Congress National Jukebox, accessed 5 May 2015, found at http://www.loc.gov/jukebox/recordings/detail/id/8853/ Bernard, Black and Fisher, Dardanella. Spencer and Van Brown, There’s Egypt in Your Dreamy Eyes. Irving Berlin, The Syncopated Vamp, (New York: Irving Berlin Inc, 1920). Lee S. Roberts, Chong (He Came from Hong Kong), (Chicago, IL: Lee S. Roberts, 1917). Wallace and Weeks, Hindustan. Olson, Thompson and O’Neil, Kharmine, (New York: Harrison Music Co. Inc, 1921). D. Onivas (music) and Jack Meskill (lyrics), Burnin’ Sands, (New York: Richmond-Robbins Inc, 1922). Bernard, Black and Fisher, Dardanella. Gay, Sand Dunes (My Desert Rose). Irving Berlin, Tell Me Little Gypsy, (New York: Irving Berlin, Inc, 1920). Hischak, 318. Snyder and Smith & Wheeler, The Sheik (of Araby). Bernard, Black and Fisher, Dardanella. Irving Berlin, Harem Life (Outside of That Every Little Thing’s All Right), (New York: Irving Berlin, Inc, 1919). Irving Berlin, Lock Me in Your Harem and Throw Away the Key, (New York: Irving Berlin Inc, 1914). Irving Berlin, I’m the Guy Who Guards the Harem (And My Heart’s in My Work), (New York: Irving Berlin, Inc., 1919). Irving Berlin, Lock Me In Your Harem and Throw Away the Key. Bernard, Black and Fisher, Dardanella. Bryon Gay, The Vamp (New York: Leo Feist, Inc, 1919). Fanchon and Marco, The Love a Gipsy Knows, (New York: Jerome Remick & Co, 1920). Milton Ager (music) and Jack Yellen (lyrics), Lovin’ Sam (The Sheik of Alabam’), (New York: Ager, Yellen & Bornstein, 1922). Nikolas Rimsky-Korsakoff (music) and Leo Wood and Irving Bibo (lyrics), arranged by Paul Whiteman, Play That “Song of India’ Again, (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1921). Weeks, Chong (He Came from Hong Kong). Lee S. Roberts (music) and J. Will Callahan (lyrics), Ching Chong, (Chicago, IL: Lee S. Roberts, 1917). “Edison Blue Amberol Cylinder 3769 – Chong (He Came from Hong Kong) by Premier Quartet,” found on YouTube.com, posted on 12 October 2014 by bigtradermicks, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vf0ST2KcP_4. During the 1910s and 1920s, an iconic form of American stage entertainment, the spectacular stage revue enjoyed impressive growth of popularity on Broadway. A marker of the bustling theatre industry following the First World war, revues with lavish sets, dancing girls, nudity and comedy, by 1919, had earned annual places on the theatre stage with shows like Ziegfeld’s Follies, The Passing Show, The Greenwich Village Follies, and George White’s Scandals, just to name a few titles. Many of these revue productions have become the material of Broadway legend, but often forgotten are the pop songs which came from each of these shows. An amusing genre of theatre, the revue, a genre whose sole raison d’être ensures that the audience have “a rousing good time,” had the latest fashionable songs and the trends of the era’s popular music became an indispensable source of inspiration for these shows. The biggest names in popular song writing created music and lyrics for revues, frequently taking advantage of currents and fads in pop music. Topical news and theatre events also became sources of song material. The business relationship between the stage and song inclusion was also carefully considered. Frequently, sheet music of popular songs had been used as advertising to exude the shows’ fame and on stage, popularity of some revues gave theatre producers ample marketing opportunities to promote upcoming shows by previewing their songs to audiences. The most popular entertainers were hired for revues to perform songs and when Jazz music became the default popular music, the most successful jazz orchestras were installed in their orchestra pits. The pop song on the revue stage was not just necessity for the whimsical nature of the genre; a number of important pop consequences came from revue music. The genre launched the careers of celebrated American songwriters, introduced a number of nationally successful hits and eventually helped to transform the song styles featured in the “frivolous type of entertainment” into critically praised song craft. Understanding the nature of the commercial pop tune within the context of the lavish stage revue reveals the interwoven nature of music business, its pop trends, and resulting popularity of many of these songs. The lavish stage revue debuted on Broadway during the first decade of the twentieth century when the operetta, the most fashionable and stylish form of stage entertainment, had the audience’s attention. Operettas “written under the European influence of Offenbach, Lehar, Oskar Strauss and Johann Strauss II” featured elegant scores written by composers with dialogue and lyrics provided by librettists. As popular as operettas were on Edwardian Broadway, they lacked the commercial aesthetic of Ragtime Era pop songs coming from Tin Pan Alley, the originator of many of the era’s most popular and successful tunes. Put more casually, Edward B. Marks comments there had been a “gap between all of this show music and the product of the Alley.” For more colloquial and commercial forms of stage entertainment like comedies, theatres were often used intensively as an advertising platform for the latest pop songs. Tin Pan Alley songwriters used musical comedies to introduce new songs for the audience, i.e., the potential customer who might like what they hear and then purchase the music at a shop. Consequently, pop songs routinely made their way from theatre stages to the music stands and talking machines of millions of Americans. One of the earliest successes, “Tell Me, Pretty Maiden,” one of the most successful songs of 1900, had been introduced to the public in the comedy Florodora with much fame for the show’s double sextet of six male and six female singers exchanging the several “coquettish verses.” Inserting interpolated numbers, songs not inherently written as part of the show, became a commonplace method as well to advertise music via the stage comedy. One of the most famous instances of interpolation was Charles K. Harris’s “After the Ball” (1892) inserted into the popular comedy A Trip to Chinatown. The song eventually sold a remarkable five and half million sheets following a national tour of the show. The Theodore Morse and Vincent Bryan sea chanty “Hurrah for Baffin’s Bay” (1902) also became widely popular after being interpolated, surprisingly, into a stage adaptation of The Wizard of Oz. For entertainers on stage, popular songs from comedies became career-defining moments. In the 1902 comedy Sally in Our Alley, actress Marie Cahill earned a hit song that would define her career with “Under the Bamboo Tree.” Anna Held similarly introduced “I Just Can’t Make My Eyes Behave” in the comedy A Parisian Model in 1906 and her “sensational eye song” became so famous that musicians played it wherever Anna went. Song success was not limited to the stages of early comedies, early forms of revues, a genre composed of “series of separate songs, dances and skits, unified by a [usually comic] point-of-view,” created hits as well. Early pop songs with national fame came from Weber and Fields burlesques, for example, including fashionable turn-of-the-century coon songs like “Ma Blushin’ Rosie” from 1900’s Quo Vass Iss and Fiddle Dee Dee and “Come Down, Ma Ev’nin’ Star” from Weber and Fields 1902’s instalment Twirly Whirly. By the 1910s, revues had come into maturity, with large casts, opulent sets and beautiful girls, and consequently became the latest stage fashion and commercial success, overtaking the art of the operetta. Purists complained about the amount of commercialism that such revues and their productions were bringing to Broadway theatres. British composer W.S. Gilbert, half of the writing team Gilbert and Sullivan, known for productions HMS Pinafore, The Mikado, and Pirates of Penzance, found colloquial American forms of stage entertainment vulgar, expressing the opinion that the American stage was in “an unclean state.” Newspaper articles had by 1913 complained about “the love of a new generation for extravagance and luxury, unheard of by our grandparents,” seemingly casting judgement on an entire generation of theatregoers. Throughout the first two decades of the twentieth century, pop songs were coming from the theatre stage and as the 1910s progressed, the extravagant revue was taking a larger part of the Broadway schedule. As the 1910s progressed, dazzling and spectacular revues in the style of Ziegfeld’s Follies and The Passing Show continued to gain success. Naturally, such productions required music and the pop songwriters of the day were more than willing to oblige. The initial instalments of the Follies of the late 1900s and early 1910s had a broad range of Tin Pan Alley songwriters, composers and lyricists like Gus Edwards, Harry von Tilzer, Jean Schwartz and E. Ray Goetz had songs featured on the stage of the initial instalment. It was a varied mix of original and interpolated musical entertainment for the show to keep audiences entertained without settling into musical monotony. Subsequent editions of the Follies through the late 1910s and into the 1920s continued this method of featuring fresh music. Throughout the 1910s, the increasing demand for revues brought other big shows to the Broadway stage, including The Passing Show, Greenwich Village Follies and George White’s Scandals. As the genre grew in popularity, naturally there were more working opportunities for composers and lyricists to write material; many famous composers of the era gladly supplied the tunes for the revue stage. Indispensible to the genre was the ever-prolific composer Irving Berlin who could produce “more songs than Ziegfeld had girls” if requested by Florenz Ziegfeld. Berlin had already achieved commercial and critical success as a songwriter in the revue genre, creating music for the choreographed show Watch Your Step featuring celebrity dancers Vernon and Irene Castle in 1916. By 1919, that year’s edition of Ziegfeld’s Follies featured seven Berlin numbers with enough diversity in style to equip actress Marilynn Miller with elegant songs and comedians Eddie Cantor and Bert Williams with quasi-minstrel numbers to perform in blackface. Other notable composers similarly produced work for annual revues. Created by Ziegfeld veterans George White and Ann Penningtion, The George White Scandals presented a more tuneful stage show than Flo Ziegfeld had anticipated, a burgeoning young composer named George Gershwin writing most of the show’s score each year. The Garrick Gaieties series of revues featured music from song writing duo Lorenz Hart and Richard Rodgers. By the beginning of the Jazz Era, composers with enough ambition to capitalise of the revue trend, opened their own theatres, producing and writing their own show to suit their own distinct musical pop song styles. The always-enterprising George M. Cohan commenced his own revue series with The Cohan Revue in 1916, with a great number of Cohan and Irving Berlin tunes, however The Cohan Revue went defunct with a final edition in 1918. By 1921 Irving Berlin, co-owner of the Music Box Theatre with Sam Harris, eventually opened his own Music Box Revue in the early 1920s “crowded theatre scene.” Naturally, Berlin’s Music Box Revue was much more music-oriented than other lavish revues; the Berlin brand would be the fashionable name that sells astronomically expensive theatre tickets. Unlike other shows that featured dancing girls, Berlin’s showgirls were whimsically nicknamed “The Eight Notes” and donned music note costumes. Berlin’s new show got positive reviews being called a “stage revelation” having “dash and sparkle.” Berlin would incorporate a number of current and former hit songs for his revue, including the theme song “A Pretty Girl is Like a Melody,” which he debuted in the Ziegfeld Follies of 1919. As the fad of the revue persisted, notable pop song composers were writing music to keep apace with the increasing demand for the genre. The popularity of the Broadway revue created a substantial amount of music and as pop songwriters provided the material, songs on stage reflected general trends in the overall pop market. All of these composers were producing pop tunes, not just stage music, even though, admittedly, not all revue music was pop oriented, in fact the first instalment of The Passing Show in 1912 opened with “mime-dramatic ballet.” Revues were the epitome of grand stage entertainment, featuring beautiful chorus girls wearing lavish, sometimes ridiculous costumes; and some songs were utilitarian for dancing. An early example, from the second instalment of the Follies in 1908 featured the song “The Taxicab (Take Me Round in a Taxi)” choreographed on stage with dancers entertaining audiences while wearing taxicab costumes. Such musical stage stunts were not limited to Ziegfeld’s stage. In the inaugural edition of the Shubert brothers’ The Passing Show of 1912, which had been reviewed as a “collection of vaudeville stunts,” featured the song “All the World is Madly Prancing,” the performance concluding with singer Trixie Fraganza tumbling into a tank of water “more to her courage than to her cleverness” according to critic Channing Pollock. Overall, the pop music market from year to year, at least gave some acknowledgement to the fads and trends that were commercially successful, sometimes dictating what appeared on the revue stage. What sells well commercially can translate well to the revue stage. If a musical trend experienced interest or popularity, revue songs reflected such musical trends; examples of which span the breadth of revue shows and occur nearly every year. Amid the dance fervour of exotic new dances in the early 1910s, The Passing Show of 1915 featured the stylish instrumental dance tune “The Spanish Fandango.” Amidst a national craze for Hawaiian tunes in 1915 and 1916, songs like “I Left Her on the Beach in Honolulu” and “My Hula Maid” made their way to productions of The Ziegfeld Follies of 1916 and The Passing Show of 1915 respectively. By the start of the Jazz Era around 1917, the new musical nomenclature was well represented with jazz, blues, and the dance craze shimmy. Various titles are featured across all shows like “I Want to Learn How to ‘Jazz’ Dance” (Ziegfeld’s Follies of 1918), “Trombone Jazz” (The Passing Show of 1918), “That American Jazz” (The Passing Show of 1922), “Jazzmania” (Earl Carroll’s Vanities 1923), “Broadcast a Jazz” (Greenwich Village Follies of 1924), “Unlucky Blues” (Greenwich Village Follies 1921), “Shimmy Town” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1919), “The Shimmy Sisters” (The Passing Show of 1918), “(Let Us Keep) The Shimmy” (Shubert Gaieties of 1919), “Shimmy a la Egyptian” (Passing Show of 1919) and “Flappers” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1922). The Ziegfeld Follies of 1917 presented “Everybody’s Got the Dog Gone Blues, But I’m Happy” the name of the genre used to show how popular the song style had become while also equating blues with sadness: Blues ain’t nothin’ but the easy goin’ heart disease, Brother stop your moanin’ Blues can’t make you warmer of you’re bound to freeze Sister stop your groanin’ Why don’t you rise and shine Take dem blues right off you mind ‘Cause the blues ain’t nothin’ but the easy goin heart disease, That’s all Lawd! The popularity of the dance Charleston had been featured in the Vanities of 1925, female singers tap danced while spelling “C-H-A-R-L-E-S-T-O-N.” Perhaps most fashionable song subject was the rash of so-called “oriental” songs around 1920 which featured exotic places in the Middle East or Asia. On stage, it was a omnipresent phenomenon with titles like “My Little Javanese” (The Greenwich Village Follies of 1919), “Wang Wang Blues” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1921), “Orient” (Passing Show of 1919), “Sunny South Sea Isles” (George White’s Scandals of 1921), “Harem Life” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1919), “I’m the Man Who Guards the Harem” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1919), “Rubiyats of the Rubiyat” (Passing Show of 1921), “I Live in Turkey” (The Ziegfeld Follies of 1920), and “Becky From Babylon” (The Passing Show of 1921). Such adherence to the musical fads of the times is a commercial way of entertaining the most people with the most popular styles of music, having mass appeal is important for such revue shows, after all many of these theatres like the New Amsterdam and the Winter Garden, held upwards of one thousand people. Maximizing entertainment and commercial success of the show requires following the commercially successful trends on the pop market. As a part of the pop fashions of their times, music from the spectacular revue rode the waves of popularity of various song trends. Songs from spectacular revues were much more than fashionable product placement easily styled to fit within overall commercial pop trends, revues were entertainment on an industrial scale that also featured topical humour to get laughs from the audience. Consequently, songwriters took liberty with any widely known theatrical or pop culture news event by turning headlines into entertaining fodder. Sometimes the high art of the opera made its way to the songs of the revue stage. Inspired by the popularity of the Richard Strauss opera Salome, which had recently debuted at the Metropolitan Opera, Ziegfeld’s Follies of 1910 featured stylish waltz “Vision of Salomé” inspired by Salome’s famous dance of the seven veils. The cover art for the revue song is nearly identical to the opera’s original sheet music, with the exception of the song’s title, the notably less challenging music and the advertisement “Featured in F. Ziegfeld Jr. Follies of 1910.” “Poor Butterfly” from 1915’s The Big Show at the Hippodrome Theatre, is a reference to the title character of the Puccini opera Madama Butterfly and the song’s lyrics summarize the basic plot elements of Puccini’s opera: There’s a story told of a little Japanese Sitting demurely ‘neath the cherry blossom trees. Miss Butterfly her name A sweet little innocent child was she Victor Herbert, a popular operetta composer whose music had been featured frequently on the revue stage, was remembered in memoriam following his death in 1924 in the Ziegfeld Follies of that year with a montage of tunes from his popular operettas. More colloquial entertainment like comedies or pop culture trends were also referenced via song. The famous “Tell Me, Pretty Maiden” from Florodora had been represented in triplicate two decades later in The Ziegfeld Follies of 1920 with a montage of “The Ziegfeld Sextette,” “The Florodora Girl” portrayed by entertainer Fanny Brice, followed by her performance of “Tell Me, Little Gypsy.” The “new dance sensation” “The Black Bottom” was launched on George White’s Scandals in 1926 as a response to the seemingly unstoppable popularity of The Charleston. News topicality was also fodder for composers and lyricists penning songs for the revue stage. “New York, What’s the Matter with You? (Good Bye my Tango)” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1913 had been presented in protest against New York City bans or restrictions on many dances during the early 1910s dance craze; the lyrics of bid a mournful farewell to the dance while also offering clever double entendre: Good bye my Tango! The turkey trot had died. I can’t shuffle and ruffle any more,… Now I’ve got to go home When the curfew rings and do a grizzly And do a grizzly, And do a grizzly with my wife! The First World War was represented from the stage in varying contexts, including in patriotic form with the Victor Hebert‘s “Can’t You Hear Your Country Calling?” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1917), in comical form with Irving Berlin’s “Oh! How I Hate to Get Up in the Morning” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1918) and in risqué form after the war’s conclusion with the spoof “The Leg of Nations” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1920). Prohibition naturally became a notable spoofworthy news event in 1919 and 1920, protested mildly on the revue stage with such Irving Berlin songs like “A Syncopated Cocktail” (Ziegfeld Follies of 1920) and “You Cannot Make Your Shimmy Shake on Tea,” a tune which laments “On the day they introduced their Prohibition laws/They just went and ruin’d the greatest Shimmy dancer.” Such pop culture spoofs are not just relatable to an audience experiencing such pop culture events or theatre-savvy audience members, they are, admittedly, easy topics to write about. It does not take too much imagination to notice the popularity of another stage show or to open a newspaper and then find a topical event to spoof. While the annual revues provided popular song styles on stage, they also featured topical numbers that would also be appealing for audiences on a mass scale. The plethora of songs and lyric writing talent had brought a number of musically fashionable and topical titles to the stages of revues. However, it was the performer on stage who brought such songs to the audience’s attention. Revues are often remembered more for displaying legions of beautiful dancing girls, but year after year, just as demand for song writing ability had surged with the rise in the number of revue shows, so did demand for big name entertainers. Such stars did not just act, tell jokes or sing, stars in revues had to entertain audiences with whatever skill the performance demanded, including performing song numbers. Fanny Brice who “sacrifices all dignity” during comedy sketches could additionally captivate an audience with “a musical true confession” like “My Man/Mon Homme.” Ziegfeld broke the colour barrier of the Broadway stage and hired popular actor Bert Williams, who turned out to be a valuable asset for the Follies. A veteran of the Vaudeville stage, Williams wrote comedy sketches and songs for the Follies and performed them with comic inventiveness. Consequently, the African-American press energetically monitored William’s fame and performances. According to Ashton Stevens, he was not the “’flash nigger’ telegraphing his ‘ma-baby,’” in sort of role into which many African Americans had been typecast. Comedy duo Van and Schenck were also big name Vaudeville entertainers who came to the revue stage, bringing their comical performances and songs to the stage and recording studio with great success. As choreographed as the entertainment on stage was, spontaneity frequently kept audiences and stage producers on their toes. Another veteran of Vaudeville, Eddie Cantor, during a performance of Ziegfeld Follies of 1919, caused chaos when he extemporaneously stopped the production so that he could personally sing “That’s the Kind of Baby for Me” for the Prince of Wales; naturally following a lengthy introduction to charm the audience. The stunt immediately resulted in a flurry of press releases for the morning papers. Another famous stage name in Vaudeville, on Broadway and on record, Al Jolson, also worked for revues, earning upwards of $15,000 per week solely to perform former hits like “Always,” “Keep Smiling at Trouble,” and “I’m Sitting on Top of the World” and “California, Here I Come” in Artists and Models of 1926. When the general pop music market shifted to Jazz in the early 1920s, revues reacted by hiring the latest in pop fashion, the bandleader and the orchestra. Art Hickman had worked in the orchestra pit for Ziegfeld’s Follies of 1920, Isham Jones worked for the Greenwich Follies of 1924, and comedian-turned-bandleader Ted Lewis also worked for the Greenwich Village Follies. The most popular musician of the decade, Paul Whiteman led his orchestra in the pit at George White’s Scandals. The revue did not just have famous song writing talent writing fashionable songs for the stage, they also hired the most famous names in entertainment to perform them. A bevy of au current music and song was filling stages and orchestra pits festooned with famous bandleaders, but there was big business, more specifically advertising, behind pop songs and the revue. On sheet music, fashionable artwork routinely advertised the songs’ inclusion within a well-advertised revue show, as well, on stage, upcoming shows were advertising by introducing audiences to new songs from upcoming shows. Obviously, selling sheet music on a national scale is as an important motivating factor as selling local Broadway theatre tickets. Just as the composer is linked to the stage through the inclusion of these songs, the composer also had obligations to a music publisher indispensible for mass production and if a song does not sell copy, then the composer does not earn the potential profit and royalties. For sheet music customers browsing for sheet music in shops, the song’s title was routinely less prominent than the title of the revue or the fashionable, stylish and eye-catching artwork. The cover art for the song “Hello, Frisco!,” features a stylish girl sitting on the brim of a champagne glass blowing bubbles “F. Ziegfeld Jr’s Ziegfeld Follies 1915;” the song’s title placed at the very top of the page almost as an afterthought. The song “At the Ball. That’s All,” the fashion on the Ziegfeld stage was a prominent feature; a stage girl on the song’s cover applies make up while trying on “costume for 1914” while last year’s costume is packed away. “I Left Her on the Beach in Honolulu” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1916 also features the fashion of the girl on stage with no reference to the content of the song and “When My Babyf Smiles At Me” features Ted Lewis and on stage with his band and the advertisement that it had been “sung with terrific success…in The Greenwich Follies NY.” The song The Moon Shines on the Moonshine from the Ziegfeld Follies of 1920, interestingly, has cover art which does not feature the show; instead, entertainer Bert Williams the centre of attention, with his name in larger type than Ziegfeld’s. The sheet music for the hit song “Hold Me” brings the imagery of the stage and features stylish photographs of some of the showgirls in a montage of beauty that could entice consumers to purchase such a fashionable piece of music packaging. “Say It with Music” from Berlin’s Music Box Revue shows an illuminated and opened music box with a dancing ballerina alight in stage lights, the Irving Berlin brand visible in all forms, as the composer, lyricist and publisher. Interpolations form other shows had been advertised, and if a producer needed to advertise music for an upcoming show, then it was convenient to introduce a new song in a hit revue. “Katinka” from the operetta of the same name, made a revival on the pop scene from its inclusion in The Ziegfeld Follies of 1917. The song “Mandy” first made its debut in the Irving Berlin patriotic show Yip Yip Yiphank, but became an even bigger hit following interpolation in the Ziegfeld Follies of 1917. “Chu Chin Chow” had been introduced in Ziegfeld Follies of 1917 for the comedy of the same name, “You’re the Cream in My Coffee” featured in George White’s Scandals of 1928 would eventually be the hit song from the boxing comedy Hold Everything. “My Coal Black Mama” included in The Passing Show of 1922 would also be part of the show The Co-Optimists and “Beautiful Island of Girls” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1915 also would be featured in Gypsy Love. The theatre stage was business and so was song advertising featured on the covers of sheet music and by advertising a forthcoming song via the revue stage for another production. There were a number of songs included in revues which became big sellers, but as the music fashions changed from Ragtime to Jazz, and more instrumental and orchestral recordings gained market prominence over sheet music, the music market became varied with lyric and instrumental versions of the same songs. Early hits certainly mixed up the musical market, with formats of sheet music and recordings both selling well, notable examples being “Shine On, Harvest Moon,” from Ziegfeld’s Follies of 1908, the sheet music written by actress Nora Bayes and Jack Norworth and recordings by singers Billy Murray and Ada Jones both sold well. “Row, Row, Row!” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1912 and “Hello, Frisco” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1915 became hugely selling songs in both formats as well. Similarly, songs featured in revues like “Pretty Baby” from the Passing Show of 1916, “Smiles” from The Passing Show of 1918 and “A Pretty Girl is Like a Melody” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1919 became million sellers in sheet music as well as popular recordings. However in the changing climate of music style, from vocal music to orchestrated jazz music, jazz orchestras turned vocal versions of the stage pop tunes into sales gold. Art Hickman had a giant hit in 1920 “Hold Me,” “Wang Wang Blues” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1921 became nationally popular instrumental recording by Paul Whiteman and his Orchestra, Paul Whiteman and his orchestra likewise popularised “The Birth of the Blues” from Scandals of 1926, “Three O’clock in the Morning” from Greenwich Village Follies of 1921, which sold upwards of three million copies, according to one estimate. Paul Whiteman also made Irving Berlin’s “Say It with Music” from Music Box Revue 1921 a huge hit that year. “Manhattan” was such a big hit for Lorenz Hart and Richard Rodgers from Garrick Gaieties of 1925 that the song’s lyrics were reproduced in national newspapers, but became an instrumental hit, “recording managers of the big phonograph companies [broke] their necks to put the record on the market” for Ben Selvin’s Novelty Orchestra in 1925. But as the 1920s progressed, a notable change had occurred, popular vocal versions were mingling on the charts with the instrumental orchestral Jazz versions, especially with the recordings of Paul Whiteman. “My Man/Mon Homme” was the hit of Fanny Brice’s career from Ziegfeld Follies of 1921 and recordings by Fanny and Paul Whiteman made this song a hit twice,;“All Alone” from both Music Box Revue 1924 and Scandals of 1925 became a hit for singers Al Jolson and John McCormack as well as Paul Whiteman. “My Blue Heaven” from Ziegfeld Follies of 1927 became a hit recording twice, once for singer Gene Austin and, again, Paul Whiteman. While the popularity of these songs had commercial appeal during the 1920s, instrumental jazz orchestras had big hits as well. Beyond examining the business of getting famous songwriters to produce music, famous entertainers to present fashionable new material and jazz orchestras play in the orchestra pit and on record, there is something slightly unimportant about the songs of the Jazz Era revue. The spectacular antics on stage like large dance numbers, beautiful showgirls and comedians were often the reasons why audiences purchased tickets to revues. One critic refers to the songs featured in spectacular musical revues as filler to keep the audience attention “while the girls changed costumes.” Another often-overlooked detail is that hundreds of songs were written or interpolated into these revues, leaving only a small fraction of songs to become lasting hits. The spectacular revue was a theatrical fad which, by the 1930, fell out of fashion in the social climate of economic depression or in the technological development of talking movies that “marked the finish of the theatre orchestra.” On the other hand, nothing from this theatrical fad is completely frivolous and, in fact, there are elements which had lasting consequences for American pop song history and theatrical history. Many maturing songwriters and composers had their first works presented on spectacular revues. In his tenure of being the sole songwriter for the George White Scandals, the young George Gershwin worked in “preparation for writing his mature musical comedy scores.” Cole Porter, who would eventually come to pen some of the most critically successful songs of Broadway, had one of his first hit songs in a revue, “Old Fashioned Garden” written for the revue Hitchy Koo of 1919, consequently selling over 2 million copies. After the song “Manhattan” became a national hit for the song-writing duo Richard Rodgers and Lorenz Hart, their fame was insured. Rodgers would eventually team up with Oscar Hammerstein II and produce a string of innovative and historically significant Broadway musicals like Oklahoma!, Carousel, The King and I, and The Sound of Music. The songs from the revue also changed as the Jazz Age musical tastes did, reversing the critics’ objection to the frivolity of revues to become critical successes and by the mid 1920s, “the conquest of Broadway by the Great Professionals was speedy and glorious” notes Allen Churchill. George Gershwin earned praise with “I’ll Build a Stairway to Paradise,” critic Carl Van Vechten subsequently “completely capitulated to his amazing talent and nominated him to head my list of jazz composers.” In fact, the revue stage featured the musical art of the Jazz Era. While it is remembered that Gershwin composed 1924’s Rhapsody in Blue, one of the most recognisable pieces of music in American history, it is sometimes forgotten that it was a both a musical “Experiment” in American music as well as a pop moment that had been featured on the revue stage in George White’s Scandals of 1926 and a phenomenal commercial success; its “popularity has been remarkable since we put it one record,” reflected bandleader Paul Whiteman in 1926. The bulk of the songs that had come from the revue stage have long been forgotten, an unfortunate consequence of the theatrical fad of the revue, many of the composers who wrote for these shows would go on to create critically successful stage tunes representative of the changing musical climate of the Jazz Era. The lavish stage revue conjures images of the fashions of the stage and the beautiful girls who provided dancing entertainment, no matter how scantily clad, but it is often forgotten that these stage productions featured a substantial amount of pop music. Many established and burgeoning songwriters, some of whom became great composers of American popular music, were hired by these revue shows to compose fashionable and topical songs to include as part of the stage entertainment. But the stage revue was also part business as well and promoting the song via sheet music was a well-established trend, as was bringing songs from forthcoming shows, inserted into the production as part advertising. As the Jazz Era came into full swing, orchestral recordings by celebrity bandleaders appeared on charts, either replacing vocal versions or appearing alongside then. Even though few of these songs are remembered, a small fraction becoming hit songs and part of the Pop Song History canon; there were important moments that came from the fashionable music of the revue stage. Bergreen, Laurence. As Thousands Cheer: The Life of Irving Berlin. New York: Viking Press. 1990. Bordman, Gerald. American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992. Churchill, Allen. The Theatrical 20s. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. 1975. Forbes, Camille F. Introducing Bert Williams: Burnt Cork, Broadway and the Story of America’s First Black Star. New York: Basic Books. 2007. Frankel, Aaron. Writing the Broadway Music. New York: Da Capo Press. 2000. Furia, Philip. The Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists. New York: Oxford University Press. 1990. “Gershwin Bros.” New York Times. 20 July 1925. Edited by Robert Wyatt and Andrew Johnson. Contained in The George Gershwin Reader. New York: University Of Oxford Press. 2004. 25-27. Golden, Eve. Anna Held and the Birth of Ziegfeld’s Broadway. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky. 2000. Goldman, Herbert G. Jolson: The Legend Comes to Life. New York: Oxford University Press. 1988. Grossman, Barbara W. Funny Woman: The Life and Times of Fanny Brice. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press. 1991. Hughes, Glenn. The History of the American Theatre, 1700-1950. New York: Samuel French. 1951. Jones, John Bush. Our Musicals, Ourselves: A Social History of the American Musical Theatre. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England. 2003. Magee, Jeffery. Irving Berlin’s American Musical Theatre. New York: Oxford University Press. 2012. Marks, Edward B. They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée. New York: The Viking Press. 1934. McBrien, William. Cole Porter. New York: Vintage Books. 1998. Mordden, Ethan. All that Glittered: The Golden Age of Drama on Broadway. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2007. ——-. Ziegfeld: The Man Who Invented Show Business. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2008. Nolan, Frederick. Lorenz Hart: A Poet on Broadway. New York: Oxford University Press. 1994. Pollack, Channing. “Channing Pollock’s Review.” The Green Book Album. Vol VIII No 4 (October 1912). Saremba, Meinhard. “’We Sing as One Individual’? Popular Misconceptions of ‘Gilbert and Sullivan’.” Contained in The Cambridge Companion to Gilbert and Sullivan. Edited by David Eden and Meinhard Saremba. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2009. 50-66. Starr, Larry. George Gershwin. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2011. Stempel, Larry. Showtime: A History of the Broadway Musical Theatre. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2010. Van Vechten, Carl. “George Gershwin, An American Composer Who Is Writing Notable Music in the Jazz Idiom.” Contained in The Gershwin Reader. Edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson. New York: Oxford University Press. 2004. 77-82. Whiteman, Paul and Mary Margaret McBride. “An Experiment.” Contained in The Gershwin Reader. Edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson. New York: Oxford University Press. 2004. 45-49. Berlin, Irving. Say It With Music. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1921. Berlin, Irving (music) and Rennold Wolf and Irving Berlin (lyrics). You Cannot Make You Shimmy Shake on Tea. New York: Irving Berlin, Inc. 1919. Bowers, Robert Hood (music) and Francis De Witt (lyrics). The Moon Shines on the Moonshine. New York: Shapiro, Bernstein & Co. Inc. 1920. Cobb, Will and Gus Edwards. I Just Can’t Make My Eyes Behave. New York: Edwards Music Pub. Co. 1906. Creamer, Harry and Turner Layton. Everybody’s Crazy ‘Bout the Doggone Blues (But I’m Happy). New York: Broadway Music Corporation. 1918. Hickman, Art and Ben Black. Hold Me. New York: Jerome H Remick & Co. 1921. Hill, J Leubrie. At the Ball. That’s All. New York: Jerome H. Remick & Co. 1913. Hirsch, Louis (music) and Gene Buck (lyrics). Hello, Frisco! New York: M. Witmark & Sons. 1915. Horsley, Gus and Perry Bradford. Original Black Bottom Dance. New York: Perry Bradford Music Company. 1926. Hubbell, Raymond (music) and George V Hobart (lyrics). Good-bye My Tango (New York What’s the Matter with You). New York: T.B. Harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1913. Hubbell, Raymond (music) and John L. Golden (lyrics). Poor Butterfly. New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1916. Joyce, Archibald. Vision of Salome Valse. New York: T.B. Harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1909. Munro, Bill (music) and Andrew B Sterling and Ted Lewis (lyrics). When My Baby Smiles at Me. New York: Harry von Tilzer Music Publishing Company. 1920. Strauss, Richard. Salomes Tanz, für Klavier und zwei Händen, Opus 34. Adolph Fürster: Berlin, Germany. 1905. Laurence Bergreen, As Thousands Cheer: The Life of Irving Berlin, (New York: Viking Press, 1990), 183. Glenn Hughes, A History of the American Theatre, 1700-1950, (New York: Samuel French, 1951), 381. Aaron Frankel, Writing the Broadway Musical, (New York: Da Capo Press, 2000), 3. Edward B. Marks, They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée, (New York: The Viking Press, 1934), 144. Barbara Grossman, Funny Woman: The Life and Times of Fanny Brice, (Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press, 1991), 120. Gerald Bordman, American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle, 2nd ed., (New York: New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 189. Will Cobb and Gus Edwards, I Just Can’t Make My Eyes Behave, (New York: Edwards Music Pub. Co, 1906). Eve Golden, Anna Held and the Birth of Ziegfeld’s Broadway, (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2000), 94. Aaron Frankel, Writing the Broadway Musical, (New York: Da Capo Press, 2000), 2. W.S. Gilbert qtd in Meinhard Saremba, “’We Sing as One Individual’? Popular Misconceptions of ‘Gilbert and Sullivan’,” contained in The Cambridge Companion to Gilbert and Sullivan, David Eden and Meinhard Saremba, ed, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 50. Hughes, 355. Philip Furia, The Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 46. Ibid ,50. Bergreen, 169. Ethan Mordden, Ziegfeld: The Man who Invented Show Business, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2009), 189. Jeffrey Magee, Irving Berlin’s American Musical Theater, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 103. Bergreen, 184. Ibid, 185. Bordman, 277. “Channing Pollock’s Review,” The Green Book Album, Vol VIII No 4 (October 1912), 636. Creamer and Layton, Everybody’s Crazy ‘Bout the Doggone Blues (But I’m Happy), (New York: Broadway Music Corporation, 1918). Bordman, 402. Archibald Joyce, Vision of Salome Valse, (New York: Francis, Day & Hunter, 1909). Richard Strauss, Salomes Tanz, für Klavier und zwei Händen, Übertragen von Otto Singer, (Adolph Fürster: Berlin, Germany, 1905). Arhcibald Joyce, Vision of Salome Valse. Raymond Hubbell (music) and John L. Golden (lyrics), Poor Butterfly, (New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter, 1916). Gus Horsley and Perry Bradford, Original Black Bottom Dance, (New York, Perry Bradford Music Company, 1926). Raymond Hubbell (music) and George V Hobart (lyrics), Good-bye My Tango (New York What’s the Matter with you), (New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter, 1913). Irving Berlin (music) and Rennold Wolf and Irvin Berlin (lyrics), You Cannot Make You Shimmy Shake on Tea, (New York: Irving Berlin, Inc, 1919). Grossman, 116. Ibid, 126. Camille F. Forbes, Introducing Bert Williams: Burnt Cork, Broadway and the Story of America’s First Black Star, (New York: Basic Books, 2007), 198. Ashton Stevens, qtd in Forbes, 205. Mordden, 179. Herbert Goldman, Jolson: The Legend Comes to Life, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 141. Louis Hirsch (music) and Gene Buck (lyrics), Hello, Frisco!, (New York: M. Witmark & Sons, 1915). J Leubrie Hill, At the Ball. That’s All, (New York: Jerome H. Remick & Co, 1913). Louis Hirsch (music) and Gene Buck (lyrics), I Left Her on the Beach at Honolulu, (New York: T.B. Harms, 1916). Bill Munro (music) and Andrew B Sterling and Ted Lewis (lyrics), When My Baby Smiles at Me, (New York: Harry von Tilzer Music Publishing Company, 1920). Robert Hood Bowers (music) and Francus De Witt (lyrics), The Moon Shines on the Moonshine, (New York: Shapiro, Bernstein & Co. Inc, 1920). Art Hickman and Ben Black, Hold Me, (New York: Jerome H Remick & Co, 1921). Irving Berlin, Say It With Music, (New York Irving Berlin, Inc, 1921). Nora Bayes-Norworth (music) and Jack Norworth (lyrics), Shine On, Harvest Moon, (New York: Jerome Remick & Co, 1908). Bordman, 364. Frederick Nolan, Lorenz Hart: A Poet on Broadway, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 66. Lorenz Hart qtd in Nolan, 67. Marks, 140. 50] William McBrien, Cole Porter: A Biography, (New York: Vintage Books, 1998), 71. Allen Churchill, The Theatrical 20s, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1975), 157. “Gershwin Bros,” New York Times, (20 July 1925), contained in The George Gershwin Reader, edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 26. Carl Van Vechten, “George Gershwin, An American Composer Who Is Writing Notable Music in the Jazz Idiom,” contained in The George Gershwin Reader, edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 81. Programme from the concert, contained in Paul Whiteman and Mary Margaret McBride, “An Experiment,” contained in The Gershwin Reader, edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 47-48. Paul Whiteman and Mary Margaret McBride, “An Experiment,” contained in The Gershwin Reader, edited by Robert Wyatt and John Andrew Johnson, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 49. Each year, tens of millions of television viewers are witness to perhaps the most expensive twelve minutes of pop music of the calendar year, the over-the-top spectacle known as the Super Bowl Halftime Show. The show, a pop interlude in the biggest sporting event of the American year, is an event which, honestly, has nothing to do with the sport at all; the Halftime Show is a well-advertised pop music product placement in which pop stars perform medleys of their greatest hits, or at least the songs’ first verse or chorus. Naturally, like most cultural events touching the sports industry, corporate sponsorship for the show is conspicuously provided by PepsiCola; its logo prominently featured at the beginning of this year’s show starring Katy Perry, and certainly “no one does big fun better than Katy Perry.” The list of spectacular events which befell the audience’s eyes in 2015 is itself quite impressive. Katy Perry opened by riding a giant animatronic “robocat,” danced on an animated dance floor, then rocked out with a seemingly out-of-place Lenny Kravitz in front of a pyrotechnics display, followed by dancing with back-up performers in beach ball and shark costumes, then hammed it up with Missy Elliott, and concluded with Katy Perry performing on a aerial pedestal fashioned as a shooting star. Taking into consideration a continually changing yet flawless lighting design, a fireworks display, four costume changes and a medley of nine songs, it boggles the mind to think about the amount of work involved to fit the whole show in twelve and a half minutes. It is interesting to note that, as expensive as Super Bowl Halftime Shows are to produce, estimated at $10 Million in 2014, nearly $1 million per minute, there is nothing really musically memorable about them other than their grandiosity; that the entertainment, a collection of songs heard everyday on American radio, is mere background noise in relief to the splashiness happening on stage. Save, Janet Jackson’s “wardrobe malfunction” during a performance of Justin Timberlake’s “Rock Your Body” during the 2004 Halftime Show. In the 1910s and into the 1920s at the commencement of America’s Jazz Age, the spectacular revue would be its own form of splashy annual entertainment. The revue is a genre of theatre which has something to see for everyone. Amidst a theatre schedule filled with popular and fantastic operettas, colloquial vaudeville acts and musical comedies, the revue emerged from the 1890s and quickly earned a loyal audience with revues like those of Weber and Fields. However, the revue would transform into a spectacular piece of theatre, designed to pack the most into a performance. With programmes full of skits, songs, topical humour and beautiful showgirls, spectacular revues during the 1910s and the 1920s, would get a more polished, stylized and lavish treatment and became the highlight of the summer theatre schedule. Year after year, the annual revue became a theatrical event with the productions by Florenz Ziegfeld and his Follies and the Shubert brothers’ The Passing Show, some of which are the stuff of fondly remembered Broadway lore. With ticket sales of such variety shows brisk, revues became the newest craze and production trend on Broadway by 1919. By the mid-1920s, composers, producers and even former revue cast members were creating their own spectacular annual shows. However, as the decade progressed, the market for revues became oversaturated with an increasing number of successful revue series and also badly written and produced annuals vying for audience dollars. By the time the Great Depression hit Broadway hard in the early 1930s, talking movies had lured many of the top talent, on stage and off, to Hollywood and theatre producers turned to smaller budgets the era of spectacular revue had ended. At the turn of the twentieth century, three relatively disparate musical theatrical trends were prominent on the American stage: early forms of musical comedy, the Vaudeville show and the operetta. By the 1890s, minstrel shows that had been popular throughout the nineteenth century, had been considered by urban Americans as old fashioned, and had been in decline in popularity. The Vaudeville show, perhaps the most well remembered style of the era was on the rise. Vaudeville shows had no plot at all; instead the shows featured a variety of entertainment from performers like comedy acts, jugglers and singers performing interpolated pop songs of the day. Vaudeville shows were quick paced, according to Stempel “eight to twelve acts made up a bill, with no act longer than twenty minutes.” Vaudevilles were low budget, colloquial to appeal to the greatest number of paying customers and packaged to tour a national circuit of chain theatres including Big Time Vaudeville’s Keith-Albee or Orpheum circuits or Small Time Vaudeville circuits like the Pantages or the Loew. Musical comedy, on the other hand, had been “a new, vernacular entertainment in America in the early twentieth century” offered shows to audiences with more plot structure and, of course, pop tunes to enjoy. In such shows, it was not necessarily the music that was the focus, but rather the comedy, the characters of which were sometimes caught up in humorous farcical situations or rags-to-riches stories rather than engaged in a storyline prominent in more modern musicals. A notable trend of musical comedy in the early twentieth century, included a number of shows in which the female lead, often the stage star that carried the production to success, is the centre of attention and shows took titles like Sergeant Kitty, My Lady Molly, The Medal and the Maid, The Belle of Newport, Mam’selle Napoleon, Winsome Winnie, The Fisher Maiden, and Peggy from Paris, opening in the autumn of 1903 just to name a few titles of the time. However, in the burgeoning theatre industry developing on Broadway, the most popular form of theatre in Edwardian America was the operetta. A Germanic style of stagecraft, operettas brought elegance to the American stage during the 1890s when “the winds of realism that swept the theatre at the end of the century,” with European-style music and songs, along with foreign and erudite settings. Fanciful titles like A Waltz Dream (1908), The Dollar Princess (1909), The Chocolate Soldier (1909) and The Count of Luxembourg (1912) demonstrate the kind of productions that operettas were during the 1900s. The operettas written by composer Victor Herbert were particularly popular; Herbert had a string of Broadway hits with Babes in Toyland (1903), Madame Modiste (1905) and eventually Sweethearts (1913). By 1905, there had been a full craze for the operetta and in 1907, perhaps the most successful operetta, The Merry Widow opened an impressive run of 416 performances and has subsequently been revived a number of times since, including a 2015 engagement at the Metropolitan Opera. Many theatre producers found that musical audiences, many of whom were of German extraction, desired more upscale entertainment compared to more colloquial American Vaudeville or musical comedy formats and were willing to subsidize productions of Austrian operettas, then pay for more expensive theatre tickets. Throughout the first decades of the twentieth century, all three distinct styles of theatre found their own distinct style and audience. It is within this theatrical context that the revue debuted on Broadway. The revue, like the operetta, is a genre of stage entertainment steeped in European heritage; while the operetta has Germanic origins, the revue is largely considered a French style of entertainment, a style popular on such famed Parisian stages as the Folies Bergere and the Moulin Rouge. Like vaudeville, revues lack a formal plot but are held together by a theme instead of a narrative. Larry Stempel notes that the revue’s lack of plot was often the element which held the shows together “not so much for its obvious lack of a plot but for its capacity to turn that very fact into an element of cohesion.” Revues blend comedy, songs and skits with topical humour burlesquing everything from pop culture to news events, they also projected a more casual acceptance of sex appeal, particularly of the female form, and featured large numbers of show girls in glamorous costumes. Revues enjoyed early success during the 1890s, especially productions by the comic duo Joe Weber and Lew Fields, who opened their Music Hall on 29th St in Manhattan, just north of the old Tin Pan Alley in 1896. For eight years Weber and Fields produced the “greatest vaudeville names of the era” and included “individual comedy and song-and-dance acts.” Weber and Fields shows featured the biggest stars and relentlessly spoofed contemporary popular culture and theatre culture. Bordman notes that Weber and Fields “had a reputation of displaying the most beautiful line [of chorus girls] in New York.” Weber and Fields revues became popular annual events and their titles reflect the sorts of breezy and extemporaneous entertainment audiences could expect, including Hurly Burly (1898), Whirl-i-Gig (1899), Fiddle-Dee-Dee (1900), Hoity-Toity (1901) and Higgledy-Piggledy (1904). The title of their debut edition in 1896 had been titled Cyranose de Bric-a-Brac, a molestation of the title of that year’s big theatre hit, Cyrano de Bergerac. The 1907 edition spoofed The Merry Widow, titling that year’s instalment The Merry Widow Burlesque. With musical comedies in their infancy and Vaudeville and operettas attracting audiences, the revue was beginning to develop its own style of show at the turn of the twentieth century. The revue à la Paris would get the star treatment when theatre producer Florenz Ziegfeld debuted his Follies of 1907 and commenced a string of annual spectacular revues reaching into the 1930s. The son of prominent theatre producer, Flo, as he was affectionately known, produced a string of early twentieth century Broadway shows. He constantly straddled the boundaries between financial success and destitution and debt. Some of his productions were successful like A Parlour Match (1897), others, like Mam’selle Napoleon (1903), were utter critical and commercial failures that he nevertheless toured extensively. Ziegfeld also had a calculated mind for business and taste for extravagance and spectacle. Bringing his common law wife, French actress Anna Held, to the United States was even part choreographed spectacle and part business decision. Believing that she could “make a success, with her charms of face and figure, and her quaint French mannerisms,” Ziegfeld eventually hustled together $1500 for her passage and arranged an advertised press event. The trick worked; Anna Held proved to be a name that could carry a Ziegfeld show, whether successful or not. The idea to launch an annual revue, was not Flo’s, but rather Anna’s, since she “knew what drew audiences and she knew the sort of dazzling, mindless spectacle at which her husband excelled.” The new show, Follies, would debut at the beginning of summer on the New Amsterdam’s rooftop theatre, the Jardin de Paris, home to the annual Follies for the next four seasons. Although the theatre’s glass roof enhanced the summer heat and leaked when it rained, the theatre and the Follies became part of the theatrical buzz of that summer with its well advertised and promoted legion of beautiful chorus girls which he called “Anna Held Girls.” The Follies of 1907 liberally burlesqued theatre humour audiences would like have known like the big “theatrical scandal” of the year, a production of Salomé at the Metropolitan Opera. In 1911, the popular theatre hit The Pink Lady was burlesqued in full drag. Year after year, casts grew larger and theatre megastars had been hired including Lillian Lorraine in 1909, Fannie Brice and Bert Williams in 1910, and the Dolly Sisters and Leon Errol in 1911. Though Weber and Fields revues were popular, Ziegfeld’s shows were big in a big way. In 1908, the theme of Adam and Eve was used to tie the show together. Costumes for the Follies were equally as spectacular with actress wearing “things” rather than clothes, including taxicab costumes in 1908 and battleships in 1909. The formula worked, year after year, The Follies attracted theatregoers interested in seeing the spectacular show and had become “phenomenally successful.” Ziegfeld’s model equating revue with stage decadence would be copied dozens of times over the next two decades. With the buzz and the stage set for the spectacular revue, other theatre producers were looking to tap into the suddenly lucrative market for revue shows. Five blocks away from the New Amsterdam at the newly constructed Winter Garden Theatre, two rival theatre producers, Lee and J.J. Shubert, who “could not ignore the growing success and form of the Follies” opened their own annual revue in 1912, The Passing Show. The Shuberts had already succeeded at challenging the hegemony of the reigning figures of the theatre management racket of early Broadway, the Syndicate, and their operation was “a machine that makes dollars.” The idea to open an annual revue at the Winter Garden Theatre had been powered by the intoxicating combination of personal spite and financial ambition; the Shubert Brothers loathed Flo Ziegfeld and everything he did. The Shubert brothers had to fight for their place on Broadway in the tough theatre industry. Led primarily by tyrannical booking agent Lincoln “Honest Abe” Ehrlanger, the theatre trust The Syndicate controlled how theatres get booked and which shows get into which theatres and were vicious when the Shuberts came to Broadway, creating an acrimonious business culture on Broadway. Ziegfeld had been caught in the middle of their dispute, often changing sides as it suited his own interests. After taking money from the Shuberts and then collaborating with Ehrlanger, Ziegfeld’s relationship with the Shuberts officially became acerbic. Ehrlanger and his partner Marc Klaw consequently provided the $13,000 for the first run of the Follies in 1907 and funding for subsequent Follies productions. The Shubert’s first attempt at a competing revue, 1911’s The Revue of Revues, was a flop both commercially and financially, lasting only 55 performances at the Winter Garden. A year later, the Shuberts allocated their resources and produced The Passing Show if 1912, a successful rival to Ziegfeld and his Follies. Opening at the height of a early 1910’s dance craze, The Passing Show included flashier song-and-dance numbers and, of course, a chorus line of beautiful girls brought physically closer to the audience by a ramp. Like The Follies, The Passing Shows featured sumptuous costumes like the 1917 edition in which the chorus girls had been bedecked in mirrors and sets ranging from an ocean liner, a harem and a Ragtime wedding for the 1912 edition to a lavish 1916 show which featured horses on treadmills to simulate a cavalry charge to conclude the first act. The Passing Show relied more heavily on topical humour that burlesqued theatre and pop culture, including the election of 1916 that had been the theme which tied that year’s Passing Show together. The Shuberts hired some of the most famous names on the stage including Henry Fox and Anna Whealdon for the inaugural edition, Marilyn Miller was hired for The Passing Show of 1913 and other names like Harry Carroll, George Gershwin and Frank Fay appearing on the bill throughout The Passing Show’s residency on Broadway. Throughout the remaining 1910s, Ziegfeld and the Shuberts competed by hiring the best set designers, costume designers and year after year, the productions became evermore lavish. Not to be outdone by competition happening at the Winter Garden, Florenz Ziegfeld continued to build the legend of The Follies, which in 1911, gained the most lucrative commodity, the Ziegfeld name to become The Ziegfeld Follies and “the series continued commercially powerful producing each season’s biggest opening night, a bragfest of celebrities dressed to thrill.” The 1913 edition opened inside the New Amsterdam theatre and entertained audiences with spoofs and lampoons from everything from the Turkey Trot dance craze, to cubist art and the recently opened Panama Canal. The 1914 production of that season had become “better than anything else of its kind on Broadway” wowing theatregoers with numerous set changes and complicated machinery like rotating turntables and conveyer belts for moving set pieces. But the 1915 edition would commence the so-called “golden age” of the Ziegfeld Follies and year after year, artistic development would push production budgets ever higher, including building larger, and more grandiose sets. With Ziegfeld’s brand and “the Ziegfeld touch,” the spectacular revues that have achieved Broadway legend status came to life on stage. The Ziegfeld Follies of 1915 was famous for its blue sets by Joseph Urban which offered simulated visually stunning underwater scenery and effects. With war against Germany looming, the Ziegfeld Follies of 1917 ended with a sweeping patriotic telling of American history since the American Revolution. Cast changes from year to year were frequent enough to keep audiences interested with a combination of familiar and fresh talent. Celebrity stage personalities were added from year to year including W.C. Fields, Will Rogers, Eddie Cantor, Ann Pennington, and Marilyn Miller just to name a few celebrities of the time. Increased budgets, stars, sets and the shows had produced spectacular returns on investment for Ziegfeld. But competition was heating up, with the amount of money both The Passing Show and Ziegfeld Follies were earning throughout their engagements, other producers were eager to establish their own annual revues. Composer George M Cohan, at his own Cohan Theatre in 1916, wrote and presented an annual series comparable to Ziegfeld and the Shuberts, the Cohan Revue, which featured his own brand of stage entertainment. However, The Cohan Revue had little success compared to the Follies or The Passing Show; only one more addition of his show opened in 1918 before going defunct. While Ziegfeld and the Shuberts were trying to produce competing the types of shows which have become legendary productions, other theatre producers were eager to put revues in their theatres. The trend continued to build; by the end of the 1910s, new revue series were debuting annually. Anti-German sentiment of The First World War had officially stemmed the popularity of Germanic sounding operetta and revues took an increasingly larger segment of the theatre schedule. Along with the Ziegfeld Follies, which took its official motto, “Glorifying the American Girl” in 1922 and the Passing Shows, which continued until 1924, other revues series at other theatres were becoming popular. The Greenwich Village Follies debuted in 1919 at the Greenwich Village Theatre and was so successful downtown that it was rushed to Broadway one year later. Former revue actors were beginning to produce their own revue series as well. Former Follies actor George White debuted his Scandals at the Liberty Theatre in 1919 and his approach was more over-the-top than even Ziegfeld productions, offering more girls and larger song and dance numbers. By 1926, George White’s Scandals became annually popular and that year, ended the theatre season with an impressive 464 performances at the Apollo Theatre. Another veteran of The Follies stage, Earl Carroll, debuted his Vanities in 1923 at the Earl Carroll Theatre and proved to be a popular series. A much bawdier revue which had been “much more of a girlie show than anything else,” the Vanities, featured, albeit muted, female nudity and male comedians, including early appearances of Jack Benny and Milton Berle. Both series were not exactly highbrow entertainment; they were after all, revue shows which focused on theatrical fun and comedy, satirising the general popular culture of theatre of the times and dazzling audiences with dance numbers. Irving Berlin, now in charge of the Music Box Theatre began to compose a differently themed revue The Music Box Revue in 1921, which was more focused on his brand of songs than beautiful girls and satire. Nevertheless, it was a lavish production and a spectacular show with a budget of $190,000 and tickets costing a theatre-goer an absurdly high $5. Throughout the 1920s, the annual revue had enough competition for the genre to include other shows on Broadway’s schedule. However, large numbers of spectacular annual revues filling theatre schedules were unsustainable and by the mid-1920s, the extravagant revue had been in sharp decline. A glut of annual revues early in the decade produced a number of shows without much merit, content or relative success. At the beginning of the 1920s, series featuring years in their titles in anticipation of subsequent annual instalments came and went without success or influence. Revues titled Frivolities of 1920, Broadway Brevities of 1920, Snapshots of 1921, Spice of 1922, Nifties of 1923, Puzzles of 1924 and Fashions of 1924 came and went with each season without following editions. The shows were not scant in budget, and nor was there a lack of talent; the Broadway Brevities of 1920 included top stage talent like Eddie Cantor and Bert Williams, who starred in other lavish revues and Snapshots of 1921 featured actress Nora Bayes and comedian Lew Fields. But star power alone was not enough to carry these shows, Broadway Brevities lasted thirteen weeks with dwindling ticket sales and Snapshots languished at the Slewyn Theatre for only four weeks. The Ziegfeld Follies was not immune to creative stifling, particularly in 1923 when a number of songs and sketches from the previous year had been cobbled together into a show. Other revues which failed to get audience attention were inherently terrible productions. Fashions of 1924 had been called a “poorly assemble fashion show” and Spice of 1922 found its comical zenith with a travesty burlesque of the opera Tosca. 1926 was an especially overheated year with more titles debuting, each revue gaining little audience attention or critical praise; there had been a glut of revues and lack of sustaining talent to feed them. Bunk of 1926 lasted for four weeks, Bad Habits of 1926 closed after 19 performances, Nic Nax of 1926 had habitual set failures, and Bare Facts of 1926 fared better with 107 performances. The Shubert produced Artists and Models series of revues which featured nearly nude models in various tableaux vivants poses was particularly “dull” according to one critic. Larger scale musicals with cohesive and interesting plotlines were coming into fashion, holding audience attention through a captivating narrative like No, No Nannette (1926) and the Ziegfeld-produced musical Show Boat (1927), “the first American musical that integrates the elements of a musical theatre into a credible drama.” The “zappiness” and quick-paced fun revues had run its course. With the spectacular revue taking too much of the theatre schedule and increasing number of bad shows in production, the genre faded at the end of the 1920s as the modern form of musical took the Broadway stage. Two additional events, the development of talking movies and economic depression, would officially end the spectacular revue’s residency on Broadway. Even though radio had already become an entertainment in which one could, for the first time, enjoy broadcasts and entertainment directly at home, talking movies dealt the largest blow to the lavish stage revue. Stars were leaving for Hollywood as new job opportunities for composing, acting, dancing, producing, and trades related to the stage lured more talent from Broadway across the continent to California, leaving a talent vacuum on the Broadway theatre. The deep economic depression of the 1930s not just ravaged theatre budgets but closed theatres entirely. The mood on Broadway changed to spending on lavish revues to spending as little money as possible to give audiences a form of escapism. Some theatre producers relied on adding strippers to shows to keep men and women from going to movies. There is not a simpler or inexpensive entertainment than nudity after all, and at a burlesque show, “he could laugh. And let me tell you, there was nothing to laugh about in the ‘30s” according to burlesque actress Dixie Evans. An interesting movie trend did develop when theatre veterans left for Hollywood; Hollywood tried to replicate the spectacular revue to the screen for national audiences. John Bush Jones notes that while Broadway spectacular were largely for the local audience in New York, movies could be accessible all across the county to people who may have never seen such lavishly produced shows. But the revue was a genre which seemed to flourish only on stage; Hollywood productions of spectacular revues of the late 1920s and early 1930s were always beset with production and casting problems. One of the most famous examples, The King of Jazz featuring bandleader Paul Whiteman, had spectacular sets and a variety of talent, including animated cartoons. Filming the extravaganza had been repeatedly delayed for weeks, budgets had to be increased and The King of Jazz haemorrhaged cash. Marketing was a problem, since it’s star was a bandleader, albeit a popular one, whose job was to conduct his orchestra, not to sing, act, dance or be entertaining. Florenz Ziegfeld died in 1932 during all of this change. His wife, Billie Burke, then residing in Los Angeles pursuing an acting career to pay off his debts, listened to his funeral via radio. One last production of the Follies happened in 1936, produced by the Shuberts at the Winter Garden Theatre. The collapse of the revue was ahead of tumultuous changes in the economy of theatre on Broadway of which the revue was only a symptom. Despite being a theatre fad of the 1910s and the 1920, spectacular revues remain part if a fondly remembered era of the Broadway theatre. The trend has all of the earmarks of a fad and yet, people still remember revue shows with a certain amount of awe. Their initial and topical success had captured audience attention, challenges by others to produce and perform in the genre created competition on the stage, then the genre overloaded with anyone wanting to make a buck on the revue and then the annual revue disappeared from the stage when a new popular entertainment in talking movies came into the scene. But there is something quaint about the nostalgia of the revues of the 1910s and 1920s. Revue shows are an example of the sort of escapist entertainment that audiences wanted to see, particularly during the 1920s when the Broadway stage experienced tremendous growth. The spectacular revue also has ties with nostalgia for the ethos and spirit of the Jazz Age in America, the fast-paced and irreverent entertainment that people truly could not get enough of from the stage. I think there is something more obvious about the remembrance for the spectacular revue like Ziegfeld’s Follies or The Passing Show or even the silliness of The Vanities. They will always remain in the past; I doubt that any theatre producer would revive, say, The Ziegfeld Follies of 1915, even replicating the lavish blue set designs of Joseph Urban would undoubtedly sell tickets and get customers in theatre seats. Certainly, the year in the title would look old-fashioned on the theatre marquis. But topical humour had also been incorporated into the fabric of the revue show, which I doubt references to popular shows from a century ago would translate to the stage in the twenty-first century, and so, annual editions of spectacular revues will continue to be fondly remembered stuff of Broadway legend and their place in theatre history cannot be overlooked in this transitional period in American entertainment. Bordman, Gerald. American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992 Engel, Lehman. Words with Music: Creating the Broadway Musical Libretto. Updated by Howard Kissel. New York: Applause Theatre & Cinema Books. 2006 Eyman, Scott. The Speed of Sound: Hollywood and the Talkie Revolution, 1926-1930. New York: Simon & Schuster. 1997. Furia, Phillip. Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists. New York: Oxford University Press. 1990. Golden, Eve. Anna Held and the Birth of Ziegfeld’s Broadway. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky. 2000. Hayter-Menzie, Grant. Mrs. Ziegfeld: The Public and Private Lives of Billie Burke. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company Inc. 2009. Jones, John Bush. Our Musicals, Ourselves: A Social History of the American Musical Theatre. Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England. 2003. Karp, Hannah. “The Economics Behind the NFL’s Pay-to-Play Super Bowl Pitch. The Wall Street Journal. Corporate Intelligence (blog). 20 August 2014. http://blogs.wsj.com/corporate-intelligence/2014/08/20/the-economics-behind-the-nfls-pay-to-play-super-bowl-pitch/ Kenrick, John. “1890s: Part II.” musicals101.com. Accessed 3 February 2015. http://www.musicals101.com/1890-1900b.htm Kornhaber, Spencer. “The Terror and Glory of Katy Perry’s Super Bowl Performance.” The Atlantic.com. 2 February 2015. http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/02/katy-perry-at-the-super-bowl/385069/ Lamb, Andrew. 150 Years of Popular Musical Theatre. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2000. Magee, Jeffrey. Irving Berlin’s American Musical Theatre. New York: Oxford University Press. 2012. Marks, Edward B. They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée. New York: The Viking Press. 1934. Mordden, Ethan. Ziegfeld: The Man who Invented Show Business. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2008. Pollack, Howard George Gershwin: His Life and Work. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 2006. “Renée Flemming Stars in Lehár’s Enchanting Operetta.” The Metropolitan Opera. Accessed 5 February 2015. http://season.metopera.org/widow?gclid=CKvWzv-w0cMCFUM1aQodbkIAFw “Snapshots of 1921.” International Broadway Database. Ibdb.com. http://ibdb.com/production.php?id=9076. Stempel, Larry. Showtime: A History of the Broadway Musical Theatre. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2010. Swain, Joseph. The Broadway Musical: A Critical and Musical Survey. New York: Oxford University Press. 1990. Van der Merwe, Ommen. Ann The Ziegfeld Follies: A History in Song. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. 2009. Vogel, Michelle. Olive Thomas: The Life and Death of a Silent Film Beauty. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc. 2007. Weber, Lindsey. “Watch Katy Perry’s Halftime Super Bowl Show (Featuring a Ton of Missy Elliott). Vulture.com. 1 February 2015. http://www.vulture.com/2015/02/watch-katy-perrys-halftime-super-bowl-show.html Zemeckis, Leslie. Behind the Burly Q: The Story of Burlesque in America. New York: Skyhorse Publishing. 2013. Lindsey Weber, “Watch Katy Perry’s Halftime Super Bowl Show (Featuring a Ton of Missy Elliott), vulture.com, 1 February 2015, http://www.vulture.com/2015/02/watch-katy-perrys-halftime-super-bowl-show.html. Spencer Kornhaber, “The Terror and Glory of Katy Perry’s Super Bowl Performance,” The Atlantic.com, 2 February 2015, http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/02/katy-perry-at-the-super-bowl/385069/ Hannah Karp, ‘The Economics Behind the NFL’s Pay-to-Play Super Bowl Pitch, The Wall Street Journal, Corporate Intelligence (blog), 20 August 2014, http://blogs.wsj.com/corporate-intelligence/2014/08/20/the-economics-behind-the-nfls-pay-to-play-super-bowl-pitch/ This installment of Pop Song History will actually be a detour into theatre history. Admittedly, this essay will be a discussion about the development and collapse of the spectacular, lavish annual Broadway revue and an examination of the song and ramification will be the topic of the second part. Larry Stempel, Showtime: A History of the Broadway Musical Theatre, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2010), 66. Ibid, 133. Ibid, 118. Lehman Engel, Words with Music: Creating the Broadway Musical Libretto, (New York: Applause Theatre & Cinema Books, 2006), 125. Ibid, 123. “Renée Flemming Stars in Lehár’s Enchanting Operetta.” The Metropolitan Opera. Accessed 5 February 2015. http://season.metopera.org/widow?gclid=CKvWzv-w0cMCFUM1aQodbkIAFw Stempel, 118. Engel, 126. Ethan Mordden, Ziegfeld: The Man who INvented Show Business, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2008), 92. Stempel, 208. Gerald Bordman, American Musical Theatre: A Chronicle, 2nd Ed, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 170-1. Andrew Lamb, 150 Years of Popular Musical Theatre, (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000), 147. Edward B. Marks, They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée, (New York: The Viking Press, 1934), 140. Ibid, 140. Eve Golden, Anna Held and the Birth of Ziegfeld’s Broadway, (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 2000), 111. Marks, 142. Lamb, 156. Bordman, 277. John Bush Jones, Our Musicals, Ourselves: A Social History of the American Musical Theatre, (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 2003), 38. Stempel, 124. For a more detailed look at the so-called “war of the managers” between The Syndicate and the Shuberts, see Mordden, 66-90. Mordden, 90 Bordman, 271. For a look at the dance craze of the early 1910s, see Morgan Howland, “1910s Pop Trend: The Ragtime Dance Craze,” 10 June 2014, Pop Song History (blog), https://popsonghistory.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/1910s-pop-trend-the-ragtime-dance-craze/ Stempel, 212. Bordman, 321. Howard Pollack, George Gershwin: His Life and Work, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006), 223. Bordman, 315 Mordden, 141. Bordman, 295. Stempel, 209. Ann Ommen van der Merwe, The Ziegfeld Follies: A History in Song, (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2009), 52. Bordman, 412. Ibid, 402. Stempel, 214. Phillip Furia, Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 54. Jeffery Magee, Irving Berlin’s American Musical Theater, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 104. Bordman, 382 Ibid. 380. Ibid, 372. Ibid, 460. Joseph Swain, The Broadway Musical: A Critical and Musical Survey, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 15. Leslie Zemeckis, Behind the Burly Q: The Story of Burlesque in America, (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2013), 2. Ibid, 4. Dixie Evans qtd in Zemeckis, 7. Jones, 68. Scott Eyman, The Speed of Sound: Hollywood and the Talkie Revolution, 1926-1930, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), 316. Grant Hayter-Menzies, Mrs. Ziegfeld: The Public and Private Lives of Billie Burke, (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company Inc, 2009), 142. Ibid, 158. In the present-day Club Banger Era, hip-hop has become a prominent and necessary component to the commercial pop song market. Some of the most successful songs of 2014 use features to blend pop and hip-hop elements; the collaboration technique bridges sometimes unlikely combinations of rapper and pop singer to bring about fresh creativity, cross-genre appeal and, ultimately, increased sales. Recent songs like Katy Perry’s “Dark Horse” features rapper Juicy J, Iggy Azalea’s “Fancy” features pop singer Charlie XCX, Jason Derulo’s “Talk Dirty” features rapper 2 Chainz, Pitbull’s “Timber” features pop star Ke$ha, DJ Snake’s “Turn Down For What” features Lil Jon, Eminem’s “The Monster” features pop star Rhianna and Ariana Grande’s “Problem” features rapper Iggy Azalea, just to name a few titles. As well, the beat of Taylor Swift’s 2014 hit “Shake It Off” is remarkably similar to hip-hop duo Outkast’s 2003 hit “Hey Ya.” The cross genre commercial influence of hip-hop on pop music is evident from the lengthy list of recording artists like Beyoncé, Rhianna, Drake, Lil Wayne, Eminem, Nicki Minaj and Chris Brown who simultaneously appear on hip hop, pop and Hot 100 charts on a regular basis. Despite the proliferation of hip-hop on pop for the past quarter century, hip-hop has rather humble beginnings dating back to the early 1970s, at a time when neighbourhood DJs and MCs in the Bronx, Harlem and Brooklyn provided the beats and lyrics for house and block parties to “keep the crowd pumped.” Although early hip-hop was somewhat an urban folk tradition for neighbourhood entertainment, early acts unreservedly embraced the pop ethos of the 1970s by isolating the beats and rhythm tracks of the latest commercial and danceable disco and funk records while also providing their own rhymes. The Sugar Hill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight” (1979), widely regarded as the first hip-hop hit, prominently sampled Chic’s “Good Times,” one of the most commercially successful hits of that year; a song from an album with a budget of over $150,000 from Atlantic Records. Thirty-five years after “Rapper’s Delight,” hip-hop is a multibillion-dollar industry touching everything from advertising to fashion to vodka and tequila. Similar humble beginnings preceding tremendous commercial success are also integral to the history of jazz music, a style which incubated in New Orleans after the turn of the twentieth century, became the city’s musical export during the 1910s and American pop phenomenon during the 1920s. Jazz music has a complex social history, long before the style became known by its moniker; what would become jazz music in American pop culture zeitgeist of the 1920s took decades to slowly develop in the city of New Orleans and required a journey to the American music mass market. One of the most cosmopolitan and culturally complex cities in North America, nineteenth century New Orleans had a strong social affinity for music, particularly for brass band music, and the city’s diverse population of Europeans, African Americans, Caribbean people and Creoles all aided in the development of what would become jazz music. But a number of important musical, social and entertainment developments built the foundations for a new style that captured audiences’ tastes and the local music market. Working musicians of New Orleans, some of whom could not read music, blended ragtime and blues together and improvised to give band music individual personality. Segregation laws meant to separate African Americans and whites forced a musical relationship between Creole and African American musicians. However, throughout the 1910s, Jazz music consequently became a musical export of New Orleans at a time when a sizable number of southern African Americans migrated north for better opportunities, and many influential New Orleans musicians, following the audience and their dollars, brought the music with them and to a broader range of listeners. However, when the newly labelled jazz brand represented by various orchestras and Jazz Fox Trots proliferating the recording industry in the early 1920s, the finally achieved commercial success of jazz in the music market sounded much different from the origins of New Orleans jazz music and the white demographics of the musicians in the mass pop song market did not reflect the diverse nature of the new style of music. In order for a new musical style to develop, there must be musicians to shape it and an audience to hear it and New Orleans, “perhaps the greatest cultural melting pot of its day,” provided a unique, cosmopolitan social setting for what would become known as jazz music. As a trading centre of France’s Louisiana Territory, New Orleans and its access to the Mississippi River, attracted French, British, Spanish and Caribbean trading interests and the European influence has had lasting impressions on the city. Even in the twenty-first century, New Orleans retains a distinctly French personality in food, architecture and language. When Louisiana Territory transitioned to American possession in 1803, New Orleans became an important and busy American trading centre. However, the principle business of New Orleans in the first half of the nineteenth century was slave trading; not only was New Orleans the largest municipal centre of the American South, the city was also the largest importer and distribution centre of human beings. During the Civil War, New Orleans was also the largest city of the Confederacy. Despite this business, New Orleans following the Civil War became even more diverse when Caribbean people and newly freed slaves from across the South migrated to the city for opportunities unattainable in other regions of the South. The distinct New Orleans population of Creoles, progeny of Spanish, French, Caribbean, and African American descendents, are a direct result of the diverse nature of New Orleans society. With so many different people cohabitating in the same city, New Orleans developed relatively lax social attitudes towards race; yet, during the 1890s, segregation laws which had systematically divided the American South between black and white populations following Reconstruction, also divided New Orleans and musically, between black and white musicians and audiences. It is in within this complex web of social context that fomented a passionate support and enthusiasm for music. Entrenched in the diverse nature in the New Orleans social fabric, were also a deeply musical culture and a “joy in expressing itself through music.” For much of the nineteenth century, New Orleans was home to the only permanent resident opera company in North America, a company which had a loyal local following and toured outside of the city frequently and successfully between 1827 and 1845. It was a form of entertainment that became evermore multilingual when German and Italian companies opened to cater to increasing numbers of non-French speaking immigrants moving into the city throughout the 1840s and 1850s. Professional white and Creole symphonies also found thriving homes in New Orleans, so much so that the capacity of their theatres frequently expanded to keep apace with audience demand. But perhaps the most popular form of musical entertainment, one musically significant to the development of jazz, was the brass band. A diverse range of social functions required band music, including parades, weddings, christenings and funerals. The New Orleans phenomenon of the funeral parade became fashionable as early as the early 1800s, simultaneously commemorating the Napoleonic wars in Europe and celebrating the city’s French heritage. The funeral parade became even more entrenched in New Orleans culture during a devastating cholera outbreak in 1832. Many funerals had three or four brass bands playing music “in the procession, because a member probably was active in eight to twelve organizations…it was more than likely his request to be buried as he lived, among a crowd and lots of music.” In 1838, the New Orleans Picayune reported that the city was swept up in a “real mania in this city for horn and trumpet playing,” the article complained that one could not turn a street corner without running into a brass “blower.” The brass band enthusiasm also brought business to New Orleans and the South, when music instrument companies and chambers of commerce began sponsoring regional band competitions by the late 1870s, including spectacular and legendary musical battles between numerous Confederate and Union Veteran bands, which brought tourist dollars wherever they played. New Orleans brass band scene was often a form of sport, with impromptu battles breaking out between bands each one followed by their own loyal fans, “the bands would soon engage in a free-for-all in which each tried to outdo the other in timbre and sonority.” The sustained popularity of brass band music consequently structured the foundations of jazz instrumentation of trumpets, cornet and trombone. With a diverse mix of people and a vivacious music culture awash in brass bands, the collision of two distinct and seemingly disparate musical styles during the 1890s, blues and ragtime, blended together to form a new sound and song style. The blues was a social, non-commercial folk tradition, a pastoral, bucolic music derived from slave culture, work songs and African American spirituals. Early blues was not recorded, composed commercially available or taught formally, it was a working class music that expressed emotion while also passing the time. Blues music has a distinctly simple composition style of repeated 12-measure sequences, simple chord progressions, and “blue notes” that were melodically out of context from the rest of the tune, the earliest traditions of which, according to Ted Gioia had been “as much about creating sounds as it was about playing notes.” The other style, Ragtime, throughout the second half of the 1890s and into the twentieth century, became a fashionable music craze and commercial phenomenon for music publishing firms of the North and the Midwest, a style represented by the flurry of rags and coon songs published around the turn of the twentieth century. In the South, however, local music publishing did not take the same route of publishing rags as quickly as possible to capitalize on a new trend. The ragtime craze that had consumed the pop ethos of urban America as late as 1912 was over in the South by 1910, note David Jasen and Gene Jones. Southern published rags regularly reflect a blues influence; instead of 16 bar composition format of the North, southern rags regularly employed 12 bar pattern from blues music like Harry L Cook’s “The Shovel Fish Rag” (1907) and Charles Hunter’s “Possum and Taters” (1900). In turn-of-the-century New Orleans, it was not the parlour piano that carried the ragtime tune, but rather the brass band that provided music in public. The most popular rags were translated to dance bands that “provid[ed] music for public consumption,” for the purpose of dancing and general entertainment. Essential in this blending of styles was trumpeter Buddy Bolden who began to “infuse ‘blue’ notes into musical arrangements” and became one of the most in demand and influential musicians of the era. The new style of syncopated and blues-influenced band music helped to build musicians’ playing style throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries into what would become jazz music. Within New Orleans, along with the enthusiasm for music, there was also no shortage of musical instruments or prospective musicians willing to learn them. During the 1870s, a plethora of used and inexpensive musical instruments leftover from the Civil War flooded the local music market, as did cheaper brass instruments produced by mass production in the similar commercial manner that pianos entered increasing numbers of American homes during the late nineteenth century. In New Orleans in particular, at a time when the new brass band style was causing a stir during the 1890s, more people were eager and able to pick up an instrument and try it for themselves. Even if there had been a glut in musical instruments and a thriving musical culture to embrace new music, not everyone purchasing instruments had access to formal instruction. Musical instruction requires time and money and while white and Creoles often afforded music education, the financial situation of many African American families put such instruction out of reach. Musician Nat Towles remembers that there was “No music, you understand, we didn’t know what a sheet of music was.” Consequently, a lack of formal musical education helped to stimulate the most recognisable tradition of jazz music—improvisation. Many music-illiterate musicians learned the basic melody of a popular tune, oftentimes by ear and then added flairs, glissandi and improvised countermelodies to enhance the main melodic structure, “in a way, this lack of instruction was an advantage because it allowed some Black bandsmen to incorporate their musical heritage and rhythmic vitality,” remark Hazen and Hazen. Peter Townsend notes that learning to improvise well was not just about figuring out how the instrument worked but also about developing one’s own distinct sound; rather than adhering to notes, improvising was about creating sound. Jelly Roll Morton, always eager to boast about his piano playing prowess, describes earning the biggest tips from audiences and prostitutes by improvising on the melodies of some of the most popular Tin Pan Alley tunes like “Bird in a Gilded Cage,” “Wearing My Heart for You” and “Mr. Johnson, Turn Me Loose.” While the market for musical instruments provided many inexpensive instruments to prospective musicians, the lack of formal musical instruction of some musicians gave rise to improvisation, an important ingredient to jazz music. The musical heritage, blending musical styles and incorporating improvised touches were bringing a new style to audiences, but it is equally important to understand where this new style of music was being played and to briefly look at the working culture of these musicians. The music business of Tin Pan Alley was focused on selling copies of sheet music and promoting titles by plugging and interpolating songs into musical theatre to bolster sales. In New Orleans, the music business was anchored chiefly in live performances of musicians who needed to work, not publishers or recording companies that needed to sell product. Wherever an audience had gathered, there were musicians to provide music including brothels that provided music in the same manner as restaurants. Many early jazz musicians had working class day jobs while playing a night schedule. Drummer Zutty Singleton reminisces, “there were so many bands in New Orleans. But most of the musicians had day jobs, you know—trades. They were bricklayers and carpenters and cigar makers and plasterers.” Musicians juggling day jobs and night gigs frequently played well into the small hours of the night, sometimes until dawn. Musician Danny Barker remembers trumpeter Chris Kelly who would “play slow, lowdown gut-struts until all the dancers were exhausted and dripping wet…He’d blow a few bars before knocking off at 4:30, and his fans would rush about, seeking their loves because that dance meant close embracing, cheek-to-cheek whisperings of love, kissing and belly-rubbing.” Musicians had to build individual reputations to keep paying consumers entertained and to get more paying music jobs; the theme and improvised variation format became the standard method to encourage patrons to give the most tips. One neighbourhood in particular, New Orleans’s red light district of Storyville, named for city alderman Sidney Story who proposed the 38-block section of legal prostitution in 1897, would provide paid employment for many musicians in “all kinds of places in The District” like whore houses, brothels, sporting houses, cribs, and clip joints, each of which had a different class of clientele and different setting for music. Even though “jazz was not born in Storyville,” the District became a renowned tourist attraction and its restaurants, dance halls and brothels provided music for visiting patrons and regular employment for musicians. In New Orleans, “relatively humane attitudes on racial matters intertwined with a passionate love of music, entertainment and dancing” it took all kinds of people playing music to develop the new style. While socially more liberal than other areas of the South, the city of New Orleans was nevertheless divided along racial lines between black and white, which did not accommodate easily the diverse nature of the city and effected the musical culture. Although New Orleans resisted against the sorts of segregation laws passed systematically throughout the South following the end of Reconstruction in 1877, in 1890, New Orleans passed statutes that prohibited African Americans from occupying white establishments. The laws upset the social roles of New Orleans prominent and prosperous Creole population. In fact, Homer Plessy, who appealed the validity of the laws all the way to the Supreme Court, was actually a New Orleans Creole wealthy enough to purchase a first class train ticket, not an African American. Many talented Creole musicians and their fans were suddenly classified as African American and segregated to black bands at a time when Creoles were “even more prejudiced to other Negroes than the attitude of white people.” Creole musicians light-skinned enough to pass for white did so. Pianist Jelly Roll Morton on his travels throughout the South during the early twentieth century, because of his light-skinned Creole appearance, claimed to be either white or Cuban, depending on location. Darker-skinned Creoles who were “a proud, cultivated, Catholic caste who spoke French patois…suffered a painful decline in socio-economic status” due to the segregation laws. Nevertheless, Creole musicians segregated to African American establishments learned what style of music black audiences wanted to hear and added their own musical talents. The collision of Creoles and African American musicians ultimately had a great effect on the musical style blending ragtime and blues to eventually become jazz. Even though there was a racial divide in the District between black, white and Creole people, Storyville actually helped to break down the musical barriers. Phil Johnson notes that “[the District] broke down the colour line…not between black and white, but between the Negro sub ethnic groups: between the downtown, light skinned Creole Negroes, and the uptown, dark-skinned Africans.” Joachim Berendt observes between Creole and African-American musicians “there were two very different groups of New Orleans musicians, and the difference found expression in music.” The social upheaval expanded band instrumentation, while brass instruments were staples for African American musicians, in Creole music circles, the clarinet was the principle instrument. A plethora of early Jazz musicians reflect this heritage and instrumentation like Joe “King” Oliver, Freddie Keppard, Alphonse Picou, and Sidney Bechet, all of whom played clarinet. Despite the diverse nature of New Orleans and the music scene, the city was legally divided between people and segregation forced two unlikely groups of musicians to work together to develop and advance the new sounds. During the 1910s, the new style was on the move northwards as were hundreds of thousands of African Americans. The new style of music had been travelling across the country well before the later 1910s, in fact, the earliest print record of the word jazz did not appear in New Orleans, but rather in San Francisco in 1913. The Creole Band, led by Freddie Keppard, travelled the national vaudeville circuit in 1911. As the decade progressed, Chicago became a second city of jazz music when increasing numbers of New Orleans musicians relocated there, including “King” Oliver, Bill Johnson’s Original Creole Band, and the New Orleans Rhythm Kings. In 1915, the first white jazz band, Brown’s Band from Dixieland, was ready for export north to Chicago, their popularity was so immediately intense that other club owners in Chicago started actively seeking out other New Orleans musicians in the mid-1910s. The Original Dixieland Band moved in 1915, Alcide “Yellow” Nunez also relocated to Chicago that year and Sidney Bechet followed one year later. Within this timeframe, throughout the 1910s, a mass migration of hundreds of thousands of African Americans had been taking place, travelling from the South to the urban centres of the North. Ted Gioia notes that the prevalent economic trend of sharecropping had been systematically dropped from region to region leaving African Americans reliant on the farming practice without economic opportunity; migrating north seemed to be the best option for many. 65,000 African American relocated to Chicago, and the African American populations of Buffalo, Toledo, and Akron more than doubled, it was a mass migration where in all, over one million people relocated North. The new migrants “brought their music with them—blues and its refined, citified cousin, jazz,” as musicians “driven primarily by the flows of people and money” followed the crowds when Storyville was driven out of business in 1917. The life of New Orleans’s Storyville district, the hot bed of early Jazz music, had been cut short by the federal government after four sailors had been murdered and the Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels issued an order prohibiting prostitution within five miles of the naval base. The main business of the red light district halted and the once profitable tourist attraction, in which brothels like Mahogany Hall became so famous that they offered their patrons souvenir booklets for sale in gift shops, became quiet. Louis Armstrong points out that when Storyville closed jobs became scarce, “poor people working people who made their living in Storyville such as cooks—waiters—maids—musicians—butlers—dishwashers” were suddenly unemployed. The influence of jazz musicians in the North was palpable. The new musical sounds of live performances attracted everyone “from James Reese Europe to the poorest migrant, [who] took note of the new sound.” By 1919, Jazz had become an international phenomenon, so intensely popular in France that newspapers claimed that the music was a French invention of so-called “cat orchestras” of the eighteenth century that “sound as the jazz band and was fully as musical and entertaining.” By 1919, the new sounds of jazz from musicians looking for income and work had travelled out of New Orleans and into northern neighbourhood restaurants and clubs, delighting audiences of urban centres. By the time the Jazz era took over the pop song market, the United States was in the middle of some of the most divisive urban racial tensions in history. The national popularity of the film The Birth of a Nation from 1915, adapted from the Thomas Dixon novel The Clansman, had “unleashed racial violence” in its story of the “heroic and honourable Ku Klux Klan.” Returning African-American soldiers from the First World War numbering around 200,000 were faced with segregation in the South and outright racism in the North. The migrating African American families relocating north faced racial tensions regarding housing and labour in traditionally white neighbourhoods then seeing an influx of new black residents looking for jobs. Street battles escalated to full-blown race riots culminating in the summer of 1919. On 27 July 1919, in the city of Chicago, the second city of the jazz scene, a race riot broke out and lasted for a week, in which 23 African Americans were killed and over 500 people were injured in the melee. Record companies eager to capitalise on jazz during these times took a narrow perspective on the new style of music, the sorts of products available to music consumers were not of the sort of the distinct style born in New Orleans, instead, it was a new form of novelty music popularized by white musicians. When presenting the proposition of recording African American musicians to encourage “fourteen million Negroes” to purchase recordings, executives at Victor and Columbia refused; black styles of blues singing in the late 1910s and early 1920s ultimately would be provided by the likes of white singers like Marion Harris and Sophie Tucker. Early recordings describe a style focusing on novelty and fun. The 1916 skit and song by Arthur Collins and Byron Harlan, “That Funny Jas Band from Dixieland,” focus on the musical style using musical sound effects, blacked-up comical dialogue and brisk laughter. The Original Dixieland Jazz Band also propagated the new funny music in songs like “Livery Stable Blues,” in which the musicians use their wind instruments to mimic barnyard animals like cows and horses. Zez Confrey’s “Fox Trot Oddity,” “Stumbling,” (1922) was a humorous tune about “stumbling all around so funny.” Vaudevillians also took part in the new novelty music like Ted Lewis and Eddie Cantor, who suddenly became bandleaders, always looking for new material to add to their stage performances. New and popular multi-piece orchestras recording million-selling Jazz Fox Trots, Jazz One-steps and “Shimmies” created a new form of American orchestral music, one that was tightly orchestrated and lacked the “social balance and interconnectedness” of collective improvisation that jazz music matured in New Orleans. Paul Whiteman and His Orchestra’s “Whispering” (1920) a light, breezy and densely orchestrated tune sold one and a half million discs, their waltz “Three O’clock in the Morning” (1922) with its lilting string section that sounding like European-style classical music, sold three million. Paul Whiteman, the rotund white son of a music teach from Denver, claimed himself as “the King of Jazz” and became the most popular musical figure of the 1920s. Even though Whiteman’s music was not necessarily representative of the rich social history of jazz, musician Joe Venuti suggests that we not judge Whiteman so harshly, “don’t even make fun of Paul Whiteman. He did great things for American music. He took pride in having the finest musicians in the world as sidemen, and he paid the highest salaries ever paid.” At the beginning of commercial music’s foray into jazz, it did not necessarily represent the roots that had given Jazz music its diverse origins. Jazz route to the commercial pop song market, a genre which lends the sounds and backing tracks of most of the commercial songs for over twenty years, had tremendously humble and yet culturally significant roots in the city of New Orleans. A diverse city in which a musical culture not only developed, but also thrived, New Orleans provided the social scene of both musician and audience. With an influx of used and mass produced instruments, many would-be musicians, with or without formal training in music, experimented with the new sounds brought about through the popularity of live performance, and improvised by blending ragtime and blues influences. But, the music scene in New Orleans during the first two decades of the twentieth century was difficult with many musicians devoting any or all of their spare time to the craft of musicianship. However, in the later half of the 1910s, the musicians pioneering what would eventually be called jazz music, left the city, along with nearly one million African Americans across the South, for opportunity in the North. But in the racial context of the late 1910s, what most people would know of jazz music as recorded by the largely white orchestras was a more orchestrated and less improvisational style taking over the mass market in the early 1920s. However, African American would have their own successes later in the 1920s when record companies found that African American singers and musicians like Louis Armstrong, Ethel Waters, and Bessie Smith had the potential for selling recordings and consequently bringing in revenue, so much so that individual record companies emerged to promote African American music. Berendt, Joachim E. The Jazz Book: From Ragtime to Fusion and Beyond. H. and B. Bredigkeit, translators. Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill & Co. 1982. Bronson, Fred. The Billboard Book of Number One Hits. New York: Billboard Publications. 1998. Borthers, Thomas. Louis Armstrong: Master of Modernism. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2014. Carter, William. Preservation Hall: Music from the Heart. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 1991. Charnas, Dan. The Big Payback: The History of the Business of Hip-Hop. New York: New American Library. 2010. “Charts – Year End 2014, Hot 100.” Found on billboard.com. http://www.billboard.com/charts/year-end/2014/hot-100-songs. Ewen, David. Panorama of American Popular Music. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. 1957. Gioia, Ted. Delta Blues: The Life and Times of the Mississippi Masters who Revolutionized American Music. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2008). 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New Orleans, LA: Tulane University. 1968. 233-257. Kmen, Henry Arnold. “The Music of New Orleans.” Contained in The Past as Prelude: New Orleans, 1718-1968. New Orleans, LA: Tulane University. 1968. 210-232. Koster, Rick. Louisiana Music: A Journey from R&B to Zydeco, Jazz to Country, Blues to Gospel, Cajun Music to Swamp Pop to Carnival Music and Beyond. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press. 2000. Morgan, Thomas L and William Barlow. From Cakewalks to Concert Halls: An Illustrated History of African American Popular Music from 1895 to 1930. Washington, DC: Elliott & Clark Publishing. 1992. Pastras, Phil. Dead Man Blues: Jelly Roll Morton Way Out West. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. 2001. Peretti, Burton W. Jazz in American Culture. Chicago, IL: Ivan R. Dee. 1997. Pope, John. “Slave Trading in New Orleans was a Thriving Business. 13 April 2010. NOLA.com. http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2010/04/slave_trade_in_new_orleans.html Price III, Emmett G. Hip Hop Culture. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. 2006. “Robs Us of Jazz Credit.” New York Times. 11 June 1919. p.17. Shapiro, Nat and Nat Hentoff, ed. Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya: The Story of Jazz As Told By the Men Who Made It. New York: Dover Publications. 1966. Tindall, George Brown and David Emory Shi. America: A Narrative History. 8th edition. 2010. Tirro, Frank. Jazz: A History. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 1979. Townsend, Peter. Jazz in American Culture. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi. 2000. Confrey, Zez. Stumbling. New York: Leo Feist Inc. 1922. Collins, Arthur and Byron Harlan (performers). That Funny Jas Band from Dixieland. Victor Record. 1916. Original Dixieland Jazz Band. “Livery Stable Blues.” Mp3 file. For a listing of the biggest hits of 2014, see “Charts – Year End 2014, Hot 100” on billboard.com, http://www.billboard.com/charts/year-end/2014/hot-100-songs, accessed 12 December 2014. Emmett G. Price III, Hip Hop Culture, (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006), 24. Fred Bronson, The Billboard Book of Number One Hits, (New York: Billboard Publishers, 1988), 508. Zack O’Malley Greenburg, “Diddy Explains New Diageo Joint Venture, DeLeón Tequila,” Forbes Online, 8 January 2014, http://www.forbes.com/sites/zackomalleygreenburg/2014/01/08/diddy-explains-new-diageo-joint-venture-deleon-tequila/ Ted Gioia, Delta Blues: The Life and Times of the Mississippi Masters who Revolutionized American Music, (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 2008), 10. John Pope, “Slave Trading in New Orleans was a Thriving Business,” NOLA.com, 13 April 2010, accessed 17 December 2014, http://www.nola.com/politics/index.ssf/2010/04/slave_trade_in_new_orleans.html Henry Arnold Kmen, “The Music of New Orleans,” contained in The Past as Prelude: New Orleans 1718-1968 (New Orleans, LA: Tulane University Press, 1968), 232. Ibid, 210. William Carter, Preservation Hall: Music from the Heart (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1991), 35. Ibid, 35. Margaret Hindle Hazen and Robert M. Hazen, The Music Men: An Illustrated History of Brass Bands in America, 1800-1920, (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1987), 135. Rick Koster, Louisiana Music: A Journey from R&B to Zydeco, Jazz to Country, Blues to Gospel, Cajun Music to Swamp Pop to Carnival Music and Beyond, (Cambridge, MA: DaCapo Press, 2002), 6. Kmen, 227. Danny Barker, qtd in Nat Shapiro and Nat Hentoff, Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya: The Story of Jazz as Told By the Men Whio Made It: (New York: Dover Publications, 1955), 16. Hazen and Hazen, 8. Ibid, 66. David Ewen, Panorama of American Popular Music, (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1957), 149. Gioia, 178. David A. Jasen and Gene Jones, That American Rag: The Story of Ragtime from Coast to Coast, (New York: Schirmer Books, 2000), 161. Ibid, 160. Ibid, 162. Koster, 8. Nat Towles, qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 16. Hazen and Hazen, 127. Ibid, 54. Peter Townsend, Jazz in American Culture, (Jackson, MS: The University of Mississippi Press, 2000), 8. Jelly Roll Morton qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 29. Zutty Singleton, qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 17. Danny Barker, qtd in Shapiro Nat Hentoff, 50. Townsend, 38. Jasen and Jones, 161. Danny Barker, qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 10. Phil Johnson, “Good Time Town,” contained in The Past as Prelude: New Orleans 1718-1968 (New Orleans, LA: Tulane University Press, 1968), 250. Ibid, 241. Carter, 33. Darlene Clark Hine, William C. Hine and Stanley Harrold, African Americans: A Concise History, 4th ed, (New York: Pearson Education, 2012), 316. Johnny St. Cyr qtd in Joachim E. Berendt, The Jazz Book: From Ragtime to Fusion and Beyond, (Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill & Company, 1982), 9. Phil Pastras, Dead Man Blues: Jelly Roll Morton Way Out West, (Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 2001), 10. Carter, 51. Johnson, “Good Time Town,” contained in The Past as Prelude, 250. Berendt, 9. Ewen, 148. Frank Tirro, Jazz: A History, (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1977), 51. Ewen, 151. Johnson, 252. Ewen, 150. Gioia, 208. “Black Population growth in selected northern Cities, 1910-1920,” contained in Hine, Hine and Harrold, 389. George Brown Tindall and David Emory Shi, America: A Narrative History, 8th ed, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2010), 1036-1037. Dan Charnas, The Big Payback: The History of the Business of Hip-Hop, (New York: New American Library, 2010), 4. Gioia, 208. Johnson, 249. Nat Shapiro and Nat Hentoff, Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya: The Story of Jazz as Told by The Men Who Made It, (New York: Dover Publications, 1955), 8. Louis Armstrong qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 64. Burton W. Peretti, Jazz in American Culture, (Chicago, IL: Ivan R. Dee, 1997), 27. “Robs Us of Jazz Credit,” New York Times, 11 June 1919, 17. Hine, Hine and Harrold, 403. Peretti, 26. Hine, Hine and Harrold, 386. Perry Bradford qtd in Thomas L. Morgan and William Barlow, From Cakewalks to Concert Halls: An Illustrated History of African American Popular Music from 1895 to 1930, (Washington, DC: Elliott & Clark Publishing, 1992), 96. Morgan and Barlow, 96. Byron Harlan and Arthur Collins, “The Funny Jas Band from Dixieland,” Victor records, 18984-B, 78RPM disc. Original Dixieland Jazz Band, “Livery Stable Blues,” mp3 file. Zez Confrey, Stumbling, (New York: Leo Feist Inc, 1922). Thomas Borthers, Louis Armstrong: Master of Modernism, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2014), 134. Thomas Hischak, The Tin Pan Alley Encyclopedia, (Greenwood, CT: The Greenwood Press, 2002), 402. Ibid, 370. Joe Venuti, qtd in Shapiro and Hentoff, 277. Between 1920 and the mid 1950s, the orchestrated sounds of Jazz would take over the American commercial song market. Whether the light and breezy sounds of jazz bands during the 1920s and 1930s or the lush sounds of backing orchestras of the crooner years in the 1940s and early 1950s, this was an era marked by a certain style in both music and the celebrity achieved by success of recording artists in the music industry. This essay will explore the topics of the forthcoming Pop Song History essay series on the Jazz Era, including the various ways in which American social history, music trends, music technology and music industry collide to produce commercial success of titles, fads and trends of songs. Below are the sorts of subjects which will this blog will explore in detail in the forth coming series about the Jazz Era of Pop Song History. Throughout the Jazz Era, American cultural and social history seems inextricably linked to each decade and this series will explore the changes in American society in association with the kind of songs Americans were listening to and purchasing. The 1920s would be the embodiment of the Roaring Twenties Jazz Age, flapper girls, Jazz babies and the mindset of American rebellion against the laws of Prohibition. It would also be a politically conservative time following Progressive Era reforms including seemingly endless speculation into investments and the stock market and by a Red Scare that had been “simmering just beneath the skin of American tolerance” during the early 1920s. By the early 1930s, the economic and social lives of most Americans were turned upside down imparted by a catastrophic financial collapse of the Great Depression, continued economic stagnation and a decade of government attempts to rebuild the American economy from the ashes of financial tumult. Those in the Great Plains would face environmental difficulties on agricultural life in the Plains due to an oppressive drought and the resulting Dust Bowl years. The 1940s would see the United States engaged in another World War just over twenty years after concluding the First World War. Fears of Communism would be characteristic of this time with an Iron Curtain of Soviet sphere of influence sweeping over Eastern Europe and the American paranoia of a nuclear stalemate of the Cold War with the Soviet Union; both sides stockpiling nuclear weapons and engaging in espionage. During the 1950s, financial security for many American brought an era and prosperity on a mass scale and helped to create the sort of consumerism characteristic of the modern American economy. The new mass culture of America in the 1950s would also produce angst among many children of the Jazz Era who would eventually embrace a new style of Rock and Roll music. All throughout these decades, jazz music and style would reign supreme on the music market. The Jazz Era, from beginning to end, would be characterised by style, not just musically, but also in the fashions, art, and architecture of these decades. During the 1920s and 1930s, for example, a new simpler Art Deco style became popular in art, jewellery, graphic design, fashion and architecture, the aesthetics of which are more dictated by compositional design characteristic of straight lines rather than the flourishes and embellishments of the Art Nouveau period popular during the Ragtime Era. It was an era in which Jazz bands and their leaders took the stage wearing smart-looking tuxedos and suits and female singers donned au current fashions. Beginning with a trend in so-called “oriental numbers” describing the far-off lands that had perfectly suited the minor keys of early jazz; Jazz music would evolve into a carefully arranged and harmonised style of swing by 1935. By the end of the Jazz Era, Jazz music would transform from pop music phenomenon to the status of de facto American classical music and composers ranging from Duke Ellington to Thelonius Monk, Miles Davis to Charlie Parker are still renown for their compositions that transcend the relatively simple format of song. But not all music from the Jazz Era was explicitly jazzy. Traditional song styles of rural America like blues, country and folk music would get the commercial treatment and then transform to cultivated commercial pop song success. In the 1940s, there would be official charts measuring the nationwide popularity of songs; with R&B and Country charts documenting their respective commercial popularity by the end of the 1940s. While Jazz genre and styles associated with it are featured in the very name of the era, not everything released during this periods was about jazz. Old methods of music production and recording pioneered during the Ragtime Era would fall by the wayside throughout the Jazz Era as new technology developed for recording and delivering music to consumers and audiences. The old business model of Tin Pan Alley song plugging from the stage would fall out of favour by the 1930s, when the theatre business slumped during the Great Depression and particularly when radio broadcasting music and variety programmes flourished. Movies musicals coming from the studios of Los Angeles found a mass audience nearly as soon as movies featured sound in the late 1920s and songs found popularity after their inclusion in movies. During this time, music business celebrity would transfer from songwriter to popular recording star or band leaders. Arranged orchestras and their bandleaders would remain popular up until the mid 1940s, thereafter, a music industry awash in popular crooners took over the music market throughout the late 1940s and early 1950s. New record labels like Okeh, Capitol, Brunswick and Decca would come onto the market and challenge older established names like Victor and Columbia, some of these new labels releasing niche specialty music that would eventually find pop success. Record companies faced the changing realities of music broadcasting when radio and eventually television brought new music directly in the homes of Americans for free. But perhaps the greatest transformation of music industry during this era was the transformation from acoustic recording and playback to electronics. It was a time period in which new inventions like speakers, radio, microphones created a much higher fidelity music product than the acoustic methods of the phonograph. Throughout the Jazz Era, technological advancement continued to bring new products and recording techniques to the music market, but this advancement also brought changes in the music market when broadcasting began to delivery music directly into the home of potential music consumers. Just as interesting as it is to investigate the trends and changes in the music industry during the Jazz Era, it is also interesting to note who is recording the music and providing the product to consumers. Throughout the era, the home piano would become something of a relic and Americans would continue to opt for purchasing pre-recorded music rather than producing it themselves at home with sheet music. Obviously, the most associated musicians of the time were band leaders and the various orchestras of the jazz and swing periods. Also prominent throughout this period in relation to jazz proper was the “age of the Soloist” in which talented instrumentalists and scat vocalists showed their skills by improvising on melodies, a staple of the early New Orleans Jazz scene going as far back as the 1890s. Also during this time, the feature, a common method of song construction in the twenty-first century Club Banger Era, in which rappers are featured on pop tunes and pop singers on hip-hop tracks, would debut in the jazz era through the employment of a crooner, like Gene Austin or Bing Crosby, who would provide the accompanying vocals of jazz band orchestras. Perhaps even more telling about this time period in America commercial history is the increasingly important role of the African American musician and composer, with various race records featuring the voices of Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith and Ethel Waters and the jazz performances of Louis Armstrong, Lionel Hampton, Fats Waller, Jelly Roll Morton gaining mass commercial popularity. The new development of sound and music accompanying movies would produce movie stars like Fred Astaire and Judy Garland owning their place in pop song history with tremendously successful songs. Individuals recording the music would achieve their own level of celebrity and by the late 1940s, crooners would be national stars and media staples of radio, film and television. How people get music will also be explored throughout this series on the Jazz Era. With the wax cylinder in a precipitous decline throughout the 1910s, the disc record, and particular the 78rpm disc, would remain the dominant format throughout three decades. Discs would remain the favoured method for hard-copy music and in the late 1940s, a format battle would take place between companies developing the 45rpm single and those producing the long play record, a format which would bring the album prominence that dominated the music industry of the subsequent Rock and Roll Era. How music fits in with social spaces is also a theme which this series will explore. Films, talkies and movie musicals would proliferate the 1930s and 1940s and songs would pop from this new technological development. With the rise of the 45 single, the Jukebox would come into social spaces in much the same way that the phonograph did in the early 1890s, but the Jukebox would allow the consumer to choose the title with the jukebox’s large capacity to hold records. But hard copy music was not the only methods by which music consumers had access to music and broadcasting would come of age during the Jazz Era, music plugging would be achieved through radio and television broadcasts. Beginning with radio in the 1920s, which allowed people access to news, radio variety shows and music delivered directly to the home of audiences for free, and the new era of broadcasting would challenge the status quo of music licensing law once again. Eventually in the 1950s, popular nationally broadcast television programmes like the Lawrence Welk Show also brought music into people’s home, and thanks to sponsorship and advertising, this would also be for free. Throughout the Jazz Era, how consumers had access to music also shows the changes in the music industry and such topics will be explored as well during this series of Pop Song History. Indeed, this period in pop song history had some of the most spectacular changes in the social, technological, business and song trends of any period in American history. As well, some of the most beloved songs, which have become standards in the American song catalogue were released and recorded during the Jazz Era. The list of songs recorded and written between 1920 and 1954, the so-called “golden age of American song,” that have become well-loved standards is lengthy and includes some influential titles like Swanee, Song of India, Down Hearted Blues, California Here I Come, Tea for Two, Sweet Georgia Brown, My Blue Heaven, Cheek to Cheek, Paper Doll, Over the Rainbow, Brother Can You Spare a Dime?, Night and Day, Stormy Weather, Pennies from Heaven, A Fine Romance, A-Tisket A-Tasket, In the Mood, A String of Pearls, Begin the Beguine, Don’t Fence Me In, Beer Barrel Polka, Tuxedo Junction, and a score of other popular song titles, including the most popular and most commercially successful song in American history, White Christmas. The Pop Song History blog will explore this golden period of commercial song history and provide a number of interesting essays about the Jazz Era in the months to come. Stay tuned… Bindas, Kenneth J. Swing, That Modern Sound. Jackson, MS: University of Mississippi Press. 2001. Burg, Daniel F. The Great Depression: An Eyewitness History. New York: Facts on File. 1996. Carlton, Don E. Red Scare: Right Wing Hysteria, Fifties Fanaticism and Their Legacy in Texas. Austin, TX: Texas Monthly Press. 1985. Furia, Philip. The Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists. New York: Oxford University Press. 1990. Gioia, Ted. The History of Jazz, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. 2011. Taintor, Callie. “Chronology: Technology and the Music Industry.” PBS.org. Accessed 10 November 2014. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/music/inside/cron.html. Tindall, George Brown and David Emory Shi. America: A Narrative History, 8th ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2010. Don E. Carlton, Red Scare: Right Wing Hysteria, Fifties Fanaticism and Their Legacy in Texas, (Austin, TX: Texas Monthly Press, 1985), 135. George Brown Tindall and David Emory Shi, America: A Narrative History, 8th ed, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2010), 1244. Kenneth J Bindas, Swing, that Modern Sounds, (Jackson, MS: University of Mississippi Press, 2001), 3. Daniel F. Burg, The Great Depression: An Eyewitness History, (New York: Facts on File, 1996), 74-75. Callie Taintor, “Chronology: Technology and the Music Industry,” PBS.org, Frontline, accessed 10 November 2014, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/music/inside/cron.html. Ted Gioia, The History of Jazz, 2nd ed, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 53. Taintor, “Chronology: Technology and the Music Industry.” Philip Furia, Poets of Tin Pan Alley: A History of America’s Great Lyricists, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 117. Between 1900 and 1917, the music business had transformed from reliance on plugging a song by singing it “as loudly as possible in the city’s lowest dives,” to create and commercialize popular songs on a national scale. The old days of the Ragtime Era reflected a music business culture that was still in its infancy. But by 1917, Tin Pan Alley songwriters and publishing houses had become multimillion dollar industries with titles regularly selling over a million copies of sheet music. The new world of Tin Pan Alley was an efficient factory that produced hit songs, but, judging from the songs that had been published between 1916 and 1918, this factory consistently produced a stylistically homogenous product. Underneath the war production fervour that had taken over the music business, sentimental ballads, oftentimes the sorts of waltzes that had been pop gold in the 1890s before the Ragtime craze hit the music market, became hits once again in the mid-1910s, this trend also included Dixie ballads featuring lullabies, mother ballads and wistful characters eager to go back to the south, rather than the caricatures that had been prominent during the days of Ragtime. While the pop music market had stagnated in topic, a new kind of music, Jazz, a style that had been popular throughout New Orleans as early as 1890, would make its mass-market debut. Consequently, the new genre gained favour with the Tin Pan Alley song machine; Jazz became the latest and freshest musical product on the scene for music consumers, officially marking the end to what was left of the Ragtime Era. Capping off these ongoing musical changes came a Prohibition law that outlawed alcohol, a news event that would eventually become synonymous with the pop culture of the Jazz Era and the 1920s. Understanding the business environment of music industry adds a greater depth of knowledge about how commercial pop music is created and popularized throughout the decades. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries during the Ragtime Era, most songs to become sheet music hits were created in the offices of Tin Pan Alley, a one block strip of West 28th Street between Broadway and 6th Avenue in Manhattan’s notorious Tenderloin district. Nicknamed “Satan’s Circus,” the Tenderloin was a “shabby city enclave” of “Tammany police-protected vice” that included gambling halls, saloons, bare-knuckled boxing matches, and more than 100 whorehouses. Tin Pan Alley and the businesses of the surrounding neighbourhood supported each other in a somewhat symbiotic relationship. With Tin Pan Alley inundated with an endless stream of musicians and performers in search of new material for their acts during the 1890s, many of the saloons, pool halls, gambling houses, restaurants and local vaudeville theatres profited from the increased traffic. Music firms awash in new money and wary of the tumultuous banking system of the 1890s often used Tenderloin gambling houses as local banks. Publisher Edward Banks, partner in the Joe Stern Music Company, deposited large sums of cash at Shang Draper’s Gambling House on a regular basis, leaving as much as $800,000 in the first floor safe. Plugging in the theatres of the Tenderloin and Bowery was the main form of advertising during these years and it required skilled knowledge of the area’s nightspots and a gruelling weekly schedule of promotion in up to sixty venues per week. In one evening, Edward Marks visited five theatres to promote a single song, plying singers, musicians and theatre staff with rounds of beer for the hopes that a popular stage star would choose to introduce his title to the audience. The song’s chorus, the main component that insured a song’s success, had been reinforced in the ears and minds of theatregoers with the aid of a paid whistler and note cards distributed to each table in each establishment including the lyrics of the song’s refrain . All of this plugging took place while trying to avoid the myriad of other composers and publishers using these same tactics in the same theatres night after night. If successful, the network of plugs would produce sales by word of mouth or interpolation into another stage act; if unsuccessful, composers simply moved on to the next title to promote. Although initially crude, the music business by 1917, after the end of the Ragtime Era, the business environment for music publishing had become an industry. By the end of the Ragtime Era, the pop song business and the geography of its old neighbourhood had changed significantly. The old notions of Vaudeville touring and Ragtime were quaint in the multi-million dollar music and theatre industries of the late 1910s. City officials eager to clean up the area’s reputation targeted the characteristically raucous pop culture incubator that was the Tenderloin district and many property development projects approved throughout the 1900s and 1910s eventually swallowed entire city blocks of the neighbourhood. In 1910, the grandiose Penn Station occupied two whole blocks of the old Tenderloin; in 1914, the US Post Office Building took another block, as did retailers like Rogers-Peet Department Store and the city’s largest hotel of the time, the Hotel Pennsylvania opening in 1919. As the vaudeville circuit waned in the Tenderloin and the Bowery, audiences were attracted to musicals and spectacular revues debuting on Broadway further to the north of the neighbourhood. The music industry expanded beyond Tin Pan Alley, including recording studios and Broadway offices. The publishing industry matured into “a well-organized, efficient factory, capable of producing songs on every conceivable subject on an assembly belt.” Nearly three decades of operation brought up a crop of composers raised and trained in the music business, well-versed in all the composition and lyrical formulas and promotional techniques. New schemes of profiting were on the rise like tune filtching, lifting a classical composer’s tunes for one’s advantage, the most famous instance being Harry Carroll’s “I’m Always Chasing Rainbows” from 1917, a million-selling tune whose melody had been directly lifted from Frédéric Chopin’s Fantasie Impromptu in C Sharp Minor. During the war and the topical profusion of war songs, “Alleyites blushed to speak of less than seven figures,” remembers music publisher Edward B. Marks. Composers had become national celebrities. Irving Berlin, by 1919, relishing in the profits of nearly $200,000 from his own publishing firm, was his own brand and industry; stores featured special sections in music departments showcasing his most popular tunes. Music licensing and distribution of royalties had been brought to the Supreme Court in 1917 and ASCAP, a group formed to insure performance and recording royalties would eventually pay over $200,000 in royalties by 1923. By 1917, the business environment, in both geographic and financial terms, had changed considerably in Tin Pan Alley and the Tenderloin that had fostered the growth of the music business. With the music business intensely focused on mass production, including war songs, sentimentality became a unifying theme on the pop song market and in some of the most popular songs during the years between Ragtime and Jazz Eras. While 1917 and 1918 would see a music industry in the throes of production of war songs, beneath this topical current of pop culture and music, songs not about the war turned sentimental in nature compared to the happy escapism of Ragtime syncopated rags that had gone out of fashion as early as 1912, according to Gilbert Chase. With a wave of war songs gracing the talking machines and piano rolls of Americans, the sentimental ballad and particularly the waltz, a form that had been Tin Pan Alley’s signature composition during the 1890s, became popular once again with prominent themes of nostalgia and sadness offered for audiences and music consumers. Two of the most successful and biggest-selling titles of these years, Harry Carroll and Joseph McCarthy’s “I’m Always Chasing Rainbows” and Jaan Kenbrovin and William Kellette’s “I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles” feature characters who are dreamily pessimistic about the relative trajectories of their lives: At the end of the rainbow there’s happiness And to find it how often I’ve tried, But life is a race just a wild goose chase, And my dreams have all been denied. Why have I always been a failure? “I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles” mirrors this sentimentality: “I’m forever blowing bubbles, Pretty bubbles in the air/They fly so high nearly reach the sky/Then like my dreams they fade and die.” Nostalgia for a long-ended relationship is featured in the Pete Wendling song “Oh! What a Pal Was Mary,” a song that relays feelings of melancholy with a character who woefully remembers a long-lost childhood friend. The short verses of Neil Moret and Sindey Carter’s torch song “Yearning” feature turn-of-the century bucolic, romantic imagery and lachrymose tones about pining for another lover, “There’s a sadness in the tone Of the woodbird’s song/All the gladness, dear, has flown While for you I long/In the lonely garden, too, Roses droop and die.” The Heath, Lange, and Solman song “In the Sweet Long Ago” is particularly nostalgic for the “old-fashioned ways” and a character pines, “Can’t you bring back the old-fashioned melodies, mother and daddy used to know.” With most of the songs coming out of Tin Pan Alley during this time between Ragtime and Jazz were about the war, topics had been homogenous among the factories of publishing firms and a well-known product, the sentimental ballad, made a notable and profitable return to the pop song mass market. The propagation of sentimental ballads during the years of the First World War would not, however, impede the American taste for songs about the South, or more precisely Dixie, a notable trend lacing together many of the best known Coon songs of the Ragtime Era. However, such Dixie songs published between 1916 and 1918 continued the sentimental nature of the Tin Pan Alley production machine; the happy escapism of earlier syncopated Dixie songs had been replaced by wistful Dixie lullabies, mother ballads, and, of course, waltzes. Such Dixie songs would not be about the caricatures of the south, but rather nostalgic visions of returning back home and particularly, one’s mother. “The Missouri Waltz (Hush-a-Bye Ma Baby)” would become a million-seller after lullaby lyrics about an adult being comforted to sleep by mother were added in 1916 by J.R. Shannon: “Hush-a-bye ma baby, go to sleep on Mammy’s knee/Journey back to Dixieland in dreams again with me,” read the lyrics. Another sentimental Dixie song and Al Jolson stage vehicle, Jean Schwartz, Sam Lewis and Joe Young’s “Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody” also copies this trend with similar lyrics, about going back home to Dixie and being lulled to sleep through song. “I’m All Bound Round for the Mason-Dixon Line” tells the story of a lad going back home to see his mother while remembering his childhood in lyrics like “When I was younger I knew ever lane/Now I hunger to be once again Back where the robin keeps throbbin’ pretty melodies.” Another song brought to the stage and popularized by Al Jolson, “Ain’t You Coming Back to Dixieland?” features a boy reading a letter from his “Mammy down in sunny Tennessee,” who asks when he is coming back home to the south. The topic about the South, such a prominent feature of the earlier Ragtime Era, had also experienced the factory treatment of Tin Pan Alley and consequently, such Dixie songs published between 1916 and 1918 would follow the return of sentimental ballads and waltzes to the music market during this time, and the trend was so strong that even lullabies were becoming part of the pop culture character of these years. Despite the schmaltz and war production taking over Tin Pan Alley throughout 1917 and 1918, the music-purchasing public were slowly turning their collective attention to a new music called Jazz. In 1917, the first Jazz recording became a million-seller; “Tiger Rag” by The Original Dixieland Jazz Band would start a style transformation in the music industry that would become the Jazz Era characteristic of the 1920s. Characterized as “a steady beat overlaid with the three lines of lead instruments,” “Tiger Rag” and the Original Dixieland Jazz Band, fresh off a tremendous amount of buzz from their 1916 performances at Reisenweber’s Restaurant in New York after relocating from Chicago, became the freshest thing on the music market during 1917. Recording for Victor, after managers at Columbia shelved the original recordings, the song vaulted the Original Dixieland Jazz Band to the status of celebrity. It is important to note, however, that while “Tiger Rag” was their original recording, it was not necessarily their original composition. With the history of Jazz in New Orleans less rigid than that of Tin Pan Alley publishing, the ability to compose or read music was not a prerequisite talented early jazz musicians to produce music; consequently, borrowing or improvising on themes and melodies between musicians was common; such was the case for “Tiger Rag.” There has been some dispute about the precise origins of “Tiger Rag;” Bunk Johnson notes that King Buddy Bolden used the first eight bars of the song to introduce quadrilles on Storyville dance floors in 1894, “Had Bolden knew music,” reflects Johnson, “probably Bolden would have made ‘Tiger Rag.’” While David Ewen credits Jelly Roll Morton with creating “Tiger Rag” in the 1900s, experts have proven that “Tiger Rag” is most likely attributed to The Jack Carey Band and the song had various monikers like “Jack Carey” used by black musicians and “Nigger #2” by white performers. “Tiger Rag” was not the only such jazz standard to make the pop charts, The Original Dixieland Jazz Band regularly brought other standards from the New Orleans Jazz scene into pop market in the late 1910s like “At the Jazz Band Ball” and “The Original Dixieland One-Step,” a song plagiarized from Joe Jordan’s “Teasin’ Rag.” Their celebrity not just woke up a profitable yet stylistically stagnated song market, it also changed the playlists of traditional jazz musicians working the Jazz circuit. Musician Jack Weber remembers that jazz bands on riverboats could no longer play well-established jazz melodies since The Original Jazz Band popularized them on record for mass audiences. With a song market awash in sentimentality, a new sound pioneered by “Tiger Rag,” would simultaneously trigger a change in the music market of pop song during the late 1910s. The sudden arrival Jazz in the music market brought an eagerness by Tin Pan Alley publishers to profit from the new vocabulary and included it in various ways on the covers and in the lyrics of sheet music. The trend became so noticeable that The Literary Digest in 1917 noted that “a strange word has gained widespread use…it is ‘jazz,” used mainly as an adjective descriptive of a band.” An early pop use of the Jazz name actually came in 1916, when stage star Sophie Tucker, always looking for fresh material and variety for her stage shows, introduced a back-up Jazz band, the Kings of Syncopation, and heralded herself as the “Queen of Jazz.” Terry Teachout notes that before “Tiger Rag” came onto record Jazz had never been out of New Orleans or Chicago and so a new music market had opened up for the new and unfamiliar music that would have stood out in a music scene awash in war songs and sentimental ballads. Some tunes popular in the 1890s and early 1900s had been invigorated to fit into the new genre like Arthur Pryor’s 1899 hit “A Coon Band Contest,” a song that had been modernized in 1918 as a “Jazz Foxtrot.” But Tin Pan Alley composers and lyricists would take a much more matter-of-fact approach, by literally introducing audiences to Jazz in the lyrics of songs. The Ziegfeld Follies of 1918 included “I Want to Learn How to ‘Jazz’ Dance,” a number plainly introducing audiences to the Jazz brand by describing a girl who wants to try new dances associated with the genre. Of course, tunesmith Irving Berlin, keen on using any kind of new trend to his advantage to create a commercial hit, published “Mr. Jazz Himself,” plainly introducing audiences to the new music by characterising the genre as someone to meet, Shake hands with Mister Jazz himself! He knows a strange sort of change in a minor key, I don’t know how he does it But when he starts to play the blues He’s like the messenger of happy news; Jazz’s success “put an end to what was left of the Ragtime craze, for other bands rushed to record a similar style” and throughout the 1920s, Jazz bands and composers would come to dominate the pop song market. In the late 1910s and early 1920s when the First World War and eventually Prohibition shut down the saloons and brothels of New Orleans’s Storyville district, the cradle for jazz for over three decades, jazz musicians like Joe “King” Oliver, Sidney Bechet and Louis Armstrong relocated north, giving a much larger audience exposure to Jazz musicians. After Jazz became a new vocabulary word on the music market, it became part of the Tin Pan Alley machine by introducing people to the new change in popular music and with a market languishing in sentiment, customers were likely receptive of this change in music. Besides the music, The Jazz Era would also be inseparable with the cultural consequences that accompanied Prohibition, a law outlawing alcohol enacted by the 18th Amendment to the constitution in 1919 and its enforcement one year later. As soon as the Constitutional amendment and the Volstead Act that allowed its enforcement had been ratified, Joe Stern, a Tin Pan Alley publisher since the 1890s, retired believing that the song market would implode with the lack of alcohol. The effects of Prohibition on the entertainment industry had been discussed when the legislation had been debated in Congress, it was logical for politicians to think that with households saving money by abstaining from alcohol, music consumers would purchase theatre tickets and sheet music for the home. Called by Edward Marks as “one outstanding error and farce of the century,” Prohibition initially inspired a series of topical and comical songs written by composers and lyricists thumbing their noses at the law. The Ziegfeld Follies of 1919 opened its summer season with a mock funeral march featuring an enormous whiskey bottle accompanied by Irving Berlin’s “You Cannot Make Your Shimmy Shake On Tea.” Playful song titles came onto the pop market like “It’s the Smart Little Feller Who Stocked Up His Cellar (That’s Getting the Beautiful Girls),” “What Are You Going to Do to Wet Your Whistle (When the Whole Darn World Goes Dry),” “A Syncopated Cocktail” and “Everybody Wants a Key to My Cellar.” Entertainment spaces that traditionally profited from the combined effects of alcohol and music in their environs were forced to adjust. Some hotels and restaurants closed their elaborate bars and dance floors and transformed such spaces into cafeterias, eventually “hotel dining rooms virtually disappeared since much of their trade depended on the convenience for lodgers of their bar and dining room.” But the Prohibition years would not completely snuff out drinking in America, in fact cities would become epicentres of “bootlegging, distilling and imbibing.” For entertainment purposes, Prohibition created the social spaces that one associates with the rebellious nature of Jazz music in the 1920s. Drinking during the Jazz Era would go underground in cellars, private parties, basements, and speakeasies albeit with more expensive bootleg liquor where anyone with the financial means could get “stewed to the balls.” Enforcement of the Volstead Act was lax and enforcement officers sometimes could be easily bribed with money or liquor. In one establishment, bribes were a regular occurrence, seeing enforcement officers “eating dinner, having a few drinks and picking up some cash [i.e., a bribe] if he needed it.” Just as Jazz was becoming a new trend with music publishers and record companies, Prohibition would establish the social nature of music by driving drinking below the legal radar and its soundtrack would composed of Jazz music throughout the 1920s. The later years of the 1910s had been a transformative time period for composers and publishers producing commercial pop songs. The old days of the Tenderloin and Bowery theatres where songs were ruthlessly plugged were distant memories in the multi-million dollar music industry where tunes and lyrics were mass-produced in formulaic methods. Popular songs during these years reverted to sentimental ballads, including many Dixie songs that, in the past would be replete with caricatures and humours, turned sentimental by 1916. Precluding the war songs that had also been manufactured by the composers and publishers of Tin Pan Alley, the sentimental trend and the stagnated market of sadness, nostalgia and maternal wistfulness produced titles that sold millions of copies like “Hush-a-Bye Ma Baby (Missouri Waltz),” “I’m Always Chasing Rainbows,” or “I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles.” Simultaneously, a new style called Jazz had abruptly attracted the attention of music consumers with the popularity of the Original Dixieland Jazz Band’s “Tiger Rag,” a song that had long been a New Orleans standard. With an unremarkable yet tremendously prosperous pop song market and a new genre on the horizon, song composers and publishers quickly included the word on many titles. Also during this time, Prohibition had been added to the Constitution, a law which would become synonymous with the Jazz Era of the 1920s. Even though the song market had become monotonous in war and ballad production, Jazz was becoming a new product to sell to consumers eager for something new to listen to and Jazz would become the major pop style for over twenty years in the United States. Caldwell, Mark. New York Night: The Mystique and Its History. New York: Scribner. 2005. Chase, Gilbert. America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present. New York: McGraw-Hill Company. 1966. Ewen, David. Panorama of American Popular Music. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. 1957. Freeland, David. Automats, Taxi Dances and Vaudeville: Excavating Manhattan’s Lost Places of Leisure. New York: New York University Press. 2009. Green, Harvey. The Uncertainty of Everyday Life, 1915-1945. New York: Harper Collins. 1992. Jonnes, Jill. Conquering Gotham: A Gilded Age Epic: the Construction of Penn Station and Its Tunnels. New York: Viking. 2007. Marks, Edward B. They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Vallée. New York: The Viking Press. 1934. Morgenstern, Dan. Living With Jazz: A Reader. Sheldon Meyer, ed. New York: Pantheon Books. 2004. Shapiro, Nat and Nat Hentoff, ed. Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya: The Story of Jazz As Told by the Men who Made It. New York: Dover Publications. 1955. Teachout, Terry. Duke: A Life of Duke Ellington. New York: Gotham Books. 2013. Tirro, Frank. Jazz: A History. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2009. Waldo, Terry. This Is Ragtime. New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc. 1976. Berlin, Irving. Mr. Jazz, Himself. New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder. 1917. Carroll, Harry (music) and Joseph McCarthy (lyrics). I’m Always Chasing Rainbows. New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc. 1918. Eppel, John Valentine (original music) and J.R. Shannon (lyrics), piano arrangement by Frederic Knight Logan. Hush-a-Bye, Ma Baby (Missouri Waltz). Chicago, IL: J.A. Forster. 1915. Heath, Bobby, Arthur Lange and Alfred Solman. In the Sweet Long Ago. New York: Joe Morris Music Co. 1916. Kenbrovin, Jaan and John William Kellette. I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles. New York: Jerome H Remick & Co. 1919. Moret, Neil (music) and Sidney Carter (lyrics). Yearning. New York: T.B. Harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1919. Pryor, Arthur. A Coon Band Contest. New York: Emil Ascher. 1899/1918. Schwartz, Jean (music) and Sam M. Lewis and Joe Young (lyrics). I’m All Bound ‘Round with the Mason Dixon Line. New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co. 1917. ——-. Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody. New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co. 1918. Stamper, Dave (music) and Gene Buck (lyrics). I Want to Learn to “Jazz” Dance. New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter. 1918. Wendling, Pete (music) and Edgar Leslie and Bert Kalmar (lyrics). Oh! What a Pal Was Mary. New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder. 1919. Whiting, Richard A. (music) and Raymond Egan (lyrics). Ain’t You Coming Back to Dixieland. New York: Jerome H. Remick & Co. 1917. Edward B Marks, They All Sang: From Tony Pastor to Rudy Valée, (New York: The Viking Press, 1934), 3. Jill Jonnes, Conquering Gotham: A Gilded Age Epic: the Construction of Penn Station and Its Tunnels, (New York: Viking, 2007), 72. Ibid, 67. David Freeland, Automats, Taxi Dances and Vaudeville: Excavating Manhattan’s Lost Places of Leisure, (New York: New York University Press, 2009), 122. Marks, 4. Freeland, 125. Ibid, 124. Jonnes, 299. David Ewen, Panorama of American Popular Music, (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1957), 29. Gilbert Chase, America’s Music: From the Pilgrims to the Present, (New York: McGraw-Hill Company, 1966), 201. Marks, 200. Chase, 179. Ibid, 193. Ibid, 148. Harry Carroll (music) and Joseph McCarthy (lyrics), I’m Always Chasing Rainbows, (New York: McCarthy & Fisher Inc, 1918). Jaan Kenbrovin and John William Kellette, I’m Forever Blowing Bubbles, (New York: Kendis-Brockman Music Co, 1919). Pete Wendling (music) and Edgar Leslie and Bert Kelmar (lyrics), Oh! What a Pal Was Mary, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder, 1919). Neil Moret (music) and Sidney Carter (lyrics), Yearning, (New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter, 1918). Bobby Heath, Arthur Lange and Alfred Solman, In the Sweet Long Ago, (New York: The Joe Morris Music Co, 1916). John Valentine Eppel (music) and J.R. Shannon (lyrics) arranged by Frederic Knight Logan, Hush-a-Bye Ma Baby (Missouri Waltz), (Chicago, IL: F.J.A. Foster, 1914). Jean Schwartz (music) and Sam M. Lewis and Joe Young (lyrics), Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co, 1918). Jean Schwartz (music) and Sam M. Lewis and Joe Young (lyrics), I’m All Bound ‘Round with the Mason Dixon Line, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co, 1917). Richard A. Whiting (music) and Raymond Egan (lyrics), Ain’t You Coming Back to Dixieland, (New York: Jerome H. Remick & Co, 1917). Frank Tirro, Jazz: A History, (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1977), 167. Dan Morgenstern, Living with Jazz: A Reader, Sheldon Meyer, ed, (New York: Panteoen Books, 2004), 527. Bunk Jonson, qtd in Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya: The Story of Jazz As Told by the Men Who Made It, Shapiro, Nat and Nat Hentoff, ed, (New York: Dover Publications, 1955), 36. Tirro, 170. Terry Waldo, This Is Ragtime, (New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc, 2009), 128. Jack Weber, qtd in Hear Me Talkin’ to Ya, 60. Chase, 465. Stewart, 171. Terry Teachout, Duke: A Life of Duke Ellington, (New York: Gotham Books, 2013), 36. Pryor, Arthur, A Coon Band Contest, (New York: Emil Archer, 1918). Dave Stamper (music) and Gene Buck (lyrics), I Want to Learn to “Jazz” Dance, (New York: T.B. harms & Francis, Day & Hunter, 1918). Irving Berlin, Mr Jazz Himself, (New York: Waterson, Berlin & Snyder Co, 1917). Teachout, 37. Tirro, 157. Marks, 200. Ibid, 200. Ibid, 199. Mark Caldwell, New York Night: The Mystique and Its History, (New York: Scribner, 2005), 222. Harvey Green, The Uncertainty of Everyday Life, 1915-1945, (New York: Harper Collins, 1992), 168. Green, 214-215. Caldwell, 222 Gloria Wandrous, qtd in Freeland, 156. Luis Russell qtd in Freeland, 157.

I think that we desire war. We want war to be permissible without sacrificing all the values we hold most dear. As a result, we endeavor to manipulate and twist those values and moral principles to accommodate that desire rather than recognize war as the moral offense it is. ~ Robert Brimlow Adolf Hitler is alive and well, and especially among neocon warmongers, conservative interventionists, Christian armageddonists, and other advocates of perpetual war for perpetual peace. The original President Bush and the current incarnation have both all but compared Saddam Hussein to Hitler. Now it is the president of Iran who bears the Hitler label. Indeed, as Glenn Greenwald has well said: “Whoever is next on the War List is always The New Hitler and the country they lead is always The New Nazi Germany.” But it is not incarnate in these mischaracterizations that Hitler lives today. When all else fails, proponents of the war in Iraq inevitably retreat to the Hitler question. Okay, maybe life in Iraq under Saddam Hussein was better than the situation in Iraq now, but what about Hitler? Perhaps the United States shouldn’t have invaded Iraq, but what about Hitler? Yes, it is tragic that almost 4,000 U.S. soldiers have died in Iraq, but what about Hitler? Perhaps the troop surge was a bad idea, but what about Hitler? But it’s not just those who champion the war in Iraq that invoke the Hitler question. The same thing is done by those who are adamantly opposed to this U.S. military adventure, but not some previous one. Failure to receive a satisfactory answer to the Hitler question is certainly one of the main reasons why many who recognize the folly of war hesitate to label themselves as anti-war. The Hitler question is something that Robert Brimlow, a philosophy professor at St. John Fisher College in New York, has pondered for many years. After a series of outlines, drafts, and proposals (which, it should be noted, began before 9/11), he has collected his thoughts in What about Hitler? Wrestling with Jesus’s Call to Nonviolence in an Evil World (Brazos Press, 2006). The book is part of the publisher’s series on The Christian Practice of Everyday Life, a series which “seeks to present specifically Christian perspectives on some of the most prevalent contemporary practices of everyday life.” This work came about in part due to the persistent asking of the Hitler question whenever the author made “an argument for pacifism in his philosophy classes.” Brimlow believes that Christians “are not called to be pacifists; we are called to be Christians, and part of what it means to be Christian is to be peacemakers.” But Hitler or no Hitler, the author doesn’t believe that so-called just war theory is the answer to limiting war. The book, in fact, stands just war theory on its head, arguing that it is used to justify war. It also contains some painful rebukes to Christian defenders of war that I wish I had uttered myself. But first, the negative. Each chapter of the book is prefaced by a Scripture passage and the author’s meditation upon it followed in most cases by a prologue. But since the meditations are not directly related to the subject of the chapters, and the prologues, which are basically personal experiences, are generally irrelevant as well, they can all be safely passed over. The last three chapters (7, 8, & 9), which present the Christian response to the Hitler question, an elaboration, and an elaboration on the elaboration, should really be combined, especially since chapter 7 contains only a one-page response after a four-page meditation. Along with the lack of an index, these are minor quibbles we can live with in a book that so boldly and powerfully tackles just war theory and the Hitler question. Brimlow doesn’t waste any time, striking at the root of just war theory with an assault on Augustine in the first chapter: “Augustine is a saint, a father of the church, a good theologian, and a wonderful philosopher. He is also wrong.” And not only is it the church father Tertullian that we should look to: “The basis of Tertullian’s objection to Christian involvement with the military should be obvious to anyone with even a cursory knowledge of the gospel.” Brimlow then demolishes the finer points of just war theory itself, even taking on the theologian Thomas Aquinas. The author considers just war theory, “as developed and defended both by church theologians and secular philosophers,” untenable, and for three reasons: - Just war theory is untenable because it is difficult to know with sufficient confidence whether all of its conditions have been met. - Just war theory is untenable because some of its tenets are impossible to realize. - Just war theory is untenable because it used to justify rather than to prevent war. First there is the knowledge problem: It is not often easy to determine when a just cause for war exists or what criteria a state may use in reaching the determination that a just cause is operative. One of the primary difficulties with the just war requirements should be apparent: it is not very clear when the conditions of just cause and last resort have been satisfied. As soon as just war theory adapts to accommodate and allow preemptive attacks by a threatened state, it is no longer clear either how much solid evidence is required or how much discussion or negotiation would be prudent. Second, the carrying out of the jus in bello principle of discrimination between the civilian population and enemy combatants is impossible. Says Brimlow: “It is obvious that a war, in order to be just, must not inflict harm or death or injury on innocent persons, or else it is no better (except, perhaps, quantitatively) than the original aggression. The problem facing those who wish to justify war is that it is impossible to conduct a war without harming some innocents. It is in the very nature of war that innocents will die.” And third, just war theory in practice is used for something entirely opposite its stated purpose: “Another difficulty with the just war criteria, at least to this point and taken as a whole, is that they seem able to justify almost all wars rather than to provide a means to limit the number of wars that would be considered just.” Indeed, under just war theory, “a state may initiate hostile military action against another state that poses no direct threat to it. Using just war theory, Brimlow even makes the case that “Nazi Germany’s initiation of World War II in the European theater — as well as the events that led up to it — satisfy the criteria for just cause as well as any other.” I might also add that it is the state that decides to go to war, not the people, most of whom want nothing to do with war; that is, until the state sufficiently propagandizes its citizens, as Hermann Goering explained. The state always claims that it is acting defensively, has the right intention, has the proper authority, is undertaking war as a last resort, has a high probability of success, and that a war will achieve good that is proportionally greater than the damage to life, limb, and property that it will cause. Brimlow concludes about just war theory: The criteria set out and developed by just war theory are simply too flaccid and flexible to yield an outlawing of some of the most immoral and heinous activities of the last century. Just war theory is untenable. Among other things, just war theory contradicts itself in that it sanctions the killing of innocents, which it at the same time prohibits. In addition, just war theory can also be used effectively to justify all wars. It is no wonder that “the Christian concerns about justifying warfare set the tone for subsequent secular justifications.” Indeed, just war theory “has become fundamentally a secular doctrine.” Brimlow argues that “this must be so, because no Christian could justify war without leaving Jesus and the gospel out of it.” But even if Brimlow’s indictment of just war theory is correct, and even if “almost all the wars that have been fought over the millennia were wrong on both philosophical and theological grounds,” and even if “pacifism might be what is called for in the vast majority of cases,” there is one thing that will abrogate every vestige of morality and turn the ardent pacifist into a crazed warmonger: the so-called supreme emergency. The greatest example of the supreme emergency is, of course, Hitler. The Nazi regime “provides the paradigmatic example of a special case that justifies using extraordinary means to defeat an enemy” even if it means violating the rights of the innocent. Because Hitler is “the embodiment of hatred, murder, death, and destruction,” he has become “a symbol for all those threats to us that appear immune to rational discourse, pragmatic calculation and bargaining, and appeals to self-interest or moral goodness.” Brimlow doesn’t buy the supreme emergency argument, and certainly not as articulated by contemporary just war theorist Michael Walzer, author of Just and Unjust Wars (Basic Books, 2000). Brimlow points out that not only does Walzer assert that “even the lives of innocent may be sacrificed, with justification, in the case of supreme emergencies,” he maintains that when the rights of neutrals, innocents, and noncombatants are overridden, they have not been “diminished, weakened, or lost.” Brimlow concludes that the supreme emergency argument suffers from the same knowledge problem as just war theory: “It is difficult to determine with any precision when a supreme emergency begins or when it ends, even retrospectively.” Brimlow finds it curious that “we take Hitler as the figure and symbol for the embodiment of the utmost evil.” It is Stalin, “at least in terms of sheer numbers of innocents intentionally and directly slaughtered,” whose “record of murders supersedes Hitler’s.” It is Stalin — our ally in World War II — who not only initiated pogroms, purges, and persecutions (like Hitler), but used starvation and terror as a weapons. Stalin “appears to be more bloodthirsty than Hitler.” He could even be “the greatest monster of the twentieth century.” In the end, Brimlow maintains that the Hitler question is a dishonest one: It assumes that Christians and the church have no involvement and no responsibility prior to some arbitrary date in the early 1940s. If the question is asking how a pacifistic church should have responded to the horrors of the Holocaust, the answer surely lies in being a peacemaking church long before the Holocaust ever began. The church should have preached and lived a love of the Jews for many centuries before the twentieth; the church should have formed Christians into the kind of people who do not kill Jews, or homosexuals, or gypsies, or communists, or other Christians, or Nazis, or whoever else was victimized by the war. The church should have lived and taught in such a way that the First World War would have been incomprehensible in a largely Christian Europe and, failing that, should have railed against the Versailles Treaty and the vengeance it embodied in favor of forgiveness and reconciliation. The failure of the church and of Christians to be peacemakers in 1942 is horrible precisely because it is a result and culmination of centuries of failure. Anti-Semitism, violence, warfare, strife, hatred, and intolerance have been and continue to be acceptable practices for Christians — usually in the name of politics, nationalism, or even religious truth. Brimlow courageously concludes: “Given the stature of a Stalin, why is it that Hitler is the one who provides the standard by which we measure evil and analogize the worst behavior of leaders and states?” We can even take this a step further. It was not Hitler who boycotted Jewish businesses. It was not Hitler who enforced the Nuremberg laws. It was not Hitler who participated in the Krystalnacht. It was not Hitler who transported Jews to death camps. It was not Hitler who killed American, British, Russian, and French soldiers during World War II. And it was not Hitler who killed the millions of civilians who died during the “Good War.” And neither did Hitler put a gun to anyone’s head and force them to do any of these things. Was Hitler evil? Yes. Was Hitler a despicable human being? Certainly. Would the world have been better off if someone had put a bullet in his head? Of course. Nevertheless, Hitler is given too much credit for what transpired during the Nazi regime (and yes, for those who question my hatred of Nazism: it was an evil, brutal regime, and so was Stalin’s). The problem with Hitler is that the great evil that he personifies has been imputed to Osama bin Laden, Al Qaeda, “bad” Muslim leaders (as opposed to the “good” Muslim leaders that are our allies), and Islamic terrorists in general. Brimlow doesn’t buy this argument either. He believes it “more appropriate to consider the actions of Al Qaeda and other terrorists to be criminal rather than aggressive in the traditional sense.” Although certainly not defending the actions of bin Laden and Al Qaeda, Brimlow recognizes the part that an interventionist U.S. foreign policy has played in stirring up anti-Americanism in the Muslim world. When the United States responded to the 9/11 attacks, it was responding to “an attack that was, in itself, a response to an attack.” In analyzing the complaints against America in the “Letter to America” attributed to bin Laden, Brimlow remarks that “our allies and many others in the international community have leveled similar charges against us for decades, and even a cursory examination of our history in many parts of the world, especially Latin America, gives considerable credence to his views.” This is because “the American government and the American people have been and continue to be curiously blind to the cumulative effect our policy decisions have on other people around the world.” Brimlow argues that “just war theory and supreme emergencies cut both ways.” If they are “sufficient to sanction the killing and destruction inherent in conventional and total wars, then they are sufficient to sanction terrorism as well.” Indeed, to “accept one as right and proper is to accept the other, and this means we have no moral basis to object to what Al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations are doing.” Brimlow’s solution for the individual Christian to the Hitler problem will not be too well-received in the Christian community, especially among warvangelicals: We must live faithfully; we must be humble in our faith and truthful in what we say and do; we must repay evil with good; and we must be peacemakers. This may also mean as a result that the evildoers will kill us. Then, we shall die. Our call to follow Jesus and be peacemakers means that we will die. We don’t like this message, so we recoil from it and consider it incomprehensible; and we find ways to reinterpret the gospel or to understand the “real” meaning of Jesus’s message in order to obfuscate and avoid this conclusion. He could not have meant what he said; “death” must be a metaphor for something else. The author began his study of just war theory by wondering “how the church arrived at the position that some wars can be considered not only justifiable but also consistent with the demands of the gospel.” Because this position is so entrenched in certain sectors of Christendom, we can only hope and pray that Brimlow’s book causes some to rethink their position. What about Hitler? Yeah, what about him?

“Blessed are the people whose God is the Lᴏʀᴅ!” (Psalm 144:15). Let’s consider three very different stories as metaphors for our culture today. One: The University of Texas will allow students to live together regardless of their gender or sexual identity. The university explained, “This helps enhance our residents’ sense of belonging and improve our competitiveness with the Austin market and other institutions. It also allows us to be more responsive to student needs.” The fact that you’re probably not surprised by this news is my point. Two: on a lighter note, Major League Baseball will allow pitchers and catchers to use technology intended to prevent sign stealing. A catcher uses a pad with buttons on the wrist of his gloved hand to communicate the intended pitch and location to the pitcher through a listening device. This is intended to speed up the game and keep the other side from stealing signs. However, it says something about us that “America’s pastime” has to adopt such unprecedented means to prevent cheating. Three: in other sports news, Scottie Scheffler won yesterday’s Masters tournament, solidifying his status as the world No. 1 golfer. Before Scheffler could win the tournament, however, he had to do something very important a few months ago: RSVP to his invitation to play. According to the New York Times, Augusta National sends invitations each year to golfers it wishes to invite to the tournament. They must signal their intention to play before they are permitted to compete. There was a time when I played golf every week and practiced several times a week. However, no matter how much I worked on my game, I would never have received such an invitation. There are some things we cannot do for ourselves, no matter how hard we try. It’s not a “Holocaust” museum I returned Saturday after spending fifteen days in the Holy Land. I have led more than thirty study tours of Israel; each time I am deeply impressed by the continued courage and resilience of the Jewish people. For example, terror attacks escalated in Jerusalem once again as Ramadan began. One of the victims was a former Israeli Olympian and father of three; another victim became engaged to his fiancé last month and was planning his wedding. And of course, every visit to Israel is a reminder of the Holocaust. It is difficult to meet an Israeli who did not lose a family member to the Nazis and their collaborators. Last Thursday, our group visited Yad Vashem, the Holocaust museum in Jerusalem. Except it’s not actually a “holocaust” museum. “Holocaust” is a Greek word referring to a “sacrifice by fire” made to God. The Nazis did not sacrifice the Jews to God—they murdered six million of them in cold blood. For this reason, the Jewish people use the word Shoah, Hebrew for “catastrophe,” to describe what happened to their people. Inside the museum, I noticed a quotation I had not seen before, this one from a poet and philosopher named Benjamin Fondane who was murdered at Auschwitz in 1944: “Remember only that I was innocent and, just like you, mortal on that day. I, too, had a face marked by rage, by joy and pity, quite simply, a human face!” “The best friend you have ever known” From rising anti-Semitism around the world to the tragic death of twenty-four-year-old NFL quarterback Dwayne Haskins to the continuing tragedy in Ukraine to senseless violence against teenagers in the US and an epidemic of mental health challenges for American children, each day’s news proves again that fallen humans are incapable of changing fallen human nature. But what we cannot do, the Spirit of God can. As Oswald Chambers noted, “It is gloriously and majestically true that the Holy Ghost can work in us the very nature of Jesus if we will obey him.” Let’s apply his observation personally: identify an aspect of your life that you wish were different—something you are doing that you should stop or something you are not doing that you should begin. What can you do to enable the Spirit to transform that part of your life into the “very nature of Jesus”? Craig Denison writes: “If you ask for a deeper friendship with the Holy Spirit, you will find he is the best friend you have ever known.” This is because “friendship with the Spirit is like any other friendship in that it develops over time. Like a new friend, you must get to know his character and personality. Spend time just talking with him, listening to him and allowing him to work in your heart and life.” If we do, Craig assures us, “He is your gateway to experiencing the things of God. Walk in relationship with him, follow his guidance, and make a new best friend in the Holy Spirit.” “The firstborn among many brothers” We cannot change our hearts as the Spirit can. However, we can hinder the Spirit from doing his transforming work in our lives. Craig notes that “the Holy Spirit has a personality. He has likes and dislikes. He feels, thinks, enjoys, likes, suffers, and desires.” As a result, it is vital that we “do not grieve the Holy Spirit of God” (Ephesians 4:30) and that we “do not quench the Spirit” (1 Thessalonians 5:19). To this end, I want to encourage you to make a “spiritual inventory” part of your life each morning: ask God to bring to your mind anything that is hindering the Spirit from making you more like Jesus, then confess whatever comes to your thoughts and claim your Father’s forgiving and cleansing grace (1 John 1:9). In addition, I encourage you to take time periodically for a deeper inventory. Offer the same prayer but with paper and pen in hand. Write down what comes to mind, giving the Spirit as much time as he needs to answer your prayer. Once again, confess these sins specifically and claim God’s forgiveness and mercy. As Christians around the world noted yesterday, Jesus rode into Jerusalem triumphantly on Palm Sunday. As we will remember this Holy Week, he died in agony on Good Friday and rose in victory on Easter Sunday. All of it was not only to save humanity but to transform humans until we are “conformed to the image of [God’s] Son, in order that he might be the firstborn among many brothers” (Romans 8:29). Your Lord will settle for nothing less.

Last year, old-school music by The Cure. This year? Really old-school Cure. Dig it, man. Friday, April 29, 2011 Thursday, April 28, 2011 If there is any justice, Alan Rickman will be allowed--playing as he does, in the context of a film which is plainly intending to tell a story far more "adult" than the books did, the most interesting character in the whole tale--to walk away with the movie. We can only hope. And watch, of course. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 5:22 PM Saturday, April 23, 2011 This is the sort of thing I like: And this, from the always insightful Fred Clark, I like even better: Nothing worth doing is completed in our lifetime; therefore, we are saved by hope. Nothing true or beautiful or good makes complete sense in any immediate context of history; therefore, we are saved by faith. Nothing we do, however virtuous, can be accomplished alone; therefore, we are saved by love.--Reinhold Niebuhr This is my favorite day in Holy Week, this Saturday, this unrestful Sabbath, my favorite day in the whole of the liturgical calendar. Well, actually, “favorite” is the wrong word. It’s not that I like this day so much as that I understand it. It’s recognizable, familiar, lived-in. This day, the Saturday that can’t know if there will ever be a Sunday, is the day we live in, you and I, today and every day for the whole of our lives. This is all we are given to know. Easter Sunday? That’s tomorrow, the day after today. We’ll never get there in time. We can believe in Easter Sunday, but we can’t be sure. We can’t know for sure. We can’t know until we’re out of time. Here, in time, there’s just this day, this dreadful Saturday of not knowing. There are some things we can know on this Saturday. Jesus is dead, to begin with, dead and buried. He said the world was upside-down and needed a revolution to turn it right-way-round and so he was executed for disturbing the peace. He came and said love was greater than power, and so power killed him. And now it’s Saturday and Jesus is dead and we’re all going to die and everything I’ve told you about him turns out to be in vain and everything I’ve staked my life on turns out to be in vain. Our faith is futile and we’re still hopeless in our sins. Jesus is dead and we are of all people most to be pitied. That last paragraph is a paraphrase from St. Paul. What he actually says there, in his letter to the Christians in Corinth, is "if." What he says, specifically, is: If there is no resurrection of the dead, then Christ has not been raised; and if Christ has not been raised, then our proclamation has been in vain and your faith has been in vain....If Christ has not been raised, your faith is futile and you are still in your sins. Then those also who have died in Christ have perished. If for this life only we have hoped in Christ, we are of all people most to be pitied. But in fact Christ has been raised from the dead... But that’s Sunday language and Sunday certainty and it doesn’t make much sense here on Saturday. Here on Saturday, we can hope it’s true and we may even try to believe it’s true, but we can’t know “in fact” one way or another. Not now. Not on Saturday. And to be honest, it doesn’t seem terribly likely, because Saturday, this Saturday, is all we’ve ever known. Yesterday was this same Saturday, and so was the day before that, and the day before that, and the day before that. Why should we expect that tomorrow will be any different? Seriously, just look around. Does it look like the meek are inheriting the earth? Does it look like those who hunger and thirst for justice are being filled? Does it look like the merciful are being shown mercy? Jesus was meek and merciful and hungry for justice and look where that got him. They killed him. We killed him. Power won. That’s what this everyday Saturday shows us--power always wins. “If you want a picture of the future,” George Orwell wrote, “imagine a boot stomping on a human face--forever.” “But in fact,” St. Paul says, everything changes on Sunday. Come Sunday power loses. Come Sunday, love wins, the meek shall inherit, the merciful will receive mercy and no one will ever go hungry for justice again. Come Sunday, everything changes. If there ever is a Sunday. And but so, this is why we hope for Sunday and why we live for the hope of Sunday. Even though we can’t know for sure that Sunday will ever come and even if Saturday is all we ever get to see. Sunday, Easter, comes tomorrow. Around our house, we'll be blessed to be spending the day with one of my brothers and his wife and family, from a long ways away; the house will be bursting (they have six kids), and I'll be worried whether I bought a large enough ham. But we'll also go to church, and joke and laugh and talk, and pray. And be thankful, and hopeful. Because it's spring, and it'll be Easter Sunday. Again. Have a blessed one, everybody. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 9:23 AM Friday, April 22, 2011 I seem to recall Scott Lemieux, or perhaps some other Canadian blogger, once commenting that those of us who enjoy a little Men Without Hats nostalgia every once in a while ought to be thankful that we missed this band's "punk" phase. I'll take his word for it. On a side note, I think it is quite possible that this is the first song I ever heard played on a "compact disc." I'm remembering an argument over just what the name of the band that Johnny and Jenny formed actually was, but not much else. Sunday, April 17, 2011 If I have to give this wonderful new blog a blurb, it would be: "This blog saved our marriage!" But of course, our marriage hasn't actually ever failed, so that wouldn't be quite accurate. Better to say that, at certain times when Melissa's and my relationship could have used some assistance, this blog's wise advice--providing a "a guide to living with your philosopher"--would have saved both of us a good of time and energy. Especially this bit, about gifts: Let’s just simplify: Unless you are willing to follow your philosopher around a bookstore or ask them to send you links online to books they want, purchasing a book for your philosopher is a very bad idea....Some of you may be thinking, “This list of acceptable gifts is so impersonal. I want to give my philosopher something that they will treasure for a lifetime and always remember me by.” I’m sorry. Get them a gift card to buy a book. Philosophers are not like normal people. If you want to give your philosopher something they will treasure, then give them the resources to buy some books. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 5:01 PM Friday, April 15, 2011 Thursday, April 14, 2011 Full circle. I'm back in the year 2000, I'm back in graduate school, I'm back before Bush v. Gore and before September 11th, I'm back to when it was just Melissa and me and a couple of tiny tykes, I'm back to working at Borders and riding the Metro. I'm back to when the only things on the future horizon that really seemed to matter at all were 1) finishing the dissertation, 2) finding a teaching job that could support the family, and 3) waiting for the most important Geek Film ever. Eleven years later, it looks like I'll be someday be able to at least do the last of those once again. Look at them! Peter Jackson, no longer a fat scruffy hobbit, but still every bit the whimsical, grown-up wunderkind of New Zealand. Look close at the crowds and backgrounds, and spot storyboard artists and make-up folks which the more obsessive among us can remember from all the bonus features on the extended editions, years ago. Look at Richard Armitage, and see the good-hearted, formal pomposity of Thorin Oakenshield in his welcoming words; look at Martin Freeman, trooping along and taking his turn in a wonderfully dorky and Bilbo-ish suit jacket. And Ian McKellan, of course, taking it all in stride--after all, he's been here before. And so have we, haven't we? Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 3:11 PM (Via Laura McKenna) Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 9:23 AM Friday, April 08, 2011 Thursday, April 07, 2011 I really don't particularly care how dopey, pseudo-Ludditish, or bull-headed it may be: I think this is my new professional manifesto: Perhaps it is naïve of me to say that we’re at a crossroads in education, for it may well be that we came to the crossroads long ago, that we weren’t paying attention, and that now, like Young Goodman Brown, we’re well into the forest of sin and error, where the darkness around us is deep indeed. But if we are at crossroads, I would like to go on record as saying that the most important thing we can do right now is turn resolutely away from any gadget more sophisticated than chalk. Yes! If you're able to effectively run a classroom where close readings take place and serious issues are discussed in the midst of discussion boards and video files and PowerPoint demonstrations, you have my applause. But please, please, let me keep my chalkboards. Failing that, at least keep me in classrooms where there actual "boards" (even if they are porcelain enamel whiteboards) upon upon which I can actually write, and erase, as the flow on conversation demands, and without worrying about accidentally making something blow up. At all costs, keep me away from those “smart boards,” in which your ability as a teacher to use the at all board is dependent upon your prior investment in a whole passel of online and embedded doo-dads that are designed to pop up for the students’ viewing pleasure at the barest touch. In such rooms, the possibility that a student question (remember those?) might take the lecture in an unexpected direction, requiring (wait for it) previously unprepared information dependent solely upon the spontaneously expressed expertise of the teacher be shared with the class on the board, is a thing of the past. End of rant. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 5:04 PM Monday, April 04, 2011 [Cross-posted to By Common Consent] Today, Monday, April 4, 2011, the Fox family finished reading the Book of Mormon together, a project we last began in August of 2006. Tomorrow, assuming we maintain our usual habits, we'll be starting it once again. This is the second time we've all read all of the BoM together--going around the family, each reading a verse or two or three, and helping the youngest sound out the words--and it won't be the last. At some point over the years (I can't remember exactly when) we started using the fancy Book of Mormon for Latter-day Saint Families for our family reading; it divides the whole book into short disposable chunks of verses, making it easy for us to get into a rhythm. (The book is almost completely trashed now, held together by duct tape, but we're too cheap to buy another copy.) That rhythm varies through the months--reading in the evening during the school year, in the morning after breakfast in the summer--and it's hardly absolute (we almost never manage to read on Friday or Saturday nights, and it usually doesn't happen during vacations or when either Melissa or I are gone for any length of time either), but still, it has served us well. I figure it will continue for years to come, at least until all the children are grown and gone, even if means starting over with "I, Nephi..." a couple more times over the next decade and a half. Why the Book of Mormon, all the way through, again and again? Several reasons: the counsel of our church leaders, the building of family traditions, the moral value of the stories and testimonies within it. But all of those, arguably, could be satisfied with choosing the read the Bible (something that one of my daughters in particular would rather we begin). So why the BoM? The best answer is, I think, the one James Faulconer recently gave: it's a gift. Jim's a deep thinker in matters of philosophy and scripture (I need to write something about his recent book sometime), and he's a former teacher and friend. His description of the value of the Book of Mormon to those of us who find ourselves part of the Mormon faith community--whether because we were brought up in it, or because at some point we felt spiritually converted to its truth claims, or some combination thereof--makes as much sense to me as any I've ever read: "[T]he Book of Mormon isn't one of the most important gifts in the history of world because it compares to the great literature or philosophy of the world or because it has objective historical worth. It is one of the most important gifts because it is how God has chosen in our day to testify that Jesus is the Messiah, our Savior." The way I see it, the whole point of the Christian religion, in all its varieties, is to draw close to, to learn how to emulate, and to experience in one's own fallen and sinful life the grace and wisdom and love and forgiveness of Jesus Christ. You can get that through study and service, you can get that through devotion and prayer, and of course you ought to pursue all of those routes in your life. But whatever way you choose, whatever variety of Christianity is one's own, getting close to Jesus means keeping the fact of His existence before one's eyes. This isn't just Christianity; this is all religion, from Buddhist koans to Jewish phylacteries. In a world in which our lives are, both for better and for worse, variable and complex and mobile, physical reminders, civic structures, and bodily disciplines are few and far between, and consequently are of limited help in keeping oneself in the shadow of the cross, or whatever image of the divine is one's own or which spiritually pulls on you. For us Mormons, the Book of Mormon--this strange, unaccountable book, this text whose very existence as a supposed work of revelation, a restored holy record from a lost people, turns it into something which cannot be approached without being forced to reckon with whether or not there might not be a God who loves us and has something He wants us to know--serves as such a reminder, a discipline, a structure. It's 500+ pages of people talking about Jesus, and about the fights and rivalries and judgments which attend the lives of those doing the talking. Who are these people, where did they come from, where did they go, what's the backstory that led them to leave behind the many overlapping and sometimes even contradictory messages which they supposedly did? Figuring out an answer to those questions is an important and worthy task--but it is even being confronted with the questions in the first place that makes the Book of Mormon truly valuable. The Bible is enormously valuable--as a source of theology, ethics, history, criticism, philosophy, and more. Frankly, I think it's a much superior record to that which the Book of Mormon purports to contain. In my personal scripture reading, I'm going through the New Testament right now, and I like it a lot more than the BoM. But I live in a world whose law, politics, society, and culture were built by hundreds of generations of millions of people all shaped by the Bible, whether they embraced it or rejected it or turned it inside out. If the Bible, with all its baggage, can make you into a good Christian, I'm delighted. But the Book of Mormon is a gift, a strange, challenging, surprising gift, and it keeps the message and power and promise of Jesus Christ in front of my eyes pretty damn well, perhaps better than anything else could. I recently read through the original 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon, the Reader's Edition published by Signature Books, and what it put in front of my eyes was often hard to accept; truth is, probably about half the time, it was easy for me to think I was reading a hastily scribbled 19th-century fiction, betrayed by its repetition and incoherence and occasionally horrendous grammar. But then I'd run across a passage, an account of a miracle, a word of counsel, that was just so out-of-place and wise that the possibility that only a loving God, wanting His children to somehow have access to these words "out of the dust", could have made it possible for me to be reading it in the first place made perfect sense. I'm not convinced of the truth of everything in, or everything about, the Book of Mormon. But I'm a Christian, a Mormon Christian in particular, and--sweeping all the legitimate arguments and questions about its historicity, its language, its hermeneutics aside--dealing with this strange and out-of-place book is the way my faith community keeps Jesus before ourselves. We may collectively do other things with the book, and I don't necessarily sign on with all of those things--but I do sign on with its bottom-line status as a reminder, a gift. Believing (though also doubting) Christian that I am, getting my children to sign on with that as well is something I want, something that Melissa and I agree is a good thing. And so for that reason--along with all the others--it's the Book of Mormon for us. Beginning tomorrow. I'll give you another status report when those Foxes still living at home get to the end again, sometime in 2015 or 2016. Hope the blog will still be around then. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 10:22 PM George Orwell at his typewriter, part of a Famous Writers and Their Typewriters collection, via Laura. Orwell's my favorite of those pictured, but Hitchcock, hunt-and-pecking away, is pretty good as well. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 3:14 PM Martin Luther King, in Memphis on April 3, 1968, talking about the demand for union rights by public employees--and really, about all of us: [L]et us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that.... If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right.... [Jesus] talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother. Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect. But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?" That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question. MLK was assassinated the next day. Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 7:08 AM Friday, April 01, 2011 Who else could I select for today except Weird Al? Let's go way back, everyone: I know, I could have done "Eat It"--or "The Saga Begins", or "Fat", or "White and Nerdy", or "Smells Like Nirvana", or a personal favorite of mine, "Dare to Be Stupid". Too many to choose from people, just too many. But hey, at least in this one gives Weird Al's inspiration, Dr. Demento, a much-deserved nod. Is there no holiday that the British can't outclass Americans in? Sigh. Anyway, enjoy this from The Guardian, via Chris Brooke: A decade ago, the Guardian prominently announced its commitment to republicanism. But Prince William has shown that he can be a new kind of king. That is why, in a significant change of course, we today pledge our full-throated support for the British monarchy. Let's face it: the current crop of world leaders is far from inspiring. Across the Arab world, dictators battle their own people; at home, attitudes towards [David] Cameron and [Nick] Clegg alternate between apathy and outrage. In America, the hope that greeted Barack Obama has long since faded. As The King's Speech so vividly reminded us, there are times when only the calming leadership of a hereditary monarch will do; and as the MPs' expenses scandal illustrates, it can be dangerous to trust power-hungry elected officials, who lack the security provided by land ownership and immense wealth. Amid all this, William in particular stands out as something unique: a bastion of tradition with a deeply modern sensibility – not to mention a helicopter pilot's licence. When the time comes, we urge Prince Charles to redouble his focus on his important work in the field of alternative medicine, and to pass the mantle of head of state to his son. For too long, a hair-shirt tendency on the left has insisted that a commitment to progressive values is incompatible with an appreciation for the magic and wonder of royalty. But in this era of austerity, couldn't we all do with being a bit more "happy and glorious"? Few things, after all, are as likely to lift the spirits of Britain's embattled public sector workers or benefit claimants than the sight of Kate Middleton's sure-to-be-spectacular wedding dress. The couple themselves, meanwhile, reflect values close to this paper's own. William encapsulates our spirit of internationalism, thanks to his Greek and German heritage on his father's side, and his gap year in Chile. Kate embodies our commitment to gender equality in the way in which she has faced work-life challenges common to many women today, juggling such roles as accessories buyer for Jigsaw and being one of Tattler magazine's top 10 fashion icons. Other royals, too, are surely deserving of recognition: belatedly, for example, we have come to appreciate the crucial work done by Prince Andrew, using his personal connections to plant the seeds of democracy in repressive regimes worldwide. Beginning today, the Guardian announces a raft of changes designed to ensure that our royal coverage is unrivalled by any other media organisation. We begin an unprecedented month-long, 24-hour royal wedding live blog, offering minute-by-minute coverage of the preparations. We will be recalling correspondents from some less newsworthy parts of the globe, such as north Africa and south-east Asia, so they can focus on palace matters instead. And we will shortly be making available to readers a range of attractive commemorative crockery. The marriage of a prince to a commoner – a true bridging of class divides, if ever there was one – represents the perfect moment for progressives to commit again to the promise of hereditary monarchy. Great philosophers, from Burke to Andrew Morton, have argued powerfully for the institution's value. In any case, it would be churlish to fight the tide of excitement and optimism currently flooding the nation. It is time to put away the cynicism, and get out the union jacks. (For the above image, hat tip: Laura McKenna. Just be glad I didn't choose to feature the commemorative condoms.) Posted by Russell Arben Fox at 6:40 AM

When my doctor told me I was pregnant, I fainted. I was 29 years old and my lifelong dream was to be a mother, so when it was confirmed, after years of trying, it was too much joy to handle I simply fainted. It was a wonderful day and the love I felt for my child at that exact moment has been with me ever since. Months later, when my doctor told me I was going to have a son, I could feel my heart swell. It was a day that is engraved into my memory and I have visited that moment many, many times over the past 16 years. With each breath that I take, I love my son more. He is perfection to me and I am in awe of him. Once I knew for sure it was a boy, I went shopping and bought my son a Tallit for his Bar Mitzvah. For the next 13 plus years, I kept his Tallit in my closet and would take it out often. It may sound silly, but I would share all my dreams and fears with the Tallit. It became the keeper of my prayers. I would write things down on paper, then fold them up and place them in the pouch that stored the Tallit. When my son crawled for the first time, then walked, talked, ran, and told me he loved me, I wrote it all down and tucked it away with my most treasured material thing, the Tallit. It is a simple, elegant, beautiful shawl. I did not know anything about my child when I bought it, but it spoke to me and now when he wears it, it is as if it was made special for him. Even though it is now a little too small, my child cherishes it and will give it his own child one day. About a week before the Bar Mitzvah, I took out the Tallit and held it tight. For the first time in 13 years I opened every piece of paper and read each one. It took me about 4 hours because it’s hard to read when you are crying. It was a stroll through my life as a mother, and also a great lesson. As a single mom there were times that were so hard I don’t know how I made it through. I was reminded of my struggles and triumphs. The papers allowed me to see what a great mother I had become and that I had raised a remarkable and wonderful human being. It was a blessing. When I was done, I took all the papers and burned them in a trashcan. The Tallit was no longer going to hold my dreams and prayers, and would begin holding those of my son. I put all the ashes in a bag, when I returned to Montreal to visit my family, I sprinkled them on the grave of my father. My dad was not alive to see my son become a Bar Mitzvah, but he knew how hard I worked to get to that place, and so putting my dreams and prayers with him felt like coming full circle. I miss my father every single day and to share that day with him in this way mattered to me. I miss my father so much today that it aches. I had a rough day and all I wanted to do was call him and be comforted by his voice. He was a really lovely man and his support of me was endless and sustained me as a single mother, trying to raise a boy with Jewish values, far from my family. I read an article here at JewishJournal.com by David Suissa, that made me cry. It’s been such an emotional day that the story mattered to me more than perhaps it would have on another day. Mr. Suissa wrote about a program called REMEMBER US and I recommend you read it. ETo read about Adam Unger and Daniel Pyser was very moving. A Bar Mitzvah is not only important from a religious perspective, but as a parent it is an emotional gift to experience this rite of passage with our young children, who were once our babies, and will carry our faith forward. I feel the importance of faith today. I have a frame in my home that holds two pictures, one of my son and one of my father on the day each of them were called to the Bimah to become a Bar Mitzvah, which is more than a tradition. It speaks to who we are as Jews, parents, and a people. My father lives on through my son. My son will take all my prayers with him throughout his life, as I take those of my father. I will forever remember the story of Adam, have respect for Daniel, be proud of my son, and love my father for teaching me to keep the faith. We welcome your feedback. Your information will not be shared or sold without your consent. Get all the details. Terms of Service JewishJournal.com has rules for its commenting community.Get all the details. JewishJournal.com reserves the right to use your comment in our weekly print publication.comments powered by Disqus

I'm sitting at my desk, looking out the window and wondering what the weather will be like this day in late February. It's been colder than usual in the San Diego area this winter. Spring is anxious to burst forth, and it did, for a few days. Some trees are in full bloom, and the hillsides are beginning to brighten up with colorful blossoms. And, most fun of all, the birds have begun their mating rituals. The cooing of doves in love is such a pleasant sound. We can watch big beautiful whales glide through the Pacific Ocean just off our local shoreline, on their way to frolic in the waters to the north. We all await the promise of spring. And, God never fails to bring us the warmth, light and new life we desire. Isn't it an incredible truth that the self-sufficient God of the universe desires a personal relationship with each of His children? All through Scripture God expresses how important our friendship and communion is to Him. In fact, He has placed such importance on having a relationship with us, that He was willing to be born in a human body, live as a common man, suffer rejection, experience a painful death and ultimately, rise from the dead. God did this in order to create the way for us to enter into His dimension and live forever with Him. Notice I didn't say He created a way, He created the way. A big difference. There is a common belief that there are many ways to know God and be pleasing to Him. According to the Bible, this is not true! There is only ONE WAY...and His name is Jesus Christ. My humanity tells me that this isn't fair, but we are not to judge God's plan and purpose for only He knows what is 'fair'. "I am the way, and the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me." John 14:6 Jesus was speaking to Jews on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. A large crowd had gathered. They were spiritually dead, but alive in good works and keeping 'the law'. They were confused because Jesus wasn't telling them to be 'good' and keep the law. He was saying something very different. Many wanted a personal conversation with Him. They sought Him out and asked, "What must we do to do the works God requires?" John 6:28. Today, we might ask that question a little differently. We might say, "How can we be sure we'll go to heaven when we die?" Jesus answers the question. "The work of God is this: to believe in the one he has sent." Who was sent? Jesus, born of a virgin, God's child, God Himself. # 3 God desires a personal relationship with His children. Prior to the coming of Christ, there was a barrier between us and God. This barrier is called sin. God simply does not tolerate sin. No one with sin can enter His presence. The problem is, we are all sinners. I'm going to summarize Romans 3:9 - 28. I hope you'll read it in your Bible for yourself. This passage of Scripture declares that there is no one who is righteous, no one who understands, and no one who seeks God. The Jews were looking at the Ten Commandments, the law, not at their Savior, Jesus Christ. We all are accountable to God. We became conscious of sin because God described perfection through the law and we knew we didn't measure up to His standard. But then in Romans 3:21 it is written that a righteousness, apart from the law, has been made known. This righteousness comes from God through faith in Jesus to all who believe. This is the good news of the gospel. All through the Old Testament, God was preparing the minds of the Jewish race for the coming Messiah who would redeem them from their sin. And when He came, they didn't recognize Him. "This is how God showed his love among us: He sent his one and only Son into the world that we might live through him." When Jesus died on the cross, and rose again, the barrier was removed between God and us. We are now free to have a personal relationship with God, to enter His heaven and live eternally. Lord, this is difficult to comprehend unless You open our minds. We are totally dependent on You. Please give my readers a desire to know You in a very real, personal way. Help them to be able to understand your Word, how much You love us and desire our friendship. We praise You, in the name of Jesus. Bobbe Van Hise - Over the past few years my blog has been visited by people from all over the world. Very few know me, or of me, they simply are looking information concerning the Bible and discover my blog. After many years of intense study and teaching, I've come to believe we are vulnerable to misguided and incorrect teaching if we don't understand for ourselves the teaching of God's Word. My 'hot buttons' are - grace, sovereignty, exhortations and sanctification. If you understand these basic principles of Scripture, and apply them to daily life, you will understand what it means to have peace, joy and absolute security in any circumstance.

The Jewish Holiday of Hanukkah begins this Friday, December 11th, at sundown. This holiday provides us Jews with an excellent excuse to light some… The Jewish Holiday of Hanukkah begins this Friday, December 11th, at sundown. This holiday provides us Jews with an excellent excuse to light some candles, eat some latkes (fried potato goodness), get/give some presents, and gather around the menorah (the Jewish version of a Christmas tree). This is what Hanukkah means to me… but to many Jews around the world, it means so much more. It is a time of remembrance, celebration, and reverence for those who came before us. I grew up in a very reform, but religious household. I went to temple on the high holidays (and some Fridays), went to religious school during the weeks, was a bar mitzvah, and went to a Jewish summer camp. During that time, whenever Hanukkah reared its beautiful little head, I was able to hear the story of why we celebrate the Holiday and what it meant for us Jews. Hanukkah marks the rededication of the Temple in Jerusalem after it was destroyed by the army led by Antiochus IV. It also commemorates “the miracle of the container of oil,” a legend which is told in the Torah. Legend has it that following the victory of the Jewish people over Antiochus, there was only enough oil available to shed light upon the temple for one night… Miraculously, this oil shed light upon the temple for 8 nights, which is why Hanukkah is celebrated for that length of time. So, during this Holiday season, let us all take a moment to pause and think about those who came before us. Take a moment, remember those loved ones who are now gone, appreciate those who are near and dear, and give thanks for the many miracles that have brought us to this new season.

An Introduction to the Study of the Bible: Being the First Volume of the Elements of Christian Theology: Containing Proofs of the Authenticity and Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures; a Summary of the History of the Jews; an Account of the Jewish Sects; and a Brief Statement of the Contents of the Several Books of the Old and New Testaments... What people are saying - Write a review We haven't found any reviews in the usual places. Other editions - View all according Acts afterwards antient Apostles appears Assyria authority believe called captivity chapter Christ Christians church circumstances command concerning considered contains continued converts death delivered direction divine early Egypt Ephesus Epistle evidence expression faith fathers Gentiles Genuineness give given Gospel Hebrew Holy immediately Inspiration Israel Israelites Jerusalem Jesus Jewish Jews John Judaea judges king known land language learned lived Lord Luke manner Mark mentioned Moses nature observed occasion opinion original particular passages Paul persons Peter preached predictions priest probably promised prophets received recorded refer reign religion remained Roman Rome Saviour says Scripture seems sent soon speak Spirit suffered supposed temple Testament things thought Timothy tion tribe truth unto whole writings written wrote Page 115 - I have surely seen the affliction of my people which are in Egypt, and have heard their cry by reason of their task-masters; for I know their sorrows; and I am come down to deliver them out of the hand of the Egyptians, and to bring them up out of that land unto a good land and a large, unto a land flowing with milk and honey... Page 13 - And he said unto them, These are the words which I spake unto you, while I was yet with you, that all things must be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms concerning me. Page 374 - They answered him, Jesus of Nazareth. Jesus saith unto them, I am he. And Judas also, which betrayed him, stood with them. 6 As soon then as he had said unto them, I am he, they went backward, and fell to the ground. Page 379 - ... great fear came upon all the church, and upon as many as heard these things. And by the hands of the apostles were many signs and wonders wrought among the people ; and... Page 125 - Then went up Moses, and Aaron, Nadab, .and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel: and they saw the God of Israel... Page 111 - Then Joseph could not refrain himself before all them that stood by him ; and he cried, Cause every man to go out from me. And there stood no man with him, while Joseph made himself known unto his brethren. And he wept aloud : and the Egyptians and the house of Pharaoh heard. And Joseph said unto his brethren, I am Joseph; doth my father yet live? Page 370 - And Jesus went about all the cities and villages, teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the gospel of the kingdom, and healing every sickness, and every disease, among the people. Page 121 - Moses stretched out his hand over the sea; and the LORD caused the sea to go back by a strong east wind all that night, and made the sea dry land, and the waters were divided. And the children of Israel went into the midst of the sea upon the dry ground: and the waters were a wall unto them on their right hand, and on their left.

Salt Lake West Side Stories: Post Thirteen by Brad Westwood Salt Lake City’s west side underwent massive and constant changes during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. What began as a fort where Mormon pioneers sought shelter, transformed into a transportation, industrial and manufacturing hub, and by the late nineteenth century experienced dramatic social and environmental consequences as a result. For example, in 1894, the county courthouse moved from the area, and the City and County building on Washington Square took its place. Local government’s presence and influences left the neighborhood. New businesses also opened that met the recreational desires of its residents. In 1890 there were 82 taverns or bars in Salt Lake City. By 1907 there were 147 bars, with many of them located on the west side. Often, local officials tolerated gambling, prostitution, and other “vices” because they received bribes to look the other way. Post-Civil War rapid industrialization also introduced severe environmental consequences to Salt Lake City. As historian Thomas Alexander argues, during the 1890s, Salt Lake City was known as one of the ugliest and dirtiest cities in America. SLC’s unhealthy living conditions were mainly due to its large number of railroad tracks, which was higher per capita than any other city in the United States. Nationally, SLC’s low ranking was due to several factors, including terms of miles of water lines per capita, and access to residential plumbing and sewers. The city had one of the highest numbers of unpaved or poorly paved streets in the nation. The lack of public services and infrastructure weighed heavily on late nineteenth-century Salt Lake City residents. During the Progressive Era (1880-1920), some members of the “new” middle-class engineered and built municipal infrastructures with the intention of “reforming” city life. Notably, Salt Lake City’s Progressive reforms occurred much later than most other American cities. There were also social and cultural changes that took place as new migrants moved into the west side. Many of the chapels, churches, and synagogues who initially found homes on the west side moved outside of the Pioneer Park neighborhood. The Jewish temple, the Presbyterian Church, the Roman Catholic Church, the African American churches, and the Baptist Church all moved to more affluent areas of the city or suburbs where the majority of their members now lived. In the 1920s, the St. Mary’s Academy changed its name to St. Mary’s of the Wasatch and moved from the west side to the foothills near 1300 South and 2600 East. While many commercial, government, and religious organizations left Salt Lake City’s west side, some remained and expanded. In 1923 Holy Trinity Cathedral replaced the original Greek Orthodox Church that was located on 400 South and looked down South Rio Grande Street. The new sanctuary was built kitty-corner, north and east, across from Pioneer Park. In the 1970s, the Greek Orthodox community added a large center to serve community members. A new Buddhist Temple replaced the older 1920s building on 100 South Street in Japan Town. The neighborhood remained as a toehold and a beloved long-standing community-base for nearly every immigrant population well into the late twentieth century. In 1890 there were 82 taverns or bars in Salt Lake City. By 1907 there were 147 bars, with many of them located on the west side. Salt Lake’s west side was constantly in flux as new industries, communities, and organizations moved in and out of the area. In many ways, the area represents what happened to most American cites that underwent dramatic changes during post-Civil War industralization. Many of these changes included severe economic consequences that affected the people who lived in them. We hope you join us for our next installment of Salt Lake West Side Stories, where we will talk about how Utahns attempted to address public health problems and severe environmental conditions. Do you have a question or comment? Write us at “ask a historian” – email@example.com Benjamin M. Cater, Health, Medicine, and Power in the Salt Lake Valley, Utah, 1869-1945, Ph.D.Dissertation (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 2012). Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945-1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). Stanley S. Postma, P.E., Dennis Anderson, Jim Roberts, Carter & Burgess, Inc., and the Utah Department of Transportation Research Division, “I-15 Corridor, Reconstruction Project, Design/Build Evaluation, 2000 Annual Report” https://www.udot.utah.gov/main/uconowner.gf?n=200309261825482 Eileen Hallet Stone, A Homeland in the West, Utah Jews Remember (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2001), 3-20.

Sergio Della Pergola is one of the world’s leading demographers and a specialist in world Jewry. A former chairman and professor of population studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, he now holds the Shlomo Argov Chair in Israel-Diaspora Relations at the university. Della Pergola, 57, is also a senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Planning Institute, an independent think tank in Jerusalem. He has published numerous books and hundreds of papers on such things as Jewish identification and population projections in the diaspora and Israel. Jewish Week: What do you foresee happening with the Israeli-Palestinian situation in 15 years? Della Pergola: We can speak about social trends and projections of trends, but politics is much harder to predict. We can produce different scenarios, but it is hard to say which is most likely to occur. A two-state solution with the Palestinians is the best option, but I am uncertain about what will be. Among the considerations is what will happen to Jews worldwide and to the Middle East and Israel in particular. This very much depends on a preliminary question: what will be the global balance of power? Will the U.S. be willing to intervene outside its home, or will the global configuration be different with a rising China and a diminishing U.S.? Will there be more of a balance of power between the West and the East? What will happen to the birthrate among Jews in Israel? I have been working on population projections and it is a known fact that haredim [fervently Orthodox] have a higher birthrate. This is not because they are primitive or don’t manage family planning. Today they are a modern population with access to technology. Family planning for them occurs not at a level of two kids per household but seven or eight. Among the women quite a number do work and so they are integrated into the general society. And 100 percent of them have cellular phones. Computers have grown and even the number of people with a TV set has grown. All of this is counterintuitive when you think that this segment of Israeli society is cut off from the rest of society. How many have television sets? In the range of 40 percent — which is extremely low internationally. And 80 percent of the kids have access to a computer. Therefore, we are talking of a group of people who have knowledge of what happens in the outside world and who heavily rely on the state budget. They realize that the more they grow, the less the state and other sources will be able to help them, and so they are becoming more independent economically. Their fertility rate has gone down. We would expect a decline of from six or seven children to five or six — a decline of 15 percent over the next 20 years or so. What is happening to the Jewish population of Jerusalem? There are those who say that only the fervently Orthodox are staying and that the others are leaving. That’s not so. The stereotypical image is that all youth go to Tel Aviv and that Jerusalem is a haredi town. But more than half of those who are leaving Jerusalem are haredim. They are leaving because of housing. They all wish for housing that is more convenient and larger, and so as in any place in the world they move from the city to the suburbs. Both haredim and those in the top socioeconomic class move 15 to 20 miles from Jerusalem. What about the future of Jerusalem? The negative migration balance I described is not a guess. To be reversed, you need to have attractive jobs and housing for the middle class and those who can pay. What do you see happening to the Conservative and Reform movements? Growth has been visible but marginal. My sense is that the breakthrough has not yet happened and that the two movements by acting together are perceived as one. They should act independently, and especially the Conservative movement, which is more centrally positioned on the religious map, might gain significant support. But to the extent that the movements are perceived as fundamentally American, they are seen as something that is culturally not Israeli. There is now a push by Israeli President Shimon Peres to develop the Negev and the Galilee. Do you see that succeeding in the next 15 years? Peres is a man of vision. The question is whether Israeli politics will be able to move from daily fights and interests — where they can hardly see anything in the long term because they are so concerned with surviving until tomorrow. I believe that by developing those areas the number of new immigrants from the West might increase significantly. There are some Israelis, including a former minister, Avigdor Lieberman, who believe Israel would be better off redrawing its borders to eliminate large blocks of Israeli Arabs. Do you see that happening in 15 years? Lieberman is considered a man of the extreme right but the idea came out of the Labor Party. The logic is clear. You transfer political sovereignty over 300 or 400 miles of Israeli land with a large Arab population, and keep instead an equivalent portion of the West Bank with a large Jewish population. The society on both sides of the border would be significantly more homogeneous by religion or ethnicity and there would be a smaller minority of Palestinians in the State of Israel. Without that, Israel would no longer be a Jewish state but a bi-national state, and the Arab land would continue to have a large Jewish minority. So do you believe there is much chance of it happening? I suspect that such a change can happen if it is imposed from above — such as from the United States — rather than through direct negotiation. Or perhaps if some other international organization says that because the sides were unable to make peace, it would be imposed. Maybe that would be effective, but it needs complex decision-making on both sides that is not yet mature. But time works against Israel. What do you think might be the biggest change in the next 15 years? Changes have been quite conservative in terms of religious and political ideologies. The economy changed quite spectacularly and the question is how it can be further expanded to support a larger population and sustain a higher standard of living. If there is a peace agreement, the Middle East will be different. There would be more open and joint projects and the area would flourish and become one of the thriving centers of the world. What do you foresee for the role of women in the next 15 years? I would expect women to take a stronger role in politics as they do in the economy and in the universities, where their numbers are growing. We have women as the president of the parliament, president of the supreme court and as foreign minister. It shows what women can do. But they are not yet fully represented in the political system. Yet in education, the number of women with higher degrees is higher than men. So I believe their numbers have to increase also. Where do you see the greater concentration of people in Israel in the next 15 years? Greater Tel Aviv will still be the greatest concentration. There are nearly three million people there now. It’s like a big North American metropolitan area. Then there is the question of transportation and infrastructure, which is insufficient in this country. It is slowly being improved — but very slowly. We still do not have a full highway from the northernmost points on the Lebanese border to the southernmost on the Red Sea. The railway system has grown mostly north and south of Tel Aviv. Until it changes, we will continue to have a big Tel Aviv and a distant periphery in a country the size of New Jersey. It’s absurd. More Stories Like This The Jewish Week feels comments create a valuable conversation and wants to feature your thoughts on our website. To make everyone feel welcome, we won't publish comments that are profane, irrelevant, promotional or make personal attacks.

Shifra Tanzt by Mark Weinstein / Jewish Jazz Ensemble Klezmer music is the Balkans and blues, ancient Jewish culture, prayer and history, spirit and jazz-all mixed together. Good klezmer, and the music inspired by it, demands that one dance. (Source: www.klezmershack.com) Mark Weinstein is a jazz flutist, arranger and composer who has taken his roots in this music along with other talented musicians, formed the Jewish Jazz Ensemble. This CD is rich in history, blended melodies and harmonies. "Frailach No. 4/Bulgar" features flute and guitar solos that invite you to dance. "Mayn Shetetele Belz/Glick," a slow, almost waltz-like song that evokes emotion, a sadness and yet it's soulful. "La Rosa/El Novio" and the title song, "Shifrz Tanzt/Kiever Sher" are wonderfully unique and blend the right amount of imagination not to be boring. This is a wonderful CD to enrich your education of world music. Artist / Group Name:Mark Weinstein / Jewish Jazz Ensemble CD Title:Shifra Tanzt Record Label:LKC Productions Musicians:Mark Weinstein, flutist; Jamey Haddad, percussionist/drummer; Mike Richmond, bassist and Brad Shepip, guitarist.

Take your Bible if you will and turn with me to Zechariah Chapter 3. Zechariah 3:1-10 brings us to the next vision in the visions of Zechariah. One of the greatest promises recorded in the Bible is recorded in the 11thChapter of Romans and in Romans Chapter 11 several places I want to call your attention to what the Spirit of God has to say. In Romans 11:1, "I say then hath God cast away His people? No, no, not at all. God forbid." Verse 2, "God hath not cast away His people whom He foreknew." Then over to verse 25, "For I would not brethren that you be ignorant of this mystery lest you should be wise in your own conceits, that blindness in part has happened to Israel until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in. And so all Israel shall be saved. As it is written there shall come out of Zion the deliverer and shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob. This is my covenant unto them when I shall take away their sins. As concerning the gospel they are enemies for your sakes, but as touching the election they are the beloved for the Father's sakes, for the gifts and calling of God are without repentance." Now what Paul is saying in that wonderful reiteration of the promise of God in the 11thChapter of Romans is that God has not changed toward Israel, toward the people, which He predetermined to love, for His elect nation, He will save them. His promise is valid and will not change. So there is coming salvation to Israel through the deliverer that comes out of Zion, none other than the Messiah, the Christ. The great restoration of Israel then is a reality. God has indeed made this promise and it's kind of interesting, I think, to believe alive when we're alive because we can begin to see some things happening in history that make it all the more believable. In 1897, for example, the first Zionist congress was convened at Basel. The first colony had arrived in the land of Palestine by 1873 and by 1914 there were 90,000 Jews in the land. And everything went very well. It became a popular place to be and colonization occurred. Then in 1941 World War II hit and six million Jews were exterminated and some people thought it was the end, but it wasn't, because here we are in 1977 and more than ever they're in the land. And something over 14 million of them around the world, they're being re-gathered as the preliminaries to God's final restoration of His people take place before our very eyes. God has a marvelous future for God's special people Israel. And no book of the Bible makes it more clear what this future is than the book of Zechariah. God gives eight visions to Zechariah beginning in Chapter 1 verse 7, and we've been looking at these eight visions. And all eight of them concern Israel's future restoration. Oh yes, they have an historical meaning as well, they relate to the time in which they were penned, but they have a future significance also. They are all millennial or kingdom, or messianic as well as being historical. And we've been looking at these visions beginning with the first and the second and the third and tonight we come to the fourth of these eight visions. And just to remind you that in the first three visions the purpose of God was revealed in three areas: the people will be restored, the enemies will be judged, and the city will be built. That was primarily it. In fact in summing that up we would say that the first three visions dealt with the externals. They dealt with the physical elements, the restoring of the people, the building of the city, and the judgment of the enemies. Now that had an historical significance in the time of Zechariah, but has a prophetic significance way into the future that is far more exciting, far more fulfilling yet to come. But a crucial question arises after the third vision, at least in the mind of anyone who studies carefully because history tells us that the reason God sent them into captivity was because of their sinfulness. And while they were in captivity there wasn't necessarily any great sweeping revival, although there was some beginnings of revival. They came back to the land, which is still rubble for all intense and purposes by Zechariah's time and the efforts to rebuild the temple are moving along a little faster now, but there isn't much progress there and the people are somewhat discouraged and somewhat despairing and somewhat wondering whether their country will ever be what it once was, and ever again know the glories of Solomon. And God comes along and says in those first three visions, "I want to comfort you with the promise your city will be rebuilt, your people will be restored, your enemies will be judged both now and in a great future fulfillment. But the question that immediately arises is how can God do this to a sinful people? Are there no conditions involved? How can a holy God restore a sinful unbelieving people and be consistent with His own righteous character in so doing? Well the fourth vision answers that question. That's precisely the juncture at which we come to the fourth vision in Chapter 3. And here we have the transformation of the nation Israel from sinfulness to righteousness that allows God to fulfill His covenant promise. God is going to save Israel. God is going to rebuild and restore Israel. God is going to judge the enemies of Israel in the great final conflagration that is known as Armageddon, but that can't happen. God' can't move in to fulfill His covenant until such a time as Israel's righteousness occurs. And so there has to be salvation in the land before there's going to be restoration to the land. And that's precisely what is discussed in the fourth vision, the third chapter. In Exodus 19:6 we read these words: "And you shall be to me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." God says you're going to be a holy nation and you're going to be a kingdom of priests. That is you're going to be the connection between God and man. You're going to be the priestly nation. As a priest connected God to man, a priestly nation connects humanity to God. Israel was to be the channel through which God's word came to man, through which access to God was made available. They were the preaching, proclaiming, witnessing nation. They were to be a holy nation, a kingdom of priests, but that promise in verse 6 is predicated on verse 5, so that Exodus 19:5, says, "If you will indeed obey My voice and keep My covenant." As long as Israel was obedient, as long as Israel was faithful to the promise then Israel was a priest nation and Israel was a holy nation. Once again in the future, it's exciting to think about Israel will be a holy nation. Israel will be God's priests in the world, but it won't be until they obey His voice and until they keep His covenant. And it won't be the old covenant then; it'll be, what, the new covenant. They haven't done this. They haven't done it today. Israel is not a religious nation. I would have to say that I doubt whether been in a more irreligious nation in my life than Israel. It's an irreligious nation. They're god is the god of armies, the god of strength, the god of surprise, the god of might, the god of racial identity, which is the big thing, but not the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob and not the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and so for a time Israel is not God's priest nation. In fact it has been replaced by the church and now the liaison between the world and God is the church and we are priests. That's the marvelous message of I Peter, that we are the ones who take people to God, I Peter 2:5. We are a holy priesthood, I Peter 2:9. We are a royal priesthood. We are the ones now who stand for God in the world, not Israel, but the day is coming when the church is raptured and after the church is raptured God redeems Israel and Israel becomes again a holy nation, a priest nation, and who is it in the tribulation that goes out to evangelize? It is 144 thousand Jews, 12,000 from every tribe and they again are restored to the place of being God's priest nation. It's coming. That's precisely what Zechariah wants to talk about here and he wants to show us how the transformation takes place from ungodliness to godliness, from sin to righteousness. Now this is important in the time of Zechariah because the Jews knew they had sinned. And it's for sure that they feared that there was no basis for which God was to bless them because of their sin. They knew that God couldn't tolerate vile evil faithless hearts. And they knew they were guilty and no doubt they were questioning well it's all wonderful Zechariah, these visions about what God is going to do, but how can He do it for a sinful people? And Zechariah's answer comes in the fourth vision where God shows him that God isn't going to do it with a sinful people, He's going to save that sinful people, transform them and then do it. Now there are five elements in this that I want you to see and we'll alliterate them so you'll hopefully remember them: the divine choice, the divine condemnation, the divine cleansing, the divine covenant and lastly but not least, the divine Christ. And you'll notice that each one is divine. Each one involves God because the only personality in the universe that can ever transform anybody is God. It's all Him from beginning to end. Let's begin at the divine choice, fascinating vision. You're going to enjoy this. Verse 1: "He showed me Joshua the high priest standing before the angel of the Lord, and Satan standing at his right hand to resist him." Now stop there for a minute. Now here we see Joshua the high priest. Now he's having another vision. He showed me, he can refer to interpreting angel again, or some say to the angel of the Lord either one, but another time he has pointed to a vision and this time he sees Joshua the high priest. Now don't confuse this with Joshua who led the children of Israel into the land. That's a whole different thing, different Joshua. Joshua the high priest here is mentioned in Haggai 1:1 and he's mentioned in Ezra 5:2, and he's mentioned later in Zechariah 6:11. So he's a very common name. He was actually the current high priest at that time. It is indicated in Haggai that he is the high priest, the son of Johozadak, and Johozadak was one of the contemporaries of Zerubbabel, who when they came back from the Babylonian captivity had led some of the people. So Johozadak was the one who came back with Zerubbabel and here his son Joshua is the high priest at the time of Zechariah. But notice, as we look at Joshua the high priest we're seeing more than Joshua because in a vision, just like the rider on the red horse was a symbol, and the hammerers and the horns and everything else has had significance much broader than just its own identity, so Joshua is a much broader symbol. In fact Joshua stands for Israel. He is the nation Israel. You say, "Where do you get that?" Well let me give you four reasons. Reason number one that I believe he refers to Israel here is because in the other seven visions they all have a broad bearing on the nation. None of them has a relationship to one man, so that in this situation it is consistent with all of the rest that this individual symbolize the nation. And by the way, as a high priest himself, he was totally insignificant. His only significant comes as he's identified in this way. Secondly, the high priest is always known as the representative of the people. When the high priest goes into the Holy of Holies on Yam Kippur, the day of atonement and makes atonement, he is acting in behalf of the whole nation. He is identified as if he were the whole people. For them he prayed, for them he sacrificed, and what happens to him happens to the nation. And as we see the vision move along we'll see this. Third reason is that where it talks about Joshua in verse 1, it immediately switches and talks about Jerusalem in verse 2 and Jerusalem is one of God's favorite titles for His people Israel. He calls them by the name of their city, so that in verse 2 He says O Satan is rebuked, even the Lord rebukes you who has chosen Jerusalem, not chosen Joshua. In fact Joshua just kind of fades away and is identified as Jerusalem in the next verse. And also the key is the fourth reason verse 8, "And hear now, O Joshua the high priest, thou and thy fellows who sit before thee, for they are men wondered at." The Hebrew word means they are symbolic; they are symbols. We will see that in a minute. So Joshua and the other priests are symbols. They are symbols of what, of the nation that Joshua represents. Now then here we see in the scene this high priest symbolizing Israel. He is standing before the angel of the Lord, and who is that? It's Christ, second person of the Trinity called, incidentally very wonderful truth here, the angel of the Lord in verse 2 is just called Jehovah, which is wonderful to know that the angel of the Lord was Christ and was none other than God Himself. And incidentally the angel of the Lord is also involved in the act of forgiving sin in verse 4, which means again that He is deity. So then here we see Joshua the high priest representing Israel standing before the angel of the Lord and the angel of Jehovah all through these visions always standing next to Israel because He's deliverer and He's Israel's protector and He is the one who will return as the deliverer out of Zion in Paul's words in Romans 11, to save His people, only then not in the form of the angel of the Lord, but in the form of the Lord Jesus Christ. And so again the people are encouraged because standing by is the angel of the Lord. And remember I told you they hadn't heard a thing about the angel of the Lord for at least two hundred years and now he's back. Our protector is back; our deliverer is back wanting to encourage them. Now terms standing before are very interesting. Here is Joshua standing before the angel of the Lord. You might not think that is so interesting, but let me explain something. Those terms right there in the Hebrew are used to describe priestly function. In fact in Deuteronomy 10:8, in Judges 20:28, Ezekiel 44:15, and II Chronicles 29:11, I know you didn't get those, but they'll be on the tape, in those verses, in those verses the same exact word is used to describe a priestly function. So here is Joshua and he's just doing his priestly thing. He is ministering as the high priest before Jehovah. In fact if you look closely he is actually ministering to the angel of the Lord and that's exciting because again it vindicates the fact that the angel of the Lord is none other than the second person of the Trinity who's none other than Jehovah Himself. In fact in Revelation 19:10, when John tried to worship an angel what did the angel said, "Get up and worship only God." And so here is this priest ministering to God the second person of the Trinity, the angel of the Lord none other than Christ. Now there's somebody else in the scene, of course, the end of the verse, "And Satan standing at His right hand to resist Him." There's another character here, Satan. Interesting thing about the word Satan, in the Hebrew it means adversary and the actual phrasing is with a definite article, the adversary, the Satan. And the literal Hebrew reads this way: and Satan and the Satan standing at His right hand to satanize Him. Or the adversary standing there to be adverse, to fight, to resist. You know Satan has been in the business of doing this, hasn't he? Satan's up there saying to God, "Why do you have anything to do with this crummy bunch for, these filthy people, these vile sinful people? Always accusing Satan, the adversary, the accuser. In Job Chapter 1, he enters into the presence of God doesn't it and starts saying, "You don't have any righteous people." Satan, for some reason in God's plan, this great angelic super human adversary can enter into God's presence and there plead against God's people. And there he is doing it. And he's opposing and he's resisting Joshua. Satan, the once archangel of God who fell through pride amazingly still permitted to enter God's presence and make his accusation, but he won't always be, read Revelation 12:10 and it tells you that he gets kicked out of heaven. The time of the tribulation he's kicked out, that's all, God's heard enough, had enough, it's over. But the malicious enemy stands and he's proclaiming to God Israel's unworthiness and he's telling God that they don't deserve anything, you don't want to redeem these people, you want to set them aside. Now listen, here is Joshua and he's ministering to the Lord and he represents his people and his people are bowing even though their sinful, they're beginning to make a move toward God and Satan is saying, "but you don't want that crummy bunch," and beloved the situation is very crucial because what happens here is absolutely definitive. If Joshua gets vindicated and Joshua's priestly function is accepted then Israel is accepted. But if Joshua is condemned and cast off then Israel is cast off so we're right at the crux right here. This is where the covenant theologians and the dispensationalists meet. Something's got to give. Either Israel gets it in the neck and gets blasted or blessed. The issue is not a person but the nation. The entire plan of God for history hinges right on that thought. What's going to happen? I remember reading Dr. Fineberg's commentary here and being Jewish he went on and on about this. He set the stage for the kill. The angel of the Lord is about to speak. What is he going to say? You're rejected or you're accepted. Verse 2. "And the Lord said to Satan, 'The Lord rebuke you, O Satan, even the Lord who has chosen Jerusalem rebuke you.' And here you can see Joshua all of a sudden gets turned into Jerusalem and now we understand of whom he speaks. "Is not this a brand plucked out of the fire?" Well guess who won? God vindicated Israel. No He didn't set them aside. Not at all. God still has a plan for His people. That plan has not been obviated. That plan has not been set aside. That plan has not been done away with. Why in the 12thof Revelation that whole Chapter describes the future of God dealing with Israel, how even in the tribulation time He's going to protect those people, how when the armies of the beast chased them into the wilderness the ground will open up and swallow the whole foreign army. No, God said, "I rebuke you, Satan." I don't hear your accusation because these are My people. They have been chosen. But you notice that it says in the beginning of verse 2, you have Joshua, the angel of the Lord and Satan. And then it says, "And the Lord said to Satan." This is the angel of the Lord, but notice what he says, "and the Lord said to Satan, 'the Lord rebuke you, Satan.'" Now how many Lords have we got there? How many? Two? People say well you certainly can't find the Trinity in the Old Testament. Oh? There's two of them. "And the Lord said, 'The Lord rebuke you.'" That is the second person of the Trinity passing on the ultimate responsibility for judgment to the first person. Somehow in the wonderful workings of the Trinity they all have their area. And at this point in time it was for the Son to ask the Father to do the rebuking. The Lord rebuke you. Incidentally I would add an interesting note. I was studying and I'm not that much of a Hebrew scholar, but just barely enough to get by, and I noted that the Lord rebuke thee is best translated as a future tense. The Lord shall rebuke you. Now that's interesting. It's a future. And you know the Lord is going to rebuke Satan in the future, did you know that? Read the 20thChapter of Revelation. The Lord's going to take Satan and cast him into a pit for a thousand years in chains, going to let him loose for a little while, sort of a last gasp, and then He's going to cast him into the Lake of Fire prepared for him. He's going to get it and he knows it. People say, "Well if he knows it why does he fight?" Wouldn't you? But I like to remind him of it now and then. And in a sense the historical element here is that Satan was rebuked in history because they did build the wall, they did built the temple, there was a restoration there, but that can't begin to see what's going to happen in the future. What does he identify here? He says, "Even the Lord who hath chosen Jerusalem rebuke you." You see that's the key. God is immutable. God is sovereign. God has chosen and that doesn't change. Whenever people ask me why I believe still in the restoration of Israel I simply say it's all founded on the character of God. God doesn't change and when God chooses the calling and election of God is without what repentance. It doesn't change. Israel is not set aside. I'm glad that that side won in this little deal here in Chapter 3, because the whole of human history was dependent on the way that little thing turned. And then to supply a reason, I love this, the Lord says to Satan, and the Lord puts him down all the time, the Lord said to him, "Is not this a brand plucked out of the fire?" What do you mean by that? Well a stick grabbed before it could be consumed in a fire? It's a phrase used in Amos 4:11, "I have overthrown some of you, as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah and you were like a firebrand plucked out of the burning." Well God did pluck some people out of the burning of Sodom and Gomorrah, didn't he? He saved some folks. It means someone being rescued from a dangerous situation and he's saying to them, "Look you are in Babylon. You're right in the fire." You're right in the middle of it. This is the historical aspect, you are in the middle of the fire and I brought you back. Do you think I brought you back here to cast you off? He says to Satan, "Do you think I brought them back here to cast them away? Do you think I brought them back here to have you give me this big argument about their sinfulness and then buy what you're selling Me and say all right you're done with?" Listen if I pluck a brand out of a fire I do it because I want to keep that brand, that stick. I could have let them die in Babylon if that was all. I wasn't going to bring them over here to make them die. If I was going to leave them alone I'd just left them there. One of the strong arguments of dispensational theology, or that which allows for the assignment of Israel is the fact that God bothered to bring them back out of captivity. Why did He bother to do that unless He had a future for them? That's exactly what He's saying here. And even Joshua the high priest who is kind of the symbol here had had a narrow escape in the exile. His grandfather's name was Seraiah, and in II Kings Chapter 25, it tells us that Seraiah his grandfather was killed by Nebuchadnezzar. His father, that I mentioned earlier, Johozadak was dragged off as a prisoner in I Chronicles Chapter 5, so both of his, his father and his grandfather had known some terrible times, persecution, and fire. And anybody who survived the exile could be considered a brand plucked out of the fire. And so as Joshua was brought back when neither his father or grandfather was so fortunate, so he represents the nation brought back, a small remnant indicating that God is not finished with Israel that there is yet plan, an ultimate purpose. And I think there's a future element in that statement of a brand plucked out of the fire, 'cause that fire might represent all the persecution of the Jews throughout history. Someday when God gets them back in the land and they're wonderfully saved and they become His holy nation and they become His priest nation again God can say and this is a brand plucked out of the fire because they've been in the fires of persecution all through the years, haven't they? And you see the whole point here is that God's salvation of Israel is based on a divine choice. I have chosen Jerusalem, not because they're better, not because they're more intelligent, but because God chose them. Now that brings us to the second part of the vision: divine condemnation. Look at verse 3, most fascinating. Now we get a better look at the high priest. And he is clothed with literally excrement-covered clothes, and stood before the angel. Now that's a strange scene. He is standing there and he is clothed but his clothes are filthy. Just to show you how filthy they are the root word for filthy here, the root verb means to go forth and it's speaking of human waste, which goes forth from the body, and it is that that is all over his garments, dirty and smelly. Now that's a pretty ugly scene. You say, "What is the high priest doing like that?" You know what that is? That is the filth of Israel's sin that has spotted them as God's priestly nation. You want a good idea of what God thinks about sin? Try that one. That's what He thinks about it. You see the sins of the people have splattered all over their clothes. They are foul, they are smelly, and you know the very fact that Joshua never says a single word in the whole vision indicates that there's no argument. Guilt. And Satan must feel so secure in his accusation, but the point is he underestimates God's grace doesn't he? And people today say the same thing. They say, "Well look at Israel. They forfeited everything. Look at their excrement spattered garments. God set them aside. God is done with them. The church is the new Israel and I say well wait a minute. I think you just underestimated God's grace. You say, "Well how in the world is God going to deal graciously when the priests look like that?" Well I would suggest the first thing would be a divine cleansing and that's point three. We've got to clean that guy up. Verse 4, point three, verse 4. Here we go. "And He answered and spoke to those who stood before Him," and incidentally He is Jehovah and those who stood before Him are whom? Who stands before Jehovah to do His work? Angels. "So he said to his angels, 'Take away those excrement covered clothes from him' and unto him he said, 'Behold I've caused thine iniquity to pass from thee, and I'll clothe thee with a change of raiment.'" Wait a minute. You can't just do that. You can't just say you know those sins I've just forgiven them all. Don't I have to do anything? No, I just did that for you. That's sovereignty. That's marvelous grace. That's undeserved grace. That's mercy. Nothing of human works; only God can say I have caused thine iniquity to pass from thee. Well that's amazing. Take away the filthy garments. I just cleaned you and I got a whole new change of raiment for you. You know what God is saying to Israel? He's saying, look you know how I'm going to be able to make you My holy nation again? You know how I'm going to be able to make you My priest nation again? I'm going to regenerate you; that's what I'm going to do. I'm going to clean you up. I don't know about you but I can get excited about what's going to happen in Israel. I wish I could get them to understand what's going to happen to them when God's Spirit comes and saving grace. The key thing, I love it, at the end of verse 4, "I'll clothe thee with change of raiment." Literally the Hebrew says I'll put on you festival garments. Let me give you a little history. The high priest had some interesting clothes. You know get into Exodus 28, Leviticus Chapter 8 and some of those places, particularly Exodus 28. You read a lot about the priest clothes. Let me give you a little idea, little bit of high priestly fashion here. Basically the high priest wore some linen things. He had a just your basic linen outfit, right? Linen pants and a linen coat. Nothing fancy, but it was white and it represented purity and so forth. Well undoubtedly that's what he was wearing as he was there in the vision in verse 1. He had on his linen. It was filthy, just vile and the Lord said, "Get rid of it you angels and I got a whole change of raiment for him." Now the priest also had what were called his holy garments for glory and beauty. In Exodus 28 and Leviticus 8, it talks about they were made of gold, real gold, beautiful blue cloth, purple scarlet fine linen. There were onyx stones engraved with the twelve tribes of Israel, there was a breastplate with twelve precious stones and inscriptions on that, there was a fantastic turban on his head, some thing that was wrapped on his head and on the front had a gold plate and you remember what it said? It said holiness unto the Lord. I mean that's some kind of outfit. Fantastic! And he says, "Look get rid of that old dirty stuff. I'm going to put on his robes of glory and beauty and his holiness to the Lord hat." And right now Zechariah can't stand it any longer and he jumps into the vision and verse 5, "And I said, 'Well let them set a clean hat on his head.'" Do it is what he's saying. Do the whole shot, give him every bit of it. Zechariah just gets right in there. You want to hear something? On the Day of Atonement when Aaron went in to offer the sacrifices, listen, he wore his simple linen outfit and when atonement had been made he came out and put on his festival garments. See, so the Lord is saying I'm going to make atonement for them and when atonement is over I'm going to put on their festival clothes. That's the kingdom, folks. That's what God has planned for His people. It's exciting. You see God is going to clean His people up. Marvelous salvation, holiness to the Lord! They're going to be His priests again. Israel will be the high priestly nation, their place of priesthood will return. And you know what I like, verse 5, "So they set a clean turban on his head and they clothed him with garments," and I love this statement, "And the angel of the Lord stood by." And I would like to add, comma, smiling. You see he was approving, wasn't he? Why did they say, "And the angel of the Lord stood by?" Just so everybody knew this was what was right. Don't you think it will be a great day for Christ when He sees the people that turned their back on Him turn their face to Him? Don't you think it will be an exciting day for Him when He recognizes that they will look on Him with love, whom they once look on with hatred? The angel of the Lord stood by. A divine choice, a divine condemnation, but a divine cleansing leads to a divine covenant. Number four: the divine covenant. This is easy. Look at this one, verse 6. "And the angel of the Lord protested unto Joshua saying," and the word protested is probably not the best translation. It's not as if he's arguing with him. He's simply giving testimony to him. He said this: "Thus says the Lord of armies, the Lord of hosts, if thou wilt walk in My ways, if thou wilt keep My charge, then thou shalt also judge My house and keep My courts and I'll give thee places to walk among these who stand by." Now you can't believe how wonderful that is. Now listen, he says to Joshua, or to the nation Israel, now listen I got two conditions. I just made you a wonderful promise about cleansing, but there are two conditions coming your way. I told you it was because of My sovereignty and because of My choice, but mark this people, throughout the Bible salvation is always a matter of God's sovereignty and man's response, always. And it isn't saying you just stand around until it happens guys. No, God has chosen, it will happen, and it will happen when you walk in My ways and keep My charge. You see. There is a covenant here, and then I will do. So notice first of all two conditions: number one if you walk in My ways. What does that mean? What are God's ways? What does it mean to walk in God's ways? I can simplify it; to be like God. He says when you begin to live like Me, live a life like Me. You're saying, "That's a little difficult." Yes, but from our vantage point is that possible? Humanly speaking no, but for the Christian with the indwelling Spirit, yes. Paul said, "Be followers of me as I am of Christ." In the day when Israel receives the indwelling Spirit and can pattern their life after God they will begin to fulfill their part of the covenant of being like Him. And the second element is, the second condition, "and keep my charge," and that means a faithful performance of obedience to His will. So when Israel becomes like God and obedient to God that's the condition upon which the cleansing takes place. From God's sovereignty it's going to happen, but it's going to happen when God graciously moves on the hearts of His people and they turn to Him and they receive salvation, the Spirit of God indwells them, they have a new capacity to be like God and a new desire to obey His will. And then He says I'm going to give you two wonderful blessings, blessing number one: you can judge My house and keep My courts. In other words you will get back where you belong as My priest nation. You'll come back into My house and you'll take care of My house. You'll be My priestly nation. If you study the Old Testament and study anything about the kingdom, the millennial kingdom, who is it that brings the people to Christ during the kingdom? It's Israel isn't it? It's Israel that brings the nations into the presence of God. Its Israel that serves as the priests. Even in the tribulation who has sealed on it's forehead twelve thousand tribes to go out and convert so many Gentiles that they can't even be numbered from every people and tongue and tribe and nation. It's going to be Israel the priest nation. Israel's going to go back into the temple and going to be His priests again as it were, going to be the one that brings men to God. They're going to keep His courts and judge His temple. And then secondly, this is beautiful: "I'll give you places to walk among those who stand by, or these who stand by." Who were the ones who stood by God to do His bidding? Angels. So he says I'm going to let you roam the places where the angels roam. Now what's that talking about? That's talking about the eternal state, isn't it? You're not only going to be special, as my priest nation, but when that's all over you're going to come be with me and roam My heavens like My angels do. Now if you know any Jewish people would you please pass this on? This is wonderful. Exciting! But it's a covenant you see because you see at the beginning of 7, if, and you see again if, and then you see then. You see it's a covenant. God will keep His promise. Israel will be fully reinstated as His priestly nation, serve His house and keep His courts, and have free access to His presence like the angels do forever, but it doesn't mean that they don't have to respond to God, because they do, and they will. Now I want to stop here for a minute and I want to tell you something wonderful. To me this is the most beautiful picture of the gospel just as a parallel, because look at it. It shows the sinners filthy rags of unrighteousness, doesn't it? And Isaiah said, "All our righteousness is as, what, filthy rags. We see the sinner filthy and then all of a sudden we see the angel of the Lord Jesus Christ come in, takes away the filthy garments, gives them a new robe of righteousness, a marvelous transformation takes place. That sinner is plucked from the burning of hell, as it were, cleansed with salvation and then offered a life of service to God, as a priest, and the promise of eternally being the dwelling of God. What a tremendous, tremendous message. So the divine choice, the divine condemnation, the divine cleansing, the divine covenant, and listen lastly the one who makes it all possible, the divine Christ. Without Him none of it could happen. Who is going to do this? A Jew might be standing there and Zechariah is telling them about the vision, and he's but who is going to do this? Verse 8, "Hear now, O Joshua the high priest, thou and thy fellows who sit before thee," that would be other priests, "for they are," literally they are a symbol, I think it says that in the New American, "They are a symbol." The Hebrew word means they are a sign of a future event. He's not just talking about the men, but it tells you they are a symbol. They are symbols of future Israel. This is a future thing. People, we're looking way down the road to the end time. "For behold I will bring forth My servant, the branch." Do you have any idea who that might be? Who's going to do this? The branch, My servant the branch. He will be the redeemer. This title is a fantastic title. The branch speaks of His humiliation, speaks of His rejection and His death. Literally it means the sprout or the shoot. Isaiah 53, right? He's the root out of Jesse. Isaiah 11:1, the same thing. He comes from the earth, it's humiliation, rather obscure, but He manifests growth and vitality until finally He becomes king. In the Old Testament, I'll give you a little footnote, this is just free, just have it. In the Old Testament the branch is used of Messiah in four ways and this is beautiful. Now watch this. The branch is used of Messiah in four ways: number one, Messiah is called a branch of David, which speaks of His place as king, a branch of David speaking of His place as king. And He's called that in Isaiah 11:1, the branch of David, speaks of His place as king. What gospel describes that? Matthew. The second here in our text He is called My servant the branch. What gospel describes Him as the servant? Mark. In the sixth Chapter of Zechariah, verses 12 and 13, He is called the Man whose name is the branch. What gospel presents Christ as the perfect man? Luke. And Isaiah 4:2 He is called the branch of Jehovah. What gospel presents Him as God? John. The branch. None other than Jesus Christ, can't be, gotta be. He has another name, verse 9. Watch this one: "For behold the stone that I have laid before Joshua. Upon one stone seven eyes, behold I will engrave the engraving of it saith the Lord of hosts and I will remove the iniquity of that land in one day." Who is the stone? Christ. What are the seven eyes? Eyes speak of knowledge. Seven would be the number of what, perfection. Perfect knowledge, omniscient, the omniscient stone. And He has an engraving and what is engraved on Him. I've got a hunch it's like the high priest. It's not the names of the tribes though; it's the names of His children, the elect. The concept of stone was very important to Israel. In Isaiah 8:14, the Messiah was called a stone of stumbling and a rock of offense. But in Isaiah 28:16, He was called a stone of refuge. So He was either a stone of refuge or a stumbling stone to Israel. Stone was important to the nations. In Daniel Chapter 2, we saw that He's called the stone cut out with out hands that smashing the Gentile world powers. Stone is important to the church because in Ephesians 2:20, Jesus Christ is the chief cornerstone. Stone is Christ. He's the only one who could do this. And He says, "I will remove the iniquity of that land in one day." And beloved Calvary was that one day when the lamb of God took away the sins of the world and the one day Israel's one day will be appropriated in the day when they look on Him whom they have pierced and mourn for Him as an only son, that's Zechariah 12:10. That's their day. "And in that day," says 13:1, "There shall be a fountain opened to the house of David and the inhabitants for sin and for uncleanness." There is a day and a day when Israel believes and the fountain floods from Israel to the world. And when that happens, in that day, verse 10 says, "Says the Lord of hosts, shall you call every man his neighbor under the vine and under the fig tree." Which being interpreted means nobody's going to fight any more. Peace all over the earth in the kingdom. If you want to know something interesting, the vine and the fig tree are associated with peace, and people sitting under vines and fig trees are associated with peaceful times. In I Kings 4, I think it's verse 24, and the reign of Solomon, it says, "He had dominion over all the region on the side of the river from Tiphsah to Azzah, over all the kings on this side of the river; he had peace on all sides and Judah and Israel dwelt safely, every man under his vine and under his fig tree from Dan to Beer-sheba all the days of Solomon." So the vine and the fig tree were used to speak of the peace of Solomon's time. And here the vine and the fig tree are used to speak of Messiah's time and the peace that will be there. God has a wonderful plan for Israel that consummates in a glorious kingdom of peace. It's coming when God saves His people. But the lesson here that we can apply to ourselves beyond the lesson of historical Israel is that the same salvation is offered to us, isn't it? Wasn't the lamb of God offered to take away the sins of the whole world? Aren't you and I standing before God filthy and isn't Satan the accuser saying he's vile; you don't want him. And isn't Jesus Christ saying, "But I do want him," and out of His elective love, out of His gracious love, chooses those to salvation, who by faith trust and embrace Him? And then say, "Take away his filthy garments and put on his festival robes, the robes of righteousness, and tell him he's now a priest for Me and he'll spend eternity walking through My palaces of heaven." Isn't that a message to all of us? Do you think Israel was comforted by this vision? They still should be. Let's pray. Father, thank you for our time tonight. Whatever happens in this world, whether it's in Israel, in California, none of it can change Your plan 'cause You have Your people. And I like what You said in Malachi, "And they shall be Mine in the day when I make up My jewels." And I'm comforted by what Jesus said, when He said, "All that the Father gives to Me shall come to Me, and I have lost none of them." Father for Your immutable character, Your unchanging grace, Your marvelous eternal salvation we're grateful, both for the nation Israel as we see the plan of history unfold and the grace of God that's coming to them and for the fact that every man and woman, boy and girl, who has the opportunity to receive that same salvation even now, we are thankful and grateful. God help us to know that You're the God of history and You're our God. While your heads are bowed for just a closing thought, some of you here tonight have never received this salvation. You stand before God now, your robes are filthy, even your righteousness is as filthy rags. Satan is accusing you before God. Jesus is offering you salvation, offering you the taking away of the old robes and the granting of new robes of righteousness, offering you the place of being a priest in His house and a dweller in His eternal heavens and waiting for you to say yes. Have you said that? No better time than now. Thank you Father for the good time tonight. Thank you for all You have meant to us. Thank you for what You have done as we see You work in history and strengthen our confidence. And now as we have opportunity to give out of the heart of our love for brothers and sisters in Christ to help these young men, we pray that You'll reward our faithfulness with Your blessing and our live with the joy of giving, and especially bless them in Jesus' name. Amen.

Highlights for the Week Ending December 21, 2012 A few more stories and articles focusing on the Boston-area restaurant scene came out over the past week, including a bakery and cafe in Brookline and Cambridge continuing to expand, a Jewish deli coming to Kendall Square, and a local restaurant group declaring bankruptcy. In addition, our sister site (Boston's Hidden Restaurants) included a new review of an Italian dining spot in Cambridge, a "best restaurants of 2012" list being posted, and a photo of a soup from an upscale eatery in Southern Maine. Below are links to these and other items from the past week: Boston Restaurant Talk Tatte Bakery and Cafe to Open Second Location in Cambridge's Kendall Square Update: Hungry Mother to Open Second Restaurant in Cambridge's Kendall Square Upper Crust Pizzeria Locations Head to Auction UFood Restaurant Group Files for Bankruptcy Legal Sea Foods to Take Over Summer Shack Space in Hingham Boston's Hidden Restaurants New Review: L'Impasto in Cambridge, MA Best Boston-Area Restaurants, 2012 Question: Best Bagels in the Boston Area? Updated Review: Cheng Du in Stoughton, MA Photo: Pumpkin Bisque from Jonathan's in Ogunquit, ME Labels: weekly highlights

My son Jackson is finishing his junior year of high school this month. Next year at this time we’ll be getting him ready to venture off to college. Part of me is very excited for him, but another part of me feels cautious as well. I feel that we’ve done a good job getting him ready for adulthood. But there’s one area we need to do a little more. I think after reading this guest post today from Dr. Frank Turek, you’ll see what I mean… Part 1: Intellectual Predators By Dr. Frank Turek , co-author of I Don’t Have Enough Faith to Be an Atheist Founder and President of www.CrossExamined.org “Dad, I’m not sure I believe in God anymore.” My friend never thought he would hear those words. After all, he’s a well-known pastor with a large church and an international ministry. Yet, after just one year of college, his own daughter doubted nearly everything he tried to instill in her for eighteen years. “I now realize that I did not do a good job showing her why Christianity is true,” he told me. “Now, it might be too late.” He’s not the only parent or pastor who’s failed to provide sound answers to young people. There are plenty of examples: Julie, a pastor’s daughter, became an agnostic at UNC Chapel Hill. Steve, son of a famous Christian, renounced biblical morality at Elon. John, a high school worker for Campus Crusade, became an atheist after reading a Richard Dawkins’ book on atheism. In fact, the problem is at epidemic levels — 75% of young adults raised in a Christian home leave the church after they leave the home. Think about that — on average, three out of every four kids attending your youth group won’t be attending any church a few years from now. Why are they leaving? Some think church is irrelevant. Others, out on their own for the first time, are attracted by all the world has to offer and put God on the back burner. Yet many leave because they’ve come to doubt Christianity. In fact, intellectual skepticism is a major reason cited by those who have left. We can lay the blame for much of this on ourselves — that is, on the church. While there are notable exceptions, many American churches over-emphasize emotion and ignore the biblical commands to develop the mind (1 Pet 3:15, 2 Cor. 10:5). In other words, we’re doing a great job performing for our youth with skits, bands and videos, but a terrible job informing them with logic, truth, and a Christian worldview. We’ve failed to recognize that what we win them with we win them to. If we win them with emotion, we win them to emotion. Intellectual Predators on Campus: In 2007, two Jewish researchers conducted a survey to discover the degree to which College faculty are anti-Semitic. To their surprise, they found very little anti-Semitism among professors. Instead, they found professors harbor a distinct anti-Christian bias, particularly toward evangelical students. The survey showed that: · The most disliked students by college professors are evangelical Christians. More than half (53%) of all college professors view evangelical students unfavorably. Mormons are next at 33 percent, followed by Muslims at 22 percent. Jewish students have the lowest unfavorable ratings—only three percent. · College professors are five times more likely to identify themselves as atheists than the general public. · College professors are more than twice as likely to identify themselves as liberal than the general public. One former professor summed up the climate on campus well when he warned parents that “we professors are going to go right on trying to discredit you in the eyes of your children, trying to strip your fundamentalist religious community of dignity, trying to make your views seem silly rather than discussable.” He said that we professors “arrange things so that students who enter as bigoted, homophobic religious fundamentalists will leave college with views more like our own.” This is the environment into which intellectually unarmed Christian students are sent. Are your kids ready? Do you want to know how you can get them ready? Visit our website www.CrossExamined.org and check back here at Lysa’s blog this week for Part 2.

The opinion of the court was delivered by: Block, Senior District Judge: Defendants Jewish Foundation School (JFS) and Rabbi Jacob Joseph School (RJJ) (collectively, the "School") move for reconsideration of Judge Dearie's March 31, 2011, Order, which declined to adopt Magistrate Judge Orenstein's Report and Recommendation (R&R) in full. Specifically, Judge Dearie deviated from the R&R by (1) denying defendants' summary judgment motion with respect to plaintiff's breach of contract claim; and (2) denying defendants' motion for summary judgment on their breach of contract counterclaim. Defendants urge the Court to reconsider Judge Dearie's decision and adopt the R&R in its entirety. Defendants' motion is denied. The following claims will proceed to trial: (1) Plaintiff's breach of contract claim. Whether the parties entered an enforceable non-disparagement agreement -- which, like all contracts, requires "offer, acceptance, consideration, mutual assent and intent to be bound," Leibowitz v. Cornell Univ., 584 F.3d 487, 507 (2d Cir. 2009 ) (internal quotations omitted) -- is an open factual issue; (2) Defendants' breach of contract counterclaim, which is based on the parties' agreement that plaintiff Oorah, Inc. ("Oorah") would pay tuition for each student it placed at JFS for the duration of the student's tenure there. (a) Whether this agreement was terminated is a open factual question. If not, Oorah breached the contract by refusing to pay tuition; (b) If Oorah is found liable for breach of contract, the School must prove its damages. Oorah may attempt to show that the School -- by continuing to educate the students, despite Oorah's unwillingness to pay tuition -- failed to make reasonable efforts to mitigate its damages; (3) Defendants' unjust enrichment counterclaim. Because this quasi-contract counterclaim is barred if a valid contract exists, see Diesel Props S.r.l. v. Greystone Business Credit II, LLC, 631 F.3d 42, 54 (2d Cir. 2011), it will be considered only if the School's breach of contract counterclaim fails. To prevail, the School must establish that Oorah was enriched at the School's expense, and that "the circumstances were such that in equity and good conscience" Oorah should provide compensation. CompuDyne Corp. v. Shane, 453 F.Supp.2d 807, 833 (S.D.N.Y. 2006). SO ORDERED. FREDERIC BLOCK Senior United States District Judge © 1992-2011 VersusLaw ...

Yechezkel 20Orthodox Jewish Bible (OJB) 20 And it came to pass in the seventh year, in the fifth month, the tenth day of the month, that certain anashim of the zekenim of Yisroel came to inquire of Hashem, and sat before me. 2 Then came the Devar Hashem unto me, saying, 3 Ben adam, speak unto the zekenim of Yisroel, and say unto them, Thus saith Adonoi Hashem: Are ye come to inquire of Me? As I live, saith Adonoi Hashem, I will not be inquired of by you. 4 Wilt thou judge them, ben adam, wilt thou judge them? Cause them to know the to’avot of their avot. 5 And say unto them, Thus saith Adonoi Hashem: In the day when I chose Yisroel, and lifted up Mine yad [i.e., took a shevua] unto the zera Bais Ya’akov, and made Myself known unto them in Eretz Mitzrayim, when I lifted up Mine yad unto them, saying, I am Hashem Eloheichem; 6 In the day that I lifted up Mine yad unto them, to bring them forth from Eretz Mitzrayim into a land that I had searched out for them, zavat cholov udevash, which is the most beautiful of all lands; 7 Then said I unto them, Cast ye away every ish the shikkutzim before his eynayim, and make not yourselves tameh with the gillulim (idols) of Mitzrayim; I am Hashem Eloheichem. 8 But they rebelled against Me, and would not pay heed unto Me; they did not every ish cast away the shikkutzim from before their eynayim, neither did they forsake the gillulim (idols) of Mitzrayim; then I said, I will pour out My chemah (wrath) upon them, to vent My anger against them in the midst of Eretz Mitzrayim. 9 But I acted for My Name’s sake, that it should not be profaned before the eyes of the Goyim, among whom they were living. In bringing them forth out of Eretz Mitzrayim, in their sight I made Myself [publicly] known unto them. 10 Therefore I caused them to go forth out of Eretz Mitzrayim, and brought them into the midbar. 11 And I gave them My chukkot, and made known to them My mishpatim, which if ha’adam does, he shall even live in them. 12 Moreover also I gave them My Shabbatot, to be an Ot between Me and them, that they might know that I am Hashem that set them apart as kodesh. 13 But Bais Yisroel rebelled against Me in the midbar; they walked not in My chukkot, and they despised My mishpatim, which if ha’adam does, he shall even live in them; and My Shabbatot they greatly defiled; then I said, I would pour out My chemah (wrath) upon them in the midbar, to consume them. 14 But I acted for My Name’s sake, that it should not be profaned before the eyes of the Goyim, in whose sight I brought them out. 15 Yet also I lifted up My Yad unto them in the midbar, that I would not bring them into ha’aretz which I had given them, zavat cholov udevash, the most beautiful of all lands; 16 Because they despised My mishpatim, and walked not in My chukkot, but profaned My Shabbatot; for their lev went after their gillulim (idols). 17 Nevertheless since Mine eye spared them from destroying them, I did not make an end of them in the midbar. 18 But I said unto their banim in the midbar, Walk ye not in the chukkot of avoteichem, neither be shomer over their mishpatim, nor make yourselves tameh with their gillulim (idols). 19 I am Hashem Eloheichem; walk in My chukkot, and be shomer over My mishpatim, and do them; 20 And be shomer shabbos over My Shabbatot, keeping them kodesh; and they shall be an Ot between Me and you, that ye may know that I am Hashem Eloheichem . 21 Notwithstanding, the banim rebelled against Me; they walked not in My chukkot, neither were shomer over My mishpatim to do them, which if ha’adam does, he shall even live in them; they profaned My Shabbatot; then I said, I would pour out My chemah (wrath) upon them, to accomplish My anger against them in the midbar. 22 Nevertheless, I withdrew Mine yad, and acted for My Name’s sake, that it should not be profaned before the eyes of the Goyim, in whose sight I brought them forth. 23 I lifted up Mine yad unto them also in the midbar, that I would scatter them among the Goyim, and disperse them through the countries; 24 Because they had not executed My mishpatim, but had despised My chukkot, and had profaned My Shabbatot, and their eynayim were after the gillulim of their fathers. 25 Therefore I gave them also chukkot that were not tovim, and mishpatim whereby they could not live; 26 And I pronounced them tameh (unclean) because of their own [ritual] gifts, in that they caused to pass through the eish all that openeth the womb, that I might make them desolate, to the end that they might know that I am Hashem. 27 Therefore, ben adam, speak unto Bais Yisroel, and say unto them, Thus saith Adonoi Hashem: Yet in this avoteichem have made gidduf (blasphemy) against Me, in that they have been ma’al (unfaithful) to Me. 28 For when I had brought them into ha’aretz, for the which I lifted up Mine yad to give it to them, then they saw every high hill, and all the thick trees, and they offered there their zevakhim, and there they presented the ka’as (provocation) of their korban; there also they made their re’ach hannichoach, and poured out there their nesakhim. 29 Then I said unto them, What is the bamah whereunto ye go? And the shem whereof is called Bamah (High Place) unto this day. 30 Therefore say unto Bais Yisroel, Thus saith Adonoi Hashem: Are ye ones making yourself tameh after the manner of avoteichem? And do ye commit zenut after their shikkutzim? 31 For when ye offer your gifts, when ye make your banim to pass through the eish, ye make yourselves tameh with all your gillulim (idols), even unto this day; and shall I be inquired of by you, O Bais Yisroel? As I live, saith Adonoi Hashem, I will not be inquired of by you. 32 And that which cometh into your mind shall not be at all—that ye say, We will be as the Goyim, as the mishpekhot of the countries, to serve wood and even (stone). 33 As I live, saith Adonoi Hashem, surely with a yad chazakah, and with an outstretched zero’a, and with chemah (fury) poured out, will I rule over you; 34 And I will bring you out from the peoples, and will gather you out of the countries wherein ye are scattered, with a yad chazakah, and with an outstretched zero’a, and with chemah (wrath) poured out. 35 And I will bring you into the midbar of the peoples, and there will I execute judgment with you face to face. 36 Just as I judged avoteichem in the midbar of the Eretz Mitzrayim, so will I enter into judgment with you, saith Adonoi Hashem. 37 And I will cause you to pass under the shevet (rod), and I will bring you into the bond of the brit (covenant); 38 And I will purge out from among you the rebels and the posh’im against Me; I will bring them forth out of the country where they sojourn as gerim, and they shall not enter into Eretz Yisroel; and ye shall know that I am Hashem. 39 As for you, O Bais Yisroel, thus saith Adonoi Hashem: Go ye, serve ye every one his gillulim, and hereafter since ye will not pay heed unto Me; and do not profane Shem Kodshi anymore with your gifts, and with your gillulim. 40 For in Har Kodshi, in the mountain of the height of Yisroel, saith Adonoi Hashem, there shall all Bais Yisroel, all of them in ha’aretz, serve Me; there will I accept them, there will I require your terumot, the reshit of your offerings, with all your kodeshim. 41 I will accept you as a re’ach hannichoach, when I bring you out from the peoples, and gather you out of the countries wherein ye have been scattered; and I will show Myself Kadosh among you before the eyes of the Goyim. 42 And ye shall know that I am Hashem, when I shall bring you into Admat Yisroel, into the country for which I lifted up Mine yad to give it to avoteichem. 43 And there shall ye remember your drakhim, and all your doings, wherein ye have made yourselves tameh; and ye shall loathe yourselves in your own sight for all your evils that ye have committed. 44 And ye shall know that I am Hashem when I have dealt with you for the sake of Shmi, not according to your wicked drakhim, nor according to your corrupt doings, O ye Bais Yisroel, saith Adonoi Hashem. 45 (21:1) Moreover the Devar Hashem came unto me, saying, 46 (21:2) Ben adam, set thy face toward the south, and preach against the south, and prophesy against the forest land of the Negev; 47 (21:3) And say to the forest of the Negev, Hear the Devar Hashem: Thus saith Adonoi Hashem: Hineni, I will kindle an eish in thee, and it shall devour every green etz (tree) in thee, and every dry etz (tree); the blazing flame shall not be quenched, and all faces from the Negev to the north shall be scorched by it. 48 (21:4) And all basar shall see that I Hashem have kindled it; it shall not be quenched. 49 (21:5) Then said I, Ah Adonoi Hashem! They say of me, Doth he not speak meshalim (parables)?

Muzzlewatch has been covering the San Francisco Film Festival brouhaha. Here are two accounts describing what happened on Saturday, when the movie Rachel was finally screened: From JVP member Joel Frangquist: When Peter Stein, director of the San Francisco Jewish Film Festival, took the stage on Saturday to introduce the program for the film “Rachel”, it must have been one of his tougher moments. Stein later told me that getting through the program had “felt like landing a plane in a storm.” It should be noted that the Castro Theater was full, that Stein received a standing ovation, and that when he mentioned Jewish Voice for Peace and the AFSC, there was thunderous applause. After having reviewed the controversy, and having asked us all to be respectful of the entire program, Stein was followed by Michael Harris of San Francisco Voice for Israel. Harris claimed that his presence could not balance the two hours which were to follow him. As if the “Rachel” program needed balancing within the context of a film festival presenting 37 films from or about Israel, including two about Israeli soldiers captured by Hamas and Hezbollah. As if everyone in the audience didn’t know that Israelis have died in this conflict. As if the film “Rachel” was not going to include Israeli testimonies. Initially, the audience was quite respectful of Harris comments, and unanimously applauded his assertion that Israeli victims of suicide bombings, along with Rachel Corrie, should all be alive today. It was only when when Harris began attacking the film, the festival, the ISM, and the co-presenters that things got ugly. There certainly were a lot interruptions of booing, as well as more thunderous applause when he mentioned JVP and the AFSC. It should not be said, however, that the audience didn’t let Harris’ speak. On more than one occasion, Harris asked us to grieve equally both Rachel Corrie and Israeli victims of terrorism. The entire audience applauded each time. Conspicuously absent from these moments, however, was any mention of Palestinian victims of the conflict. Harris’ comments were a microcosm of the denial that pervades those in the Jewish community who were attacking the film festival for showing us a piece of the truth. Apparently for Harris and SF Voice for Israel, Palestinians do not grieve, do not need to be mourned, do not exist. And then we saw “Rachel.” Let me state the following unequivocally: The film is a documentary about the death of Rachel Corrie. The film does not stray from the subject of Rachel Corrie, and the time, place, and people who were closest to her death, including Israelis. (In fact the film includes more Israeli voices than Palestinian.) It does not permit Michael Harris style pontificating by anyone who was not involved, who did not have a personal connection to the event covered. Stylistic choices notwithstanding, the film is a model of journalistic integrity in this respect. The actual moment of Rachel Corrie’s death, as portrayed in the film, is a subject about which there are conflicting accounts; we lack any concrete video or photographic evidence that can firmly settle the contradictions in testimony. (The IDF video from that day shown in the film appears to have been cut at the crucial moment.) I do not think that the film will change the mind of anyone who already has strong opinions. But for those who are not already committed, it will dispel ridiculous myths and open a window onto the nitty-gritty of a particular reality. After the film Cindy Corrie took the stage, answering a few questions from Peter Stein and a few from the audience. In one question, Cindy was asked was whether she had met with the families of IDF members killed in the conflict. Cindy not only answered yes, but added that she had met with the parents of suicide-bombing victims as well. She went on to ask us to mourn the deaths of her daughter, Israelis, AND Palestinians, for which the audience applauded. The contrast between her and Harris, who left out the Palestinians, could not have been more striking. Read also what Rabbi Lynn Gottlieb has to say. She is a staff person at the American Friends Service Committee and a member of JVP’s Advisory Board–two of the organizations under attack by the Koret and Taube Foundations. The Koret and Taube Foundations are part of a wide spectrum of individuals and organizations, Christian and Jewish, who attempt to enforce the axiom: there shall be no public criticism of Israel. This platitude ironically goes hand in hand with the view that ‘Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East.’ Over the past several decades, self-appointed watch dogs of appropriate Israel discourse have spent hundreds of millions of dollars and poured out enormous doses of vitriol upon any individual or organization that dares to expresses even a drop of sympathy with the plight of Palestinians. The fact that the vast majority of people in the crowd at the Castro Theatre would not let the Voice of Israel representative speak his mind without interruption reflects growing frustration with the use of pubic slander, character assassination, cancellation of speakers, firing of faculty and demand for resignations by the so-called defenders of Israel. Since when are people with views that differ from AIPAC, for instance, invited into mainstream circles to speak for five minutes before a pro-Israel speech or film? The representative of Voice of Israel was not there to dialogue. Only to chastise. The crowd refused to be chastised. When the impassioned proponent of Israel mentioned JVP and AFSC in order to condemn them as virulent anti-Semites, the crowd burst into cheers and applause to honor them instead. - Sydney Levy There are a lot of benefits of a wholesome lifestyle. But can medicines help us? In fact, it is not so easy to find trusted web-site. Choosing the best treatment version for a racy disease can get really confusing considering the merits and demerits of the existing treatment methodologies. Diflucan (fluconazole), the first of a new group of synthetic antifungal agents, is existing as a powder for oral suspension. Viagra which is used to treat erectile dysfunction and similar states when hard-on is of low quality. Cialis is a medicine prescribed to treat a lot of complaints. What do you know about buy cialis online cheap? Our article focuses on the treatment of erectile dysfunction and buy cialis cheap. Generally, both men and women suffer from sexual dysfunctions. What are the symptoms of sexual disorders? In fact, a scientific reviews found that up to three quarters of men on such drug experience erectile disfunction. Such disease is best solved with professional help, commonly through counseling with a certified physician. Your sex therapist can help find the treatment that is better for you and your partner. The most common unwanted side effects of such medications like Cialis is dizziness. This is not a complete list of potential side effects and others may occur. Even if this medicament is not for use in women, this medicine is not expected to be harmful to an unborn baby.

If you're one of the 38 million Americans who suffer from migraines, you're probably more concerned about how to prevent and stop a headache than you are about the different types you might get. That's understandable, considering how painful and debilitating migraines can be. However, about 20 of migraine sufferers deal with unusual types—and knowing if you're experiencing an out-of-the-ordinary migraine can help tailor your treatment and prevent future episodes, says Noah Rosen, MD, director of the Headache Center at the North Shore Long Island Jewish Health System in Manhasset, NY. "One important thing to remember about migraines is that oftentimes the associated symptoms can be even more impairing than the migraine pain itself," says Rosen. "Knowing what type of migraine you have can give you greater insight into the true causes so you can better manage those symptoms." Here, seven types of migraines that may not sound too familiar, and the best way to treat each. Ocular migraine (aka retinal migraine) This type of migraine is characterized by recurrent bouts of visual disturbance in one eye, says Brian Grosberg, MD, director of the Montefiore Headache Center in New York City. “This may include blind spots, blindness or flashes or sparkles of light.” The good news? Symptoms are often painless and temporary, adds Gary Heiting, OD, an eye care provider and senior editor of All About Vision. “You might have the sensation of looking through a cracked window, or see a small, enlarging blind spots in your central vision with bright flashing or flickering lights or wavy, zig-zag lines,” he says. “These symptoms usually last about 30 minutes.” However, if you have a visual disturbance that sounds like this followed by a throbbing headache, that’s actually a classic migraine with aura—not a retinal migraine, says Heiting. 💊 How to treat it: Though this type of migraine can be extremely frightening, they’re typically harmless and resolve on their own without medication within 20 to 30 minutes, says Heiting. If you deal with these often, avoid potential migraine triggers, such as too little or too much sleep, stress, skipping or delaying meals, odors, certain foods and alcohol, says Dr. Grosberg. With this type of migraine, sufferers experience motor weakness (but it's fully reversible). For example, your migraines may be accompanied by episodes of one-sided whole body paralysis that may outlast the headache itself. Scary but true: this type of migraine is actually more common in infants and children than in adults, and can be quite difficult to diagnose due to its complexity. 💊 How to treat it: See a doctor immediately, since the symptoms of this type of headache can be similar to stroke. Your doc may prescribe a calcium channel blocker to help reduce the number and severity of future attacks, says Dr. Rosen. Migraine with brainstem aura (formerly known as basilar migraine) You know you're dealing with this type of headache when your aura (a fully reversible neurological symptom associated with the migraine headache) consists of at least two of the following symptoms, says Dr. Grosberg: slurred speech; vertigo; tinnitus (ringing in the ears); double vision; gait imbalance; and/or a decreased level of consciousness. 💊 How to treat it: Acute treatment may include medications such as nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs or a peripheral nerve block; preventive treatment may include verapamil, topiramate or lamotrigine. As if the mood swings and cramps that can accompany your period aren't bad enough, menstrual migraines can also surface this time of the month, says Merle Diamond, MD, president and managing director of the Diamond Headache Clinic in Chicago. "About 60 percent of women who get migraines report headaches during their cycle," says Dr. Diamond. "They may get others throughout the month, but their migraines are often worse and most frequent around their period, likely due to hormonal fluctuations." Rosen adds that there's also such a thing as a true menstrual migraine, which only happens during a woman's cycle and typically occurs anywhere from two days prior to a period starting to one day into your cycle. If this happens to you during two out of every three cycles you have year-round, you officially have a true menstrual migraine. 💊 How to treat it: A couple days before you anticipate a headache, take neproxin (a preventive migraine medication) and continue taking it five days through your cycle, says Dr. Rosen. If you don't see results, try nonprescription nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, or speak to your doctor about targeted anti-migraine meds if your symptoms don't respond to adequate doses of NSAIDs. This is most common in children and adolescents, says Dr. Diamond, and is often a sign that the child will go on to develop migraine headaches. These typically involve recurrent episodes of severe nausea and vomiting that are sometimes associated with abdominal pain near the navel or midline and don't include an actual headache. What's more, abdominal migraines tend to happen regularly (say, for example, every six weeks). Because these types of migraines are tough to diagnose (since there are many other causes of stomach pain), your doctor will ask if you have a family history of migraines. 💊 How to treat it: Low dose beta-blocker medications can be used to help diminish the frequency of future attacks, says Dr. Diamond, and go-to anti-migraine meds (such as NSAIDs, triptans, and antiseizure medications) can help stop an abdominal migraine in its tracks. Most of us know about the nausea, vomiting, light and noise sensitivity, and throbbing pain associated with migraine headaches, but somewhere between 30 percent and 60 percent of migraine patients also experience extreme sensitivity to motion and dizziness. "Nearly 20 percent of these patients also experience serious vertigo that may lead to fainting episodes," says Dr. Diamond. 💊 How to treat it: While the same preventive and abortive migraine treatments are used to treat vestibular migraines, patients can also benefit from physical therapy to help promote good balance, says Dr. Diamond. Most people who get migraines regularly have one or two painful episodes a month—a burden, for sure, but most are able to carry on with work and their lives. For those with chronic migraines, though, the condition can be truly disabling. Chronic migraine is defined as experiencing migraines 15 or more days a month; research suggests about 1 percent of the population has this condition. 💊 How to treat it: In May 2018, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved a new class of drugs to prevent chronic migraine. It reduces the number of migraines in people who get them often, but it's unlikely the drug would eradicate them altogether, so it may be used in combination with other therapies. Other chronic migraine treatments include Botox, acupuncture, antiseizure medications, and biofeedback.

7 inspiring rags to riches stories of entrepreneurs This is one genre of stories that has enjoyed an ever-lasting appeal: rags to riches tales. Stories of heroic struggle against odds, survival and eventual triumph have always inspired people, given them hope, courage to fight, and egged them on to persevere. Here, YourStory brings 7 such fabulous stories from around the world, which we believe, would ignite your never-say-die spirit and inspire you to become all that you can be. 1. The steel tycoon who grew up in a one-room weaver's cottage: Andrew Carnegie This American industrialist, the founder of Carnegie Steel – a company that produced more steel than all of Great Britain at one point – was born to a poor handloom weaver in Scotland.He grew up in poverty, living in a one-room house, often sleeping to "forget the misery of hunger". To fight starvation, his family migrated to the US. His first job was at age 13 as a bobbin boy, changing spools of thread in a cotton mill 12 hours a day, 6 days a week in a Pittsburgh cotton factory. In his spare time, he would read works of Robert Burns and historical Scottish heroes like Robert the Bruce, William Wallace, and Rob Roy. His next job was as a telegraph messenger boy. A true entrepreneur, he was a hardworker, and soon was promoted as an operator. Colonel James Anderson, who opened his personal library of 400 volumes to working boys each Saturday night, gave a good boost to Carnegie's education and passion for reading. He did a series of railroad jobs. There, he learnt about the industry and business in general. It was during this stint that he began making investments in steel and oil companies that earned him huge returns. By 1889, Carnegie Steel Corporation was the largest of its kind in the world. He went on to become become the richest man in the world. Known as one of "builders" of America who helped shape the nation, in 1901, he sold Carnegie Steel to JP Morgan for $480 million and became a philanthropist. He donated millions to the New York Public Library, established the Carnegie Institute of Technology in Pittsburgh, which is now known as Carnegie-Mellon University, created the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, and formed the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Remember, the journey began in a one-room weaver's cottage in Dunfermline. 2. The retail giant who had to milk cows, deliver newspapers: Samuel Walton This American entrepreneur who built a small grocery store into the giant Walmart supermarket chain, amassing a fortune of over $23 billion, grew up during the Great Depression.He had numerous chores to help make financial ends meet for his family as was common at the time. He milked the family cow, bottled the surplus, and drove it to customers. Afterwards, he would deliver Columbia Daily Tribune newspapers on a paper route. In addition, he also sold magazine subscriptions. During his college, he worked various odd jobs, including waiting tables in exchange for meals. After graduation, he joined the US Army during the World War II. After the war, he left the military and started managing a variety store at the age of 26. He took a loan to buy his first store, and thanks to simple innovations in business, he soon bought his second store. Within 3 years, his sales volume grew to $225,000. The first true Wal-Mart opened on July 2, 1962 in Rogers, Arkansas. The rest is history. Forbes ranked Sam Walton as the richest person in the United States from 1982 to 1988. At the time of his death in 1992, he had 1,960 Wal-Mart stores, employed 380,000 people and clocked annual sales of about $50 billion. 3. The Queen of all media who was raped at age 9: Oprah Winfrey Best known for her multi-award-winning talk show The Oprah Winfrey Show -- the highest-rated program of its kind in history -- Oprah Winfrey is dubbed as the 'Queen of all media' and ranked as the richest African-American of the 20th century.She was born into poverty in rural Mississippi to a teenage single mother. She was later raised in an inner-city Milwaukee neighborhood. She has often spoken about the hardships she experienced during childhood, saying she was raped at age 9 and at 13, after suffering years of abuse, she ran away from home. She became pregnant at 14. Her son, she said, died in infancy. While in high school, she landed a job in radio and began co-anchoring the local evening news at the age of 19. She got transferred to the daytime-talk-show arena because of her emotional ad-lib delivery. She became a millionaire at age 32 when her talk show went national. She is credited with creating a more intimate confessional form of media communication. Forbes' international rich list has listed her as the world's only black billionaire from 2004 to 2006 and as the first black woman billionaire in world history. As of 2014, she has a net worth in excess of 2.9 billion dollars and has overtaken former eBay CEO Meg Whitman as the richest self-made woman in America. 4. The CEO of Oracle who was born to an unwed Jewish mom: Larry Ellison Larry Ellison was born in New York City to an unwed Jewish mother. His father was an Italian American US Air Force pilot. According to Wikipedia, Ellison contracted pneumonia when he was nine months old and his mother gave him to her aunt and uncle for adoption. His adoptive mother was warm and loving, while his adoptive father was unsupportive and distant.He was a bright but inattentive student. He left the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign after his second year without taking his final exams because his adoptive mother had just died. Later, he attended the University of Chicago for one term, where he first encountered computer design. In 1966, aged 22, he moved to northern California. In 1977, he founded Software Development Laboratories (SDL) with two partners and an investment of $2,000. In 1982, the company became Oracle Systems Corporation after its flagship product, the Oracle database. Currently, Ellison owns stakes in Salesforce.com, NetSuite, Quark Biotechnology Inc. and Astex Pharmaceuticals. In September 2011, Ellison was listed on the Forbes List of Billionaires as the fifth richest man in the world. Ellison is still the third richest American, with a net worth of about $36.5 billion. 5. The richest man in Asia who had to quit school at 15: Li Ka-shing This Hong Kong business magnate, investor, and philanthropist is the richest person in Asia, with a net worth of $31.9 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, as of April 16,2014.He was born in Guangdong province, China. After his father's death, he was forced to leave school to support his family before he turned 15. He found work at a plastics trading company where he laboured 16 hours a day. After years of back-breaking work, he was able to start his own company, Cheung Kong Industries. According to a Harvard Business School article: "From his humble beginnings in China as a teacher's son, a refugee, and later as a salesman, Li provides a lesson in integrity and adaptability. Through hard work, and a reputation for remaining true to his internal moral compass, he was able to build a business empire that includes: banking, construction, real estate, plastics, cellular phones, satellite television, cement production, retail outlets (pharmacies and supermarkets), hotels, domestic transportation (sky train), airports, electric power, steel production, ports, and shipping." Today, Li's businesses cover almost every facet of life in Hong Kong, from electricity to telecommunications, from real estate to retail, from shipping to the Internet. The Cheung Kong Group operates in 55 countries and employs over 260,000 staff worldwide. 6. The poor Ukrainian immigrant who became a Silicon Valley mogul: Jan Koum When Facebook announced that it was buying mobile messaging startup WhatsApp for $19 billion in February 2014, that caused quite a stir. Jan Koum, the startup's cofounder became the most talked about entrepreneur overnight. Media reported that the WhatsApp floored Mark Zuckerberg so much that the record offer was made so that the two could become "friends." A true rags to riches hero, Koum was born and raised in a village on the outskirts of Kiev, Ukraine, as the only child of a housewife and a construction labourer. Forbes reported that his house has no hot water, and his parents feared that their phone was tapped by the State and so rarely talked on it. He immigrated to California with his mother when he was 16. He used to sweep the floor of a grocery store and stood in line to collect food stamps. By 18, he was an expert computer hacker. In 1997, Koum was hired by Yahoo as an infrastructure engineer, shortly after he met Brian Acton while working at Ernst & Young as a security tester. In January 2009, Koum bought an iPhone and realized that it would spawn a whole new industry of apps. On his birthday, February 24, 2009, he incorporated WhatsApp Inc. in California. 7. The polyester prince who sold bhajia at village fairs: Dhirubhai Ambani India too has its share of rags to riches heroes. And Dhirubhai Ambani is one of the best knowm among them. This founder of Reliance Industries was one of the three sons of Hirachandbhai, a school teacher, and Jamanaben. He also had two sisters. An anecdote from his childhood is that he once bought a tin of groundnut oil on credit from a local wholesaler and sold the oil in retail on the roadside. He earned a few rupees as profit from this transaction. Apparently, during weekends when his school was closed, he used to set up bhajia stalls at village fairs to make ends meet at home.According to R-ADAG, when he was 17, he went to Aden (now Yemen) in search of opportunity, and worked as a dispatch clerk for A. Besse. That was in 1949. A couple of years later, the company became a distributor for Shell products and Dhirubhai was promoted to manage the company's oil-filling station at the port of Aden. It was here that he dreamed of setting up and owning a refinery, which he later realized with his petrochemicals venture. After returning to India, he started his first textile mill in Ahmednagar. Though his businesses were a huge success, there were also issues regarding Ambani's control over stock exchange. His detractors accused him of illegal or unethical transactions and acts but an investigation by the RBI did not find any evidence of it. By 2007, the combined fortune of the Ambani family stood at $60 billion, making Ambani’s the second richest family in the world. Who among these 7 entrepreneurs inspires you most? And tell us about other inspiring entrepreneurs you admire. You will love this info graphic from Funders and Founders on "From Zero To Billionaire - Self Made Billionaire Paths"

In the weeks since U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced the new “zero-tolerance” immigration border policy on May 7, 2018, nearly 650 families have been prosecuted between May 6th and May 19th alone, with the number expected to rise. The new policy seeks to deliberately separate migrant families seeking asylum at the border, frightening children and potentially inflicting additional long-term trauma on them and their families. As human service providers, the Network of Jewish Human Service Agencies finds this new Department of Justice/Department of Homeland Security policy to be in direct conflict with our Jewish values and our agency missions. Victims of persecution and violence deserve no less than a humane system that respects the basic tenets of the rule of law. The Network firmly urges the administration and Congress to ensure the safety and well-being of migrant children and families by: halting the use of family separation as a deterrent; ensuring humane treatment at the border; helping children separated from their parents due to immigration enforcement; and providing legal representation to ensure unaccompanied children have a full and fair opportunity to make their cases and access legal protection. Perry Ohren, Chair, NJHSA Board of Directors

A Voice in the The purpose of these news letters is to spur Believers into a more intense study and communion in God's Word. In two pages it is impossible to cover the given subject fully. Scripture quotations of necessity are edited to fit space. The goal is that the Scriptures cited will spur the 'Berean' to look them up, read the contextual passages, and allow the Holy Spirit to guide them into all Truth. God's Word, the Bible, is our ONLY authority. There are certain concepts that a person must understand when reading Scripture. Diligence to grammatical syntax is paramount. Speaking of the resurrection, Paul lists the order, "Christ the first- fruits, afterward those who are Christ's at His coming (resurrection- Rapture). Then comes the end..." (1Cor 15:20-25) The word "then" connects that which was before to that which comes after. By the con- text, it would seem obvious that "the end" refers to the time of judgment, The Tribulation, His process of putting His "enemies under His feet." The Thessalonians received Paul's comforting words that they hadn't missed Heaven, and tells how it is to be in chapter 4. They had been experiencing tribulation of the kind Jesus promised in John 16:33. But encouraged them in their waiting for the coming of Jesus "who delivers us from the wrath to come." (1Thes 1:10) This "wrath to come," the time of "Jacob's trouble" (Jer 30:7) is also known as "The Tribulation" or "The Great Tribulation" (Mk 13:24,Rev 7:14) The term "rapture" does not appear in Scripture. That is why the articles were entitled "Meeting in the Air." (1Ths 4:17) However, the term describes what will happen. By definition Rapture means "The trans- porting of a person from one place to another, especially to heaven"...and comes from old French "abduction, carrying off, carried away." It is the term most used by Christians; thus, it was mentioned for reference purposes only. While theologians have debated "pre-trib," "mid-trib," "post- trib;" and can all cite Scripture to "support" their positions, there is a major reason why it HAS TO BE a "pre-Tribulation Rapture." The "Time of Jacob's trouble" is a JEWISH period of history. It fulfills Daniel's 70th week, a Jewish prophecy. The book of Acts was the last book on Jewish history. It records Israel's rejection of the Holy Spirit (The Gospels their rejection of their Messiah, the O.T. their rejection of God the Father.) and ends with Paul exclaiming, 'Therefore let it be known to you that the salvation of God has been sent to the Gentiles, and they will hear it!" (Acts 28:28) The Jews were a people of "Signs & Wonders." (Deut4:34, Jn4:48, Acts2:22, 5:12, Heb 2:4) We of the Church Age "walk by faith, not by sight." (2Cor 5:7) Jesus chided Thomas "Blessed are those who have not seen and yet have believed." (Jn 20:29) Thus, we do not currently experience "signs & wonders" as demonstrated by O.T. prophets, Jesus in the Gospels, and the Apostles in Acts. The Tribulation will again be a time of "Signs & Wonders." The "lawless one" will demonstrate with "signs & lying wonders"(2Ths 2:9) as he even tries to deceive the elect. And, of course, God will be judging with signs and wonders as illustrated in the whole book of The Revelation. It is important that we don't mix up Scriptures dealing with the Jews and the Church. Some teach that "Israel is the Church," and others that "the Church is Israel" and thus, all the prophecies and promises for Israel apply to the Church. Not so. Some prophecies also cover widely separated events, and are hard to decipher. For instance...Jesus quoted Isaiah 61:1-2 in Luke 4:18, and stopped in mid-sentence as He ex- plained His fulfillment of that prophecy...because He came the first time..."the acceptable year of the Lord," and is yet to come again in judgment..."day of vengeance of our God." Jesus, the Author of prophecy, understood the true interpretation. Peter, in Acts 2:17-21, in spite of the fact that he had been with Jesus for 3 years, and at the moment was filled with the Holy Spirit, mis-applied Joel's prophecy. The sun was not "turned into darkness" or the "moon into blood." Again, a prophecy split in time. We cannot expect to have perfect understanding of prophecy either. Paul wrote of "mysteries." And it is sure that there are still many mysteries for us to discover. Of greater importance, even than grammatical syntax, is proper and accurate reading of Scripture. John 6:44 says "No one can come to Me unless the Father...draws him." And further "...no one can come to Me unless it has been granted to him by My Father." (Jn6:65) With my concordance I could find NO INSTANCES of the Holy Spirit doing the "drawing." Jesus lists some of the duties of the Holy Spirit in John 16. He "guides" the believer into all truth. As far as the world is concerned, the H.S. convicts of sin, righteousness and judgment. Conviction will tend to slow sin down. Thus, when 2Ths 2:7 says "He (notice "He" is capitalized) who now restrains will do so until He is taken out of the way," it seems obvious, when taking all Scripture together, that it refers to the Holy Spirit. This, combined with the previous passages and the word "then," indicate that the Church, (believers and the Holy Spirit), will go at the same time. It is necessary for the wickedness of the world to be full for God to judge in the manner He has promised. If there is righteousness on the earth, then it is not fully wicked. God does not judge the righteous. (Gen 15:16, 19:22) People will be saved during The Tribulation. Look at Rev 7:1-17. They came out of "the great tribulation." Their means of salvation? "Whoever calls upon the name of the Lord shall be saved." (Joel 2:32, Rom 10:13) God's call to us is to be ready. Whatever our interpretation of Scripture, God will do things in His own time, in His own way. "Watch therefore, for you do not know what hour your Lord is coming." (Mt 24:42)

Money, or more appropriately the pursuance of money is the major driving force in most peoples lives today. We need it in order to eat, to pay for shelter over our heads, to provide for and support our families, for safety, ‘security’ and for anything else we require or desire in our daily lives. From a young and impressionable age we are taught how to count at school and are made aware of the various monetary denominations and identity of our specific nations currency. We’re exposed to numerous toys and games which persuade us to handle and deal with fake coins and notes. We witness our parents and the world around us dealing with money and are perhaps given pocket money by our parents or grandparents to spend on things we like if we’re well behaved or complete household chores and it therefore doesn’t take long for us to come to the obvious conclusion that in order to obtain ‘things’ – we first need money. This continues as we grow and develop mentally and by the time we reach adulthood we have a complete, unquestioning belief in money, which then quickly leads us to begin spending the remainder of our lives chasing after it. The causation of the vast majority of crime in the world today is money – wars are fought over it, murders are committed, families are broken, people take their own lives and many others spend theirs continually worrying about it. We worship it, argue over it and work ourselves into the ground in order to earn it but most never stop for even a moment to actually question this thing we call money that represents such an all consuming part our lives – yet wouldn’t that be an obvious and sensible thing to do, considering that fact? Apart from the small minority who are either born into money, or who figure out a way to make lots of it, most people go through life never really having access to much money and so are inadvertently forced into trading their time in return for it in order to survive and if they work hard they can perhaps afford the odd ‘luxury’ like a holiday away from the pursuance of it. The monetary system on the whole does not really allow for abundance for the majority – just ask yourself how many people you know that have a few hundred thousand lying around?! If you stop, take a step back from what it is you’ve being doing for a large part of your life and begin to look into the aspects of money that we are not necessarily taught at school or college then it becomes increasingly apparent that money as we know it is actually nothing but an illusion and is one of – if not the, biggest tools of control for the ruling elite of our world today. Once you begin to open your eyes and become consciously aware of how money fundamentally controls you at almost every level by dictating the vast majority of the decisions you subconsciously make, you can relatively quickly and easily see what a strikingly simple, yet highly effective control tool it really is. In order to expose the massive deception that is money and allow you to clearly see how it has a firm grasp on almost everyones lives including your own, you have to actually ask the basic, yet obvious questions that most people never seem to, i.e – what is money and where does it come from? Is money coins and bank notes? No, that is cash – paper and metal. So if money is not cash, is it a medium for exchange – as in tokens of credit? That’s a more appropriate description but it still fundamentally refers to the cash itself as coincidentally do most official definitions of the term ‘money’, none seem to really refer to what money actually is. Really, ‘money’ simply represents the process of exchange for services and goods but that process of exchange must have one critical thing in order for it to work – and that is perceived value, or at it’s most intrinsic level – belief. So at its core, money is simply a belief system and one that the majority of the global population unquestioningly prescribe to. Americans believe in the Dollar, the British believe in Pound sterling and the Germans currently believe in the Euro yet not long ago believed in the Deutschmark. Belief is absolutely key to the illuminati and it is why we’re indoctrinated into the belief system of money from an early age and are then deceived into chasing after it for much of our adult lives. Money (at least now days) has no real intrinsic value and so that lack of genuine value needs to be replaced with something else in order for the deception to work and as mentioned above, it has been successfully replaced with a perceived value, or merely a belief. If you do not think that at its core, money is simply a belief system, then try tearing up someone’s money right in front of them – I’m sure you can imagine what the reaction would most likely be. Yet, all you have really done is tear up a small piece of paper, no different than any other meaningless piece of paper that we throw in the garbage or see blowing around on the ground everyday – it holds no valuable information or important message, yet it is the belief that this piece of paper holds value whereas other pieces of paper do not that would trigger the emotional reaction if you were to do such a thing. Like most other parts of our lives, the illuminati have cunningly tricked us, over the centuries, into accepting something that it not actually what we believe it to be and this is vitally important in order for the few to be able to control the many. The illuminati haven’t got the numbers to be able to dominate and control us directly and outright, so they have devised multiple systems of control and belief that dupe us into handing over our power and consent to the controlling minority without even knowing it, whether it be religion, the law, or in this case – money. The fact that money is, as stated earlier – something we all currently need in order to survive, means that it represents the biggest hurdle to obtaining true freedom more than anything else. In order to overcome that hurdle and see the pure greed and absolute lunacy that the monetary system ultimately represents you have to look more deeply into it to see how it has actually been brought about and how it is intrinsically linked to the other illuminati institutions of control in our lives. Again, during our schooling we are told only the basics about money but are purposely not made aware of the far more important issues like where it actually comes from, how it is issued and by whom etc. The notion of exchanging tokens of credit for goods and services has been around since the dawn of civilization but it was the Knights Templar (one of the oldest and most significant illuminati secret societies) that were amongst the first in the western world to act as what we know as ‘bankers’ today. The Knights Templar were given great riches by wealthy christians supporting the crusades and by others who were effectively trying to ‘buy’ their place into heaven. With their riches they built temples in London and Paris and these then ultimately became significant financial centers of control. The christians of the time had banned usury (or interest) but as the years passed this was forgotten about and the banking system as we know it slowly began to emerge. In the very early days of banking the currency was precious metals – silver and gold and as the richer people in society accumulated more of it they began to leave it in the temporary possession of (or deposit it with) the goldsmiths who had safe, secure rooms in which to store it. The Ashkenazi Jews were the most influential in the gold trade at the time and they would issue the depositors with a paper receipt detailing how much metal they had held in reserve. The owners of the gold and silver would then come and take out a little of it at a time to pay their debts and would then be issued with a new receipt detailing the remaining amount of metal they had in reserve – or effectively their ‘balance’. This is perhaps one of the reasons at least, why the Jewish people have now become synonymous with the world of banking and finance and why they are typecast as being obsessed with and highly protective of their money and wealth and incidentally, a recognizable Jewish surname today is ‘Goldschmidt’ – which clearly derives from the original word ‘goldsmith’. Over time it became apparent that it was not ideal to travel back and fourth with heavy and valuable precious metals and because the majority of it was rarely withdrawn from the goldsmiths, the receipts, or paper notes that were issued started to be used as replacement currency for the actual metal held in reserve and because of this, the ownership of the metal changed simply with the transfer of receipts – in a very similar way that cash doesn’t necessarily need to change hands today but merely the transfer of numbers from one computer to another instead. As the goldsmiths realized that only a tiny fraction of the precious metals they held in reserve was only withdrawn at any one time they started to issue paper currency notes to people who did not actually have any metal held in reserve and charged interest for privilege of doing so – earning themselves a tidy profit on the other peoples wealth in the process, and this fundamentally is the exact same system that we have in our ‘modern’ banking today. Our paper money is also referred to as ‘notes’ and our coins were produced to imitate the precious metals that were originally held in reserve. It is now known as ‘fractional reserve’ banking, which basically means that so long as only a fraction of what the banks hold in reserve is withdrawn at any one time, they have the ‘legal’ right to lend out far more – the amount actually being up to ten times what is held in reserve for each customer. So if a customer deposits $1000 into the bank, through the fractional reserve ‘model’, the bank can then issue up to $10,000 in new loans to customers and of course earn on those loans by charging interest – effectively creating money out of thin air. This may seem completely ridiculous to anyone with a normally functioning brain but it is actually how most of the money in circulation today is created and is one of the main reasons why the global economy is in such a dire state. The banks are ‘safe’ so long as people don’t try and draw all of their money out at once because they simply haven’t got it and this is the reason why banks now regularly restrict the amount of your own money you can withdraw in cash without prior notice, in order to prevent people from disrupting their ability to create money out of nothing and potentially causing a ‘run on the banks’ which could ultimately lead to their demise. So fundamentally, what we see today is that there is actually no ‘money’, what we are using are simply currency replacement, or replication notes that have been created out of nowhere on the back of other paper notes, all in the hope that the people will not realize what’s going on, which on the whole, they haven’t. British Pound notes actually state on them – “I PROMISE TO PAY THE BEARER ON DEMAND THE SUM OF XXX POUNDS” – proving that it is merely a promissory note – an ‘IOU’ and a pretty empty one at that! It promises that you can exchange the note for ten or twenty ‘pounds’ for example but this begs the obvious question that if the note is not the twenty pounds, like most people think and refer to it as being, then what is it twenty pounds of that they promise to pay the bearer? ‘Pounds’ fundamentally refers to weight, so does it therefore mean that you can exchange your promissory note for 20 pounds in weight of precious metals as in the early days of banking – that makes sense yet I highly doubt it because of course our money is not backed by precious metals or anything of value any longer that could be ‘weighed out’ to the bearer – it is created out of thin air, so you can begin to see the illusion of money and how you are simply carrying around, believing in and using an ‘IOU’ for five, ten, twenty or fifty pounds of ‘something’ for example, that fundamentally doesn’t exist… Try going into the Bank of England and ‘demanding’ to exchange your note for ‘twenty pounds’ as it states on it you can – I doubt you’ll have much luck. We’re operating in a system where valueless pieces of paper and metal are being created out of thin air, backed by nothing whatsoever and are then used to create more valueless pieces of paper and coins (and increasingly now even more illusory non tangible ‘pixels on a screen’ computer file money) and we all believe in it so strongly that despite it’s clear insanity and absurdity – it works, or at least has done, as thankfully the cracks are now starting to show and the monetary system is steadily exposing itself for what it really is – a complete and utter scam. When we look at the actual ‘money’ we use on a daily basis it comes as no surprise that there are multiple signs referencing the true forces behind it in terms of the language and symbolism used. On the Dollar bill for instance, you see the ever present illuminati pyramid and all seeing eye representing the elite few at the top of the pyramid (or society), who fundamentally created, issue and control the currency we’re forced to use in order to survive. It also features the sentence ‘IN GOD WE TRUST’ yet this is not referring to a widely believed in benevolent God as most probably think, it is referring to the malevolent creator that the illuminati believe in, worship and ultimately serve. It would be far more appropriate for the people using it if it were to read ‘IN DEBT WE TRUST’ instead. The British money notes feature the head of the ‘oh so beloved’ monarch – representing who the masses truly work for and who is really behind the monetary system in the U.K. All of the institutions that create, check and channel the money here all feature reference to ‘Her Majesty’ or royalty – ‘HM revenue and customs’, ‘The ROYAL Mint’, ‘HM Treasury’ etc. On a twenty pound note, next to the queens head, what appears to be a pretty pattern actually incorporates a large inverted pentagram – the main symbol of satanism, which is simply and quite brazenly the money controllers referencing their occult preferences and preferred pastime. Symbolism is very important to the illuminati and they give allot of credence to it which is why they have filled every aspect of society and our lives with it. In this case it is important that something so powerful as money that they have tricked us into believing in and using on a daily basis features their occult symbolism and language, as they think that by doing this they are in effect getting us to subconsciously accept and worship the same forces that they do, thus enhancing its power and influence. Today, the vast majority of ‘money’ in circulation is not even the paper promissory notes any more, it is the pixels on a screen – even more illusory computer file money and this represents one of the next big (and massively critical) steps in the overall illuminati agenda – a ‘cashless society’. The removal of the physical aspect of money will ultimately grant the illuminati complete control of the financial side and subsequently the rest of our lives and it is the reason they are working so hard to bring it about and why we are increasingly hearing of cashless systems being proposed under the guise of ‘convenience’ and ‘security’. As with any other financial collapse, depression or so called ‘recession’ as the mainstream media like to refer to it, the one we are currently ‘experiencing’ is completely engineered and supposed to be happening – it is no ‘accident’. The illuminati ultimately want a cashless society with a central bank issuing a one world currency but obviously they could not come right out and implement this as there would be too much opposition from the masses. So in order to avoid opposition they cunningly engineer a ‘problem’ – in this case a ‘global economic meltdown’ in order to engender a reaction from the masses – i.e “this is terrible, something needs to be done” so that they can then come in and provide a solution, which happens to be the very thing they have had planned all along – the cashless society with a one world currency and world central bank. It’s a highly effective system of manipulation and it has been used many times before in all areas of society to allow absurd illuminati ‘legislation’ to be accepted by the masses and implemented without complaint – most notably the freedom restricting ‘anti terror’ laws of recent years. The ‘Federal’ Reserve in the US and the Bank of England in the UK aren’t government institutions as the illuminati would falsely have you believe but private cartels that actually lend to the government while charging interest. This interest obviously has to be payed back and it is your taxes that are used to repay the governments debts to the illuminati banking cartels. Aside from perhaps funding the insanely costly perpetual war machine, the debt to the private banking cartels is what represents the biggest outlay of your taxes. It is not constructively put back into your country as most falsely believe (or at least the vast majority of it isn’t) but is used to make the few individuals and families at the top of the pyramid even richer and more powerful. This is why the government cannot not give you a breakdown of where your money is being spent because if they did there would most likely be mass outrage and this is exactly why you should be questioning the institutions that extort you under threat and coercion, instead of just ignorantly handing over large proportions of your hard earned money which will ultimately be used against you. If the governments are therefore indebted to big private banking cartels such as the Bank of England and the Federal Reserve, then ultimately it is not the government that is truly in control of society – it is the banks, and this is exactly why in recent years we have seen numerous massive ‘bailouts’ of the banks by the governments (using the peoples money) because no matter how they try and spin it – the governments answer to the banks, which puts them firmly at the top of the institutional pyramid of control. Incidentally, the true founder of the Bavarian Illuminati of 1776 – Mayer Amschel Rothschild famously once said – “Give me control of a nations money supply and I care not who makes the laws”… illustrating perfectly that if you control the money then you fundamentally control everything else. These private banking cartels pass themselves of as government controlled ‘institutions’ by giving themselves names like the ‘Federal’ Reserve and they dictate interest rates, inflation and control the actual amount of money in circulation and it is this capability that allows them to create either a boom period – where there is an excess of money in circulation and so increase in spending, or to restrict the amount of money in circulation and call in the debts resulting in what we appear to have now – a ‘recession’. It’s all completely engineered by the illuminati financiers, yet even highly educated (or indoctrinated) economists and analysts still cannot see it for its obviousness as they too have been completely programmed to believe in the false money paradigm and so are effectively looking at the whole situation with blinders on instead of from the broader and more open minded perspective that is critical in order to be able to see the whole absurd situation for what it really is. The whole point of this mass engineered financial collapse is to rob the world of its monetary wealth whilst simultaneously enslaving all of the people even further. In 1910, illuminati members and elite bankers including J. Pierpont Morgan (JP Morgan) met on Jekyll Island in Georgia to plan their implementation of what we know today to be the Federal Reserve. A few years after their secret meeting – in 1913, the Federal Reserve ‘Bill’ was passed by congress and the level of debt in America and the world at large has grown ever since – exactly as it was supposed to. Supporters of capitalism may argue that within this system, anyone has the opportunity to go out there, make lots of money and live happily ever after if they really want to but the fact is that what they are referring to as ‘capitalism’ is not capitalism at all, it is cartelism. The whole point of the illuminati perpetuated myth of money, as with all their other institutions of control, is to fundamentally enslave your mind and keep us detached from our true selves, the true nature of reality and the real power that most aren’t even aware they possess and to serve us with a completely false, negative and fear filled sense of reality that prevents us from experiencing what we are really supposed to be, as it is this that poses the biggest threat to their endeavors and ongoing survival. Although most still wholeheartedly believe in the monetary system, more and more are beginning to awaken to it’s non-sense as things like the gap between rich and poor grows and grows, as they become tired of being repeatedly financially abused by the system from every angle and as the cost of living soars while the amount of jobs, wages and pensions plummet. It is absolutely essential that if we are are not to fall into the illuminati trap of the cashless society and one world bank that will almost certainly be fully proposed in the very near future, we wake up to what is really going on and what money truly represents. Society and the people in general could operate perfectly well without the pointless middle man of money because as stated, it is just an illusion. We could easily implement some form of fairer system of exchange that is backed and controlled by the people and not the banks, or (and this would be the far more ideal solution) completely emancipate ourselves from any primitive, low level belief that we need money because in order to truly progress, what we actually need is the complete opposite! If everything apart from the greedy and controlling illuminati institutions of control were to continue tomorrow without the use of paper promissory notes society would not collapse or descend into anarchy as the fear inducing illuminati mainstream media would have you believe. Of course, there would be a minority that would act inappropriately and try to take more that their fair share but that is simply because they are still operating within the fear and lack based mindset that the monetary system has perpetuated for so long. It would take a little time but people would soon realize that there’s no need to rush or to take more that what you need as there’s more than enough to go around. There is enough raw materials and resources on our planet for every man woman and child to live to our current monetary systems standard of a millionaire and once people realized this I’m sure they would be more than happy to go out and contribute a little in return for far more than they have ever had and that what the current system grants them now. We must release the programming we receive throughout our lives that the world is filled with lack and poverty as the only reason this exists is because of the monopolization of resources that the greed driven elite few illuminati families hold over the world and have done for centuries. Also, in relinquishing the need for illusory paper promissory notes the greedy and false illuminati financial institutions of control like the banks and the stock exchanges, that provide no genuine value to the world whatsoever would become completely obsolete. If we look to nature we can see the perfectly balanced exchange of everything every living thing requires without the need for some unnatural, false middle man CONstruct that ultimately prevents these exchanges from occurring optimally and so creates imbalance. It’s about common sense and cooperation and we need to aim for a similar system that is more akin to the natural state of being that we were truly supposed to be living and experiencing before the psychopathic, sociopathic, greedy and control obsessed illuminati families hijacked our lives. Clearly, the current huge belief in money by the masses is not simply going to disappear overnight (although potentially it can) it will realistically take some time but there are a number of effective things we can do to try and reduce our dependency on it and take our power back from the banks and the illuminati families behind them. Simply becoming less materialistic and product obsessed means that immediately money holds less of a value in your mind and plays a lesser role in your life. Things like growing your own food and harnessing your own energy mean that you don’t have to have money in order to survive. Working for yourself allows you to have more control of the money you do get, and instead of depositing your money into the banks reserves – which makes them richer, more powerful and subsequently allows them to create more of it, draw it out and use only physical cash instead of moving it around in illusory ‘cyber world’ with cards and clicks. We must begin to refuse to pay extortionate bank and credit card charges for human oversights that can easily lead to the slippery slope of debt (as they are designed to) and similarly refuse other unwarranted fines and charges if we have fundamentally done no harm, as all these things represent is restriction and enslavement and if more and more begin to do these basic, simple, yet highly effective things then the system will begin to buckle under the resistance, as it is designed only to run on the blind obedience of the masses, and the power will begin to be granted back to the people – where it truly lies anyway. Another simple yet brilliant way to help spread the truth about the monetary system is to use their own tool of control against them. Simply jot down enlightening messages, intriguing keywords or helpful website names on the actual paper notes themselves and highlight the illuminati symbolism for all to see! You will still be able to ‘spend’ it as it is still legal tender but as the note then goes back into circulation it has the potential to awaken a number of other people as they come into contact with it. Fundamentally, money is simply a tool for control and one of the biggest and most effective ones at that, so if you truly want to liberate yourself from the manipulations and dominance of others then you have to at least begin to let go of your pre programmed belief in it, otherwise you are destined to spend the rest of your life marching to someone else’s tune…

Rules of Engagement star Sara Rue pregnant with her first child Actress Sara Rue is expecting her first child. The Rules of Engagement star, who married Kevin Price last year, debuted her baby bump in a black wrap dress at ABC's fall preview party in Los Angeles this week. Her spokesman tells People.com the couple is due early next year. Debuting her bump: Sara Rue showed off her growing stomach at a screening of her new ABC show Malibu Country in Los Angeles on Tuesday Rue, 33, who will next co-star with Reba McEntire and Lily Tomlin on the network's new TV series Malibu Country, appeared next to the actresses on the red carpet on Tuesday - beaming as she cradled her growing stomach. Sporting long blonde locks - a change from her trademark red - the Jenny Craig spokeswoman looked radiant in the figure-hugging frock, which she paired with black peep-toe pumps. The star has yet to find out the sex of the baby, her spokesman told People. All smiles: Rue, 33, cradled her growing stomach and looked radiant in a chic black wrap dress and peep-toe pumps Sharing the screen: The actress joined Malibu Country co-stars Lily Tomlin, left, and Reba McEntire, centre, at the event Rue married Price, her fiancé of over two years, in an intimate afternoon ceremony overlooking the beach in Los Angeles in May of last year. The couple welcomed just over 100 of their closest friends and family to the outdoor event at the Bel Air Bay Club in Malibu, California for traditional a Jewish ceremony complete with chuppah and glass breaking. The actress donned a stunning strapless ivory gown which complemented her deep red hair which was set into elegant waves around her shoulders. Happy together: Rue, with husband Kevin Price, at a screening of Snowflower and the Secret Fan in Los Angeles on July 11, 2011 She told UsWeekly at the time: 'I've never been happier. I feel so lucky to have found someone as kind, funny and smart as Kevin.' Rue famously lost over 50lbs gearing up for the nuptials on the Jenny Craig diet. She earned a new generation of fans when she became a spokesman for the weight-loss company, appearing in a series of TV commercials. Her success with Jenny Craig also landed her a hosting job on reality show Shedding For The Wedding, in which couples compete for their dream wedding by losing weight Wedded bliss: The couple married at the Bel Air Bay Club in Pacific Palisades, California on May 21, 2011

Where was I-before we were interrupted by Santa Claus, the transit strike that didn’t happen and the winter storm that did? Oh, yes: the avalanche of year-end movies. While nothing new is opening and the city still slumbers, it’s a good time to catch up. Like the shopping I didn’t do, the gifts I didn’t wrap and the cards I didn’t send, here are some absolutely, positively final thoughts on the holiday movies I didn’t review. Did Adolf Hitler have any friends? Apparently-and what if one of them was Jewish? That’s the premise of Max , an unusual, engrossing and provocative film about the blurry lines between politics and art that suggests if Hitler had followed his true dream of becoming an artist-and if his (fictional) mentor, a Jewish art-gallery owner named Max Rothman, had not met with an ill-timed trick of fate-it would have changed the history of the world. A lot of “ifs” here, but they are cataloged with enough cinematic suspense and fervor to hold you spellbound. Set in the bombed ruins of Munich following World War I, the film follows the parallel lives of two returning veterans, damaged in battle, with nothing in common but their love of art. Max Rothman (John Cusack) is a prominent Jew who lost an arm in combat, ending a promising career as a painter. Starting a new life by opening a gallery of modern art in a leaky, abandoned ironworks, he refuels his passion by financing the early exhibitions of George Grosz, Max Ernst and Paul Klee. One of the struggling wannabes who comes to his attention is the young Adolf Hitler (Noah Taylor), a shabby and cynical soldier who doesn’t smoke, drink alcohol or eat anything but vegetables. Their nation ravaged by war and disgraced by the punitive Treaty of Versailles, the working-class Germans of the postwar era were poor, unemployed, starving and powerless. Somehow they heard the trumpets of false hope in the angry diatribes of this scrawny, shredded ragamuffin, who saw the German people as an Aryan race of warriors and knights whose purity had been polluted by the canny, resourceful Jews. Still, in Max , Hitler’s first love is the crude, second-rate charcoals he shows Max Rothman, hoping for an exhibit. Max berates him for wasting his time on inflammatory speeches in parks and rathskellars instead of improving his skills with the brush and easel; he also encourages Hitler to work harder, advances him money for art supplies and advises him to “Get out of politics!” Hitler resents, envies and admires Max, all at the same time. The film has been carefully researched (if you see the interviews with Traudl Junge in the documentary Hitler’s Secretary , you see all of the future Fuhrer’s characteristics, mannerisms and photos illustrated in the phenomenal performance by Noah Taylor), and the cinematography by Lajos Koltei recreates both the colorful Dadaist movement and the deadly rise of Nazism in a spectrum of arresting visual contrasts. In fact, one of the most memorable things about Max is the extraordinary look of it: camera cuts between the chalky-white colors of Hitler’s world (somber and appropriate hues of gray as he screeches about the “Jewish question”) and the soft, buttery richness of the whispery synagogues in Max’s world. Menno Meyjes, best known as the screenwriter of Steven Spielberg’s The Color Purple , wrote the haunting script and makes a stunning directorial debut. In retrospect, it’s hard to hear lines like “You’re a bit lazy, Hitler!” and “The train’s leaving the station, Hitler, why aren’t you on board?” without laughing. In the end, Max reluctantly agrees to give Hitler’s drawings of flags, uniforms, chancelleries and swastikas an exhibition after privately declaring them “pure kitsch.” Hitler waits impatiently in a café with his latest sketches, unaware that Max has met with a cruel stroke of fate in a nearby square at the hands of the brownshirts. Disillusioned, Hitler thinks he’s been stood up. It is at just such moments, the film suggests, that history can fatally change course. Given that the character of Max is fictional, the ironies are more metaphoric than real, but the fine lines between history and fable are irresistibly woven, and there is nothing fictitious about the profound clash between the values of the artistic avant-garde and those of the emerging National Socialist Party: Indeed, after he ascended to power, Hitler labeled everything that Max promotes in the film “degenerate art” and persecuted the artists who produced it. This material is piquantly served by John Cusack in his best performance to date, as well as by Noah Taylor (eschewing all the clichés as a budding dictator who is more pathetic than terrifying) and a fine supporting cast that includes Molly Parker and Leelee Sobieski as Max’s glacial wife and larky, bohemian mistress, respectively. Max is a vivid, spicy footnote to history, and a movie that grips and holds you in rapt attention from start to finish. Denzel Washington makes a triumphant directing debut with Antwone Fisher and plays the role of a Navy psychiatrist whose kindness, patience and guidance turn a troubled sailor into a solid citizen and a remarkable writer. Antwone was born to an inmate in a women’s prison and spent a painful childhood in orphanages and abusive foster homes, developing a rebellious personality and a scalding reputation for violence. In the Navy, his angry brawls and insults almost got him dishonorably discharged-until a therapist helped him to discover the source of his rage and break free of a hateful past. The book he wrote about his hellish personal drama and eventual redemption has been turned into a stoic, careful and inspired film with a warm emotional impact. The screenplay is by Antwone Fisher himself, and newcomer Derek Luke positively shines in the title role. Mr. Washington quietly distills astonishing honesty from his actors, and gets an especially jolting performance out of the electrifying jazz singer Novella Nelson as the hateful foster mother who poisons the boy’s childhood. The result is a fine film that proves the past is never too bleak-or the future too hopeless-to discover a productive new life, and a home and family to share it. Bad movies know no season, and this year I predict that a piece of Christmas trash called Two Weeks Notice will find its way into the garbage faster than the leftover bones from your two-week-old turkey. Sandra Bullock plays an environmental lawyer who fights for landmark buildings; Hugh Grant weakly impersonates a heartless corporate tycoon who’s tearing them down. (No, it’s not Donald Trump, and to avoid litigation, they even invited Himself to appear in a cameo.) True to form in third-rate romantic comedies word-processed by hacks, the two stars hate each other on sight. Somehow, for reasons only the screenwriter knows, he hires her as his chief counsel, and they fall in love and spend the rest of two torturous hours screaming their heads off. Her contract is iron-clad, so she decides to make his life so miserable he’ll fire her. The rest is all sight gags and idiot jokes that pass for dialogue. She gets her hair caught in his belt buckle. She beats up a Swingline stapler. She slides across the deck of his yacht dead drunk. This is the kind of movie where the big scene is a man shot out of a cannon into a vat of ice cream. One disgusting scene involving diarrhea in the middle of a traffic jam has to be seen to be believed. I give Two Weeks Notice less time than that. Color it gone. Hours Is a Drag On the “close but no cigar” shelf, file The Hours , an arty, well-intentioned but meandering disappointment that fails to live up to the critical drooling it’s been getting. I admit it features the kind of juicy star turns that drive critics to premature Oscar predictions, so if good acting is all you require to justify the bloated price of today’s movie tickets, there’s plenty of it. Nicole Kidman, Meryl Streep and Julianne Moore know how to seize control of the camera, but this feverish adaptation of an overrated literary tome by Michael Cunningham that I could never bring myself to finish never really works. How three women from different eras, impacted by Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway , cope with depression, suicide and madness makes for a fanciful premise. But the film jumps around so much in time and setting, with the daunting energy of an inattentive cocker spaniel, that it’s really more about editing than anything else. Each story has a passionate kiss between women that signifies the pent-up repression from which all three long to escape, and every character is keenly aware of the limiting measurements of time, whether they’re in Sussex, England, in 1941, Los Angeles in 1951, or New York City in 2001. But as one character observes, “No matter what you start with, it ends up being so much less.” One man’s personal velocity is another man’s movie. Stephen Daldry, in his first film since Billy Elliott , more than lives up to his deserved reputation as a gifted and forceful director, but he never finds the key to connect the dots that link three different periods, lifestyles and time zones to a central theme. In an impressive cast that also includes Toni Collette, Miranda Richardson, Claire Danes, Allison Janney and Eileen Atkins, the three stars are mesmerizing-Ms. Kidman perhaps too much so. Disfigured beyond recognition as the doomed and terminally haunted Virginia Woolf, hiding behind a swampy veil of sallow flesh, sour grimaces and a fake nose the size of a shoehorn, she throws her ravishing beauty on a funeral pyre for art. But all I could think about was Jimmy Durante. And if you believe the virile, robust, two-fisted Ed Harris as a gay man ravaged by AIDS and Jeff Daniels as his lover, you must be one of those optimists who buy George Bush’s last-ditch promises of an economic-recovery package that will put a chicken in every pot. There are so many suicides in this film it makes you think a few dismal and cynical thoughts of your own. Fragmented and stinking vaguely of literary pretentiousness, The Hours is a stretch-it’s missing the spinal fusion that might have held it together with the kind of cinematic coherence I found sadly lacking. Follow Rex Reed via RSS.

THE LIBERTARIAN ENTERPRISE Number 73, May 22, 2000 Mothers Know Best? Scott [Bieser] - I just want to say, Thank you. Yesterday, you took valuable time away from family, church and other personal and business activites to attend the the Los Angeles SAS-AIMM counter demonstration to the MMM. With GREAT Americans like you on our side for PRO-Constitution advocacy, I am confident that America will re-claim the foundations that we are inherently endowed with. We performed in an *AWESOME* way, yesterday. The MMM may have 4,000 to our 1,000 but we carried the flags! Not one flag was carried on their side; not one! And you certainly kept that 25 foot long banner up all day! Lots of hard work! Until the next PRO-Constitution rally! Bob Baird <firstname.lastname@example.org> I never thought I'd see the day when a liberal-left Hollywood-type claimed to be a strict constructionist interpreter of the Bill of Rights, but activist actress Susan Sarandon claimed to be just that at the "Million" Mom March last Sunday. She said that she didn't have a problem with the Second Amendment, that even though it only applied to regulating militias, everybody ought to be allowed to have a musket, because that's all that was available when it was written in 1794. Technological advances in weaponry don't count, according to her; the Second Amendment only applies to the guns available at the time it was written. This idea may have some merit! Applying her logic to the rest of the Bill of Rights, this means we can expect to see the restoration of the true ideals that made America great, and an elevation of the political dialogue to a higher plane, even if it means eliminating some of the conveniences that technology hath wrought. I assume that Susan is willing to live by her ideals, so she'll be walking or riding a horse back to California (wait, she can't go there, it belonged to somebody else in 1794!). Well, ok, she can relocate to the East; there should be plenty of work in theater. People pay good money to see entertainers in person (Tut, tut, no TV or movies, Susan! Weren't around in 1794!). She should be sure to plan her schedule to be in the North in summer and the South in winter, so the lack of central heat and air conditioning won't be such a problem. But she'll probably have to limit her appearances at political rallies in order to save her voice (no sound projection systems--not in the First Amendment). Besides, who would listen to her political ideas? She can't vote! But that's ok, because eschewing technology that wasn't covered by the Bill of Rights is noble. Far nobler than debasing oneself by involvement in movies about suicidal feminine misfits misusing guns and cars in nihilistic crime sprees. After all, something like that couldn't have had an effect on impressionable youth because it's not real, right? Just like the billions spent on advertising count for naught because we know that people don't believe what they see on TV. And under Susan's interpretation of the Bill of Rights, she wouldn't have been able to make that movie, and Woody Harrelson (another mental giant) wouldn't have made that Natural Born Killers movie that influenced Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, the Columbine killers. Besides, this is all about protecting kids, isn't it? And if you eliminate the vehicles for the dissemination of the garbage that passes for entertainment today (no mention of TV or film media in the First Amendment), you eliminate the garbage and restore quality to entertainment. If people have to make an effort to go see a play rather than flip a switch, it has to be good to survive. Otherwise they might stay home and READ! Maybe there's something positive to this idea after all! So I think I'll join Susan's crusade for a strict interpretation of the Bill of Rights. I'll trade in my semi-automatic and bolt-action guns for muskets and horse pistols--as soon as all the federal and state law enforcement agencies that didn't exist in 1794 are disbanded and turn in their modern weapons and the standing army is stood down. We don't need any of them, because as male citizens we're the militia, and we're committed to our own self-defense of our lives and property. (Speaking of property, Susan, you need to get home as fast as your husband's horse will carry you, because he's probably expecting dinner. And in 1794, YOU are HIS property. YOU have NO rights!) Yes, sir, I think ignoring all this post-1794 nonsense could eliminate a lot of our problems, make life simpler, and restore the political dialogue to the commerce of ideas, not the ideas of commerce. Right on, Susan! Coleman Weidenbusch <email@example.com> Well, considering the lack of publicity, aided and abetted by the fourth estate (LA Times put MMM on the front page and AIMM on page 26, Courier-Times didn't even mention SAS/AIMM) there was a pretty decent turn-out of roughly 300 folks on the AIMM side, compared to about 5000 on the gun-grabber's side. No celebrities for AIMM, while MMM had the LA County Sheriff and District Attorney. There was a heavy police presence on site (FPS, LAPD, LAPD Meter Maids, LASD & CHP), including two and possibly three sniper teams on the roof of the Federal Building. Note that the field of fire from the roof included the AIMM demonstration but not MMM. An LA County Sheriff Deputy (Sergeant) attempted to explain away the snipers with a sob story about a bomb threat early that morning, which was met with general disbelief just short of calling him a liar to his face. While the local TV cameras were rolling, most of the police presence was concentrated on the AIMM side of Whilshire Boulevard, to give everyone the impression that the gun owners were the visible threat. The only incident worthy of note was the arrest of several MMM participants who attempted to cross the street in the middle of the block to try and give AIMM participants a hard time. On the positive side, AIMM Los Angeles did a damn good job in getting visible signs made with short message heavy on impact. Among the most notable: a sandwich board with "Raped Women Aren't Armed" on one side and "Armed Women Aren't Raped" on the other; A large sign with "FINAL SCORE: Armed Women 97, Rapists 3"; "Rapists Love Gun Control" with a picture of President Blow-Job; and my personal favorite "Do You Trust Government That Much???" All signs were in very large type, with messages of 7 words or less usually, for greater visual impact. I'm sorry that the Kinko's in my local area refused to make the 6' yellow Star-of-David with "Gun Owner" in the middle I wanted to have for the event. One other interesting item of note: There were very few US flags on the MMM side while AIMM had quite a few. In fact, on the MMM side I saw exactly two, and one was hanging off the ass of a teenager. Someone also had an old USSR flag flying over on the MMM side. Another note: MMM were allowed to have porta-johns and signs on sticks, while AIMM/SAS were not. The reactions from traffic on the street was heavily in favor of AIMM, particularly from women and taxi drivers, though it also included several city engine companies (LAFD) and both city and private ambulance units. Support of AIMM ran about 4:1 in our favor from what I could see. We had several instances of passing traffic giving AIMM the bird, as well as 'finger guns' from both passing traffic and MMM participants (something that can get you suspended from school these days). CHP wasn't exactly pleased with us, either. There were a few reporters and TV cameras on the AIMM side of the event, however I feel that was just so they could avoid the accusation of being on one side of the issue. I fully expect local reporting to consist of 3 minutes of MMM and ten seconds of "look at the gun-owning wackos, this is why we want gun control." Sum total: On the street we were able to get out message out effectively, but that will likely not carry over to mass media locally. ABC National News tonight actually showed both sides of the issue from Washington DC, which comes as a complete surprise. Maybe the threats of civil rights actions are getting through to those who will be facing those charges down the road... NBC Channel 4 local news here in L.A. gave 2 minutes to the gun grabbers and 30 seconds to AIMM/SAS. CBS Channel 2 local news the MMM march in DC was the top story and they did the local story commentary from the Jewish Community Center in Grenada Hills for political purposes. Four and a half minutes for the gun grabbers, TWENTY SECONDS for AIMM/SAS. Fifteen seconds for a follow-up about the federal gun-purchase check computer coming up after two days 'suffering from a computer glitch' (yeah, right). Frank Ney N4ZHG WV/EMT-B LPWV NRA(L) ProvNRA GOA CCRKBA JPFO <firstname.lastname@example.org> On Sunday, May 14, my wife graciously allowed me to spend Mother's Day attending the Second Amendment Sisters/Armed Informed Mothers March in Los Angeles, rather than serving her breakfast in bed, doing the household chores, and other favors she so richly deserves. Of course, I made things up for her somewhat by taking the kids out of the house for five hours that afternoon, but that my better half also believes in RKBA and understands the depth of my feelings for the cause makes me appreciate her all the more. There were actually two Moron Marches in Los Angeles. The organizers had split between the soccer moms who wanted the rally at the Federal Building in Westwood, an affluent area adjacent to the University of California at Los Angeles, and where anti war and pro hemp rallies are often staged; versus the "people of color" who wanted the march on Oliviera Street near downtown L.A., which is in a mostly Hispanic area. The Second Amendment Sisters staged their counter-rally against the Westwood group, although a handful of stalwarts also protested against the downtown event. Interestingly, although the various law enforcement agencies went to great pains to keep the MMM group separated from the SAS group while rallying, they had both of us park in the same lot. As I entered the lot and paid my $2 to the attendent, she asked, "Are you with the Mothers or the Sisters?" I replied, "The Sisters," expecting to be directed to some segregated part of the lot. Instead she just handed me my parking stub and wished me a nice day. So I found myself emerging from the lot in the company of three Mothers. We didn't say anything to each other. The Mothers were encamped on the expansive lawn between the Federal(ist) Building and Wilshire Boulevard, a major traffic artery. The Sisters were spread long the opposite side of Wilshire, our backs to the fence in front of the federally-owned (and guarded) Veterans Cemetary. In that regard it seemed highly appropriate that about one in five of the Sisters group carried American flags, although I preferred the Gadsden Flag carried by one particularly determined and wonderfully hard-core Sister. Early on some attempts were made to string signs and banners along the sturdy concrete-and-iron fence, but the federal cops quickly ordered those removed. I guess they were worried about their fence falling down under the weight of the banners. Numerically, the Mothers had the Sisters beat six ways to Sunday. Best estimate of the Sisters was about 650 people, and my eyeball guesstimate of the Mothers was about four times that. I guess it helps to have corporate sponsorships providing entertainment and amenities for the kiddies, and to have the weight of the entire victim-disarmament lobby including the Los Angeles Times and White House backing you up. For our part, the crowd seemed to be dominated by "Freepers" (subscribers to the FreeRepublic.com e-zine/activist site for Constitutionalist-style conservatives) as well as quite a few NRA members. The local NRA Members' Councils were supportive, although the NRA organization was not involved. (I learned later that SAS had declined an offer by the NRA to pitch in, although the reasons for this are not clear and are being hotly debated in the e-mail lists.) The only Libertarian Party presence I recognized were Gail Lightfoot, who is challenging Diane Feinstain for U.S. Senate, along with her husband Richard Venable and a few other associates, two Orange County activists and one Riverside County activist besides myself. There was one guy who identified himself as a Los Angeles LPer and former candidate for Congress, but his main activity was passing out information cards supporting his crusade against male circumcision. But while the Mothers dominated with numbers, their stage and sound system, and their diaper-changing tents, our side definitely had the best signage. I must commend the SAS organizers for having produced a large number of VERY effective protest signs. These were about 2-1/2 x 4 feet in size, using bold letters and as few words as needed to get the message across. The one I picked up to carry said, "Armed to Protect My Children." We knew the official news media would ignore us, so we focused on getting our message across to the people in the thousands of cars that passed by in both directions in the busy Boulevard. We spread ourselves one-deep along the sidewalk, so that every sign would be visible to passing cars (as well as the Moronic Mothers across the street), and we got quite a few favorable honks and hi-signs from the vehicular traffic. One of the best signs was actually a 15-foot-long banner which read, in two-foot tall letters, "Gun Control Increases Violent Crime." This was one that was ordered removed from the cemetary fence. So three of us turned ourselves into banner posts, and now I was holding not only my 4-foot sign (via a cord looped around my neck, but the left end of the large banner, via another neck-cord attached to the banner. Reminded me of the days when I had to wear a necktie to work.) Most of the signs carried by the other side were not readable from across the street. Most of the unreadable signs were about 11x17 inches, mass-printed in color. Danged if I know what they said. Some of the Mothers had hand-made signs which were readable, spouting the usual drivel. The most intelligent one was, "What kind of wild-west paradigm are you upholding, anyway?" Most of them were on the order of "Flowers good, Guns bad." I saw exactly three American flags in that crowd, one of them worn folded and hanging over a guy's backside. I counted four different law enforcement agencies present: The Los Angeles Police, the L.A. County Sheriff's Office, the California Highway Patrol, and Federal Marshalls. The cops were very cordial towards us, and some of the deputy sheriffs were downright friendly. There were no arrests although I heard later of one incident in which some of the male "Mothers" started to advance menacingly across the street towards us, only to be quickly shoved back onto the sidewalk by the police. My award for Titanium Steel Balls goes to a trio of young men (youngest seemed to be age 14), who each carried a yellow hand-made pro-gun sign, and STOOD WITH THE MOTHERS! I can only remember what one of the signs said: "Nazis support Gun Control." Since the signs were facing the street, the rest of the Mothers apparently never noticed they had free people in their midst. Or maybe most of these Mothers can't read. After a line-up of local politicians and aggrieved murder victim survivors had completed their speechifying at the MMM sound stage, the whole lot of them lined up 6-abreast in the right lane of eastbound Wilshire and marched down the boulevard for about two blocks, crossed to our side of the street, and marched back in our direction. This was supposed to be a "March," after all. As they came back up to the curb near where we were still standing, the cops ordered them back to the other side of Wilshire, and dispersed from there. At that point the SAS group, myself included, began dispersing as well although a few dozen chose to remain with their signs. For my troubles I got a nice little sunburn, an aching back from standing too long, and the immense satisfaction that I had stood up publicly for truth and justice. I also got my picture posted on Web by some Los Angeles freepers: More photos of the march may be found at: Scott Bieser HMSH Good article but you neglect, as damn near everybody on this side of the issue does, the question of what are we supposed to do when Leviathon keeps on a rollin'? When and how are "patriots" going to stop the infringement of all of their civil rights? We all better start thinking about where our line in the sand is drawn because this society as a whole is changing for the worse and the momentum is gathering steam. Each and every round of "reasonable gun control" places free people evermore on the outside. Couple these activities with the other federal and state encroachments and you have what we have today--a tyranical state just beginning to consolidate it's power. My point is that we (free persons) had better face the music and start thinking like the Free French partisans and adopt an "action based" perspective or we will most surely be wiped out as the irritating impediment we are percieved to be. OF COURSE, I'm not advocating breaking any laws--the laws are there for all good Germans, I mean Americans, to follow... There are two choices: 1) America has reached the point of societal degenerative "critical mass," ergo, nothing is going to stop the de-evolution of this society and as free people we are truly lost 2) The American people are merely in need of a collective "dope slap" to which they will awaken and take back their freedom from their ever-growing government. I hope this is not a false dichotomy. The Libertarians that I've been exposed to here in Colorado are not men of action and I would not care to have them sharing my foxhole. There are exceptions, but until we start thinking about some kind of action we are just rhetorically pounding sand. Jack Chleva <JChleva@aol.com> I just read the "LibBit" about the need to license parents in TLE #71. This is great! I find Dr. Westman's logic impeccable. Impeccable that is, once one accepts the licensing premise. Anyone who accepts the idea that one ought to need government permission for this or that activity will not be able to find an argument to refute Dr. Westman. If they've not seen the end of their road yet, this ought to drive them up the wall. And maybe, just maybe, some will check their premise. One hopes anyway. Many thanks to you, Vin, El Neil, Victor, and all the rest, for writing TLE. It truly is a voice of sanity in the wilderness. Ian MacEwan <IMacEwan@ets.org> THANK YOU TLE for printing 'if guns were treated like cars...' in the new issue. It's more than a little refreshing to read an article in your fine fine publication that has a little sense of humor to it, that I can share with my friends and family. Congratulations also on the new weekly schedule! Jeff Paulsen <email@example.com>

Although the United States is still ten months from its next exercise in electoral futility, most polls do not indicate what former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is most anxious to see: a runaway victory for her candidacy. It is a good sign that, despite the fact that she has no real contrasting opponent on the Democratic side, the coronation she expected isn’t going to happen. One might say that this writer focuses too much on Mrs. Clinton’s adoration of Israel. But by looking at her comments about that apartheid nation, one gets a clear view of some broader, very troubling perspectives that Mrs. Clinton seems to hold. On January 6, an opinion piece appeared in The Jewish Journal, written by Mrs. Clinton. It is a fawning, maudlin essay, typical of the writing of anyone seeking national political office in the U.S. who knows they must pay homage to their Israeli lord and master. A few points from this essay tell much about Mrs. Clinton. “I’m especially concerned about the new wave of violence inside Israel itself – brutal stabbings, shootings, and vehicle attacks that seek to sow fear among the innocent.” The number of Palestinians killed in the West Bank alone by settler and IOF (Israel Occupation Force) terrorists is at a ten-year high. Why is Mrs. Clinton not ‘especially concerned’ about the continuing wave of violence against Palestinians, in an area that even the U.S. says Israel occupies illegally? Do not these vicious attacks ‘seek to sow fear among the innocent’? “Only a two-state solution negotiated between the parties can provide Palestinians independence, sovereignty, and dignity, and provide Israelis the secure and recognized borders of a democratic Jewish state.” Why, oh why, does Mrs. Clinton continue to make this ridiculous statement? The borders of the Jewish state are recognized by most of the world, including the United Nations, and consist of those determined prior to 1967. There is nothing to negotiate. Does Mrs. Clinton disdain international law? It appears that she feels Israel, like the U.S. in its international dealings, is, indeed, above the law. And this writer must point out, once again, that negotiations, which have proceeded on and off for twenty years or so, can only be effective when each side wants something the other has, that it can only obtain by surrendering something it has. Israel wants all of Palestine, and takes it, piece by piece, with complete impunity. Why should Palestine agree to pointless negotiations? Mrs. Clinton refers to the ‘secure and recognized’ borders of a Jewish state, but does not seem to consider the ‘secure and recognized’ borders of a Palestinian state. “We must continue to fight against global efforts to delegitimize Israel. The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement, known as BDS, is the latest front in this battle. BDS demonizes Israeli scientists and intellectuals—even young students—and compares Israel to South African apartheid. That’s wrong and this campaign should end.” The most significant efforts to delegitimize Israel are made by Israel itself. Its racist society, wherein Israeli Jews have more rights than anyone else in Israel; its apartheid system of segregation; its complete disdain for the human rights of the Palestinians; the racist, murderous statements made by government officials all further delegitimize the country, and demonize it, and rightly so. Israel is often comparted to South African apartheid, and the comparison is valid. And it is not just in the context of Palestine and Israel that Mrs. Clinton demonstrates either gross ignorance, or gross dishonesty. Her essay also contained these pearls of wisdom: “We must work with our friends and partners to deny ISIS territory in the Middle East, dismantle the global infrastructure of terror, and toughen our defenses at home. We can’t just contain ISIS – we must defeat ISIS.” Is that really the U.S.’s goal? Garikai Chengu, a researcher at Harvard University, suggested in September of 2014 that ISIS “is made-in-the-USA, an instrument of terror designed to divide and conquer the oil-rich Middle East and to counter Iran’s growing influence in the region.” In a June, 2015 column in The Guardian, Associate Editor Seumas Milne said this: “[T]he U.S. and its allies weren’t only supporting and arming an opposition they knew to be dominated by extreme sectarian groups; they were prepared to countenance the creation of some sort of ‘Islamic state’ – despite the ‘grave danger’ to Iraq’s unity – as a Sunni buffer to weaken Syria.” Additionally, Mrs. Clinton did not comment on where or how ISIS came to obtain some of its sophisticated weaponry. In 2014, the Department of Defense issued a press release, discussing some advances toward destroying ISIS. The press release said, in part: “The three strikes destroyed three ISIL armed vehicles, an ISIL vehicle-mounted anti-aircraft artillery gun, an ISIL checkpoint and an IED emplacement.” Alex Kane, commenting on this in Alternet, said the following: “What went unmentioned by the Pentagon is that those armed vehicles and artillery guns they bombed were likely paid for with American tax dollars. The arms ISIS possesses are another grim form of blowback from the American invasion of the country (Iraq) in 2003. It’s similar to how U.S. intervention in Libya, which overthrew the dictator Muammar Gaddafi but also destabilized the country, let to a flood of arms to militants in Mali, where France and the U.S. waged war in 2013.” So Mrs. Clinton, beholden not only to Israeli lobbies but also to so-called defense contractors in the U.S., will use U.S. military might to destroy what has been provided to the ‘enemy’ by U.S. military might. “We have to send Iran an unequivocal message. There can be no doubt in Tehran that if Iran’s leaders violate their commitments not to seek, develop, or acquire any nuclear weapons, the United States will stop them. They will test our resolve with actions like their provocative ballistic missile test, for which we should impose new sanctions designations. They need to understand that America will act decisively if Iran violates the nuclear agreement, including taking military action if necessary.” One has to ask, yet again, why Israel can have nuclear weapons, but Iran can’t. It appears that, in Mrs. Clinton’s twisted world view, some countries can have the capacity to defend their citizens from outside forces, and others can’t. And those who can, it seems, are those that have no respect for international law. “We need to ensure that Israel continues to maintain its qualitative military edge.” The U.S. sent Israel nearly $4 billion in aid in 2015, much of it military, which it used to kill over 2,000 Palestinians, including more than 500 children. Israel bombed hospitals, United Nations refugee centers, schools, mosques and residential buildings, all in violation of international law. That is what maintaining Israel’s ‘qualitative military edge’ accomplishes. Only those with a strong stomach should continue reading; as she has done before, Mrs. Clinton waxes almost romantically about Israel. “For me, this is more than policy – it’s personal. I was born just a few months before Israel declared independence. My generation came of age admiring the talent and tenacity of the Israeli people, who coaxed a dream into reality out of the harsh desert soil. We watched a small nation fight fearlessly for its right to exist and build a thriving, raucous democracy. And, through it all, Israel’s pursuit of peace was as inspiring as its prowess in war. That’s why, like many Americans, I feel a deep emotional connection with Israel. We are two nations woven together, lands built by immigrants and exiles seeking to live and worship in freedom, given life by democratic principles and sustained by the service and sacrifice of generations of patriots.” The Israeli people ‘coaxed a dream into reality’ on the forced expulsion of over 700,000 displaced Palestinians, and the graves of at least 10,000 that were murdered to make room for this ‘dream’ to come true. Israel is only a democracy in the view of Mrs. Clinton and other politicians who rely on the very generous donations of Israeli lobbies to purchase their powerful offices. Periodic voting does not a democracy make. Mrs. Clinton praises Israel’s pursuit of peace, ignoring the continuing construction of settlements condemned around the world. Does Mrs. Clinton not know that it is in violation of international law for an occupied power to move its residents permanently into the occupied lands? Has she not heard Israeli Prime Murderer Benjamin Netanyahu state categorically that not one settler will ever be displaced from the illegal settlements in the West Bank? This is simply additional evidence that international law has no meaning for Mrs. Clinton. And here we have the woman who would be, and very well might be, president. What will it all mean? More oppression of the Palestinians; more war; more destabilization in the Middle East; more U.S. invasions whenever the U.S. decides its interests, or those of its beloved Israel, are threatened, diplomacy and international law be damned. More ‘might makes right’; less focus on human rights anywhere, and more on helping the rich get richer. One looks in vain for a Democrat or Republican who is a stark contrast to Mrs. Clinton. There is no longer a ‘lesser of two evils’ for whom to vote; the evil is universal in the two major U.S. political parties, which seem to be clones of each other. It is long past time for a viable third party to be established in what passes for the democracy of the U.S. Until that happens, it will be bloody business as usual.

Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities supported the electronic publication of this title. Text transcribed by Apex Data Services, Inc. Images scanned by Melissa Graham Text encoded by Apex Data Services, Inc., Lee Ann Morawski and Natalia Smith First edition, 2001 Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, © This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. (title page) An Autobiography. Bond and Free: or, Yearnings for Freedom, from My Green Brier House. Being the Story of My Life in Bondage, and My Life in Freedom (cover) Bond and Free vi, -320 p., ill. C. E. P. BRINCKLOE & CO., PRINTERS. Call number 326.9C188Y (McCormick Library of Special Collections, Northwestern University) The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South. The text has been entered using double-keying and verified against the original. The text has been encoded using the recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. Original grammar, punctuation, and spelling have been preserved. Encountered typographical errors have been preserved, and appear in red type. All footnotes are inserted at the point of reference within paragraphs. Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line. All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references. All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and " respectively. All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively. All em dashes are encoded as -- Indentation in lines has not been preserved. Running titles have not been preserved. Spell-check and verification made against printed text using Author/Editor (SoftQuad) and Microsoft Word spell check programs. Library of Congress Subject Headings, 21st edition, 1998 LC Subject Headings: Yours Very Truly, Elder I. Campbell. [Title Page Image] [Title Page Verso Image] DEAR READER, I ask your attention to the contents of a book, that you may see and understand what the title-page intends to convey to your mind when it says, "Bond and Free." It is not my theoretical views upon any system or institution,--not a panegyric upon the advantages of freedom, or a denunciation of those who hold human beings in bondage. God, in His good Providence, would not permit such to be, without some great design was intended, nor does He sanction such as either lawful or right. I was born a slave, saw both the bright and the gloomy sides of the institution, suffered its bitter sorrows and enjoyed its enervating pleasures. Something better, however, was intended for me; and, although I was doomed to drink of the bitter waters of Marah, and to pass through the dark valley of its desolation, I have been allowed to come into the promised land, and to enjoy the milk and honey with which it abounds. But my mission is not yet finished. Three of my children are yet in the land, treading the wine-press and making bricks without straw. And as time rolls on, I see the oppressor's rod becoming heavier, and the shackles becoming tighter and tighter around them, and my heart yearns for them, and my prayers are often and earnest for their liberation. Many ways have suggested themselves to my mind by which they might become free; but my mind revolts at any course that may not be considered right, and of which my conscience does not approve. To go to their homes, and, under the plea of filial affection, instil into their minds a hatred of their masters, a disaffection to their homes and labor might be approved by many. But is it right? Would God approve of such hypocrisy in one whose mission is to preach peace and truth and submission to the powers that be. Besides, few know the danger, the suffering, or the peril of such a course until they have passed through its experiences. And I pray that my friends will never advise or urge such a plan while a better one remains open, and one which I think God has pointed out as the only just way. Again, I might, by hard labor in some mechanical occupation, gain, after many years, enough to buy their freedom; but I have chosen the better part, and am endeavoring to free men, to the best of my poor ability, from the thraldom of sin and misery; and should I have preferred the former plan, their hairs might become gray while I was trying, and I would gain but three bodies from earthly bondage, while I may be instrumental, through God's blessing and your aid, of doing the same and rescuing many from the bondage of Satan. Which would you have me to do? Or, again, I might traverse the land, and beg from charity and sympathy's purse the means by which they could be liberated; but methinks it would be given coldly, if not grudgingly, to so uncertain an object, and, in many instances, be denied altogether from a want of appreciation of my cause. All such thoughts and plans as these have occurred to my mind; but a voice within has said, not my will, "A higher and better way I point thee to;" and I have answered, "Thy servant prayeth, What wilt Thou have me to do, Lord?" And then came the thought, convincing, while it was consoling, "You have passed through the sea. You have trodden the wine-press, and you have enjoyed the promised land. Fiction has painted its scenes, interested parties have told their story, and partial observers have undertaken to give their opinions to the world. Cannot you, from experience, tell a tale which will place the truth uppermost, and enable both friends and the public to judge impartially of the great question of the age?" And I answered, "With Thy help, O Lord." This, then, gives the reason for the appearance of my little work, in which I have endeavored to present three reasons why I may ask for patronage and encouragement. Firstly. I have written nothing but what I have witnessed or experienced, which, as my life was an uncommonly varied one, presents both the horrors and advantages of slavery, shows the bitter trials and yearnings of the slave, and the almost total neglect of their mental and moral training, leaving them without God in the world. I have not painted the scenes with fancy; for I consider the naked truth more powerful than fiction. I have not given my views or opinions of slavery; for, as I have before said, I may be biased, and do not think myself capable of judging on such a great question. Let facts speak for themselves. Secondly. I have children yet in the land of bondage, who, had I the means, I can purchase from their masters at a reasonable price. To this end I expect to devote the proceeds of the sale of this book; by which I consider that I am not only gaining their liberty, but am placing before the world the truest picture of the South and its institutions,--both the dark and the bright side. And Thirdly, I wish here to show what, under God's blessing and proper training, I believe, in a few years, the majority of the slaves may attain in mental and moral growth and understanding. I do not wish to be my own trumpeter, but hope my book will be read; and while so doing, remember it is the record of one who has been in the very lowest places of slavery and in the most cheering ones of freedom, and then judge what may be the result. Hoping that I have not tired you in this my humble statement of my case, and that I may have your kind approval of my course, I leave the following pages to tell their own story. I am, very respectfully, In Christian fellowship and love, ISRAEL CAMPBELL.CANADA WEST, HAPPY, ye sons of busy life, Who equal to the bustling strife, No other view regard. Even when the wished ends deny'd, Yet while the busy measure ply'd They bring their own reward: Whilst I, a hope-abandoned wight, Unfitted with an aim, Meet ev'ry sad returning night And joyless morn the same. IN the State of Old Kentucky, and in Greenville County, my eyes first opened to the light. My mother lived in the family of Captain John Russell, who was well-known as a leading light of the Presbyterian Church in that county, and who was truly, I believe, a devoted Christian, as he always tried to do what he thought right, and his memory will ever remain honored by his slaves and those with whom he was accustomed to associate. His wife, however, who was devoid of all feeling or principle, gave the Captain no little cause of trouble, and made his life rather a burden than a pleasure. She was of all women the most unprincipled. She would swear, rant and beat the slaves as if they were brutes, and could never be pleased by any one--not only the slaves but her husband would feel the weight of her wrath if he dared to interpose a word in behalf of the slave, or remonstrate with her about her wickedness. From morning until night could her voice be heard swearing, bawling and screaming at some of the hands; and, with whip in hand, she would traverse the field, and if she thought any of the hands were not working as hard as they should, would pounce suddenly upon them, and appease her wrath by applying the lash. Should her husband interpose, she would lay it on him, until he was glad to get beyond her reach. The reason of her having such bitter feelings was said to have been caused by a disappointment in her marraige--she thinking the Captain was wealthy, and being of a wealthy family herself was disappointed in finding him only in comfortable circumstances, and appeared to make his life as miserable as she possibly could. He was, however, of a respectable family, and a distant relative of Henry Clay, and held a very high social position in Greenville County. But all this could not reconcile her to her disappointment. In her treatment of the slave children was her disposition still further unmasked. She fed them like so many pigs, and her presence was to them like a hawk flying over a hen with a young brood. She delighted to be considered a "bully"--fearing neither man nor spirit. I must say, that in all my experience in life, that never have I met such a strange combination of the wicked in any human being, and often have I conjectured in my own mind as to what purpose she really could have been sent upon the earth. But as all the ways of Providence are inscrutible to the finite, so have I left the revelation of her purpose until the last day, when all things shall be revealed. Never shall I forget her, although I had hardly become conscious of existence before she died, and well do I remember that event. The rejoicing that then occurred was such as is seldom indulged in among slaves. The thought of being freed from her tyrranny seemed to thrill every heart, and although they did not really understand the full meaning of death, the idea of being free from her lash and eye, seemed to possess every one, and while her spirit was passing to the undiscovered country, they were dancing and rejoicing over the result. The only good they really wished her was that God would have mercy on her and pardon her great wickedness. THAT night a child might understand, The deil had business on his hands. OLD mistress died as she had lived--raving, swearing and screaming, nor would she listen even in her last moments to consolation or direct her mind to the great event which was fast approaching, and in which she was to be the principal actor. But the dreaded and last enemy spares not the strong, and as the day passed away her spirit took its flight. But, it appeared as if their hopes were to be disappointed, for even after her body was cold, and laid beneath the green sod, did her spirit continue to "walk the earth," and haunt the old stumping ground,* * It is a common belief among the slaves in the south and among many others, that the spirits of those who are unhappy in the other world, still continue to visit the earth until the cause of their trouble is removed. giving master no peace, and following the slaves as was her practice when alive. * It is a common belief among the slaves in the south and among many others, that the spirits of those who are unhappy in the other world, still continue to visit the earth until the cause of their trouble is removed. So convinced was master that such was the fact, that he could rest neither night nor day, and at last concluded to sell his farm and go away. But still did old mistress haunt the place and contend that the farm belonged to her. At last the man that bought it tried to persude master to buy it back again. But master had had too much trouble there to go back so easily, and refused to have any thing to do with it. Such was the termination of mistress's visits to that place, at least as far as was known, as all the slaves were then removed, and from such I derived my information. I was, at the time of moving, about four years old, but my memory has always been very good, and I remember many circumstances which then took place. In removing we were no little troubled by being caught in a heavy shower, which completely drenched us, and as we had no protection, we were huddled in an open wagon and a few old clothes thrown over us. The place to which we removed was on the Ohio river, in Union County, near Morganfield the County Town. Here master purchased a new place and it was not long before he took to himself a help-meet. The lady he chose was a kind and affectionate mistress, always looking after and considering the wants of her slaves. Master seemed in her to have been rewarded for all the misery he had suffered with his first wife, for never did man and wife live more happily together than they. Truly did the slaves feel the change, and never did any one try to repay by faithfulness Christian solicitude than did old master's hands. There was no need either of hard and severe treatment or the lash. Mistress Sallie, for such was her name, was of the Methodist persuasion, and a truly devoted Christian. After master's marriage all things changed. Where carelessness and disorder prevailed, she established order and system. Where religion was never thought of, she taught us all that we should pray to the Great Being who made us, and that we were poor miserable sinners, with the wrath of God abiding on us; that he had sent his dear Son upon this earth, who had suffered and died to save us from the punishment hereafter, to which we were doomed. She established family prayer, and at night all the slaves were called upon to participate in the devotion--master reading the Bible and Miss Sallie singing a hymn and praying. We then had enough to eat and to wear, and every thing was as prosperous as we could wish for, and master had nothing of which to complain, either with the work or his other affairs. God surely worked there. But like all human hopes this course of affairs could not last long. Disappointment seems to be the direst enemy of our human nature, and we could expect no exception. We had now passed over three of the happiest years we had ever known, and really began to think this world a better place than we had ever imagined it. But now our happiness and hopes were to be blasted. From some unknown cause master was taken very sick; every day he grew worse. The Doctor was summoned, but seemed to give him but little relief. At length he gave up all hopes of life, and had all his slaves called to his bedside He told them he was dying; this he did not dread, for all must die; but it weighed heavily on his mind when he thought how his poor slaves would be scattered after he was gone, and which he was now powerless to prevent; urging and advising them to try and do their duty, and God would take care of and help them. I stood by his bedside and saw him breathe his last breath, and never shall I forget the beautiful smile which remained on his countenance after his body was cold. The day and even week after he died was one of universal mourning. The thought that master was gone forever, brought tears from the stoutest heart, for they well knew they had lost their best friend. All his slaves followed his remains to the grave and dropped a tear to his memory. It was on this occasion that I received the first money I ever possessed, which I got for holding the horse of old master's nephew--a four pence half-penny. BUT me, not destined such delights to share, My prime of life in wandering spent and care; Impelled, with steps unceasing, to pursue Some fleeting good, that mocks me with the view. A CHANGE was now to take place. Hitherto my life had been passed in old master's family, and the last three or four years had made me forget the hard treatment of his first wife. I was now about nine years old. The estate was appraised, and mistress allowed to continue on until the first of the year. On New Year's day we went to the auctioneer's block, to be hired to the highest bidder for one year. This scattered my old associates far and wide, casting each among strangers, and perhaps hard masters. I was sold to one Ezekiel Edwards, a Tanner, for ten dollars. He owned no slaves but hired all his help--so I ground tan for that year. Mr. Edwards was not married, but boarded with a widow lady in Morganfield, Mrs. Kate Thornton, more familiarly known as Aunt Katy, who, after my day's work was over, I used to wait on and run her errands, which in a very short time made me a great favorite with her. She had many strange ways, and had a peculiar mode of getting along cheaply, an instance of which is the following:-- Every morning she would tell me to get the pitcher and go for some cream for her coffee. "Where must I go, Mistress Katy?" "Go to Mrs. Townsend, and tell her I wish some cream for my coffee." So off I would go, and Mrs. Townsend would give her some cream. This continued until Mrs. Townsend became tired of giving her cream, and sent her what we called blue John. Then Aunt Katy raved and scolded, and said:-- "What did you bring this stuff for, you d--l?" "Mrs. Townsend gave it to me, madam," I replied. "You bring any more blue John here, and I will blue John you, you rascal." "Well, Mistress Katy, what must I do?" "Tell her I want cream, and if she has not got it go somewhere else." So the next morning Aunt Katy said, "Israel, get the cream pitcher and get some cream for breakfast." "Where must I go, Mistress Katy?" "Ask me where to go. Do you not know who has cows?" Off I went to every person who had a cow, until I succeeded in getting the cream; so by the time I left Aunt Katy's I knew every person who owned a cow in Morganfield. But never did Aunt Katy pay for any cream. Another of her plans for living cheaply was--On Sundays many of the boys (slaves) came to town to sell their produce, (a privilege which many masters allowed) which they had raised in their little plots of ground, by working overtime. Aunt Katy was ever on the alert to find a stranger, who, should she espy one, she would always accost-- "Good morning, my man servant!" "Pleasant day, mistress," he would reply. "What have you to sell to-day, my man?" "Some brooms, foot-mats, eggs, bread-trays, madam," or whatever he might have. "They are the very things I want." "Well, Mistress, I want to sell them." "Then come in, my man, come in." Then she would buy whatever she would want, and then put the following questions: "How far do you live from here my man?" "Four or five miles, mistress," or whatever the distance might be. "Can you not call in next Sunday, I have just spent every cent I had; but I will have plenty by that time. Mr. Willett will be here and pay you, if I do not." Off goes the boy, thinking that he has made an excellent bargain. The next Sunday soon rolls around, and the boy presents himself to Aunt Katy for pay. Summoning her to the door, he would address her, "Good morning, mistress." "Good morning, my man, and what do you wish this morning?" "I called, mistress, for the little change you owe me." "The change for the things you bought last Sunday," mistress." "Be off from here, you rascal, I never saw you before." "Oh, yes, mistress; do you not remember you bought some brooms, and eggs, &c., last Sunday?" "Get out of yard this minute, or I will have Mr. Willett after you, you saucy d--l." So the poor fellow would have to leave without a cent for his things. This Mr. Willett was an old boarder of Aunt Katy's, and always attended to whatever she wished, so that she thought there was nobody living like Squire Willett. But a year or so after I had been there, Squire Willett took a notion to take to himself a wife. This almost broke Aunt Katy's heart. She raved and went almost mad, she cried, groaned and moaned, to think that she was losing all the support she had in life. Soon, however, another boarder took his place, which soothed her feelings, and she often remarked that although she had lost squire Willett she had gained a Bell, who was a most liberal provider, and things soon went their usual way. In the fall, however, Mr. Edwards took to himself a wife, and then he took me to live at home with him; the other hands still boarded at Aunt Katy's. An incident occurred about this time which so impressed my mind with the terror of being sold to the South, that I believe I should have rather died than that such should have been my fate. There was a colored man and his wife living at this time on the opposite of the road, where I was grinding bark. She heard that her master had sold her to a slave dealer. The thoughts of being parted from her husband made her grieve so hard that it unstrung her mind, and she cut her throat with a razor. Such is the terror among all the more intelligent slaves of going South (meaning Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, etc.) that they had rather suffer death. On Christmas-Eve my time was up, all the hired slaves being allowed, by custom, to a week of holidays. Mr. Edwards thought, because I was boy, that I might stay with him until New Year's day. But I was not willing to this, and as he wished to compel me, on Christmas-Eve night I took flight, and went to my mother. I remained with her until New Year's day. I had never been with her so long since I could remember, as I was taken from her when a babe, and had never had an opportunity of spending my holidays with her since. Shook their white heads o'er me and said, Of such materials wretched men were made. ANOTHER New Year had come, and again we were to be put on the auctioneer's block, to be hired to the highest bidder for another year. One by one they went, until my turn came, and I was bid off to a Mr. John Wing, of Morganfield, a merchant--an Englishman by birth. I did not remain with him long, as the executors had settled up old master's estate, and all the slaves had either to be sold or divided among the heirs. The division was performed as follows:--The names of five were put down on strips of paper, and then drawn like a lottery. The man who owned my uncle and mother put them in with the others, thinking that he would lose the old ones and get some of the young ones. My brother Washington was a smart and very sprightly young man, and was wanted by several. The man who owned my mother said he was determined to have him, but his brother-in-law was equally as anxious; however, when the tickets were drawn, it so proved that neither of them had drawn him, but he was drawn by master's youngest child, a young lady, then about my age. The man who had owned my mother again drew my uncle, Aunt Fanny, an old woman about the same age as my mother, myself and sister. But, as his wife was so taken with my mother, they hired her from her owner. This brought my mother and sister and myself together. Mr. Lucius Devaull was our new master's name. He was a prominent member of the M. E. Church, class-leader, a good singer and good hand to pray; but, should he get angry, would give vent to his temper by oaths, always asking forgiveness the moment his anger subsided. I was very well pleased with this home, as I was with my sister and mother. My work was to nurse a little child and wait on mistress. On Saturdays I had to clean the candle-sticks, which was the cause at this time of a little incident, and was my first experience in running away:--Every night at this time I had to lay beside the cradle and rock the baby, and would sometimes fall asleep and let the baby cry, for which mistress would whip me. One night, being very tired, I determined if she whipped me I would run away. The Saturday following this resolution I was as usual put to cleaning the candle-sticks, which, when I presented them for inspection, were not as well cleaned as she wished them, and told me to clean them again, and if I did not make them shine as I ought, she would whip me. I thought to myself, I you whip me to-day I will run away; but I went again to clean the candle-sticks. After cleaning them as well as I could, I again presented them to her for inspection, but they did not please her, and she said, "Put them down, sir, and hand me that switch from behind the bureau." She then gave me the promised whipping, after which she said, "Now go and try it again." I took up the candle-sticks and went to the kitchen, and sit them down, and went over to one of the neighbors about two miles away. There I staid all night, and the next morning, about nine o'clock, I was sitting on the fence thinking what I should do, on looking up who should I see but my master and his brother coming along the road. They espied me before I noticed them, but I took across the field as hard as I could run, and they after me. When they came to the fence, as master's brother could run the fastest, master held the horses while he went after me. After a long race, however, he caught me, and master carried me home. He then wanted to know why I ran away, and if old Aunt Fanny told me to? I told him no sir; but he did not believe me, and commenced whipping me; when I saw he was determined to make me say Aunt Fanny persuaded me, I acknowledged she did. He then stopped whipping me, and commenced at poor old Aunt Fanny, who did not know what could be the matter, but bore it patiently. Then he was satisfied, and said he hoped it was a lesson I would not soon forget, and that I was growing just like my Uncle Anderson, who would always run away every chance he got. But the candle-sticks were not cleaned any better that time. In that country Sunday is a great day for sports. The slaves would all get together and wrestle and box and play, and pass a jovial day, and we all passed the time very pleasantly. THERE's a bliss beyond all the poet has told, When two, that are linked in one heavenly tie, With heart never changing, and brow never cold, Love on through all ills, and love till they die. * * * * * * * All that stood dark and drear before the eye. ANOTHER Christmas rolled upwards, and my mother took again a partner for the second time. There was quite a lively time at the wedding, many of her friends being assembled, and after supper a sermon was preached by a Baptist minister by the name of Sebolt, from the text, "Wherefore laying aside all malice and all guile and hypocrisies, and envies, all evil speakings, as new born babes, desire the sincere milk of the word, that ye may grow thereby.--1 PETER ii. 1, 2. Such is the common custom among pious persons, always endeavoring to sanctify their lives, by giving God the glory. My mother was a very pious woman, and the man she married was a preacher of the Baptist persuasion. Prayer was my mother's great delight, and three times a day, as did Daniel's of old, her prayers ascended to heaven for mercy, deliverance and protection. About this time I was twelve year's old and was getting along as happily as could be expected. But disappointment must come. One day master told me that he was going to sell me before long. I afterwards found out that old master Russell was very much in debt, and that each one of the heirs had to pay a portion of the amount, and that as I was the youngest, mine was going to part with me for that purpose. This grieved me very much to think of being parted from mother again, and I thought that the Lord would prevent my being sold, so I chose the old wheat yard, and prayed earnestly every day that the Lord would not let my master sell me; pleading that if I was sold my mother would be bereft of her only help, and that I would try and be a good boy. But the Lord had other ends, which I was not able to comprehend. One morning my master told me to catch two of the horses, Kate and Dragon, and put the saddles on them. He then told me to get on Kate while he bestrode Dragon, and off we rode, without any word as to where we were going or on what mission. As we passed the cattle-pen my mother was milking the cows, and comprehending that I was going to be sold, came to me and bade me good-bye, urging me to be good boy; not to be saucy to any one, to be honest and trustworthy, and, if she never saw me again in this world, to meet her in heaven. Master sit on his horse impatiently while mother was talking, but never said a word either as consolation or information as to where I was I going. We rode about six miles without halting; we then stopped for breakfast. Here master met some of his friends, who, knowing his purpose, told him where he could get the money for me. After breakfast all the party again mounted their horses and rode into Livinton County, and as night was approaching, halted before a large house and halloed, not liking to alight before they were sure they would be hospitably received. In a few minutes out came an old man in his shirt sleeves, as I then thought, looking more like a slave than an owner or master of such a fine looking place. They told him their mission, and that they did not wish to go further that night. He invited them to alight, had our horses taken care of, and we went to partake of supper. While we were all talking together in the kitchen, the house girl came in for me, and said they wanted to see me in the house. I followed her, and found myself in the presence of the man and his wife. After looking at me some minutes, feeling my flesh to see that I was strong and solid, he asked me how I would like them for master and mistress. I answered politely, "I don't know, sir." The lady said "We are going to buy you from your master in the morning." Then the girl led me back to the kitchen, and I thought to myself, I wish you were both dead. After I became more familiarized with the boys I asked them what kind of master and mistress they were? One of them said the old man was the very devil, "and if they buy you, you will wish they were dead in less than a week." "Why, you all look very well," I replied. "Yes, but they whip like the d--l, and do not give us half enough to eat; well, if we did not get any more than they give us, we would not be able to work at all. "Then, how do you get it," I asked. "Oh, if they buy you, you'll soon find out how we get it." We then retired for the night, some to sleep, but I to ponder over my future. The next morning they ordered their horses to be caught and saddled, and all master's party, with the landlord, rode off to Princeton, telling me to stay there until they returned. When master Lucius had settled all his business and was ready to return home, he came to me and said, "Israel, I have sold you to this gentleman, and you must try and be a good boy, and if you do not, he will have to make you good; after handing me a Pistareen he rode off, leaving me behind, but carrying away instead three hundred and fifty dollars--unequal exchange, thought I, bringing me on a horse and taking away my value in his pocket. ABOUT the joys and pleasures of this world This question was not seldom in debate. THE next Monday morning I went to work for my new master. Having eaten breakfast very early, and not having much of it, about eight o'clock my appetite began to sharpen, and I asked the hands where I could get any thing to eat. They answered, "You work on, you will get nothing to eat here till ten o'clock." Although I was very hungry I worked steadily until the horn blew for dinner. We then had ash-cake and buttermilk, without any meat, given us to eat; we felt the want of meat very much as it was necessary to keep up strength when working in the hot sun all day. We had nothing more then until night, when we came in from work; then we had ash-cake and pot liquor, with a very little piece of meat. This was our fare every day from our master. Having been accustomed to have enough to eat and wear, this kind of treatment was more than I was willing to bear. The next morning, when we all started out to work, I took the public road and started back to my mother, thinking master Lucius would repent of selling me to such a hard man and buy me back; and that Mr. Crookesty would be so tired of me as to be glad to get clear of me, seeing I was likely to give him considerable trouble. I went about seven miles before I stopped, and was very tired and hungry, when I discovered on the road a Blacksmith shop and a white man at the door. My first thought was to get out of his sight by going through the woods, but hunger prevailed, and I went up to the shop and spoke to him. He asked me whose slave I was, where I was going and several questions about my mission. Thinking he would befriend me, I told him my story, and that I was going back to my old home, expecting my master would buy me back again. He soon perceived that I had run away and invited me in the shop to rest and get something to eat. I was not there long, when in came Mr. Crookesty. I then knew it was all over with my getting home at that time. After remunerating Mr. Simpson for stopping me, he drove off home. When we reached home the first one to greet me was his wife, who commenced scolding and ranting; asking me if I did not think myself a pretty fellow, etc., and advising Mr. Crookesty to put me in the garden to work, and put the children to watch me. So I worked for the next two days in the garden, with the children watching me by day and the slaves by night. The third day I was again put in the field to work, but at night, as we were going home, I got into the road and started off towards master Lucius, again. I got about eight miles from home before any one noticed me. At this time I came up to a house that stood on the road, where the owner, with another man, was sitting conversing outside the door. Fearing they would see me I jumped into the cotton-field; but the man saw me, it being moonlight, and hailed me, and told me to come to him. He asked me my name, where I was from, and where I was going. I told him my story. He then asked me if I was not hungry, telling me to go into the kitchen and the girls would give me something to eat. I done as I was told, and they soon gave me a good supper--such an one as I had not had for many a day, and for which I was truly grateful. While I was enjoying my meal who should walk in but old master Crookesty, with a rope in his hand. "Well, is this you, Israel?" "Yes sir," I replied. He then tied the rope around my neck, and led me from the table, leaving all the nice supper behind. He led me out in the yard, and seated himself in front of the other gentlemen, holding me by the rope. There I stood, like a prisoner at the bar, with no one to plead or speak a word in my behalf. At length one of them, a blacksmith, named Carlisle, ventured to speak to me; and told me he knew how I was raised, that master Lucius was kind to his slaves; but Mr. Crookesty has bought you and is able to give you even better than you ever had, and that I had better give up running away and be content with my home. I replied that I would never be satisfied; that I had to work from daylight until ten o'clock without a mouthful to eat; that then I only had a little ash-cake and some butter milk; at night only a little ask-cake and pot-liquor, with a very little piece of meat. Master gave the rope around my neck a sharp pull, but I continued and said, that this was not enough for any one who had to work in the field all day. Mr. Crookesty seeing that I was exposing his treatment, spoke up-- "Well, it is time I was getting home. Good-night gentleman," and off we started, to travel the eight miles I had come that night over--he making me walk and run the whole way. It being late when we reached home, he took me in his room, and tied me to the bed-post: to be sure of my not getting off again before morning. There I lay on the hard floor, with nothing to cover me, thinking of another chance to run away. When morning came, and led me into the yard, and told me to take off my shirt. When I had done this he told me to put my arms around a Black Jack tree which stood there. (This tree was known by the name of Widow Black, for here the old man always tied all of the slaves when he whipped them--it was said that they did not always come off alive.) He then got two or three switches and commenced the whipping. I hollowed and screamed, but all to no purpose. I pleaded with his wife to intercede for me, but she replied, "I am not your mistress, I am old 'Black Tooth.' " I then again begged master to have mercy on me, but he replied, "I am not your master, I am 'Old Sam,' " and he commenced whipping me again. He stopped again and said, "I have been whipping you for running away, now I am going to whip you for what you told the hands in the field. You told them that you was not going to call us master and mistress, but my wife 'Black Tooth,' and myself 'Old Sam,' and then he began whipping me. When he had finished and untied me I hurried down to a spring of water and leaped into it, and rolled over and over. Mr. Crookesty came upon me while I was thus cooling myself and commenced whipping me again. After I got out of his grasp, I hurried up in the field and went to hoeing corn with all my might, thinking to myself that "I had paid rather dear for my whistle." But all this action produced some good results. The next morning the horn blowed at eight instead of ten o'clock for breakfast; and although we found the ash-cake and butter-milk, there was more of it and some meat. We had meat again at dinner, at two o'clock, and bread and milk for supper. The hands looked upon me as a benefactor, all thanking me and expressing sorrow that I had to hug the widow, "for," said they, "we have never had three meals a day before since we belonged to Mr. Crookesty. The next day after my whipping, Mr. Crookesty came to me in the field where I was working, and said, "Israel, I tell you what I will do; I have bought you, and you have caused me to give you a severe whipping for running away; this I do not wish to have to do any more. Now, if you will be a good boy, and not run away any more, I will take you to wait on the house and let you be hostler at the stable, then you can have a chance of making some money, and I will give you cnough to eat and wear." "Sir," I replied, "I will do the very best I can." So he took me to the house, and all of us had plenty to eat and wear; and never did he have occasion to whip me again. The place where he lived was an old town, about one hundred and ten miles from Nashville, and twenty-five miles from the mouth of the Cumberland River, by the name of Centreville, and master was said to keep the best tavern in that part of Kentucky. After I had lived here a little over two years, master took a notion to go to Mississippi. He advertised and sold every thing except his slaves. He then purchased a large flat-boat and after we had all embarked we rowed down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. In going down the rivers we often met large steamboats which would terribly frighten old mistress. All the way she was praying and crying. Among the boys there was one who was her favorite, named King, and when she saw one of the boats coming, she would cry to King to pull with all his might, and see her out of danger, as she was sure they would kill them. One day, while rowing down the Mississippi, there came blenching and blowing down the river a large steamer, with an Indian painted on the side, named Tecumseh: this so frightened old mistress that it threw her into hysterics. In fact, so completely did this voyage affect old mistress that by the time we reached Vicksburg she died. For this event the slaves did not feel sorry, for she had treated them very meanly. Old master Crookesty did not commence operations here immediately, but hired all his slaves except one woman, who he kept to take care of his children. He hired me to a gentleman by the name of Mr. Bellfer, who had a large cotton farm. Here I entered on a new life, that of the plantation system, that is, every one had to be up with the blowing of the horn, and be in the field by day-light. Every Sunday each one had their rations dealt out to them: three pounds of meat and one peck of corn for the week, which they had to grind and cook for themselves. When Cotton-picking time came, they talked of giving every one a stated task, and told me I would have to pick a hundred pounds a-day. I tried it for three days, but could not get over ninety pounds, but they put it down one hundred, and the Monday morning following they gave each one their task, and told them that if they did not pick the amount they would have as many lashes as there were pounds short. I tried it, and took my basket up to be weighed at noon. The overseer noticed that I was going to fall short of my number of pounds, and exclaimed, to hurry me up, "Jatherous, jatherous, by the holy and just God, Israel, you will have to buy the rabbit agin night," meaning that I would get a whipping. The overseer was an Irishman by birth, and was a singular old fellow. He kept a slate with each hand's name on it, and would put each draft of cotton down as they brought it in. At night his voice could be heard at its loudest pitch, "All ye's, all ye's gather up your baskets and away to the cotton-house. So we would gather up the baskets and go to the cotton-house. As I was going I espied Mr. Bellfer coming to the cotton-house, with the lantern, bull-whip and rope to tie the delinquents. I knew that my task was short, and that I would get as many lashes as my task was wanting pounds. I could not brave the settlement, so as the others went up I set my basket down and slipped behind the house, and went into the woods. I remained there until I thought all the white people had retired, then I took my sack, which I used for picking cotton, and went into the sweet potato patch and digged some potatoes, which I took into the cook's house to roast. Hardly had I them covered, before Mr. Bellfer made his appearance at the door, and exclaimed-- "Well, Israel, is that you?" "Yes, sir," I replied. "Well, I will settle with you now," adding an oath for emphasis. The overseer was not in the house, but was in the slave quarters, he having a fine black woman for a wife, he not having as much prejudice against color as many of our northern brethren. Mr. Bellfer aroused him, and, soon after he made his appearance-- "So you have him, have you, Doctor; by the holy and just God, he will buy the rabbit now." They ordered me to cross my hands, and they fastened them and lead me out into the yard. There was no whipping ground there, so while Mr. Bellfer held me, the overseer prepared the stakes to which to tie me while they were whipping me. Finding they were going to give me a hard whipping, I commenced begging and pleading, that if they would only forgive me that time, I would do better in future. But they were deaf to my cries. Mrs. Bellfer coming to the door at that time, I entreated her to plead for me; told her I would do better, and that I was sorry for what I had done. Mistress Betsy had great influence with her husband, and she seeing that I was not as hardened as many of the other slaves, she stopped him and inquired into my case. The Doctor told her that I had not picked my task and had commenced running away. Mistress Betsy then asked the Doctor not to whip me this time, for she was sure I would try and do better. But he told her to go away, that I had commenced running sway, and if he did not break me all the niggers would do likewise. But I kept on pleading and so awakened Mistress Betsy's feelings in my behalf that she begged the Doctor to let me off this time, and offering to go my security that I would have my task hereafter, and never run away any more. She asked me if I understood what she had promised. "Yes ma'am," I replied. Then Mr. Bellfer said, "Israel, if Mrs. Bellfer will go your security, I will let you off this time: but never expect it again. He then untied my hands, and I went into the kitchen and took my potatoes out of the fire and began to eat them. While thus engaged I commenced revolving in my mind as to how I should make good my word and give myself a good character for promptness and energy. To pick a hundred pounds of cotton a day I knew I could not, and yet to break my word and lose my good name was equally as hard. I began thing of some way by which I might succeed in always having my task made up. Thought I, we have a large water-melon patch near the field and if I do not succeed in having a full quantity before the last load, I will slip one of them in the bottom of the basket. This settled, I went to sleep and dreamt my plan over. The next morning we all started as usual to the cotton-field. All went on as usual. At eight o'clock we went to the cotton-house, and I had thirty-two pounds; after breakfast we picked until two o'clock, and then I had twenty-eight pounds. The overseer who could tell very near how much each one ought to average, said, "Jatherous, jatherous, Israel, by the holy and just God you will buy the rabbit agin night." "The fast race-horse runs the fastest the last round," says I to myself, and off I went to the field, and picked hard until dark. Then the overseer's voice could be heard, "All ye's, all ye's, get up your baskets and away to the cotton-house. During the time I was picking I had selected a good sized melon and put it in the basket, and went up to have it weighed. I was among one of the first who put their baskets in the scales that night, and the result was announced as a hundred and five pounds for my day's work. "I knew you could reach a hundred pounds," said the doctor. "Hard work, sir, hard work," I replied. Thought I to myself, if you only knew how much less cotton there was, you would not look so pleasing; I leapt into the cotton-house and emptied my basket as far back as I possibly could. I succeeded this time without being caught: but I must confess I felt greatly afraid, but I knew that if I did not have the hundred pounds a whipping was sure, and if nothing ventured nothing would be gained, and this overbalanced my fear. I thought myself pretty smart to play such a trick upon as sharp persons as master and the overseer. I continued this whenever I thought my task was short, and was never caught. When melons were gone I used pumpkins, and finally filled my sack with dirt and was equally successful. It may be thought that this is exaggerated, as the melons would increase and then all would be brought to light. But when they all left the cotton-house I would pretend to have forgotten something and go and get them out, take them into my house and eat them. There was another boy who was whipped nearly every day. I took pity on him, and he promising me faithfully not to expose my plan, I let him into my secret and thus saved him also. Before the season was over every one of the delinquents knew how to save their backs, and they found it much easier to pick melons and pumpkins than to have their backs cut to pieces. But a day of reckoning was to come with master. Before the cotton was saleable it had to be ginned--that is, cleaned of the seed and dirt, put up in bales of 450 pounds and was then ready for market. As they always put down the amount picked, allowing so much for waste, they could calculate very nearly the amount it ought to make. When the ginner had completed his work, and had baled all the cotton, there was several bales short. Master accused him of stealing the cotton, but he proved to him that he had only got the ninth bale, which he was entitled to for ginning. The falling short was a mystery which was never solved. About this time there occurred the following incident, which shows how little mercy the overseers have upon the slaves:--There was a woman on the plantation named Mary, who was an extraordinary hand at picking cotton. Her task was put at a hundred and seventy-five pounds. She never had to be whipped for not getting her task, but was industrious and faithful. One day the overseer (generally they had rather see laziness and meanness) who had become uneasy under her good example, thought he would find some fault with her and whip her. Her husband seeing him, interferred. He then turned on him, and the resisting and trying to get out of his way, he took up his gun and deliberately fired at him. He did not kill him, but he was laid up a long time, and cost master considerable to have him attended to and cured. So ended my year on that farm. OUR freedom chained; quite wingless our desire. * * * * * * * Embruted every faculty divine, Heart buried in the rubbish of the world. AGAIN my ever-changing life must be doomed to pass the bitter ordeal of cruel indifference. I changed masters this year. Another of master Crookesty's boys and myself was hired to a Mr. John Jones, near Vicksburg. He bargained with him that we were to have plenty to eat and have three suits of clothes, a hat and a pair of shoes. Mr. Jones had just been married, and now supposed that he could settle down and grow rich very fast. He hired him two boys and a girl, and planted twenty acres of cotton and fifteen acres of corn. Considerable of the ground, however, was to be cleared before it could be planted, and that was our first work. Beside those he hired he had a boy who he owned, named Joe, who was a special favorite with them. We being yellow and he beng coal black, we thought it hard that he should be treated so much better than we, and complained among ourselves about it. Mrs. Jones was a little red-headed woman, and this among the slaves was held to be a very bad sign. We would talk about this, and would use sundry idle threats as to what we would do--as boys who feel themselves aggrieved always will--never meaning to take the least action in the matter. One day Barry said that Mrs. Jones had better mind, for he would as soon slap her over as not. All these conversations Joe told Mr. Jones and his wife. One rainy morning we were all in the kitchen--Barry was making a maul, Joe was making an axe-helve, and I was mending my clothes, when Mr. Jones and his brother-in-law came in, and jocosely remarked, "That every man is at his trade." He then walked up to Barry and took the drawing-knife out of his hand, then told him to cross his hand, tied him, and took him into the yard and whipped him--giving him a hundred lashes. A few weeks after this, I remarked that they treated Joe better than the rest of us. Joe told Mr. Jones of this also, and he told me he would settle with me on Saturday. On Saturday afternoon he and Mrs. Jones went to Livingstone, as he said, to buy a new whip. Knowing what was my lot when they returned, I said to Barry, "Let us run away, and when he comes back he will find none of us to whip." "Agreed," said Barry, "I am willing, if you are." Off we started, but we did not get far before the girl, surmising our intention, halloed after us, begging us not to leave her behind. We told her we did not want her with us. She insisted so hard, however, that we consented, and bundling up every thing we could we started for Vicksburg. When Mr. Jones and his wife returned they must have been surprised at finding all his hands gone except Joe. We had no idea of getting free, but was intent of making him lose a good crop from lateness, knowing we would get whipped if we were caught. When we had got about three miles from home, we went into a thicket, and staid there until night. We were then at a loss what course to pursue. It occurred to me that it was about time for old master Crookesty to be at Vicksburg, which was between fifty and sixty miles from that place, and we thought we would try and get there, and started accordingly. The second night, not having had any thing to eat except our day's provisions with which we started, we all became very hungry. About twelve o'clock at night we went into a garden to hunt some vegetables, leaving the woman to stand as sentinel at the gate, to alarm us in case any one should approach. We found a man there on the same mission as ourselves, and, seeing us, he thought we were after him, and broke out as quickly as he could, with a beehive on his back. The woman taking him to be one of us took after him. The noise he made aroused the dogs and they began to bark, which made us think it prudent to follow after them. We then tried to get each other together by our mutual signal, which was to whistle. Barry and myself soon got together, but we whistled and whistled, but could not find the woman. Thinking that the dogs might have aroused the inmates and she have thought it best to look to them for protection. We did not try further to find her. We then sought a good place to rest until the next night, and soon found one in a thicket near which there was a fine spring of water. About nine o'clock we saw a woman come down there to wash clothes. She being a black woman, Barry thought she would befriend us. We being very hungry thought we might venture to ask her if she could not get us something to eat. Barry went up to her and stated his case, and she professed to be a friend; she said her mistress kept a dancing-school and boarded the scholars, that she could get us plenty to eat without its being missed. She asked him if he was alone. He told her that he was not, but that he had a partner not very far off. She asked to see me, and Barry whistled for me to come to him. I being suspicious of her did not respond. He then came to me and blamed me for not coming to her, and stating what she had told him. I told him to go back and tell her I could not come. She seemed very sorry, and said that she was grieved to see her own color afraid of her; that I did not know what she had done for her color. She told him that on the other side of the farm there was a cane-brake, where she said she had staid when she ran away, for twelve months at a time without being found, and that she would bring us food there, and for us both to come up to the road at night, and not to be afraid of her. Barry came and told me what she had said, and I promised him I would go up to the road at night. She told Barry which way to come come, and that the people of the house always retired just after dark. We lay there the remainder of the day, wishing for night to come. Every few minutes Barry would exclaim, "What a fine woman she was," little thought had he that she was laying a trap to catch him that night. At length the sun departed behind the western hill-tops, and we commenced drawing near the house. When we came to the place she had appointed, there she was with a large waiter filled with eatables, with her mistress' china cups and saucers, and light biscuit and sugar. I began to think this woman was truly a friend to those in trouble, and especially to us. Being very hungry we began eating without much ceremony. Presently we saw a colored man coming from the house. She hallooed to him to go back, that he was no friend of hers. George, as she called him, started back toward the house. The next thing I noticed was a white man catch George around the waist and command him to stand. I thought that all this did not seem right, and we sprang up and took for the woods. Two white men stept before us into the lane, and told us to stop or they would shoot us. We paid no attention to their commands, and one of them fired away, cutting off one of Barry's eyebrows, leaving the bone bare. After the gun was fired I noticed Barry stagger from one side to the other, and gave him up as dead. I ran for the cane-brake which I reached without being hurt. I climbed a tree to see if I could see any thing of my partners, but could not. I saw, however, four, white men and the woman with a lantern trying to track some blood. They walked on until they came to the spring where we saw the woman washing; they then went back to the house. This convinced me that Barry was not dead, and I came down from the tree and whistled for him. He answered me; but I was afraid to go to him, and he was afraid to come to me, we each surmising that it might be either the woman or one of the white men, she having learnt our signal for calling each other. We whistled for each other for nearly an hour, but neither of ventured to go to the other. I then found a good place and laid down to sleep. The next morning I started forth alone, not knowing what had become of my companions. Going on I came to a farm where there was an old house standing well up in the field. Watching it I saw a man go from it who I took, from his general appearance, to be a slave-driver. Still watching the house very closely, and looking around to see that there was no person there, I at last went in it to look for something to eat. I found a large piece ef bread and some meat, and, on looking in and on the top of the cupboard, found a cup of sugar and a hat full of eggs. On the bed, which stood in the corner of the room, lay a large black whip, which he used to drive the slaves. I here found an ample repast, for which I was truly thankful. Then I went into the cane-brake and fell into a sound sleep. In perusing the foregoing account, the reader who is acquainted with the South will ask (in his or her own mind at least) as to where the blood-hounds were kept during all my wanderings. To which I would reply, that in many districts, even of Mississippi, these dogs are not kept for distances of fifty miles apart, and that at the time of which I am speaking, I had not seen one for six months previous. I travelled on from this time until I came into Vicksburg. Having lived here before, my intention was to go to the man's house with whom I had lived, and try and find out if Master Crookesty had returned from Tennessee, and if not, stay there until he returned. I did not think it prudent, however, to go into to the town until near night, and wandered slowly along the banks of the river (Mississippi). While I was thus engaged a white man met me, and asked if I was a slave. I told him "Yes sir." "That's a pity; you ought not to be a slave; where I live there are no slaves," said he. "Where is that, sir." I asked. "In the State of Ohio," he replied. "I wish I was there," said I. From that time the idea of being free and of seeing the State of Ohio, never left my mind. But, thought I, they must be very poor in Ohio if they have no slaves, for I knew that the people who owned no slaves wherever I had been were very poor. So ended our conversation; but I did not tell him I was a runaway. I had not gone much further before I saw another white man. When we came up to each other, he said-- "Boy, which way are you going?" "I am hunting geese, sir," I replied. "Who do you belong to," asked he. "Mr. Wood, sir," says I. "Well, come with me and we will see if you belong to him." This Mr. Wood was the gentleman with whom I had lived in Vicksburg. We started off to go Mr. Wood's, but, thinking if he caught me in a lie he would whip me, as we were going along I told him I was a runaway, and belonged to Mr. Crookesty. After I told him this he took me to the jail. When he got there he says to the jailor, "Well, Mr. Downs, I have a stray here." "He is a fine looking fellow, to whom does he belong?" said Mr. Downs. "To Crookesty," replied the man. "Why, I have one of Crookesty's boys in here now; there was two of you ran off together?" interrogated Mr. Downs. "Yes sir," says I. They then took me to the measuring board and took my height and general description, and then took me up a winding stairs and put me into one of the cells. In here I found Barry, who, after all was quiet, told me how he came to be there. * * * * * * Barry's story ran thus:-- He had, after being shot, dragged himself to the cane-brake where he had heard my whistle, but, as I before stated, he thought it was one of the men trying to catch us, they having learned our signal through the woman, whom we thought our friend, and had been too free in using it in her presence. There he remained until the next morning, when he started out again, going he knew not whither. He continued on until he came to a field where there was a colored man plowing, to whom he told his story, and asked him if he could not get him something to eat, he being very hungry. He asked him not to betray him, and he promised him he would not, but told him he would have to go to the house before he could get him any thing. Barry waited for him until he returned with the food. While they were talking, the master, overseer and three black men came suddenly upon him. He resisted, but their number overpowered him. They tied him and gave him one hundred lashes, then sent him to Vicksburg and imprisoned him. Here we met. This was near the end of the week after we had started off. Even the best must own That patience and resignation are the pillars Of human peace on earth. THE following Monday morning after our imprisonment we heard that Lucinda had also been brought into the prison. We did not get to see her as the prison was divided into different apartments--the debtor, the criminal, the runaway and the women's--she being confined in the last. To anticipate what she afterwards informed us was her fortune, we will present it here:-- She had followed the man who had run off with the bee-hive, supposing it to be Barry or me. After she found out her mistake she was at a loss what to do, until the man tried to take undue liberties with her, to which she would not submit, and she succeeded in getting out of his company and gave herself up to the proprietor of the farm, thinking it better to suffer punishment than submit to wrong. She was a very pretty girl, and the landlord took quite a fancy to her. She stayed there for several days, and had a very pleasant time. He thought it expedient, however, to deliver her up, und accordingly about a week after, he brought her in to the jail. We all had quite a lively time in the prison--laughing, talking and singing. We remained here eleven days, and our jail fee amounted to forty-nine dollars and fifty cents, and six dollars for the persons who caught us. The last night we were there, I had quite an ominous dream, which, from the minute fulfilment, increased my faith in such revelations. I dreamt that I had a trace chain around my neck and a padlock under my chin and a white man leading me down the prison stairs. I awoke and found it all a dream. About ten o'clock the next day Mr. Jones came into the apartment where Barry and I was with three chains and padlocks. These he placed around our necks, and put the padlocks under our chins, and led us out of the prison. Thus was my dream fulfilled. He chained all three of us together and then started for home, making us walk the entire distance of fifty-four miles without getting any thing to eat or drink. He then gave us a glass of liquor to invigorate us, and we reached home the next morning before breakfast. He gave each one a light whipping, and had a piece of iron weighing seven pounds put around Barry's ancle, six pounds around Lucinda's and six around mine, to cripple us in case we should attempt to run away again. We came off much better than we anticipated, and went to work with better feelings than we expected. A few days after this Barry was missing again, but I thought I would not try running away any more, but if he did not treat me right I would defend myself, even if I had to hurt him. A short time after the events just related, Mr. Crookesty, having returned to Vicksburg, and hearing of our having been there, he came to see Mr. Jones as to what were the prospects and how he liked us by this time. Mr. Jones told him his story, and Mr. Crookesty having some other motive, wished him to give us up to him. This he consented to do provided Mr. Crookesty would pay the jail fee, and for our time. This he would not consent to do. Mr. Jones then wanted him to pay for the time we had lost by running away, when he had to hire two other men to fill our places. Mr. Crookesty, however, would listen to nothing but an unconditional surrender, which Mr. Jones would not submit to. Mr. Crookesty then tried to decoy us off. He had seen Barry, who had told him his story, and he sympathized with him. Seeing me with the iron around my ancle, he resolved that we should leave Mr. Jones. After making every proposition they could think of without either of them being willing to accept the other's terms, they decided finally to leave the matter to arbitration. The next day the arbitrators met, and decided in Mr. Crookesty's favor. While I was plowing, on the day after the decision, Mr. Crookesty came to me and said, "Israel, fasten that horse to the fence, and come with me." I told him I had a blanket and some clothes at the house. "Well," says he, "go and get them, and I will be here when you come back." I went and got my things without saying any thing to any person. Mr. Crookesty took me to the Blacksmith shop, and had the iron band cut off; but this did not mend the matter much, for I had worn it so long that my muscles had become accustomed to it, and when it was taken off, my foot jumped up and down, so that I could hardly walk. After we left the blacksmith shop we went to Squire Waddleton's where we met Barry. Mr. Crookesty had the iron taken from his ancle, and then gave us a couple day's rest, which made us all right; our legs by that time becoming of equal weight. So ended our career with Mr. Jones. WITH me that time is come. * * * A new world rises, and new manners reign. ON the morning of the third day, while we were stopping at Squire Waddleton's, Master Crookesty told me he had sold me to a Mr. Garner, who he said was a very good man, and I want you to get ready and we will go over there and see him. I did as he commanded, and after master had made out a bill of sale, we went over to Mr. Garner's. This Mr. Garner was a poor man as regards property. He owned, however, four slaves, and hired his brother-in-law to work his farm. He had married his second wife, and was, as to size, a heavy man, weighing about two hundred pounds. He worked regularly with the hands, and was his own overseer. We made a very good crop the first year I was with him. By the time cotton-picking time came around, I had learned the art a little better than I understood it when I had to pick water-melons to make up my task, and did'nt have to do any such thing to make up my number of pounds and save my back. My new master was not a fast picker, and I tried to pick as much as he did. In a little while I could go far ahead of him. He had a pretty fast picker by the name of Uncle Bob, and after I had come to outstrip master, we used to run races, so that before cotton-picking was over I could go ahead of Uncle Bob. With Mr. Garner all the hands had Saturday afternoon to themselves. They generally took this time to get their clothes washed by the women and attend to any other business they might have. I was very much pleased with my place and with my master and mistress, and they were very well satisfied with me. Everything went as usual until Christmas again come round. We had then five days holidays, and we enjoyed them very much. Here occurred an episode in my life, which I will relate: Christmas holidays being over, on New Year's day I had to go to mill. Master told me to go over to Squire Waddleton's and ask his uncle (Squire's overseer) to lend me one of his horses to ride. He told me to take either of them, except the two mules, which they worked in the cotton-gin. Among the horses there was one which was owned by the Squire's son; but as the order was to take any except the mules, I thought I had rather ride that one in preference to any of the others, and accordingly took it. When I came back he found out that I had his horse, and he threatened to whip me for it. Knowing that I was as strong as he was, he thought he would over-power me by strategem, and went to the corn-crib and made his arrangements. The crib had two doors, one of these he fastened, intending to come in at the other door and get me foul. When he saw me he spoke quite pleasantly as if he was not at all displeased at me. "Well, Israel, how do you like my horse?" "First rate, Master Irving," I replied. "Well, I want you to feed him before you go home." "Very well, sir," I replied. I then went to the crib to get the corn, he going with me. As I stooped down to get the corn he up with a board and struck at me, breaking out with an oath and wanting to know what I rode his horse for?" "The overseer told me to take any of the horses except old Jef and the mules, master," said I. "Well, I am going to cow-hide you for taking my horse," said he. I don't know about that, master," said I. Upon that he struck at me, and I seized him by the collar. He saw that I was rather too much for him to handle, and began to get frightened. I gave him one or two blows in the short-ribs and made for the door, but found it fastened; I then threw myself against it and broke it open. The cook going across the yard at that moment, he called for her to come and help him. I told her not to come, or I would knock her down, and she went her way. I then got out of the crib and started for home. He said he would come over and get master to whip me for what I had done. When I got home, I went immediately and told master what had happened. A little while after Mr. Irving came over with his story. Master decided in my favor. After this Mr. Irving always bore an ill-will against me. This year master gave each of the men an acre of ground for their own farm. This, as I have before stated, we tilled on Saturday afternoons and holidays, and sometimes on Sundays. We made a pretty good crop of general produce for master this year, and succeeded very well with our truck patches, as we called them. When cotton-picking time came, master said to me, "Israel, if you want it I will give you a task, and all you pick over that I will pay you fifty cents a hundred for." My task was fixed at one-hundred and seventy-five pounds. I made during the season by over-work, an average of from two to three dollars a week. Master seeing that I was quick and willing took some pains with me, taught me how to weigh with the steelyards and also how to calculate. Master's success this year made him think that he could afford to have more help, and after all the work was over he went to the slave market to see what he could find to suit him. AND now I take my quiet rest, With my head upon thy breast And make no further quest. * * * * * * * The discipline of slavery is unknown. MASTER returned from the market bringing with him seven slaves, which he had purchased. Among them was a beautiful girl, nearly white, with long black hair and jet black eyes. Hardly had we seen each other than each of us seemed at once to regard the other with affection and interest. But I could not think of marriage just yet. Before long however we began talking of marriage, and as master and mistress gave their consent, we concluded to be married the next Christmas. Time sped its onward flight, carrying with it the usual pleasures and sorrows of life. We had made a very good crop and master was well pleased with the manner in which the work had been performed and with the amount that had been accomplished. A week or so before Christmas we went to the city, and I dressed my intended bride from head to foot, and purchased myself a nice suit of broadcloth. Christmas having arrived, we were very busy in making preparation for the wedding--master and mistress helping in the preparation of our supper. A Justice of the Peace (commonly called Squires in the South) solemnized the bands and for that night we had a very lively time, every one enjoying themselves as much as possible. I was about eighteen years old when I was married. I never had any cause to regret my choice, as we lived very happily together, she always being willing to go with me night or day where duty called. There was one of the boys who was very bad, and who would run away without the least provocation; staying away until hunger compelled him to come back and go to work. He being a very smart hand master had not whipped him for so doing, but had made work harder when he came back. This fall he had run off in the busiest time of cotton-picking, and had staid away over a week. When he came back master determined he would not bear with such conduct any longer, and would cure him of the propensity. He told him to tell me he wanted me. He sent me to the stable to get a couple of plow lines, which I brought him. He then got a barrel. After tying Caleb he made him lay down across the barrel, and put a fence-rail across his arms and ancles. Then he commanded me to get the bull-whip and hand saw. When I had so done, he told me wanted me to whip Caleb until he could not stand. This I refused to do; so he said he would do it himself. He began with the bull-whip. As he grew warm with whipping, he lost his temper, and he would whip as hard as he could, and would draw the saw across his bare back. The poor fellow hollowed and screamed without much success. The neighbors thought he was killing him, and came to see what was the matter. After giving him two hundred lashes, he told him, if he would promise not to run away any more, he would stop now. This he did, and master then untied him. He took up his clothes, and hurried away to his cabin, with the blood streaming down his back. It was hard to stand and see a fellow-partner suffer such punishment; but I dared not say a word. Several days elapsed before Caleb was able to go to work. He finally recovered, however; and, although he lived with Mr. Garner for several years after that, he never attempted to run away. Work increasing on his hands, and he having more slaves than he could attend to, master concluded to get an overseer. The man he employed was a Mr. Cotton, from Alabama. This gentleman was quite stout, weighing, I think, about one hundred and seventy-five pounds. He had to act as overseer and work the same as a hand. Every thing went on very well, until one day he told me to pick up some grubs where he was ploughing, and throw them over the fence. I picked them up and threw them in one corner of the fence to stop up a hole which was there, this being the way master had told me to do. When Mr. Cotton saw what I had done with them, he went into the woods and cut him three hickory switches. He then attempted to arrest me for not obeying his orders. This was the first time he had attempted to whip any of us, and three of us boys agreed together to help each other if he should undertake to do it, and beat him almost to death. Relying upon their honor for sticking to the bargain, I was in no way backward in answering to his summons. To keep me off my guard, he had set his hickories behind a tree, and he was standing against it. When I came to where he was standing, he asked-- "What did you do with with them grubs I told you to pick up?" "I threw them down in the corner of the fence," I replied. "What did you do that for?" said he. "That is the way master has told me to do, to keep the pigs out of the field." "Well, what did I tell you to do with them?" "You told me to throw them over the fence." "Well, I will let you know you shall obey my orders." He then reached behind the tree and got his hickories. This surprised me, and for the moment I was thrown off my guard. He then told me to draw off my coat. "Sir," I said, "I would just as soon throw them over the fence as to put them down in the corner." But he would listen to nothing but me pulling off my coat. "My master does not make me take off my coat, and I shall not do it for you," I replied. "Well, d--n you, I will whip it off," said he. "There is no devil if you do," I replied. I did not think I could whip him; but there was another of the boys working close by, and I expected him to come to my help, as we had agreed, as soon as he should commence whipping me. He then made an attack on me. As soon as he raised his hand to strike me, I seized him and looked him straight in the face. The color left it, and I saw he was badly frightened. He dropped his switch and seized me. We then stood there like two bull-dogs, each afraid of the other. He then hallooed to a black man who was working close by, to come and help him. But Uncle Bob, as he was called, would not come. I then called him, but he would not come. Mr. Cotton then said to me-- "Let me go." I told him to let me go. But he would not. He then threw me down, and, as I fell, I caught his thumb in my mouth. This made him release me, when both of us sprung up and made at each other again. By this time I saw that I would have to do my own fighting, and went at it in earnest. I seized him by his shirt, and tore it half off, and presently tore the other half, leaving him shirtless. He, seeing that I was too much for him, gave up the idea of whipping me, and told me to go to my work. I was as willing to do this as he was to get clear of me; for I must confess that if I had thought the other boys would not have come to my help, I should have run. Confidence often accomplishes more than strength. Mr. Cotton told master his side, and I mine of the story. Mistress, who did not bear me the best of good-will, wanted master to tie me and let Mr. Cotton whip me. I knew that the best way to get around master was to be very humble, and I had not a word to say; but, as he was to see me next morning, I set my wits to work to find out something that would please him. I at last thought that he liked the hands to be up very early in the morning, and I was up bright and early. A little while after I was up, I saw master coming towards the stable, where I was feeding the horses. After hearing my explanation, he said-- "Now, young man, you will have to walk straight." This was the end of this episode. Every thing went on smoothly after this until cotton-picking time. By this time, Mr. Cotton seemed to have forgotten master's displeasure at his whipping the hands. So one day he whipped a colored woman for some slight offence. She told master of it, and also that he had said she was too great a favorite of master's. Master became very angry about this, and told Mr. Cotton never to strike one of the hands as long as he was with him. Another incident occurred just at this time, which I give to show upon what little cause many of the masters and overseers whip the slaves, and sometimes other persons' hands. A short time after the above had happened, another young man and myself were walking along the main road about a mile from home, when we came to where two women were washing. They belonged to a man by the name of Gruffin, and he had an overseer named Hatch. We stopped there a minute or two, and were talking with the women. Presently Mr. Hatch came up and spoke to us, and asked us what we were doing there. We replied, that we were passing along the road, and had just stopped a minute to chat with the ladies. "This is against my orders," said he. "We did not know this, sir; and it shall not happen again," we replied. I noticed that he had his bull-whip and pistol in his hand, and commenced moving off. He said-- "You move from here until I give you each a few lashes, and your blood shall spill." "I cannot help it, sir," said I, and we jumped off the fence and got away as fast as we could. He fired his pistol at us, but it did not hit either of us. When I was beyond his reach, I hollowed at the top of my voice-- "Oh! if that is the best you can do, you had better go back and take your rest." WORTH is elevated to place; 'tis more; It makes the place stand candidate for thee; * * * * * Nor wake indulgence from her golden dream. * * * * * Vain are all sudden sallies of delight, If not on honest principle based. AT this time master sold out his farm and bought another seven miles west of a town called Mount Vernon. Mr. Cotton's time was now ended, and master paid him and gave him his discharge. After Mr. Cotton had gone, master came to me and said-- "Now, Israel, I am going to make you my overseer. I want you to go right ahead; and if any thing goes wrong, I want you to let me know it." I entered on my new office with misgivings as to my ability, but I was determined to do the best I could. * * * * * The first year we lived on the new farm my wife gave birth to a fine son. I called him Nelson, after my older brother. I thought as much of him as it was possible, and took great pleasure, as he grew older and commenced noticing, in watching his pranks. I was now as happy as I thought it possible to be in this world. When about eleven months old, however, the child was taken very sick with a fever; and, after lingering for eleven days, it died. It seemed now that every thing in the world was worthless, and that the Lord was a cruel and unjust God. But all this affliction was for my benefit. While in the field one day soon after, I began thinking about my child; and, as one thought suceeded another, I thought of the admonition of my mother when I left her, to meet her in heaven; and now I thought to try and do this, as my child had gone there. I made a resolution that I would endeavor to live a better life and try and be a Christian. I found, however, by my experience, that it was much easier to think of being an overseer than to practice it. Master had, at this time, about thirty slaves, and I often felt that I had rather be one of the hands than overseer. There was a man who master got of his brother, who had been overseer for him, and I thought I could get the place; but when I told my intention, none of the hands would listen to my resigning; so, for their sakes, I continued on. Master's affairs went on very prosperously at this time. I tried to make the slaves work for his interest; and he, seeing them do this, was kind to them. One or two circumstances occurred at this time which may help to show the habits of the slaves and the sufferings they have to endure, even to the death. The first of these we will call the hog scrape. A neighbor of master's (Mr. Lipscomb) had missed one of his hogs, and he had traced it to one of the cabins of master's slaves. Master endeavored to ferret out the truth, and came with Mr. Lipscomb into the field where we were at work. Master asked me if I knew any thing about it. I told him I did not. He said he thought as much. The hog had been traced to the cabin of a man by the name of George. So master asked him about it, and he acknowledged to it. Master wished to pay Mr. Lipscomb; but to this he would not consent, and said the only way in which he could be paid was to take it out of their backs. At first master would not consent to this; but Mr. Lipscomb was so determined either to settle it in this way or have the men imprisoned and publicly punished, that master at last gave way, but made the provision, that he should not draw blood. Master told George that Mr. Lipscomb would not be satisfied with any other pay than whipping him, so he would have to pull off his shirt. George drew off his shirt, and Mr. Lipscomb gave him fifty lashes. George hollowed, begged, and pleaded with him, which made him strike lighter than he would otherwise have done. The other boy, who helped him to kill and clean the hog, came in for his portion of the punishment. He was very sullen and stubborn, and would not beg nor cry, but stood it bravely. Mr. Lipscomb, seeing his stubbornness, struck him much harder. Master stopped him and said that he must either not strike so hard or quit, which caused him to lighten his strokes. After he had given him fifty lashes also, he seemed perfectly satisfied. Master told the boys that he was sorry they had done such a thing; and, although he would not tolerate stealing, he would rather they would have taken two of his hogs than to have touched a neighbor's; and that he hoped they would learn a lesson from the consequences of this act. An incident occurred at Mr. Lipscomb's at this time which forcibly shows what sufferings some of the poor slaves have to endure. Mr. Lipscomb lived about one mile from our house. He had a boy named Jupiter. One day the hands were talking about their mistress, who was a very disagreeable woman, when Jupiter called her a little red-headed devil. One of them told her what he had said, and she told his master, who tied him down to three stakes and gave him two hundred lashes on his bare back. After this, Jupiter ran away; but they caught him after a few days, when he was tied down and given two hundred lashes more. His master then put his tied hands behind his neck and passed a stick through them. He then tied another stick so that it should be above his head, and to this he fastened a bell. After his master went to bed, he came over to our house to get master to take his shackles off and go and plead with his master for him. The first person who heard the bell was George, who was at his old tricks,--prowling around the stable after chickens. He could not think what in the world it was coming towards him with such a noise, as it was too high for any cattle to have a bell. He soon perceived who it was, however; and after Jupiter told him his story, he advised him to go and see master. This he done, and after taking off his shackles, master told him to go to one of the houses and stay, and in the morning he would go with him, which he did, and Mr. Lipscomb promised he would not whip him again. The next day, however, he was not able to pick his full task of cotton, so badly had he been whipped, and his master gave him two hundred more lashes, making six hundred lashes the poor fellow had received in a week's time. The next morning Jupiter was dead. Mr. Lipscomb sent for master to come over and look at him. After master came back, he came to where I was and said-- "Well, Jupiter, Mr. Lipscomb has whipped Jupiter to death." That was the last I ever heard of this affair. Cotton-picking time had again arrived, and master gave those who wished it a task, and paid them for all over they could pick. My task was put at one hundred and seventy-five pounds, and my wife's at one hundred and fifty pounds. We worked hard late and early, and some weeks would make from three dollars and a half to four dollars and a half. After master had raised several successful crops, he considered that he had made money enough, and thought of moving to Tennessee. About that time a man by the name of Mr. Thomas came in that neighborhood. He was a Methodist preacher, and had come from Louisiana for the purpose of buying a farm in the vicinity of Vicksburg. Master hearing of him, offered his farm for sale. Mr. Thomas bought it and twenty slaves. Master reserved ten of his choice hands, and said he was going to take them up to Tennessee. I having got a good name as a cotton-picker, he refused two thousand five hundred dollars for me, and the same for another boy, named Ned, he being a single man. He hired me and my family to his brother-in-law. He then bought himself a pair of horses and a carriage, and took a pleasure-trip into Tennessee. I now changed my home, and went to live with his brother-in-law, Mr. Charles Hestel. DARKEST sacrifice! which had with horror shocked The darkest, Pagans offered to their gods. AFTER I had got fairly installed into my new home, Mr. Hestel came to me and said he wanted me to take charge of his hands and do just the same for him as I had done for my old master. "Well, master," I replied, I am willing to do the very best I can for you. What kind of a chance are you going to give for over-work?" "Well, I am not able to do as your master did, Israel; but I will pay you for all you pick over your task and on Sundays; and when cotton-picking is over, I want you to be teamster." "I do not wish to work on Sundays, master. All the rest I like very well," said I. "Just as you please about that," said he. After cotton-picking was over, Master Charles and his wife concluded they would take a trip to Tennessee to see their parents, and left his younger brother to manage his business. An insurrection broke out this year, but did not come to open riot, although many poor fellows suffered on suspicion of being concerned in raising it. The first I knew of it was: Two white men came to my house one night after I had gone to bed, and ordered me to get up immediately. I could not think, for my life, what was the matter. Before I got my clothes on, they became impatient, and called for me to open the door. As I done this, one of them seized me by the collar, having a bowie-knife in one hand. Uttering a horrible oath, he asked-- "What do you know about Doctor Cotton's scrape?" "Nothing at all, sir," I replied. "Don't you tell me a lie. Do you know Dr. Cotton? When did you see him last?" I replied, that I would not tell them a lie; that I did know Mr. Cotton, but that I had not seen him for some time. They went on asking a number of questions, wanting to know if I knew Harris' old Dave, the negro preacher, and when I heard him preach last, and where at? I answered them satisfactorily these queries. They then wanted to know if I staid at the meeting until the people had all dispersed? If they talked any thing about getting free and killing the white people? I replied to them about knowing the different parties; but about the rising of the slaves I had heard nothing. After convincing themselves that I was ignorant, they left, warning me, however, not to be caught outside our own plantation, nor talk with any strange negroes or white men. They told me that Dr. Cotton and some other mean white men and a great many of the negroes were laying plans to rise and kill off the white people and free the negroes. After giving me some brandy, and again warning me, that if I did not heed their advice, I would be shot, they left my house. They, with other parties, went around among all the slave quarters. many they scared so badly, that they told lies of every description, and suffered for it. When they thought they had succeeded in quelling the insurrection, they commenced punishing those they had caught. Some they hung, others they burned, and some of those they thought not so guilty they pulled cats back-wards on their bare backs. Two of the party hung themselves in the prison. They then got the bloodhounds and scoured the swamps and forests. When they thought their work was complete, they gave a large feast to the citizens. I was at this myself, to help wait on the table. They had a long table set in the woods, and at every man's plate was a bottle of wine, and champagne went freely. At the proper time, twelve armed men escorted Mr. Stewart (the man who first detected the plan that was being laid) to the table. Mayor Green, a wealthy farmer, was called on to address the meeting. He said-- "Friends and fellow-citizens, we have the pleasure to-day of meeting with Mr. Stewart, who has been the means of saving the lives of our wives and children, and preserving our farms from destruction. The State owes him a debt they can never repay; and I am glad to see those who are acquainted with the importance of his acts showing a just appreciation of his worth. I call upon you, gentlemen, to drink the health of Mr. Stewart, the protector of our families and firesides." Then they all drank his health, and filled the woods with their cheers Mr. Stewart then arose and replied-- "Gentlemen and fellow-citizens, I am happy to meet you here to-day in this time of rejoicing, after we have succeeded in putting an end to the diabolical plot which was being laid; and as you appointed me your leader, I have done no more than it was my duty to do, and which, I am sure, every true friend to his country would have done. Thanking you for this heartfelt manifestation of your feelings, I assure you I will long hold this day in grateful, though painful, remembrance." They then all sat down to the dinner, which was prepared. After all was over, they went into the village. I saw the place where the slaughter took place. Two large wooden forks, with a pole laid from one to the other, served for the gallows, and they told me men hung there two days and nights. Dr. Cotton was a steam doctor; and the party who were making arrests endeavored to get hold of every steam doctor and colored preacher they could; and when once in their grasp, there was very little mercy shown them. The heads of the preachers they cut off and put on poles, and placed them along the road, where they remained until they were bleached. I saw several of their skulls in an apothecary store at Mount Vernon the latter part of that fall. Dr. Cotton was a noble-looking man and a friend to the slave, and he died a martyr to the cause he had so much at heart,--the emancipation of the slave. This affair was known as Murrell's Insurrection, and happened, as well as I can remember, in the year 1836. "WHEN through the deep waters I call thee to go, The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow; For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, And sanctify to thee thy deepest distress." LATE that fall, Master Garner returned from Tennessee. I was very glad the trouble was all over, and that I was permitted to see him again. He seemed very glad to see me. He said he had quite a serious sickness since he left, but that he was much better now, and was gaining fast. He told me he was going to settle down in Mount Vernon for a while. He thought it likely that he would stop at the tavern, and that he would take my wife and myself there, too. A few days after that they sent up for us come down to Mount Vernon, and master hired me to the landlord of the tavern for twenty-five dollars a month. I was very well pleased here, as I had an excellent chance to make money, making almost as much a month as master got for my wages, by blacking boots, tending horses and waiting on the gamblers at night. Often have I made five dollars of a night waiting on them. We remained here from fall until the next May. At this time master concluded to move altogether to Tennessee, and accordingly we took the steamboat at Vicksburg. I waited on the table on the steamboat, and the captain took quite a fancy to me, and offered master sixteen hundred dollars for me; but master had promised me that he would not sell me without I was willing, and asked me if I was willing to go. I told him I was not; that I did not want to leave him. I never saw a man I thought as much of as Master Garner. We arrived safe at Nashville, and here master hired a team to take us to Winchester. We lived at his father's the remainder of that year. I had always, during the time we have been reviewing, been trying to make my peace with God; but in Mississippi there were so many drawbacks, that I had not made much progress. I now thought I would succeed, as I was away from that wicked place, and put my whole soul to the work. I went to the meetings, and was much encouraged by the sermons I heard. I sought me out a praying-ground, and resorted there twice a day. This I continued until the last of the fall.--At this time there was a Methodist camp-meeting held near where we lived, and my wife and myself got permission on Saturday afternoon to attend it. I thought that if it was possible for me to get religion, I would now succeed. We had an excellent sermon preached, and after that was over the minister called for anxious souls to come forward. Both my wife and myself went up at the first invitation. They had a series of prayers, but no conversions. Meeting then dismissed. We were disappointed in our expectations; but next morning we went up again, thinking we would be more successful. For several days we went forward without experiencing any change. On Sunday night the meeting broke up, and left us in a state of almost despair. To still continue my pleadings I went up to the graveyard and tried to pray there, but found no relief. I thought when I became converted I would see the Lord face to face, and He would talk with me. After being some time in the woods by myself, I asked my wife how she felt. She said, "No better." I told her I feared the day of grace was passed with me. We agreed, however, to strive on, and on Monday evening went to the camp-ground again. They had a sermon and partook of the Lord's Supper. After they had ended these exercises, they again invited mourners forward. My wife seemed to be in a more anxious state of mind than I was, and went forward immediately. I held back, not feeling like praying, and fearing that there was no mercy for me. When my wife noticed that I was not kneeling, she caught hold of me and pulled me down by the side of her. I kneeled down for her sake, not that I expected to receive any profit from praying. When the ministers came around exhorting us, I would clear my throat to let them know I was not asleep. When we had been kneeling there some time, my wife rose up and began praying. An old colored minister, named Reeves, came near to us, and said-- "Pray on, my young brother. Your wife has found the Lord." I had not yet began to pray; and a little while after there appeared to be a load settle on my back, so that, had I a fifty-six pound weight tied there, I could not have felt more bowed down or uncomfortable. I then tried to pray, to relieve me of my load; but my sins rose up before me so fast and in such abundance, that they seemed like a swarm of bees flying thickly before me. After praying awhile longer, a new state of mind came over me, and I felt perfectly willing for God's will to be done. I could see now that it was myself that I had been relying on, and not God. My friends had told me to say when I prayed, "Here, Lord, I give myself to Thee; it is all that I can do!" This I had said again and again, but never experienced, until that night, the efficacy of prayer in the fullest extent. Then I prayed, "Lord, I give myself to Thee; it is all that I can do. I own that I am vile and weak, yet Thy salvation is free!" I felt that if it was God's will, I should rather be sent to perdition than arise from there without experiencing peace with Him. All at once, in a moment of time, the darkness vanished, light sprang up, and my soul was filled with joy. I I felt alive in Christ; I felt that I was new born in Christ. I rose up and cried out, "The Lord be praised for evermore!" I loved everybody; I had no feeling of hatred in my heart. My wife met me and threw her arms around my neck, and we had a time of rejoicing together. We went home that night, praising God, and I felt as if there must be rejoicing with God and the angels over the finding of the lost sheep. The next morning I began to study the matter over, and I thought to myself, as I always thought, that I would see the Lord when I experienced a change of nature; and if I had done so the night previous, why had not my hopes been confirmed? Doubts began to arise, and my mind felt as if it could not be satisfied until it had the assurance from the Lord's own voice of its entire emancipation from the bondage of sin. Then it came to my mind, that "Thomas was of a doubtful nature, and would not be convinced until he had put his finger in the holes of His hands and thrust his hand into His side; yet He did not cast him off." Then I thought I would pray, and try and get free from such harrassing doubts and fears. I worked that day without eating any thing, and prayed that my doubts and fears might be removed. When I went in at night I asked my wife how she felt. She replied, "I feel as if God had made peace with my soul." She then asked me how I felt. I told her that I was like doubting Thomas; that I had doubts and fears that my peace was not complete. "Whether you are right or wrong," said she, "pray to God." This I told her I had done, and found no relief; but I still continued to pray. The next morning, as I was going to my work, I went through the woods, with my mind in its agonizing state, praying that the Lord would relieve my doubts. Just as I was going out of the woods, a new feeling came over me. Such perfect peace seemed to take possession of my mind, that I could not realize that I was the same being. I then heard a voice say-- "Spread it wherever you go; for you have, indeed, found it." This voice appeared to me as if it was from the East, though I was convinced that it was the voice of Jesus. I cried out-- "Thank you, Jesus; I will spread it wherever I go!" and went on rejoicing. The foregoing experience may seem strange to some persons, and others will say it was imagination; but the sudden change of feeling, the entire banishment of all doubt from my mind, and the plainness with which the voice uttered the charge were to me too unmistakable to be disregarded; and I pen them as a true statement of the manner in which one of the most important events of my life took place. When I came to the main road, I met an old colored man, a member of the Presbyterian Church. I told him all about my feelings, and what I had heard, and asked him what he thought of it. "Well, brother," he said, "I have great hope and faith that it will last beyond the grave." Before I was through talking to him, an old Free-will Baptist preacher came up to us, and I told him my story, and asked him what he thought of it. He said, "Go on, baby, go on to the goal." I went on my way rejoicing. The next morning, which was the third after my conversion, as I was going to my work, my mind not fully satisfied, but peaceful and happy, and feeling the presence of the Lord, I heard a voice say-- "And yet you will be doubtful." I drove my axe into a sapling, and fell upon my knees and cried, "Lord, what wilt thou have me to do?" And I heard a voice say, "Watch and pray, or you will be led astray." I then endeavored to lay hold of the promises. I had often thought of the man with the withered hand; how, when he was commanded to stretch forth his hand, and, by believing, had it made whole. So I tried, by God's help and grace, to imitate his example, and cast all my fears on His mercy and believe. I then promised the Lord that I would fast and pray one day in every month, and made choice of the last Friday in the month for that purpose; and from that day (in 1837) to the present time have I kept the promise. It now came to my mind that it was my duty to join some Christian church. Heretofore my entire thoughts had been centered on Jesus alone, and the thought of any church, as a means of my salvation, had never entered my mind; but now I felt the want of sympathy--felt the want of communion. Not being able to read, I resorted to prayer, relying entirely upon God's direction to guide me in the right way. I commenced praying about the first of December, and pleaded with the Lord night and day for some sign which would convince me what course to take. This I continued until the latter part of January, without my mind being settled. One night, at this time, I had gone to bed, and was thinking upon the subject and wondering if I should ever be advised as to what I should do, when a strange feeling came over me, and I was shown a vision. I was conducted to a large pond of water. There were many people standing on the border of the pond, and in the midst of it were several dead trees. While I was standing there, I heard a voice say-- "When you are baptized, your progress shall be renewed." The vision departed, and my natural feelings returned, and I found myself still in the bed. I lay there some time, turning the things I had witnessed over and over in my mind. I did not remember of ever having seen the pond, and the people were nearly all strangers to me. Then I thought I had been asleep and dreamed what I had seen; but I did not feel as if it had been so, as I was not rested in body like sleep leaves you, and the scenes were too forcibly impressed on my mind for a dream. I then began to think what the words I had heard--"When you are baptized, your progress shall be renewed,"--could mean. I knew what baptism meant; for my mother was a Baptist and my step-father was a Baptist minister. I came to the conclusion that the vision was intended to point out to me that I must be a Baptist, and was confirmed in this by having no doubts about it. I then went to my mistress and told her what I had experienced; also, that I wanted to join the Baptist Church, and asked her for a horse to take my wife and myself to the nearest church, which was ten miles off, at a place called Bean's Creek, as that was the nearest one I knew of. She gave her consent, and said she knew master would be perfectly willing if he was home; "but," said she, "father tells me there is a new Baptist church starting about five miles from here, and I think it would be better for you to join it, as you can go to church oftener then." The first Sunday in February there was a meeting at this church. My wife and myself went, and at the proper time gave our intention and experience. We were both received. It is required that slaves shall have a certificate from their masters before they can become members; but mistress and master's father were there. Mistress gave her consent for Matilda and myself, and master's father gave his for his son, who was absent at that time. Deacon Woods moved that we be put on probation for baptism, which was agreed to by a unanimous vote. He then asked the candidates if they would be baptized the first Sunday in March. To this they all gave their consent, nothing hindering. It was then announced that there would be baptizing at that church on the first Sunday in March. By this it had a month's circulation. We all met at the church on the first Sunday in March. The minister preached a powerful sermon on the subject of Baptism; after which we all retired to the water, which was a pond a short distance off. When we arrived there, Elder Smith inquired of the members-- "Can any man forbid water for those who have received the Holy Ghost as well as we?" There was not a single voice raised against it. I was surprised, on coming to the pond, to find it the very one which I saw in my vision; and as I lifted up my eyes there, I beheld the people standing on the shores, and there were the dead trees, all of which I saw so plain, and yet I have no recollection of ever seeing them before. When the minister was ready to baptize us, I took my wife's hand, and we three went down into the water together. He then took my hands and joined them together and said-- "My dear brother, upon the confession of your faith, I baptize you in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen." Then my wife was baptized in the same manner. When we came up out of the water, we were met by our brothers and sisters, who bid us God speed. We were the first baptized in that pond, and from that circumstance, it was called Israel's pond, and probably bears that name at this day. Many have been surprised to hear of my giving in such an experience with such a limited education as I had received, and still more so when I tell them that I never heard any one give their experience and never saw any one baptized. But as I look back upon those days, I can see the hand of God working out my salvation, and, like John the Baptist, I received my knowledge from above. Then could I sing that beautiful song of Zion: "How lost was my condition, till Jesus made me whole! There is but one Physician that can cure a sin-sick soul; Next door to death He found me, and snatched me from the grave, To tell to all around me His wond'rous power to save. "The worst of all diseases is light, compared with sin,-- On every part it seizes, but rages most within; `Tis palsy, plague, and fever, and madness all combined, And none but a believer the least relief can find. "From men of skill in their profession I thought a cure to gain; But this proved more distressing and added to my pain; Some said that nothing ailed me, some gave me up for lost,-- Thus every refuge failed me and all my hopes were crossed. "At length this great Physician, how matchless is His grace, Accepted my petition and undertook my case, First gave me sight to view Him, for sin my eyes had sealed, Then bade me look unto Him,--I looked and I was healed. "A dying, risen Jesus, seen by the eye of faith, At once from danger frees us, and saves the soul from death; Come, then, to this Physician, His help He'll freely give, He makes no hard condition, 'tis only look and live." Truly can I bear testimony to His skill, for He found me dead in trespasses and sins, and I now feel restored to life, and through His grace, my sins are all washed away. And now I wish to proclaim to men what efficacy there is in His cross; how, if they come to Jesus, humble and repentant, He will send them away rejoicing, singing a new song. Although I had to work hard during the day, at night I would walk several miles to attend prayer-meetings. We would sing and pray there until near midnight. Sometimes the patrols would come in upon us, and if any of us were found without passes, they would give us a few stripes. We freely rejoiced that we were called upon to suffer for Jesus' sake. I continued on in this way for eighteen months, when one day, as I was working in the field alone, I heard a voice say-- "You must preach the gospel." I thought the voice was from heaven, and I answered it, "Lord, the Scriptures say that in the last days there will arise false prophets, and will deceive the very elect if possible; and if I try to preach, I will be called a false prophet." Then I heard another voice say-- "Hell may rage and events may spite, but Christ will have his own delight." I then began thinking what a message I had received from heaven, and how I was going to comply with its demands. I wondered if any person would believe me if I told my story; and then I thought that I could not preach, and I need not tell it. But I was so impressed with what I had heard, that I found it impossible to rid my mind of it. I could not read, and I knew very little except what God had revealed to me, and I felt, like Jonah, that, had I been my own master, I would have fled to some other part of the globe. This feeling of doubt, rebellion, and unworthiness so increased, that I thought I would tell my wife my state of mind and feelings. She replied, "Why, I am afraid if you should try to preach, you would make such a bad out, that all the people would laugh at you, and that would hurt my feelings." I told her, "That was just what I thought of myself; but so troubled in mind have I been, that I thought I would ask your advice." "Well," she replied, "I would not mind it if you could only read." I did not feel any relief, although I was to church every Sunday and prayed day and night for nearly three weeks. About this time I went to the Cumberland Meeting, and heard a man named Mr. Ogden preach. His text was in the third chapter of the First Epistle of St. John, first verse: "Behold what manner of love the Father has bestowed on us, that we should be called the sons of God." I listened very attentively to the sermon, and enjoyed it very much; and I thought I could see through it as well as the preacher. I felt that I could preach now from that text. When I went home, I told my wife what I had heard, and that I thought I could preach from that text. "Well, my husband," she said, "I shall not put a straw in your way, and I will pray for you all I can; so just do as seemeth to you best. If the Lord has called you, He will surely be with you and enable you to do the work which He has set for you." After this, I continued praying for nearly two weeks more, when, one Saturday evening, the pastor of our church came to our house. Our white people thought a great deal of him. He was a colored man. His name was Cyrus Chin. He was going to a meeting four miles distant. Mistress Eliza called me to her and told me to tell Matilda to set Uncle Chin a good supper, and if she has not such things as she wants, tell her to come to me and get them. I thanked her for her kindness, and told Matilda what she had said. While Uncle Chin was eating his supper, mistress called me and asked me if I would not like to go down to Mr. Wood's with him to attend church? I replied, "I would like to go very much. She said, "You can go, and can have my horse and your master's saddle. You can stay all night, but be home early in the morning, as I want you to drive the carriage to church for me." I thanked her, and prepared to go. Uncle Chin seemed greatly pleased at having company, and we had a very pleasant ride. The meeting opened with singing and praying. The state of the church was then inquired into, and was found to be harmonious and prosperous. Uncle Chin then preached a sermon and called on me to pray, after which the meeting was dismissed. After meeting, Uncle Chin and myself walked out of the church together, and I told him what I had experienced. He said, "Brother Israel, this is what I have been listening to hear for some time. I have thought ever since you was baptized the Lord had a work for you to do." The next Sunday we met at another meeting-house, and Uncle Chin told the church about my call for the ministry. They were all glad to hear the news. He then asked as many as were in favor of my going forth to sing, pray and exhort until I could have some knowledge of the gift that God had given me would raise their right hand. Every person in the house, except myself, raised their hands. Henceforward my life was changed. "FROM purity of thought all pleasure springs, And from an humble spirit all our peace." I NOW commenced the duty assigned me; and no sooner had I entered on my course, than my griefs and burthen were removed. The cloud that hung over me was dispersed, and I found that it was pleasant to wait on the Lord. I was glad when Sundays came, that I could travel from place to place and hold meetings. It is true that I could not read, but I seldom found myself at a loss for a word to say. Sometimes the children would read to me, and at other times Mistress Eliza would read for me. Having a good memory, I could remember nearly every thing they read. Getting the chapter and verse, the words would occur to my mind as though I had them before me. My labors were attended with much success. Often have I walked ten miles on Sundays, and attended meetings morning, afternoon and night. I felt it to be a great pleasure to wait upon the Lord. There was much talk in the settlements about my preaching; and crowds of people came together, both white and colored, to hear my sermons. There was a movement started amongst the slave-owners, at one time, to buy me, so that they could keep me to preach to their slaves; but, from some cause, it was never accomplished. My life during that summer was spent in preaching and exhorting from place to place. That my master would lose nothing, I got him to consent that I might pay him for the time lost in my travelling, and I then got work wherever I could to enable me to do so. One afternoon in the following autumn, a lady came to my house and wished me to hold a meeting at her house. She said that her sister and herself had become deeply concerned for the welfare of their souls, and wished me to come and pray for them. I told her that I had an engagement at Colonel Lewis' on the night she wished me to come; but if they would wait until I could get there, I would be glad to attend her request. I was perfectly willing to give half the night to the Lord. I attended both meetings, and the Lord abundantly blessed my labors. One day I went into a shoemaker's shop and asked what they would charge me for the uppers and soles for a pair of shoes. They told me, "Half a dollar." I bought them and then bargained with the proprietors to learn me shoemaking. I was soon able to make good boots and shoes. I could then work and study how I could best serve the Lord. Having got through my probationary period, I was called upon by the brethren to preach what was called my trial sermon, so that the church could judge whether my theology was sound and such as could be approved. The sermon was thought all correct, and I was given the commission to "Preach the gospel whenever opportunity offered." My wife labored with me, and so hard did she labor, that her health began to fail. She endeavored to imitate Phoebe of old, and was a beacon-light to the church. During my ministry at this time, Mistress Eliza became very greatly concerned for the welfare of her soul. She often conversed with me on the subject, and asked me to pray for her. I told her that she must pray to the Lord for His grace and direction, and for His Holy Spirit to guide her into all peace, and that I would take the case to the Lord and plead for her. It was not many weeks after this that I had the pleasure of seeing her visit the church, heard her give her experience, and saw her go down into a watery grave, to rise again with Christ. She chose her own hymn to be sung, and I took such a liking to it, that I was able to sing it at my meeting the next Sunday. I have not been able to find it in any hymn-book at the North, and I will repeat it: "Despise me not, my carnal friends, Lest you despise my Lord; He bids me in the water go,-- I will obey His word. "Christ is the Bishop of my soul; He meekly did appear, And was baptized in Jordan's stream By John, his harbinger. "The watery grave I have in view He bids me hasten in; To all the world I bid adieu, To reign with Christ, my King. "And shall I now refuse to do What He has enjoined on me? No, I will, through grace, His cross bear, And His disciple be. "Indeed, dear Lord, I put my trust, With all I have or own, Hoping that Thou wilt raise this dust To praise Thee on Thy throne." When the hymn had been sung and she had come up from the water, she clasped her husband around the neck and said-- "My dear, won't you go with me to glory?" This caused old master to shed tears, and it was not many weeks after that master followed her footsteps. Soon after, his oldest daughter made profession of the faith. This made twelve of us, (including seven of the boys who had been baptized,) all belonging to one church. "INDUSTRIOUS habits in each bosom reign, And industry begets a love of gain." * * * * * "Once more we meet on earth, So changed the form, the features, That e'en a mother's eagle eye Detects not the traces of her long-lost son, Till trembling voice and anxious eye Recalls old scenes, and says, 'Tis he." ABOUT this time, master bought a large farm, about two miles from Winchester, on Boiling Creek. There was a brick house on the farm, the upper rooms of which had never been finished. He hired two plasterers to complete it, and I had to wait on them. One day, while they were away, I thought I would try my hand at plastering, and finished the top rooms, which pleased my master so much, that when the men returned, he went with them. When they came to the room I had plastered, master remarked that they were getting along finely. But neither of them remembered plastering the room. As I was the only one who waited on them, master asked me if I knew any thing about it. I told him, "Yes, sir." Master burst into a laugh, and said, "Mr. McNeal, I fear Israel will steal your trade." The other gentleman, Mr. Menear, said, "If he can do such work as this, I will give you eighty dollars for him until Christmas." "Well, Israel," said master, "can you work with Mr. Menear and learn the trade?" I hesitated about answering. Master added, "You can make considerable for yourself and something for me." I still hesitating, he promised me that I might go to see my relations in Kentucky if I accepted this offer. I thought this too good an offer to be slighted, and consented. I worked with them until Christmas. There was nothing said about my visit to Kentucky until after the next summer's harvest, and the wheat and oats were all taken care of. I then went to master and reminded him of what he had promised me. "Well," said he, "I must be as good as my word," and he wrote me out a pass, to return in eighteen days, and told me which of the horses I could take, and borrowed Dr. Fitzpatrick's saddlebags, in which I carried my provisions. I also bought a new suit of clothes and a broad-brimmed hat. My wife baked me some cakes and one or two chickens, and I started for Kentucky. Just at dark the first day I halted at a tavern, and, hailing the landlord, asked him if I could get lodgings there that night. He replied in the affirmative, and asked me to alight. I dismounted my horse, took off my saddlebags, and started in the house, the landlord walking beside me. He called a boy to take care of my horse. When I got in the tavern, I noticed a Methodist minister sitting in the room we entered; and, as I learned, they were going to commence the camp-meeting the next morning just across the road from the tavern. I thought I would pass off as a white man, and I did not take off my hat, which excited the curiosity of the minister, and I noticed him and the landlord talking together soon after. I did not hear what they said, but in a little while the landlord walked across to near where I was sitting, and asked-- "Who do you belong to?" I answered him very quickly, "I work with Mr. Garner, sir," and I acted as if I was greatly insulted. He asked me if I had had my supper. I told him I had. After sitting there a little while, I told him I would like to go to bed, and he called one of the boys and told him to light me to my room. The next morning I was up about an hour before day, called for my horse and bill and rode off. As I was riding along this day, I came to a peach tree, which was almost breaking with its load of fruit, and I filled my pockets. There were several men in the adjoining field, who I did not see; but when they saw me take the peaches, they thought they would have some sport; so they mounted their horses and rode after me. When they caught up to me, one of them said-- "Where did you get them peaches?" "Off of that tree yonder, sir." "Who gave you permission to take them?" "I did not see anybody near by to ask, sir; and as the tree was almost breaking, I thought there could be no harm in taking a few of them." They, seeing they could not scare me, rode on. The next day, as I was riding by a blacksmith-shop, the sun being pretty hot, I hoisted my umbrella. There were several men standing there. One of them threw a stone at me. I stopped and said-- "My good fellow, if there is a Justice near here, I will have you arrested." They did not say any thing, and I rode on. Several other incidents occurred in my journey, which, while they were amusing, may not interest the reader. About this time I arrived at the house of a family of colored people I had known in Mississippi. I rode up to the gate, and hoisted my umbrella, as the sun was very hot. The old lady was sitting in the door, with watermelons on either side of her, which they had for sale. Wishing to see if they would recognize me, I halted and exchanged compliments. The old lady asked me if I did not want to buy a watermelon. "How do you sell them?" I asked. "Some fourpence, some sixpence, and some ninepence." I got off my horse and fastened him. The old lady told her daughter to hand me a melon. She brought me two for my choice and handed me a chair. I was not in a hurry about cutting the melon, for I wanted something more substantial first, and I knew that when they recognized me, any thing they had would not be too good for me. So I began a conversation by asking Aunt Betsey if there were any religious people about there? "Yes, sir," she answered, "some few." Aunt Betsey thought she recognized my voice; and, had I taken off my hat, she would have known me immediately. At length she asked-- "Ain't this Brother Israel?" I answered, "No; this is as fair a white man as there ever was," and I lifted my hat, and she knew me at once. She kissed me, and we rejoiced together over our meeting. After dinner, I bid them farewell, and went on towards my mistress' father's. The next day I got within twenty miles of where my mother lived, and the next day reached her residence. It was the same place I had left when I was twelve years old. The first person I saw was one of my young mistresses, and I asked her if there was a lady living there by the name of Aunt Nelly. She said there was; and then turned to the kitchen and called my mother, telling her that there was a gentleman who wished to see her. When she came to where I was, she bid me good-day. I then began asking her about her children,--if she had sons named Daniel, Washington, Nelson and Abraham, and daughters, one of whom was living in Illinois, Eliza and Nancy? She said she had; and, in answer to my questions about them, I learned that Daniel was living in Hopkins County with Mistress Sally, old master's widow; that Washington had been sold to a man in St. Louis; that Nelson was sold to a man in Illinois; and that Abraham was living with Mistress Sally. The daughter who was living in Illinois had been to see her the week before I arrived. Eliza was living on the Red River with old master's son Samuel, and Nancy had been sold to a Baptist minister by the name of Morrison, who lived about five miles the other side of Morganfield. I at last asked her if she had a son named Israel? Whether my voice changed, or whether she had noticed a resemblance before, I do not know; but she looked up in my face and said-- "Yes, and this is he." Then we had a happy greeting. Mother was so rejoiced at seeing me, that she could not contain her feelings, and began praising the Lord for His wonderful loving kindness,--that the dead is alive, and the lost is found. "The Lord has sent my dear son back to see me once more!" So loud was her rejoicing and crying, that she alarmed the white people, and they came out to see what was the matter. Mother had changed very little since I saw her last, only age had made deeper furrows on her cheeks; but the same form, eye and manners still remained as of old. We then went toward the house, mother still crying and rejoicing. She went up to the people who had come out and said-- "The Lord has answered my prayers. I have went to this stump and prayed to the Lord to let me see him once more, and the Lord has answered my prayers." My horse was then put away, and I made myself at home. After dinner, mother went with me to see Master Lucius Devaull. Mother did not go up to the house with me, but waited a short distance off. None of them knew me. I asked for Mr. Devaull, and was invited in and asked to take a chair. Mr. Lucius was not at home. I then asked his wife if they had not at one time owned a yellow boy named Israel? She said, "Yes, sir, is this him?" She was very glad to see me, and called her daughter Mary, who went almost wild when she recognized me. After talking awhile on old times and how things were getting along at present, I went into the woods to see my Uncle Washington, who was making rails. He did not recognize me. I made myself known. He was very glad to see me, but he was in great trouble at this time. His wife had been taken from him and sold in a distant part of the country; and so much did it affect him, that he could not be comforted, and was morose and melancholy. " 'Tis hard to part with those we love, Even by the cold hand of death; With double force the arrow's driven, When living, of them bereft." The next day I saw my youngest brother. He was quite a small boy when I left; but now he was larger than myself, and it hardly seemed possible, for a day or two, that he could be my brother. On Saturday my uncle and mother went with me across to Illinois to see our relations living there. We had to have a pass to cross over the Ohio River; and, as master was away, one of the young men copied the one master wrote for and signed it. We found them all well. Mother introduced me as a Baptist minister. We sat there some time talking of different things, but neither my sister nor brother recognized me. At length my mother asked them if they did not know their brother? "Yes," said my sister, "you told us he was a brother Baptist." My mother said, "But this is one of your own brothers,--one of my own sons." They could not tell who I was, however, until mother informed them. Then we had renewed greetings. My sister shook my hands and kissed me, so glad was she to see me. "She never," she said, "expected to see me again in this world." The next day being Sunday, they had a meeting, and they asked me to preach for them. My text was the history of Joseph. I compared his case to my own,--our being sold from our parents and leading many weary years in slavery, from which, while he had gone to his rest, I was yet to be delivered; but I felt that God would, in His own good time, bring all things to pass for the best. They thought I had given them a very interesting sermon. Some of my free friends wanted me to keep on to Canada. I told them no; that I was my master's trusted hand, and my mother would not listen to any such proposition. I told them that I hoped to be able to buy my freedom before a great while. "WHAT plaintive sobs thy filial spirit drew! What sorrow choked thy long and last adieu?" * * * * * "By watchful danger, by unceasing toil, The immortal mind rises superior to its fate." WE now returned to Kentucky, and my time having nearly expired, I started for Tennessee, after having bid all good-bye and received my mother's blessing. Shortly after I got home, I received a letter from my mother, in which she stated that my brother-in-law in Illinois and his son had embraced religion, and dated his first impressions to the sermon I preached while there. This was in 1839. He ever after lived a devoted and consistent Christian life, and departed to his heavenly home about eight years since, rejoicing in the hope of resting from his labors. His son became a minister of the gospel, and is still magnifying his office in some part of the Western States. It is now a great encouragement to know that God has blessed my labors abundantly, and I pray that I may continue in His guidance and protection till I am called from these earthly scenes and labors to praise Him with the angels who stand around the great white throne. * * * * * There was near Winchester a young man named Vicks, who had a very pretty bay mare, which was afflicted with the big head. He offered to sell her to one of the members of the church for ten dollars. So, with master's consent that I should buy her, I gave the money to the person and they made the bargain for me. I put her into the hands of a horse-doctor to cure. In a few months he returned her to me sound and healthy. Soon after that she had a fine colt. At one time during my bondage I owned as many as eight horses at one time, and bought and traded with master the same as with any other man, and always consulted him when I was either buying or trading. I was now in possession of about six hundred dollars, and was making and saving every dollar I could, with the view of buying my freedom. During all the time before spoken of I continued my meetings around the neighborhood. One Saturday night I held a meeting at home in my own house. There lived near by master's a man named Sharp, who, as they were both Democrats, was a great friend of master's. On this night he told his boys they must husk out several wagon-loads of corn that had been hauled in that evening. Now, the boys knew that I was going to hold a meeting, and wished to come to it. So they husked until their master went to bed. They then left the corn unhusked, and came over. Sunday morning, Mr. Sharp, seeing that they had not obeyed him, took them to task about it, and asked them why they had not husked out the corn. They told him they went over to Mr. Garner's to meeting. He asked them who preached, and they told him I did. "Well," said he, "I will have these nigger meetings broke up." He saw my master in a few days, and they talked the matter over, and Mr. Sharp influenced him to stop my preaching. One night when I made the fire, master said to me, "Israel, I will have to stop your preaching. There is a great deal of dissatisfaction in the neighborhood. People say they cannot keep their hands home to do any thing when you preach. [He here instanced the case of Mr. Sharp.] So you must not preach any more." I did not say yea or nay. I had an appointment or two out at that time, and I studied over in my own mind whether it was best to obey my Heavenly Father or my master. After thinking the matter over for some time, I concluded I would continue to preach if I had to take a whipping every Monday morning. Sunday morning, while master was eating his breakfast, I mounted my horse and attended one of my meetings as usual. I returned on Sunday night. On Monday morning there was nothing said. Seeing that master did not seem to care whether I continued on or not, I kept all my engagements, except the one I had made for the meeting at my own house. So one night I went to master and told him I hoped he would not stop my preaching; that I thought it very hard that I should be stopped in my religious duties altogether. I told him that I always loved to obey his orders, and I was now placed in a difficult position,--I had either to disobey God or him. God had told me to proclaim His gospel, and he had forbidden me. Mistress Eliza being present, then spoke. She said, "I think it is very hard that Israel should be debarred from preaching on account of what other people say. I think Mr. Sharp should have his negroes under his control so that they will obey his orders; and if he has not, let him and they settle it, and not stop Israel from preaching." Master sat silent during the whole conversation, nor did he give any opinion; but I knew from his remaining quiet, that he would not oppose me. So I commenced holding my meetings at home again. Master's brother was a determined infidel, and had no regard for religion. He often threatened that if he caught me preaching, he would cowhide me, and had tried to get master to stop me before Mr. Sharp spoke to him, which, no doubt, made him backward in giving me direct permission to continue. My troubles increased thick and fast at this time. Hardly had I settled about my preaching before my wife was taken from me. She had been sickly for three years, and had three skilful physicians attending her, but they did not seem to relieve her much. Before she died, she sent for some of the brethren of the church to come and see her for the last time. She said to them-- "Brethren, there are two kinds of religion,--one kind will only serve you while you live on earth; the other will serve you after death and enable you to reach the heavenly shore. Brethren, I want you all to prove faithful to me and meet me in glory; for I feel, brethren, that I have that faith which will save me. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, and the Lord has prepared a crown for me, and has sent His messenger to call me from this life to meet Him in glory." With these words, she departed to a better home, "Where the wicked cease from troubling, And the weary are at rest." This was a trying time with me. The loss of my first child I had considered almost unbearable; but now the dearest object I had on earth was taken from me, and I truly felt desolate and alone. I felt that death would have been preferable to living without her. Yet I prayed, "Not my will, but Thine be done!" On her part, I felt it was a better change. Here she had seen trouble and affliction, and for three years had disease bowed her frame, and she experienced pain which, but for her Christian hope and resignation, would have bowed her to the earth with groaning and complaining. But now she had gone "to receive her crown," to meet her child, "and to sing the loud anthem of praise around her Saviour's throne of "Blessing, and honor, and glory, and power be unto Him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb forever and ever." "PRESUMPTUOUS fear! How durst I dread my foes, While nature's loudest dictates I obeyed!" MASTER now bought a large farm at the foot of the Cumberland Mountains, of some eleven hundred acres. His brother-in-law helped him to supply it with slaves. At his suggestion, master hired an overseer. My time being so much taken up with preaching, I was not willing to undertake the charge. The man he chose had been an overseer in the settlement, and had got a great name for being a good ruler of negroes. He took charge of the farm, and things went on very nicely for a time. At length Mr. Bass thought he would show his authority, and began with myself. My preaching sometimes calling me a distance from home, very often I was not able to reach home on Monday morning before eight and nine o'clock, when I would go and tell master what detained me, and all was right. Mr. Bass, however, said I must be home by daylight. This I done when I could. One morning I was detained, and did not get home. It happened that one of the neighbors had asked Bass to help them punish one of their negroes, who had rebelled. When he came back he walked up to me and asked me what time I got home. I told him. He then commenced railing at me, and repeated what he had told me. I informed him how master had always done, and commenced telling him what had detained me. "Don't you tell me about your master," said he; "I am master now." We had words over it for some time, but he did not attempt to strike me; for, although he was rather heavier than myself, I had made up my mind that he should not whip me. About this time master left home to attend the Legislature at Nashville, to which he was a representative. Mr. Bass had got young master and mistress both on his side, and they made up their minds, now that master was likely to be away for some time, to punish me severely. They had every thing arranged: that the fire was to go out and that I was to build it, and while I was so doing, they were to overpower and tie me and then give me one hundred and fifty lashes. The little kitchen-girl, however, overheard them concocting their plans, and came to the wood-pile where I was cutting wood and told me what they said. There were three of us cutting wood, and we agreed that if he came out there and undertook to whip me, we would all jump on him and whip him almost to death. I continued chopping wood until they got tired waiting, when Mr. Bass came out on the porch and said-- "Israel, why do you not come and make the fire for your mistress?" "I'm chopping wood for it, sir," I replied. He then went in the house; but, getting tired of waiting, he again came out and called me. I told him I could make the fire without his telling me. This provoked him, and he told me to come in immediately. I then told him that I knew why he was so anxious to get me in, and that I had done nothing for him to whip me for. I said that I was willing to do any thing he wished me to do; but that master was away, and I was going to take care of myself. He then came to the wood-pile, and said that he would stay there while I made the fire. I then shouldered a back-log and carried it in. Mistress was sitting in a chair, and looked very black and displeased. Thinks I, "You have all got the d--l in you to-night, and I am going to leave;" so I went to the wood-pile and commenced picking up another turn of wood, as if I was going back into the house. Mr. Bass then moved off and went in. I went round to my cabin, got my overcoat and went down into the meadow. After awhile I heard Mr. Bass call Isaac to come and make the fire. Said he, "Israel is not going to do it." I said to myself, "No, indeed, I ain't." I knew that if I went to the house, there would be another fight the next morning, or a foot-race. So I got up the next day and fed my hogs. After I had done this, I started away from the house. I saw him coming after me. He called to me to stop. He came up to me and said-- "Did you make a fire for your mistress last night?" "No, sir," I replied. "Why not?" asked he. "Because you wished to get me in the house and whip me; and I am not going to be whipped, for I have done nothing to be whipped for," I replied. "Well," said he, "I am going to whip you this morning; and if you do not cross your hands, I will kill you." Now, I was on about equal grounds here, for I had a double-barrelled pistol heavily loaded, besides a large bowie-knife, and he had no arms with him. "Well, sir," I replied, "you may kill me, but I will not die first." I could see the very old Lucifer was in him, and he was chewing his tobacco as savage as he could. I broke off from him in a slow run, not with a view of running off from him, but of getting him off from the house. He ran after me and pulled out a pocket-knife about as long, handle and blade, as my hand. I kept ahead of him until I thought I had him far enough, so that I could give him a good whipping before he could get any help. Then I drew out my bowie-knife and began flourishing it around, and said-- "Burst your low-lived head! Here's death, right now!" Seeing this, he thought his end had come; but he tried for his life, and ran for the house as fast as his legs would carry him. There was a gate to go through to get into the yard, but he did not stop to open it, but made a leap over it and cried, "Murder! murder! Shoot him!" at the top of his voice. I did not follow him any further; but while I was after him, I scared him so badly, that he looked as white as any man I ever saw, although he was half-African and was naturally very dark-skinned. I have, when relating this incident in my preaching, sometimes illustrated it with the supposition that man, being taken from the earth, was naturally dark-skinned, or the color of the earth, and that his fright in the expulsion from Eden changed him to a whiter color; and that Cain might have been of the same color, but that the awful curse of his Maker after his atrocious murder of his brother so frightened him, as to turn him entirely white, and he nor his posterity never after resumed the original color. I do not give this as an argument; but certain it is, that on this day I frightened a half-white man so badly, that his color changed as white as the generality of white men. I have never had any reason to doubt the probability, or at least the feasibility, of the illustration; for if the fear of man should turn a half-dark man white, would not the presence of the Great Judge and the awful sentence pronounced upon Cain be sufficient to turn an entire-black man the same color? Leaving Mr. Bass at the barn, I went around to where Mansfield and Isaac were at work, and asked them whether they thought it was best to stand fight, or go to the woods. Mansfield said, "Mr. Bass' brother-in-law and cousin are at the house, and I think you had better go to the woods." I took his advice and started for the woods. I had about half a mile to go before I could reach it. When I was nearly through the field, I looked back and saw the overseer, his brother and my young master, with the dogs and a gun, after me. I put fresh courage to the task, determined to make my escape, if possible. Just as the dogs came up to me, a rabbit started. I took after it, and hissed the dogs on. They took the scent and left me. The overseer and his party, seeing that I had diverted the dogs, gave up all hopes of catching me, and went back. I remained in the mountains till after sunset, and while they were at the stables feeding, I went down to my cabin, got one of the girls to bake me some biscuit and fry a good lot of meat, for I always kept plenty to eat in my cabin. I took this and went into another settlement about twelve miles from home. There I remained among my slave friends for some time, making brooms, shuck horse-collars and mats. Then I went back home and got all the news I could. I learned that master had not returned, and I went to another settlement. This I continued until master returned from Nashville. I then went to one of his brothers-in-law and got him to go home with me. After staying there over night, the next morning we started for home. When we reached there, master was all alone, reading the newspaper. When I went in where he was sitting, he rose up, shook my hand, and seemed greatly pleased. "Well, Israel," said he, "you seem like a boy given to me, for I never expected to see you again." "Oh, no, sir. I had no intention of running away from you, sir. I only ran away to keep Mr. Bass from whipping me, which he seemed determined to do while you was away." When Mr. Bass found out that I had returned, he saw master and tried to get him to let him whip me. Master called me and told me that Mr. Bass said that we could not work in the same field without he could have the satisfaction of whipping me. "Well, sir," I said, "you can sell me, then." "No, I shall not do that. I have land enough for you both to work on; and if you cannot get along peaceably in the field, you can stay here at the house, and work in the garden and drive the carriage," he replied. "Yes, sir, I shall be pleased if I can do that," said I. Master was a man of very few words, and after we were through talking, I went down to my cabin. On the afternoon of my return, mistress also got home. She seemed very glad to see me, and appeared in much better humor than she was on the morning I left home. One day, a week or so after, master called me, and said-- "Israel, you ought to ask Mr. Bass' pardon for drawing that knife on him and scaring him so badly." I told master I would, as I loved to do any thing he wished. At night, when Mr. Bass came in from the field, I went to him and said-- "Mr. Bass, I want to ask your pardon for drawing my knife on you." He began to chew his tobacco rapidly, and said, "Israel, Israel, I do not know how to forgive you. I never was frightened so badly in my life." I walked away, leaving him there talking, not caring much whether he granted my request or not, although I wished to be in charity with all men. I did not feel that I was wrong, and felt that if there was any pardon to be granted, I was the offended party. But this I knew would not be done, and I asked his only to please master. This seemed, however, to satisfy Mr. Bass; and two days after, master told me that I could go into the field to work, where every thing went on as well as could be wished. Shortly after the time of which we have been speaking, Mistress Eliza received a letter from her father, stating that her step-mother was dead, and had left two little girls. Her husband thought they ought to take one of them, at least, and take care of her, as mistress was the only daughter her father had by his first wife. So they concluded to pay her father a visit. They were making arrangements to go in the buggy alone. I thought it would be a good opportunity to visit my mother and relations if I could get to go with them. So I spoke to master about it, and told him he ought to take a waiter along with them; and if he would let me go, I would either bear my expenses or lose the time. We agreed that I should go, and that master was to bear the expenses, and I was to lose the time, and he was to let me go and see my mother and relations. All arrangements being made, we started, master and mistress in a covered buggy and I on horseback. I waited on them until we got to her father's, when master gave me a pass for the remainder of my journey. I had quite a pleasant visit. I preached several times for them in Shawneetown, Illinois, and twice in Union County, Kentucky, where my mother lived. My friends in Illinois persuaded me hard to go on to Canada. I told them I could not; that I did not wish to run away; but that I expected to buy my liberty in a short time. They all wished to know how much it would cost me. I told them that I thought I could gain it for about six hundred dollars. They all said they would try and help me to raise that amount. I was to let them know, when I got home, how much I would have to raise, and whether master would leave me off. I had a brother in St. Louis, who had made considerable money draying, and who had offered to loan my brother in Illinois five hundred dollars if he wished it. He told me that he could get along without it, and that he would try and get it for me on reasonable terms, as my brother thought a great deal of me, and had taken care of me when my mother was taken from me when I was quite young. I returned to mistress' father's, and we all started back to Tennessee. When we got home, I went around among the churches to see how much I could raise. I told them that I had good offers, and that I thought, with their assistance, I would soon be a free man. They were much pleased at the thought of me getting my liberty, but did not wish me to leave Tennessee. So I then settled upon making Tennessee my home, but occasionally visiting my friends in the North. After I thought all my arrangements were fixed, I saw master and mistress, and stated to them that I would like to be a freeman, and asked them how much they would let me off for. Master said, "Well, Israel, if you wish to be free, and can give me eight hundred dollars, I will part with you, and you can go wherever it suits you." I told master that I thought eight hundred dollars was too much. I called to his mind that I had been a faithful servant to him; that he only gave six hundred dollars for me, and got that on a long credit; that I had worked hard and faithfully for him, making his interest my interest. Master replied that he knew what I said was true; but that he had been offered some large prices for me, and had refused them, referring to those I have related in our trip from Mississippi. "In fact," said he, "I do not know where I can get another boy that will suit me as well as you do. But if it is any accommodation to you, or you think you will be better off free, I have told you the very best we can do." I then told him of the conversation of my friends in Illinois, and that they would help me to raise six hundred dollars, but I did not see how we could possibly get eight hundred dollars. Then Mistress Eliza asked me what I would do with my children after I was free. I asked them, "Will you not allow me to buy them after I am free?" Master then spoke up and said," After you have bought yourself, we will give you a chance to buy your children." Maria, my oldest daughter, was a sprightly girl, with black eyes and black curly hair. I then intended buying her first. This ended our conversation that time; and I thought I should not be free so soon as I had anticipated, and that I might as well settle down contentedly until a brighter day dawned. Both master and mistress had promised me that I should not be sold to any one else, and at their death I should be free, should I outlive them. How circumstances change the tastes and feelings of men! When I thought I was almost sure of getting free, every thing in slavery looked cruel and revolting, and I wished to get beyond its iron grasp. But now that my hopes were deferred, I settled down to the conviction that things were not so bad, after all,--that I was well treated, had plenty to eat, allowed a fine riding horse, kept cattle, hogs, chickens, bees, had shoemakers' and carpenters' tools; and I settled down to the conviction that it would be better for me to remain as I was awhile longer. During this time I had attended my meetings and preached the same as before. One day, when I came in to dinner, Mistress Eliza was sitting in my house, talking to my wife's mother, who was now quite old. Mistress thought a great deal of her, and always called her granna, but her name was Maria. Mistress asked me, "Have you given up the idea of giving master eight hundred dollars yet?" I said, "No, ma'm. I think I can get free for less money than that. She said that I could never do so while she lived; "but," added she, "if you outlive me, you will get free for nothing." "The Bible says, Miss Eliza, 'no good thing will I withhold from them that walk uprightly.' " She laughed and said, "You can trust to that." There was but little more said after that about me buying my freedom. Master wished to buy my horse, which, he said, just suited his buggy; but I told master that I did not want to sell him. So he did not urge the matter. During my spare time, mornings, evenings, and rainy days, I used to make boots and shoes, and would trade them off at the store for dry-goods and groceries, and bring them up in the mountain and sell them to the poor people. One night I went to Winchester, and the next day I discovered that my horse was tender-footed, and I had him shod all around. In this way I made and handled a considerable amount of money. All the hands who wished it, had a plot of ground for his own cultivation of two or three acres. One year I raised corn, which was only fifteen cents or a shilling a bushel. So I would shell my corn, and could get a gallon of whiskey for a bushel of corn, and then sell the whiskey for fifty cents a gallon. Some years I would sow it in wheat, which would bring from fifty to seventy-five cents per bushel. I never knew wheat to be worth a dollar but once in that State. At other times I would plant my ground with potatoes, yams and watermelons, which would repay me well. I also made bedsteads, tables, chests, shuck-bottom chairs, brooms, foot-mats, and bread-trays. Should there be a plough or any other utensil or tool broken, I had to mend them. By these means I always had money, and have lent master money a number of times, and he would lend me whenever I asked him. The last time master borrowed from me was the time of the great dinner that was given to General Jackson in Alabama. During the many years that I lived with Master Garner, he never had to correct me once for not doing work enough; nor did my mistress ever complain of my wife not working as hard as she was able. Although master and myself did have some fallings out when I first went with him, at the time of which I am speaking we were more like father and son than master and servant. He would most always consult me about his general business, and I would always ask his advice of whatever I was about to do. One day he told me he would have to sell some of his slaves. He went off one day with that intention. When he came home it was after dark. He called me to take his horse. "Well, Israel," he said, "I have succeeded in selling my niggers." "Have you sold me, too, master?" I asked. "No," said he, "I don't call you a nigger. I consider you a dark-skinned white man," laughing. The next day he sent them off, father, mother, and eight children. I could not do them any good by saying any thing, so I only bid them good-bye. But I was very sorry to see them go. I afterwards found out the reason why master sold this family was, that the mother had greatly offended Miss Eliza. Mistress was a thorough-going woman, and had all the slave women under her, except in cotton-picking time, (which was not very long in Tennessee,) and had them spinning, weaving, and doing the house-work. She gave each one a task of four cuts of cotton to card and spin a day to a woman who had a child, and six cuts to a woman without a child. A cut was a reel like a cotton-spool, but much larger, which would hold one hundred and forty-four threads round. The weavers had to weave from four to eight yards; and if every one did not perform their task, she whipped them. The woman who was sold did not perform her task one day, and Miss Eliza thought, for an example, she must whip her. She knew that the woman might turn against her, and had taken me along with her. She began whipping her, when the woman gave her a push, sending her against the wall, and giving her several bad bruises from the fall. I helped her up, and assisted her into the house. She said she would send and get some white men to whip her. I persuaded her not to do this, as master was away, and her husband might cause considerable trouble by trying to protect her from strangers. She took my advice, and waited for master to return, when she told him of her trouble, and he said the best way to settle it was to sell the whole family South; for he had no disposition to be whipping the hands every few days as she wished him. This was the second woman he had sold for turning against her. Although she was so strict, she was kind and humane, and was the best of five different mistresses that I had had, but she would have her rules obeyed. The last time that master and myself could not agree was about a young woman in our family. There was a young girl about sixteen years old, very pretty, and almost white. It appeared that one of the neighbor's hands had been coming to see her, and that he had a wife at home. I did not notice any thing of it until his wife came to me complaining about it. She told me about it, and said the girl was trying to take her husband from her. I told her that I did not think there was any danger of that, and I promised her that I would keep an eye on them. One Saturday night I went away from home, and returned before day on Sunday morning. I learned from the girl's brother that this man and herself were in one of the slave-cabins alone, and that master and mistress had consented for her to go out with him that night. I thought I would go over and see if this was true, and, if so, I would attend to him. The girl's brother went with me. When we got to the cabin, I rapped at the door, and asked-- "Who is in there?" The girl replied, "I am." I said, "Nellie, are you and Bill Deckard in there together?" There was no answer. I then called Bill, and asked him, "Are you in there with Nellie, and got a wife at home?" and told him to come out of there, and I would give him a fair chance. "You shall either whip me or I will whip you." He would not come out nor open the door. The girl's brother then climbed up on the roof, and he thought we were coming down on him that way, and he made his escape through the window. I thought I heard a noise in that direction, and went round there just in time to see him make off across the field. I gave him chase; but he being barefooted, and with nothing but shirt and pants on, he kept well ahead of me. As it was a pretty cool morning, and there being a heavy frost on the ground, I had on heavy clothing. Running him about two hundred yards, and seeing that I did not gain any thing on him, I gave up the chase, and returned to the cabin to give the girl a lecture; but I found that she had gone to the house and told her master what occurred. When I got to the house I saw my master out in the yard. "Well, Israel, what's going on this morning?" asked he. "Master, don't you know what is going on?" said I. "Well, what is it?" queried he. "Why, here is Bill Decker and Nellie sleeping together." By this time he had walked to the gate. He opened the gate and said-- "Come in and tell me all about it." "Why, master, you must know all about it. Nellie is sleeping in the house, and you let her come out to sleep with Bill." He was inside the gate and I on the outside. I knew that if I went in, he would seize me, and if he got hold of me he would hurt me. He said-- "Won't you come in the yard, sir?" I replied, "No, master, I cannot come in there." There was about eight feet between us. He made a spring at me, and I broke from him and started across the field as fast as I could run, and he after me. The race was pretty closely contested. He ran me so close, that I had to drop my cloak. There was a deep creek running through the field, and I determined, that before he should catch me, I would jump in. Near the creek there was considerable gravel and sand, and when I got to this my feet slipped from under me. As I fell I looked back to see where master was, and saw him getting up. We must have both fallen at the same time. My hat fell off, but I did not stop to pick it up. Finally he got tired of running, and seeing my intention, thought there was a poor chance of catching me, and he halloed after me-- "Clear yourself, you scoundrel," and then he went back to the house, taking with him my cloak and hat. He remarked to his wife-- "Well, I have got his dry-goods, anyhow." I then returned and went in the barn and hid myself in the fodder. I staid there until about one o'clock that day. I then came down and went to the cook's kitchen. She seemed very much frightened, and asked me-- "Are you not afraid to come in here? Master and his brother are both in the house." I then went to the wood-pile and began chopping wood. I knew they saw me, for I saw his brother and him both looking at me, but they said nothing to me. I went into the kitchen and got my dinner, but I kept a close eye on them. About an hour before sundown I began driving up my shoats, and fed them. I then went to Winchester and staid there until within about two hours of day. I then went home and made a fire in the house, before master was up. I went on with my work as usual. The third day master saw me, and said-- "Israel, I want you to turn that mare and colt of yours out of the meadow. I cannot afford to keep a riding nag for a gentleman that treats me as you do." I now knew that the difficulty was settled if I only kept out of his way until his anger was over. So ended our difficulty. "MORE wretched, then, than ere their slave can be, Their treacherous blessings, at the day of need, Like all faithless friends, unmasked, stings." EVERY thing seemed to be getting along very well at this time. I was making money, working hard and preaching. After I had my horse shod, I bought myself a new saddle, bridle, martingale and collar. Master noticing these things, thought I was going to run away. I had no such idea, nor had I ever evinced the least disposition in that way. One day, when I had been riving boards, on coming to the house I noticed several men there. This did not particularly surprise me, as company was quite common. After I had eaten my dinner, master came to me and said-- "Israel, bring out the brown mare with the sore foot. I want to put some medicine on it." When I had brought her to where he was, he said-- "Clean off her hoof." While I was stooping down, one of the men caught me around the waist. I quickly straightened up, and he relaxed his hold. I asked him what was the matter? He said, "Nothing." "Why did you take me around the waist?" "These men want you," said he. "What do they want me for?" asked I. By this time time another of them came up to me with a rope, and said-- "Cross your hands, Israel." "What have I done, sir?" I asked, looking him straight in the eye. "Nothing," said he; "cross your hands." I then crossed my hands, and he tied me. Then the third man came up to me with another rope, and tied my elbows as far back as he could. The last was the Deputy Sheriff, master's nephew. I could get no satisfaction from any of them as to what I had done, or where I was going; but I felt perfectly independent, for I knew that I had committed no crime, and had always, for ten years, tried to live a Christian life. Nor did I feel any great alarm; for I had had no warning of any thing befalling me, which I always had by a vision when it was of any importance. All I could ascertain from master was, that he had not sold me. I told him, if he had anticipated sending me away, I wished he would have given me some notice, so that I could have collected the money that was owing to me and settled up my business. He said, "You will be about here for some time yet. Mr. Tallaway and Mr. Williamson will have any business attended to for you that you wish." My little daughter now came to where I was standing; and, crying as if her heart would break, said-- "Papa, what's the matter?" I told her to go back; that nothing was the matter; and that all would be right soon. But it pained me to see my daughter grieve so hard, as, since her mother's death, she had been my only care. Master ordered one of the boys to bring my horse and saddle. They assisted me to get on her back, and we rode off to Winchester. As we were riding along, we met the High Sheriff, with whom I was well acquainted. His name was Hayden March. He asked the men what I had done, and what they were going to do with me. They told him that I had done nothing, and they were going to put me in jail for safe keeping. So they passed on. Nearly every one we met knew me, and there was a great curiosity to know what I had done; but they could only answer, "Nothing." When they reached the jail, the keeper was not at home. So one of them staid with me while the other went after him. The jailer was Mr. Williamson, of whom master spoke in reference to settling up my business. He was so completely bloated with liquor that he could hardly see, and his whole features assumed a frightful appearance. When he came he saluted me, for he was half intoxicated-- "Well, preacher, what in the h--ll did you come here for?" "I did not come, sir. These gentlemen brought me, sir." "What did they bring you here for?" "They have not told me yet," I replied. "Oh, well, I suppose they brought you here for me to take care of; and, by G--d, I can do it. Well, come, alight," said he. "I am not prepared to alight. They put me up, and they must take me down," said I. "You want a waiter, do you? Well, boys, I guess we must help him down." When we entered the jail they searched and took every thing out of my pockets, and examined my hair, to see if I had a fine saw hidden there, and then put me in a cell. There were two men in the cell into which I was put, a white and a black man. The first night they gave me no bed to sleep on, and the black man offered me part of his, which I accepted. The next morning, when the jailer brought us our breakfast, he said-- "Israel, what did your master put you in here for?" I replied, "I do not know, sir." "Have you no idea?" "I have not, sir." "Did you not have your horse shod, and buy a saddle, bridle, &c.? Your master wanted to buy her, and you would not sell her to him." I told him all that was true. "Well," says he, "your master thinks that you were preparing to run away." "Well, Mr. Williamson," said I, "you tell master to come and see me, and I will soon convince him that I was not going to do any such thing. I have been to a free country, and I could have run away then if I wished to, but I do not want to leave in that way." Master did not come, and whether Mr. Williamson ever told him I never heard. One of the men that brought me came and got the keys to my boxes. I had one very large one, in which I put my groceries and goods at night. When they went to my cabin to open my boxes and get what money and things I had, they found nothing to take. The slaves, thinking they would capture every thing I had, went there and took all my things away. Miss Eliza said-- "The niggers have been too smart for us." They were sadly disappointed and chagrined, for they expected to make a good haul. When I had been in jail a day or two, they put a chain around my ankle and fastened it to the floor, and my bed was prepared near the white man's bed. One day I asked the jailer-- "Is master going to come and see me?" He said he did not know. Seeing that there was not much prospect of their making any effort to find out whether I was guilty or not, I put my wits to work to try and escape. The plan, I adopted was to pretend to have a fit, and make a great noise and get very sick. This plan I began to carry out the following night. About twelve o'clock I commenced hollowing, groaning and shaking my legs, and made a desperate noise, which so frightened the white man, that he called the other man and roused the jailer and told him to bring a light, that Israel had a fit. When the jailer came in, I was laying flat on my back. My eyes rolled up and I frothed at the mouth. Mitchell, the white prisoner, said-- "He has got a fit or is dying, I don't know which." The jailer got some camphor, and they rubbed my temples and took the chain off my leg. I trembled and shook, and acted my part well, for I had seen persons have fits. They worked at me for nearly an hour, and I seemed somewhat composed. The jailer then told Mitchell to call him if I got any worse. I laid very quiet, however, the remainder of that night. In the morning, when they brought my breakfast, I was very sick, and did not remember any thing that had happened. The jailer saw master that day, and told him I was very sick and had had a very hard fit that night. Master said, "That's a smart boy. You must watch him. He is only playing sham. "No," said Mr. Williamson; "I am certain he was sick, and I can easily tell a person who is sick." "Well," said the old gentleman, "if you think he is very sick, I will send for Dr. Hestel to see him." Mr. Williamson came and told me what conversation had passed between him and master, and said-- "The doctor will be down here to see you." Shortly after this, I heard the doctor's voice. I knew he would feel my pulse, and as they had to come through two doors to get into the cell, while they were between the two I hit my elbow hard against the floor to quicken my pulse; for, as I had been so successful in fooling the jailer, I thought I could also fool the doctor, and by that means get out of jail. When he came to where I was laying, I looked very stupid, and talked a little insane. The doctor felt my pulse, and asked me what was the matter. "You ought to know what is the matter with me," said I in a low voice. He then told me to put out my tongue. He said I was sick, but not dangerous. After leaving me some medicine, and giving directions that if I was any worse, to let him know, he departed. This time my plan failed. After taking the medicine, I revived again and eat as usual. The colored man was taken, which left only the white man and myself in the cell. At this time Mansfield, one of the boys of whom I have before spoken, made a desperate attempt to get me set free. He had for some time been persuading me to run away to Canada and take him with me. But to this I never would consent. So he now thought that if I could get off, and he be the means, I would comply with his wish. At any rate, he made the attempt. Master had a son in Winchester, studying medicine, and Mansfield thought he would go there, and, with a bold face, tell his son that his father had sent him to tell him to go to the jailer and tell him to send me home, which he accordingly did. But Master Thomas asked him if he did not send an order. "You know master never writes orders," said Mansfield. "I know he does not care to do it,' said Master Thomas, and up he rose and started off for the jail to let me out. After he had started out, the gentleman of the house called him back, and they had some private conversation, which Mansfield could not hear. Master then told Mansfield that he would wait until morning, and then he would take me out, and that he could go to his Uncle Talloway's and stay there that night. Mansfield saw that he was defeated in his expectations, and that he was in a dilemma. He did not want to go to Mr. Talloway's, and he dare not go back home. So he thought that the best thing he could do was to leave. He remembered, he thought, about the road leading to the Free States, and he intended to try and get there. He went two miles towards home that night, and turned his horse loose, knowing that she would go home. He then went to some of his colored friends and told them all about his difficulty. They told him of a poor white man who they thought they could get to write him a pass, and the next night they went over to his house. Mansfield told him that he was going to run away, and that he wanted to go to the State of Illinois, and that, by having a pass, he could travel in the day, instead of the night. So Jack Norwood said he would write him a good pass for three dollars. He wrote the pass; but instead of putting it as he read it, which was to pass the bearer to Illinois, he wrote-- "This boy is a runaway. Please take him up. To the first man that finds him." Mansfield gave him three dollars and took the pass. He then went home, dressed himself in his best suit, put saddle and bridle on the same horse he had rode to Winchester, and started off for the Free States. The next day he was riding along, and was about twenty miles south of Nashville, when he came to a doggerel, (i.e., a place where the slave-dogs are kept, and the men make a regular business hunting runaway slaves.) One of the men hailed him and asked him who he belonged to, and if he had a pass. He handed them what he thought was his pass. They read it, and all burst into a loud laugh. They told him he was a runaway, and that his pass was forged, and that they would have to take him to Nashville and put him in jail. They then made him get off his horse, put it in the stable, and took him in the house. After giving him some dinner, the owner of the establishment began preparing to take him to Nashville. He had sent his team there that morning with his riding horse in it. He ordered two horses to be caught and saddled. One of them they brought was very slow, and the other was Mansfield's own horse. The man told Mansfield to get on the slow one, and he took the other, and off they started. He remarked to Mansfield, that he need not try to get away, as his horse was the fastest, and he could easily catch him. When they had rode about eight miles, they met his team, and they took his horse out and put the one Mansfield was on in its place. They then changed horses. Still the man said he had the best horse. They rode on until they came to the city of Nashville. Mansfield had been there before, and was well acquainted with the manner in which it was built. When they were near the jail, he gave the man's horse a sharp blow, which sent it off as hard as it could run, while he turned into another street, and after running round two or three squares, made for the Cumberland Bridge. He threw the keeper ten cents for toll, and went as hard as he could across the bridge. When he got to the other side, the keeper called out for them to stop him; that he had run his horse across the bridge, which was five dollars fine. So several men with horses went after him with two or three dogs. After running about two miles, he saw that his horse was failing him, and he got off it and started into the woods, with dogs and men after him. He came to a large pond, and, as it would happen, there was a large log lying in it. In he jumped, and hid himself under the log, with only his head above water. The dogs came down to the pond, but lost his trace where he sprang into the water. The men came and looked all around the pond. After looking for some time, and as the dogs could get no traces of his track, they took the horse he had rode and went back. After Mansfield was sure they were out of the way, he came out and went to a colored man's house, where he got something to eat and dried his clothes. Here he staid until the next night, when he started off again. He came to a plantation found the stable, took a saddle and bridle, caught one of the horses, and armed himself with a heavy club. He had rode but about twelve miles when his horse's bridle was seized. He instantly knocked that man down, when two other men fired on him and knocked him off his horse and struck him several times afterwards. They then secured him and asked him where he was from and where he was bound. He told them his story, but they would not believe him. They told him that they had read a notice in the papers of a boy that had fled from Mississippi, and there was three hundred dollars offered for his capture. They were in hopes that he was the boy. However, they took him home that night, and the next day took him to Nashville Jail. A few days after, a man living in Winchester was at Nashville, and seeing the notice and knowing master, took him out, paid the jail fees, and brought him and the horse both to Winchester, and he was put in the same cell with Mitchell and myself. We three then agreed that whoever got out first should help the others to get out. Mitchell's trial came on, and he was proven clear of the charge made against him, and that was the last we heard of him. A few days, however, after he was gone, one of Mr. Sharp's boys came in. He had run away and had been caught and was put in the jail. They took him out after ten days, which again left us alone. We studied every way to get out. One day I told Mansfield that I had heard master read, when I was quite small, that John Wesley made a fire by rubbing two sticks together. So we thought we would get some sticks, make a fire, fire the jail, and escape in the general confusion. We got a couple of sticks, and I rubbed until I was tired, and Mansfield done the same. This we done for nearly a day, but no fire came, and we gave up this idea. The next thing that occurred to me was to make my escape while they were bringing in the food; but the chain on my ankle was the great trouble here. I then went to work to get the chain off without being found out, for the jailer examined them every few days. At last I succeeded. One morning the jailer came in with our breakfast, and also brought us a glass of liquor. He told us that he was going away for a few days, and that he wanted us to be good boys while he was gone, or he would pay us up when he came back. He then examined the chains on our ankles, which proved all right. After he was gone I took my chain off, and began exercising and rubbing myself down to make me limber and suple. The next morning his son and daughter brought our breakfast. They handed it to Mansfield, as he was the nearest to the door, and while he was taking it, I slipped out. Of all the hollowing and screaming I had ever heard, it could not compare with that done by those three women and boy. I had my way picked, and made directly for the Presbyterian Church, which was about thirty yards from the jail, and near that there was a deep gully, (which led to the creek called Boiling Fork,) about eight feet deep, and I jumped into that and made for the creek, which was about a quarter of a mile off. No one could see me in that gully; but the the women's screaming had excited that part of the town so much, that every one was on the lookout. They were so frightened, that they did not attempt to follow nor set the dogs on me, for they had two very severe ones. I hardly thought, when I attempted it, that I should be successful in getting away, but I made up my mind that I would make a desperate effort. I also thought that if they saw that I was about to get away, they would shoot me; but for this I did not care much, for my life was a misery to me, and I sometimes felt that I had just as leave be dead as alive. As I got near the creek, I saw a party of tanners who were watching for me, having got the alarm. When I got near them, they hailed me to stop. I did not pay any attention to them. One of them threw a stone at me, which hit me on the head and knocked me down. This not stopping me, they all began throwing at me, and I got several pretty severe bruises on my head and body. I succeeded, however, in reaching the creek, and just as I was going to jump in, one of the men seized me by the collar and held me, and the jailer's son-in-law came up and struck me on the head with a large stone, and, with an oath, said-- "I will kill you!" "Well, sir," said I, "kill me; that is just what I want." After tying me, they took me back to the jail. They put another iron on my ankle and handcuffed my hands. The next day I was quite sick, having received some stunning blows from the men, and was very sore, but laid there without complaining, thinking upon the hardness of my position and fate. When the jailer returned, they told him about my escape. He came in to see me, and cursed and swore at me, but did not attempt to strike me. One day he came home very much intoxicated, and said he was going to settle with me; but his wife and daughter pacified him, and he put it off. I felt very miserable in jail. I could find nothing to do, could not preach, was in trouble about my business, and knew that I was in there wrongfully. But when these desponding moments came on me, I always tried to dispel them by that beautiful hymn-- "Oh, that I had some secret friend To unburden my weary mind; But here I wander up and down, And pity never find. "I feel a stranger, quite unknown, A son of misery; None lend an ear to my complaint, Nor mind my tears and cries. "None come to cheer me, though I faint, Nor my vast burthen help to bear; But soon my journey now will end, Then adieu to sorrow, sin and care. "Then oh, my soul, lift up thine head. With glory and surprise, And know thy Saviour and thy God Reigns eternal in the skies." But when this thought would leave my mind, I would attempt to take my life. I then thought I would try and starve myself to death, and went five days without tasting any thing, and I believe that I should have been able to accomplish my purpose but for the interference of Divine Providence, who sent a kind friend to change my purpose. This was one of my fellow-servants, a woman who was a member of the same church as myself, and a good Christian. Her mistress had sent her to the wool-factory for some wool-rools; but thinking that she would come and see me, told her, before she left home, that she must not go to the jail, as Mr. Williamson would certainly whip her. But she made up her mind to risk it, let her punishment be what it might. Her mistress told her she was going to send her two or three days before she started, and she had baked some biscuit and pies, and had prepared me a change of clothing and also a comb for my hair. When she reached the jail, she saw Mr. Williamson, told him who she was and what she had, and asked to see me. He brought her to our cell. She was quite surprised at seeing Mansfield, as she did not know that he was there. She told us what she had brought us. Mansfield told her that I was trying to starve myself to death. She seemed surprised at that, and told me not to think of such a thing,--that there was yet hope. She said she often heard Miss Eliza talk to master about taking me out, and that she did not believe that I wanted to run away. But he said that I was angry on account of my being put in jail, and that, if I did not intend running away before, I would do it now; that he was going to keep me there until he saw a good opportunity of selling me, or until he got his drove made up for Mississippi. She encouraged me with the thought, that even if he did sell me, I might escape and get free still; for she felt that the Lord would provide for me. I took her advice, and began eating some of the things she had brought me, and afterwards lived as usual. About this time, master's brother took Mansfield out, and I now made up my mind that I would die before I would contentedly be another white man's slave; for old master had deceived me, and I could never put confidence in any other; and I made up my mind, that if they undertook to carry me South, I would jump into the river and drown myself. There were only three of my old friends that came to see me during my imprisonment; but many more might have come, only the jailer having the name of being such a mean man, they did not know whether they could get in or not, and were afraid to ask him. This imprisonment was the worst misery or slavery I had ever seen in this world; but as the darkest hour is just before day, so this imprisonment finally resulted in my freedom. I was in prison from the 1st of March until the 9th of September, 1847. About the 1st of September Mr. Williamson took me out in the hall to get some air, and I promised him I would not try to escape. This he continued for several mornings. On the 6th they brought Mansfield back. He told me that Braselton was going, in a few days, with a drove to Mississippi, and that we were to join the drove. So I began to think that I should see the sun and stars once more. Mr. Braselton, a member of the Presbyterian Church, came to the jail, and asked to see me. Mr. Williamson brought me into the sitting-room. "Well, parson, you have got to be as white a man as I am." "Yes, sir," I replied, "they have kept me here so long that I have become pretty well bleached." "Why, how long have they had you here?" he asked. "One hundred and sixty-nine days, sir, I have been shut up from the sun, moon and stars," I replied. The jailer said that I was correct, and remarked that I must have kept count. "Well," said Mr. Braselton, "your master tells me that you are the smartest boy he ever saw in his life, and said you knew the way to the Free States, and he thought that the only way to save you was to put you in jail. I have now got my drove ready, and he wants me to take and sell you for him. Now, if you will go with me and help me to sell, I will give you choice of your own master, and I will give you ten dollars in cash when I sell you." "Mr. Braselton, I have been a faithful servant to my master and mistress. They cast me into prison without the least cause, and I cannot consent to help to sell my fellow-mortals where I cannot follow," I replied. "Well," said he, "will you go with me, and not try to get away from me?" I told him I would not if I could help it. "I shall carry you off in chains, then," said he. "Very well, sir," I replied, "I cannot help that." "Put him back,--put him back," said Mr. Braselton. He then went up into the town and sent down another man, by the name of Porterkeith,-- a man that master had employed to see me safe to Mississippi until Mr. Braselton could sell me. He took me from the prison to the blacksmith-shop, and had my irons changed, putting on a pair with a chain about three feet long, fastened to my hands so that I could use them. While they were fixing the irons on my hands, a man named Enos England, a partner of Mr. Braselton's, was standing in the shop. "This is what your preaching has brought you to, parson," said he. "Yes, sir," I answered, "but the Apostle Paul had chains on him, also, master." Nothing more was said after that on that subject. They had my hands fixed in this way in order that I could use them to attend to the horses and wait on them. They were going to take quite a large quantity of produce along with them. Several wagons were loaded with bacon and feathers. After all was in readiness for starting, they put me on a horse, and two men started off with me. Porterkeith was to have twelve shillings a day for taking care of me. When we were a short distance from the town, we met Squire Hestel, who asked-- "Well, parson, which way are you bound?" "A prophet, sir, has no honor at home in his own country; so I will try some other," I replied. "Well, parson, I wish you success," said he. It being on the road, they took me to see my two youngest children, that I might see them for the last time. We met quite a number of my old acquaintances on the road. We continued on until night, when we stopped at a tavern by the roadside. I assisted them to feed the mules and horses, with my watchman at my back. We then had supper, and that night Porterkeith chained my feet together and fastened me to the bed-post, secured the windows, locked the door, and put the key under his pillow. The next morning they found me secure. They learned that they could get another load of bacon in this place, and they concluded to stop there that day, and two of them went back to Winchester to get a wagon. While the other two went to examine the bacon and have it weighed out, Porterkeith stayed by me and kept a close eye on me. When I left the jail, Mr. Williamson remarked, "Israel, when you get to Mississippi, you sell Porterkeith, for you look the whitest man of the two." While I was feeding the horses and mules that day, I noticed just by the cook-house a large patch of weeds. So I thought that if I could only get in there, I could make my escape at night. While we were feeding, the supper-bell rung, and Porterkeith called me to go to the house. When we got there, he took me to the dining-room, and set me by the door, while he went and eat his supper. I had not shown any signs of dissatisfaction that night, but sat there with my hands on my knees. I noticed that every time he took a mouthful, he would look at me. Once or twice he took two or three mouthsful without looking. Thought I, "The next time you take three mouthsful, when you look up I will not be here." I did not stop to see whether he took them or not; but taking a time when he was not looking, I slipped off. I had to pass through two doors and over the yard before I reached the patch of weeds; but I found that they would not hide me much. So I ran through them, and got into the cornfield, which was not more than two hundred yards from the house. I had just succeeded in getting in there, when I heard Porterkeith calling me. I had always been very prompt in answering; but I thought that this time I would let him call awhile, and put off answering. In fact, he has never been answered by me yet. When they thought I had escaped, they went into the barn and slave-cabins and searched them. They then saddled and bridled their horses and rode off towards Winchester to a colored family they knew I was acquainted with, thinking I would go directly there. And so I did. I got into the main road, and I thought that if I heard them coming, I could give them the road. I succeeded, however, in getting there before they overtook me, and aroused the inmates, and, when I had made myself known, the man came out and tried to help me get my chains off. While we were talking, I heard the dogs, and started off for another friend's, about three miles further. My friends told me afterwards, that had it been daylight, they would have caught me; for I was not out of sight of the house when they rode up. They asked if I had been there, and some of them answered that they had not seen me since they went past with me going away. Porterkeith remarked that he thought I had hardly reached there yet, but they expected that I would be there. He said that it was the worst thing I had ever done, for they intended, when they got me to Mississippi, to get me a good master; but when they got me there now, they were going to sell me to the hardest man they could find, and on a sugar plantation, where I would have an overseer who would drive me from sunrise to sunset, and should I ever attempt to run away, he would have the negro-dogs set upon my track. They watched around the house all that night, thinking that I would come there; but they did not see me. Porterkeith had the name of being the smartest detective in that part of the country, and I knew that I had to keep on the alert, or else he would entrap me. The party started off in the morning, looking through all the settlements and houses in the neighborhood, and offering large rewards for me. They went north, where I was supposed to have gone, but could get no clue as to my whereabouts. After searching for some time, they returned home. Porterkeith said that I was the smartest boy he ever had any thing to do with; for he never undertook to find any man before but what he soon got on his track, and then he was easily captured. But he could not tell whether I had ascended or descended. They then gave up the search, thinking that I had succeeded in getting over the river. "I DARE attempt, and find In due restraint a luxury; Patient in hope, in caution fearless, These to the soul are ministers of love." ON reaching my friend's, I aroused him, and he at once knew my voice, and sprang up, opened the door, and invited me to come in. I told him that I wanted him to help me to get my chains off first. We then went to the side of a hill where there was a large rock, which he beat against the irons first on one side and then on the other until he succeeded in breaking them off, they being made of cast-iron. I threw them as far into the woods as I could, and this was the last I ever saw or heard of them. I then went to the house with my friend and his wife, who prepared me some supper. I remained there until near morning, when I went to the barn to hide myself for the day. I selected a spot where I thought I would not be detected and made my bed. Now, I found, to my great discomfort, that I had company; for the chickens had been roosting there, and the straw was full of chicken-lice. As soon as my body began to warm the straw, they commenced tormenting me, so that it was almost unbearable. What added still more to my discomfort was, that the proprietor of the farm was shearing sheep directly under where I was lying, and I could not move nor make any noise, for fear of detection. I made out, however, to stand their torments until the horn blew for dinner. I then came down and got into the corn-field without being seen. I here soon had vengeance on my enemies, as I killed every one I could see, and finally succeeded in clearing myself of them. I remained in the field until after dark, and then went to my friend's again, got a good supper, and then started off for my old stumping-ground. I reached there just before daylight the next morning. I laid in the corner of the fence all that day, and after dark I went up toward the house. I could hear the hands out in the fodder-field working, for it was quite common for them to work until near midnight at this time. I knew pretty well that the overseer was out in the field with them. I reached the house and got into the garden, and I heard the cook singing, going from her cabin to the house. This woman was the friend who came to see me in the jail, and was the means of preventing my starving to death. I threw up a clod of dirt, and it fell close by her. She looked up and around, and said-- "Who is that?" I said, in a low voice, that it was I, and for her to keep quiet. I then asked her where master was, and found that he had gone to the Association as a delegate, and that he thought he had delegated me to Mississippi. I found, also, that they did know of my escape. Then I told her of my plans of how I intended to secrete myself; for I knew that Porterkeith would catch me if I attempted to go North at this time. She entered into it fully, and promised to get me provisions. There was a place about a quarter of a mile from the house, that I had selected for my abode, where I thought I would be perfectly safe. It was a tract of land of between four and five acres, that had been cleared off for some years, had never been cultivated, and had now grown up thick with high weeds, grape-vines, bamboos and briers, and hazel bushes. They stood so thick, that the eye could scarcely see ten yards into it. I went into this and made me a pleasant spot by clearing it up. The next night I got some boards and put them on the top of the bushes, which were so rank they held them secure. I then got some bed-clothing and a jug full of water from a spring that was near by, and found myself quite comfortable. Here I remained for three weeks, and laid my plans for future action. This is what I have ever designated as my GREEN BRIER HOUSE. Here I was secure from every thing except snakes and vermin; for rattlesnakes were very thick in that country, and they always liked a nice dry place to lay in, but they never troubled me. Like Elijah of old, the Lord pointed me out a place near a brook and sent ravens with my food, so that during my sojourn there I neither wanted food to eat nor water to drink. Several incidents occurred, which I will relate. One day one of the neighbors came over, and was asking questions about me, and wished to know if they had ever heard any thing from me. Master then went on to say that he had told Porterkeith, if I got half a chance, I would get away from him, and if I did, he would never catch me; but that he was satisfied I was now in Ohio. "Well," inquired his neighbor, "if you knew where he was, could you get him?" "There are some places where I could; but it would be a risky business to go amongst those abolitionists." When they told me this conversation, "Well," thought I, "if I only keep myself out of sight, I am safe enough now; for they have given me up." I took an opportunity to visit several of my friends, and had quite pleasant times in meeting with them, many of whom I had not seen since my first imprisonment, and they were all glad that I had outdone Porterkeith, for he had a terrible name among the slaves. I now removed my clothing and jug from my Green Brier House, as it was getting rather chilly to be there at night, and two of my friends dug a cellar under the floor of their cabin and made me a comfortable bed, and here I staid the remainder of the autumn. About the time I moved from the Green Brier House, Mansfield returned from Mississippi, they not being able to sell him. The reason for that was, as he told me, that when we were in jail I told him how to act if they undertook to sell him South, and he could get off, and in his case nature helped him through. Mansfield was a fine-looking boy, but he had one reel foot, his toes turning pretty much behind, which made that leg very small, and looked as if it would injure him very much, but really it was nearly, if not quite, as strong as his other leg. I told him, however, to limp and complain very much of his ankle, and I knew that they could not sell him. He acted the possum so well, that it turned out just as I anticipated, and they had to bring him back again. He told me all about his journey, which was very interesting to me, as I had been over the same field before, and was pretty much the same as I have given in the former pages of my history. I now took possession of my subterranean abode. Master and mistress would stop sometimes in that cabin and talk about me, and as I was right under their feet, I could hear every word they said. I could tell many incidents which occurred at this time that might be interesting; but as I do not know into whose hands my little work may chance to fall, and as many of the actors are still alive, I do not care to recall to their minds and expose their acts to each other or cause unpleasant feelings or thoughts to any one, and leave them for the Great Judge at the last day to unfold the great roll of the Book of Life, and if He has forgiven and blotted them out, I hope I may not be the means of recording them against them. I had not seen my oldest daughter since my imprisonment. I felt as if I ought to see her, and determined to make the attempt. I had often heard her sing, but could never get an opportunity of speaking to her. So I got a friend to bring her to where I was, and I stood behind the door to see what she would say. When they had reached where I was, they asked her if she would like to see me, and if she could keep from telling the white people,--for this last was one great reason why I had not spoken to her before. I was afraid, as all children will do, that she would be so glad to see me, and run off and tell master and mistress. But she said, "Not for my life will I tell." I then stepped from behind the door. She hugged and kissed me, and was overjoyed to see me, and appeared very much afraid that the white people would catch me. I told her I was not afraid of that; but that I was going to start for Canada pretty soon now; and that when I got free, I would go back for her. I told her that she must be a good girl and obey every body in all that is right. I then parted with her, and bid her good-bye. We had a very affectionate parting, and I left that settlement. I had strong thoughts about taking old master's life, or injuring him in some way, for the wrong he had done me; but the good spirit always got the better of such designs and always thwarted my plans. I have stood at a window with my pistol loaded, and thought if I ought not to blow his brains out; but there came a voice, telling me that it was wrong. My pistol snapped, and he passed on unharmed. I once stationed myself in the woods, with the intention of shooting his horse from under him, and if he found out it was me, to shoot him; but when he came near enough for me to see, I saw that it was my horse he was riding, and not his own, and I could not kill it. I did not start at once for Canada, but lingered around there. They were about moving, as master had bought another place about ten miles distant, and I now knew that I would soon have to change my quarters. I had concluded to start on a Sunday night; but I wished to see my daughter again before I left, for she was the only one large enough to remember what I might tell them. I stationed myself a little distance from the house, and as she went from the house to the kitchen, I called her name. She became very much frightened, thinking that I was a ghost, (for the belief in ghosts is very common in the South, especially among the slave population.) The alarm which she gave caused both the white and black people to come out in the yard; but I succeeded in getting away without their seeing me, and I got into a plot of high sage grass. She told them which way the ghost went, and they came hunting for it, but they happened not to see me. I then started for Canada, and thought that I would be able to take my Christmas-dinner there, it being about a week from that holiday, leaving a promise with several of my friends to do all I could for them when I reached there. "TRUTH shall restore the light by nature given, And, like Promotheus, bring the fire of heaven; Prone to the dust Oppression shall be hurled-- Her name, her nature, withered from the world!" MY first object before starting on my journey was to obtain a pass, so that I could travel in the daytime as well as at night. I got a man to write it for me, and I told him what to write, for I had heard what master had written for me when I travelled in Kentucky. I had it worded as though I belonged to a man in Alabama by the name of William King, a celebrated horse-racer, and whose name was known far and wide. It was worded as follows: December 5th, 1847. "To all whom it may concern, or who may have occasion to question this boy: Please to let him pass and re-pass unmolested to the State of Illinois, Gallatin County, to visit his friends and relations, returning here by the 10th of January. "WILLIAM KING'S Mulatto Boy Joell." Now, where he had the signature he should have left off the "Mulatto Boy Joell," and I told him that he had better not put it there. But he thought that it would be that much better for me, as it described my color. On Sunday night I started on my journey, and I travelled on all that night and Monday night, and on Tuesday morning I found myself about seventy miles from home. As I had never travelled so far from home before on this road, and as this was a new route, I thought that I could venture to travel in the daytime as well as at night, and be able to proceed much faster. I had not proceeded far by daylight before I was stopped by a set of ruffianly-looking men, who wanted to know which way I was going, who I was, and if I had a pass. I told them I was going to see my friends, and that I had a pass. They insisted on seeing it, and I showed it to them. They read it, and then stepped off a short distance and held a short consultation. They then came back to me and said-- "We believe you have run away." "Why do you believe that, sirs, when I have a pass?" "Yes, but your pass is not correct," they said. I asked them what was wrong about it. They told me that the words "mulatto boy" should not have been there by my master's name. I told them that I could not help it if my master wrote it in that way. "But we don't believe that your master wrote it. We think that you forged it and got some one to write it for you, and you cannot go any further," they replied. "Well, sirs, what is to be done?" I asked. One of them said, "You will have to go back to Columbia and lay there in that cold jail." He then asked me if I was not a runaway. I told him he said that I was; and if I told him I was not, he would not believe me. I told them that they had better leave me pass on my way, or my master would make them suffer for it. One of them said, "We will take the responsibility." They then tied me, caught two horses, and took me back about twelve miles to Columbia, and had me put in the jail. I would not own to them that I was a runaway; but after they were gone, the jailer came and asked me who I belonged to. I told him that I belonged to Mr. Thomas H. Garner, near Winchester, Franklin County; that I was a runaway, and that my name was Israel. He said that he would write to my master immediately, which he did. I found two very fine fellows in the cell into which I was put. One of them had run away. The other had attempted to run away, and a man tried to stop him. He shot him, and had been tried and condemned to be hung. His master, however, thought so much of him, that he succeeded in getting him a new trial, which he was now awaiting. I was quite disappointed about my Christmas-dinner, having to take it in a jail instead of Canada. The jailer's name was Washington Gamble. He gave us each a glass of liquor to let us know that it was Christmas on that day. I remained here forty days. At this time Master Garner's son-in-law, James Davis, came after me. He told me that his father-in-law sent him to propose to me, that if I would give up my money as security against my running away, he might take me home, and if I would not do this, to sell me; for he knew that I would be running away all the time. Now, they had an idea that I had about three hundred dollars, and if they could only get hold of that, I would not run away, for I would have nothing to travel on. To this proposal I would not agree. "Well, then," said Mr. Davis, "I will sell you to the worst man I can find." "Very well, sir. I believe I can please most any gentleman," I replied. "Well, Israel, you need not hope to get away from me. I am not Porterkeith. I have brought hand-cuffs to put on you, and I intend to sit right by your side until you are sold. There is no devil if you get away from me," he said. When he was ready to start, he and Mr. Gamble came into the jail, and after putting the hand-cuffs on me, led me out of the jail, mounted me on the stage, and we travelled for Nashville. There was another man with Mr. Davis, a slavetrader, and he got him to talk to me and try and get me to give my money up. He said, "Now, my boy, your master says that if you will only give him your money as security, he is willing for you to come back; but if you will not consent to that, I am going South in a week or so, and I will take you and find the very strictest master for you I can." "Well," I replied, "you can sell me to any one you have a mind to." They took me to Nashville and put me in the jail, and then went around the city to hunt up a buyer. There were fourteen colored men in the jail, and none of them had ever seen a Free State but myself. They were all expecting to be sold South; and as soon as I had told them about my visits almost to the country where there was no slavery, they were highly pleased, and seemed to take new life, and commenced sawing the iron bars out of the windows, and broke my hand-cuffs off, and said they would all be out soon, and they wanted me to lead them to the Free States. To keep from being heard while we were sawing, we would sing and dance and have a merry time. Just about the time they succeeded in getting the bars in two, so that we could have all got out, there came a man to the jail named James Comering, and asked me how I would like him for a master. I told him that I did not know, as I never saw him before. "Well," said he, "your master wants to sell you, and he says that you are an honest, trusty kind of a boy, and that is the kind of a boy I want; and if you are willing to live with me, I will buy you." "Well, sir, if you are willing to buy me and treat me well, give me an opportunity to go and see my children, and if you ever sell me, give me a chance to buy myself I will promise to live with you until I see an opportunity of getting away." This last clause I said easy to myself, and is what people at the North call mental reservation, and I had firmly made up my mind that I would never be another man's slave any longer than I could get away from him. He thought I would suit him, and bought me at the low price of five hundred dollars, and we took the stage to Shelbyville, where the man resided. He had recently married a wife, and had not yet began housekeeping, but boarded at his father-in-law's, who kept a tavern in the place. After I had been there about two weeks, one day, while I was cleaning the horses, he brought his uncle to the stables to see me. He was a regular slave-dealer. They examined me and made some remarks upon my person, when his uncle asked me if I was a good hand to manage horses. I told him that I was. Nothing more was said, and they left the stable. Thinks I, "You are trying to sell me, and I will keep my eye on you." A few days after, a traveller rode up, and they called me to take his horse. I got on the horse, and was riding around town, when he fell on my left ankle and put it out of place. I suffered considerably from it, and was laid up for two weeks. After I got well, my young master started for Philadelphia to buy goods for storekeeping. He was gone so short a time, that it excited the curiosity of our towns-people, and they found out that he had only been as far as Pittsburg. He now removed to a little village about twelve miles distant, and opened his store. I waited on him some three weeks, when I found out that he had made arrangements with his uncle to take me South and sell me. He had his drove at Nashville, and was soon to leave. They thought that if they could only get me on board the steamboat, they could easily get me down to Mississippi. One morning, one or two days after the above information, and the very day that he wanted to send me away with his uncle, he gave me a letter to his wife's father, to tell her mother to come up as soon as she could; that mistress was very sick, and expected to have to go to bed every hour. I understood pretty well the contents of the letter, which did not in any way relate to his wife's sickness, but to my going South. So I did not hurry myself. I walked slowly along for about six miles, and then went into the bushes on the roadside and staid there until about two o'clock in the afternoon. I then came out and walked slowly along, which brought me to my journey's end a little after dark. I presented my letter to master's wife's mother, and told her that I started in the morning, but that I had been taken sick by the way, and felt very stupid and bad now. She told me to go into the kitchen, and she would give me a good cup of tea. I stayed there that night, and learned that the slave-drove had left there about one o'clock that day. I felt highly elated to think that I had outwitted the slave-dealers. I remained there all Friday. On Saturday morning they gave me another letter and sent me back home. I thought it would not do to get home before night, as I was afraid they would imprison me; so I loitered along, and got home after dark. When I got home, I went straight to master's room and knocked. He was much surprised at seeing me, and after finding it was me, he jumped out of bed and invited me into his room. I gave him the letter his father-in-law had given me for him. "I hear it is reported about, Israel, that I have sold you," said he. "Well, you have not, have you, Master James?" I asked. "Why, do you suppose that I would sell you, and not let you know it?" said he. "I hope not, Master James," I replied. At the same time I knew that he had tried to sell me; but we had to prevaricate a little for our purposes. Like every thing wrong, slavery here shows its true character, as it is the example of the master which banishes all love of truth and honor from the slave's breast, so little is there found in the great mass of theirs. He asked me if I was not hungry; and, upon my telling him that I was, he told me to help myself to some things that were on the table. I then went into the kitchen. When I got there, the first person I met was the cook. As we were the only colored persons about the house, she seemed greatly surprised when I went into the kitchen, and exclaimed, without thinking-- "Why, laws, Israel, Master James sold you!" "I have just come out of the house, and he says that he has done no such a thing," says I. "You need not believe a word he says," said she, "for he has given your clothes to Mr. Armstrong's boy." I did not make my thoughts or intentions known to her. I arose bright and early the next morning (Sunday) and built a fire in the house, and then went to the stables and cleaned my horse. While I was doing that, I thought to myself, "This is the last time I will clean you, old gray;" for I had made up my mind to leave that night. I loitered about the house and yard all day, so that I could be seen at any time. A little after dark, Master James called me in the store-room. He had his partner with him, whose name was Mr. Ward. After I had entered, he shut the door. He then said-- "Israel, when I bought you I thought that I would never sell you; but you know that my trip to Philadelphia completely exhausted my means, so that I will have to part with you, and I wish to know if you are willing to live with Mr. Ward. I understood how to humor the joke, and I said, "Well, Master James, as you are not able to keep me, and are obliged to sell me, I had just as leave live with Mr. Ward as yourself, as I know him and know that I can please him." "Yes," said Mr. Ward, "he can please any body at work." Having, as they thought, gained their point this time, they thought they would try a little further, and Mr. Ward said-- "Well, Israel, I am going to start for Mississippi in the morning with a drove of horses, and I want you to go along and help to take care of them, and also to help me sell them." "Well, sir, I can do that. I am good among horses," I then remarked; "but, sir, when you get me down there, you will sell me." "No, no, Israel, I will not do that," he replied. Now, I knew that he was lying, for he had neither horse nor mule to go with; but I saw the dodge,--for, had I shown the least unwillingness, they would have tied me that night; but as I agreed to all they proposed, they let me out, and I went to the kitchen. I thought, the sooner I was away from there, the better. After all had gone to bed, I got my bowie-knife and loaded both barrels of my pistol, and I got a good old Jackson club out of the loft. I had made up my mind that I was going to try for either liberty or death this time, and intended killing any one who should undertake to stop me, and off I started, and bid farewell to Tennessee, for I was bound to Canada. I went immediately to Shelbyville, going the twelve miles in about three hours. I went to a friend of mine, a few doors from Master James' wife's father's. He had a very good pistol, which he immediately consented to let me have. He also told me that a cousin of his was expecting to be sold every day, and that he would be glad to get off with me; and if I would wait about an hour, he would find him. When they came back, we talked the matter over, and he concluded to go with me. We soon got ready for our journey, prepared some provisions, two suits of clothes apiece, and an umbrella, and then we turned our eyes towards Canada. It was in January that Master James bought me, and I left him in April. I am sure that I never earned him eighty dollars while he owned me. We travelled in the main road the first night. The second night we thought we would try it by the north star; but found that a hard way of proceeding, and on the third night retraced the ground we had travelled on the second, and took the main road again. We travelled in the night, and secreted ourselves in the day, travelling about thirty or thirty-five miles a night, sometimes covering ourselves with leaves, hiding in thickets, sometimes in fodder-houses. Our provisions had now given out, and we were beginning to feel the gnawings of hunger, and were almost afraid to speak to any one, for fear they would betray us. One night, however, we met two colored men, and, as our hunger had become almost unbearable, we allowed them to see us. After we had spoken to each other, I asked them if they could not give us poor hungry fellows something to eat. One of them said they were going to his wife's house, and that they had nothing with them. I told him him we were travellers, and that I would pay him for something to eat. They paused awhile, and he again said, "I suppose I could get you something by going back home." "How far is that?" I asked. "About half a mile," he replied. We all went towards the house. He told us he was a blacksmith, and that the man with him was his striker. "You go right on past the house till you come to the shop, and stay there until I come," said he. I remarked, "Now, my friend, I hope you won't betray us or cause us any trouble. If you do, I will shoot you." He said, if he gave me any trouble, he would give me leave to shoot him. I then went on past the blacksmith-shop, and looked in and stationed myself so that I could see any one come from the house to the shop. I was there about an hour, when he came back to the shop and asked-- "Where are you?" I made no reply. He then looked around, and, not seeing me, went into the shop. After I had satisfied myself of my safety, I went into where they were at. The man had brought us three or four pounds of bread and ham, and a killet to fry our meat with. After cooking and eating as much as we wanted, we cooked the remainder to take with us. I fired one of my pistols and loaded it again, gave the man half a dollar, and started on. "EVEN now, perhaps, some pilgrim strays Through tangled forests and through dangerous ways; And all around distressful yells arise. The pensive exile, bending with his woe, To stop too fearful, and too faint to go." HAVING again started on our journey, (for the reader must not lose sight of my friend who started from Shelbyville with me,) after travelling until within an hour of daybreak, we found ourselves in the city of Nashville. As the day was breaking, we thought we had better look about us for a hiding-place. There was a heavy fog at the time, and we took the first place we could find. After the sun arose and the fog cleared away, we found that our position was not well chosen, but we could not move for fear of detection, as there was a company of men working at the boat-yard a short distance from where we were. Soon after sunrise there came a company of children hunting for pieces of wood, and they came very near where I was lying. I knew that it would not do to run, and the only way I could see to escape detection was to pretend to be very sick, and when they came near me I was grunting and groaning as if I was in great misery. They came to me, asked me if I was sick, looked at me awhile, and then gathered up their wood and started home. I thought that they would go home and tell their parents, and they would be coming to look for me; so I said to my partner-- "We must risk getting away from here, as we are in danger of being found out." We started and went through the thicket as fast as we could run. Then we walked through the opening for a brier-patch a short distance off, which we reached without being noticed. Here we remained until night, when we came into the city again by the back way round by the hospital. We met a colored man driving cows out to pasture, and we asked him if he could tell us where we could get a raft of any kind to cross the river. He said that he could not. He then asked us where we were going. I told him that I did not tell every body my business. He said that he wanted to know if we were going to the free country, and if we were, he wanted to go with us. He told us that his name was Toney; that he belonged to a Mr. Oldhouse, who was a very hard master; that he wanted to go to the free country; but that he was not ready yet, but wanted us to wait until he could collect thirty dollars, and then he would divide the money. I said, "Friend, we are in a hurry, and are in danger here every minute. If you can tell me where I can get a craft to cross the river, I will thank you." He told us to wait until he turned the cows out, and then he would take us to a man who we could get a boat from. We went with him to turn the cows in the pasture, and he then took us around to his friend's. As we were going along, he told us his troubles and trials, all of which are common among the poor slaves,--how his master beat, starved and punished him in every way, and that he was in continual dread of being sold to the South. I told him that we could not wait for any body, and if I did, we might all be taken back. He seemed to comprehend, at last, that it would not do, but tried to get me to promise, that if I ever came back free, and if he was not sold or dead, I would lead him to the land of the free, and that he would repay me for all my trouble. We had now reached his friend, whom he called Washington, and told him what we wanted. He told us that we need not be afraid of him, as he was our friend. Washington said that he had a father who had gone to Canada, and he hoped soon to follow him. He then went with us to see if we could find a boat. We went through the city, talking politics, as if we all belonged there, and reached the river without molestation. We looked up and down the river, but could see only one boat, and that a man was fishing with. Washington at length bethought him of a way by which we might succeed in getting over the bridge, which was as follows: There was on the other side of the bridge a rich old farmer, whose daughter had married a doctor in Nashville, and their slaves came backward and forward whenever they pleased by giving the old farmer's name; but the keeper of the bridge did not know them from any other negroes. He told me the farmer's and doctor's names, but I have forgotten them. He went to the bridge with us, and as we parted Washington said-- "Good night. Tell my brother that I will be over on Sunday, and will bring him that money I owe him." When the keeper heard what Washington said, there were no questions asked, and we went across the bridge. I now began to feel free, for this I had looked upon as the worst point in my journey, as the saying is common that colored people cannot pass Cumberland Bridge without a pass, and I felt as if I should reach my destination. We travelled the next two nights without there being much of note occurring. The second night, however, we came to another river. It was not very wide, however, and we found a skiff, in which we rowed ourselves across the river and then sent the boat adrift. Before day the next morning it began raining, and continued to rain all that day. We kept partially dry by being sheltered under the trees; but we were as wet as we comfortably cared to be, only keeping our powder dry. After dark, we started from our watery camp. We went about half a mile, and came to a very large creek. I did not know how deep it might be; but I determined to attempt to cross it, even though I might get drowned. My partner did not want to venture, although he could swim and I could not. We ventured in, and the deepest place we found the water was up to my chin. We then travelled for several miles, until we reached a large farmhouse, where we were so fortunate as to be allowed to dry ourselves; and as the rain had ceased, we called upon a family of colored people. They made us welcome, and we stopped there several hours, got something to eat, and travelled the remainder of the night in mud and water. It was very discouraging, but it was the best we could do. I felt very indignant at the slave-holders to see what risks we had to run to gain what was ours by nature,--life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and felt as if I could shoot one of them as unconcerned as I could a deer. We now came to a very large and steep hill, probably near a mile from the bottom to the top, and as my partner could not walk quite as fast as I could, he would often lag behind. I had travelled the road before, and knew all about its difficulties. It was a made road, and was very steep in some places, and the holes on either side were sometimes very deep, and difficult, if not hurt by the fall, to climb up in the daytime, much less in the night. Just as we had got fairly started up the hill, my partner cried out to me-- "O me! O me! I hear somebody riding this way!" I started off on a run, which made him get along a little faster. I told him not to try to turn aside, as he would only kill himself. We ran as fast as we could, and succeeded in reaching the top before any one overtook us, and got into a field and saw the person pass. It proved to be one of the slaves, who had either been to see his wife or sweetheart. We saw him put his horse up, go into his cabin, and extinguish his light, and we then drew out from our retreat. This hill was called Paradise Hill, and a very wealthy gentleman lived there. We truly thought it a Paradise to us, for we were very tired and hungry. Satisfied that all was quiet, we walked on a few miles further, and so fatigued were we, that we went into a thicket by the roadside and took a short nap. It was the first night that we had taken any sleep since we started, for we tried to sleep enough in the daytime to enable us to travel all night. We slept by turns, one watching while the other slept. We now reached Princeton, in Livingston County, Kentucky. This was the place where I had lived with Mr. Crookesty when he first bought me. I looked at the old stumping-ground, and found that it had undergone many changes. We were now about thirty-five miles from where my mother lived. When we were within three miles of Tradewater River, I stopped to make some inquiries, the road being very much changed since I had last travelled it. I asked a man if he would not go with us to the ferry. He would not. He said he had been fishing all day, and was very tired and hungry; but that it was only three miles to the ferry. I did not like the man's looks, and I offered him fifty cents if he would go with us to the ferry; for I thought that if we could get across, we were all right. But he would not go with us, but said that we would find the boat on this side, and that we might go across in it and leave it tied on the other side. He did not see my companion, and thought that I was alone. When we had gone about two miles, I heard some one coming after us. We stepped into the bushes and saw four men pass by on a very fast walk. I told Phelix that the fellow we had just parted with had sent those men after us, and that we would have to alter our course. Thinks I, "My men, you will lose your game to-night;" for I thought they would go to the ferry and wait for me to come and take the boat, when they would capture me. I told my partner that we would not attempt to cross there that night. We then turned up the river, and went about a mile above the ferry. We stayed there all night. Near morning I told Phelix that we would have to try and get away from there; for those fellows would wait at the ferry until day, and then they would take a look through the woods, and that I intended to die before I would be taken; and if we got into a scrape, and should he not fight, if we got clear I would whip him myself. This I told him to let him know that he had to look out for himself; for he was a great coward, and a white man's frown would make him give up without a blow. He said he would do the best he could. But we had to get away from there. The river was very deep and swift, and not a boat was to be seen. After considerable planning, I thought of a raft. I got some logs and tied them together with grape-vines; and, looking about the drift, I found a piece of board, out of which I made a paddle. My raft and all being ready, I went off a little distance and offered up a prayer. I asked Phelix if he would get on the raft with me. He said, no; that he was afraid; but that he would take a log and kick out like a frog and go across in that way. So off I started with my raft. Not understanding any thing about paddling when I first began, and as the tide was very rapid, the first attempt threw me back into the river. It frightened me very much, and Phelix exclaimed-- "There, mate, I told you that you could not go across on that." I told him to hold on; that all dangers are not death; and I pushed my raft off again, turning it around this time, which proved to work much better. I finally succeeded in getting across, and fastened my raft to the bank of the river, and then looked about for Phelix. He rolled a loose log into the water and got on the top of it and started over. Just as soon as he got where the current began running, over went his log and left him in the river. He became so much frightened, that he ceased to help himself, and would catch hold of the log every time he came up and say, "Ugh! ugh!" I hollowed for him to kick back like a frog; but he seemed to have lost all power of helping himself. He went with the log towards the ferry, and I followed him until I thought we were getting too near, and that it was better that one should be lost than two. Just at this time I noticed a long sassafras pole lying on the shore, and as he had been brought by the current to very near the shore where I was, I threw the pole into the river and waded out as far as I could. The pole just reached him, and I told him to catch hold of it, which he did, and I drew him to the shore. When he got on dry land he was powerless and almost senseless from his fright and strangling. I rolled him over and over, and got the water out of him, and rubbed him awhile, and told him that we must get away from there as soon as possible. I led him up the river bank, got him over a fence, and we coiled up there like wet rats. The sun soon arose and shone directly on us, which made us quite comfortable and dried us considerably. We rejoiced that we had made our escape from our enemies, and that beautiful hymn came into my mind-- "When through the deep waters I call thee to go, The rivers of woe shall not thee overflow; For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, And sanctify to thee thy deepest distress." We lay there all that day. At length the sun departed behind the western hills, and we crept out from our bed and took a survey to see that all was safe, and proceeded on our journey. About midnight we came to a farmhouse. Being weary and hungry, I thought we would call there and see if we could not obtain help. I felt some confidence in stopping there, as I had made it a matter of prayer for God to direct my steps to some friend, and I felt as if this was an answer to my prayer. I knocked softly at the door, and a voice asked-- "Who is that?" I answered, in a low voice, "It is a poor, weary, hungry traveller." He then opened the door, and I asked him if he would give us something to eat. He soon set some provisions before us, and we began replenishing our empty stomachs. While we were eating, we conversed on our business. I ascertained that he was a Baptist minister. I asked him if he knew a minister by the name of Edward Finney. "Perfectly well," he replied; "we were together last Sunday." "Are you acquainted with his wife?" I asked. "Yes, I have known her for years. As good a sister as ever lived," he answered. I then told him that they were my step-father and mother. "Are you the son Nelly talked about so much, who was sold down the river?" he asked. I told him I was; that I had been in Mississippi, but that my master brought me back to Tennessee; that they were now trying to send me back again, and I had run away to keep from being sold; for I had rather be killed than go South again, and I had concluded to try to reach Canada. "God bless your undertaking," said he. I asked him how far it was to my mother's, and I learned that it was about fifteen miles. After thanking him for his kindness and bidding him good-night, we started on, much refreshed, with the intention of trying to reach my mother's that night. Mother and her husband had both got their freedom, and were living in a house by themselves. It was just daylight when I saw their house. As we would have to pass a white family's house before we could reach my mother's, and as I thought it would not be safe to venture up in the daytime, I looked around for some place in which to hide. The only place I could find was in a corn-shock. So I went into one, and Phelix into another. I could hear the people talking and travelling along the main road, and would sometimes venture to peep out and see them. I saw an old bachelor and an old maid riding in a buggy. It was the son of old Master Russell, in whose family I was born, and his youngest daughter. I thought of the times which we then passed through,--of my first mistress and her death; then of Miss Sally, so kind and good; and then how the lady who was then in that carriage used to play with me,--pleasant dreams, but all past and buried in the ocean of time. What a blessing is memory to a good man!--what a witness against the wicked! At the death of this lady's father, her brother-in-law, Clayborn Devaull, a noted Methodist minister, became her guardian, and he sold all the slaves except my mother. When she was between fifty and sixty years of age, her mistress told her that if she could raise one hundred dollars, she could have her freedom; which she succeeded in accomplishing. She was at this time keeping house for the old bachelor, who was well known in Kentucky as Dr. William Russell. Night again threw over the earth her dark shroud, under whose cover we emerged from our solitary house, and wended our way towards my mother's residence. I knocked gently against the wall. My stepfather asked-- "Who is there?" I answered, "A friend. Come out and see." He came around the house to where I was standing, and bid me good evening. He knew my voice the instant I spoke, and said-- "Israel, is this you? I know your voice, my son, if it is in the dark." He then invited us in the house. We went in, and I embraced my mother, and we had quite a happy meeting. But her joy was soon turned to sorrow when she saw what condition we were in. She wanted to know how it was that I came looking so much worse than I had always appeared when I came to see her before. My father said, "I reckon Israel is sailing on the river; are you not?" "Yes, sir," I answered. My mother wanted to know what boat I was sailing in, not seeming to comprehend what my father meant. I told her that I was not in any boat just then. She then seemed, for the first time, to suspicion that I had run away, and said, "Israel, my son, I want you to tell me where you are going." I told her that I had started for Canada, to see my brother; for I had learned that my brother Washington was there. "Then you are running away?" she asked. "Yes, ma'am," said I, "I have set out to get my freedom, or loose my life in trying for it." She wished to know why I had taken such a course; that I had told her of what a good master I had, and how well satisfied I was, and thought that I must be in the wrong. I told her that times had changed since I last saw her, and then told her my story up to the time we were talking. While this conversation was going on, she was preparing supper for us. When I was through with my history, she told us to sit up and partake of her poor fare, but which we considered good enough for any one. She only did not seem to enjoy it, so full was she of trouble and anxiety for our safe journey. She at length asked-- "Do you really think that you will be able to reach Canada?" "I think I will if I live," said I. "Brother Washington is there, and I think I am as smart a child as you've ever had." "Well, I pray the Lord will be with you," she said. "Thank you, mother. The prayers of the righteous shall prevail," I answered. We then conversed on different subjects until the time for retiring had arrived. Mother told me that if we could stay there the next day, she would wash our clothes, as we were getting very dirty, not having had any clean clothes for some twenty or thirty days, although we had several good washings. We slept in her house until within about an hour of day, when she did not think it safe for us to stay any longer; and, after furnishing us with a clean suit of clothes, we again took to our shock-house, where we remained all that day. At night we came around to the house, and found our clothes washed, and after partaking of a hearty supper, we took our parting embrace and bid farewell to father and mother once more. We were now between four and five miles from the Ohio River. Mother gave us such advice as directed us how to find some friends who resided near the ferry. As we approached the house, the dogs discovered us, and began barking very fiercely. I then saw a light in the house, and a white man came out to see if he could discover any one. We got behind a tree and remained there until he went into the house and put the light out. This seemed to pacify the dogs, and we then went around the house to the person's cabin to whom mother had directed us. Fearing lest the dogs should attack me if I made any noise, I climbed up the chimney and got between it and the house and knocked. I soon awakened the man, and he came out, and after finding out who I was, informed me that a man from Rolly had taken the small boat; but that I could look up and down the river, and if I could find a small boat, I might take it and make it fast on the opposite side. I went to where I had left my companion, and we looked up and down the river, but did not succeed in finding any thing we could venture to cross the river in. Discovering that day was breaking, we bethought us of a hiding-place for the day, and began retracing our steps. About a mile from the ferry we came across an old tree that had fallen down, and which had large forks on it. We got in between the forks and covered ourselves up with the leaves. We found this, however, rather an uncomfortable retreat, as the leaves were full of seed-ticks, bear-ticks, and bull-ticks, and the mosquitoes (gallinippers) were very thick and troublesome, and I thought that these plagues were almost as tormenting as Pharoah's. So troublesome were they, that we were unable to sleep, and felt it more severely the next day. The seed-tick is a very small one, generally found on a kind of wild grass, and sometimes one hundred ticks can be found on one stalk of grass, and penny-royal is the only effectual antidote for them. The bull-tick is a large brown one, with a white spot on its back; and the bear-tick is something like the former, only it has a longer bill, and when it once becomes attached to the skin it leaves its head behind it. These, with the gallinippers, made us anxious for the sun to disappear, as we were afraid to move our position during the day, there being so many persons moving about near where we were. Night at length came, and we gladly left our uncomfortable abode. We again went down to the bank of the river, but did not succeed in finding a boat until we had reached Rolly Town, about five miles from the ferry, where we found a large flat-bottomed boat, and a skiff fastened to it. We took the skiff and made an attempt to cross; but as neither of us understood how to manage it, we made but slow progress. When we were in the middle of the river, a large steamer came close by us, and the wheels made a great commotion in the water, throwing our little craft up and down like the ocean's wave, which frightened us very much, as we thought we were certainly going to be swamped. We succeeded, however, in landing on the Illinois side, and made our boat fast. [N. W. COFFIN. "HERE, on a point between two oceans vast, The boundless future, and the boundless past; The eye surveys the unbroken waste before, Unconscious yet of all it hath in store." [N. W. COFFIN. Now I thought that the worst of my journey was at an end. I had accomplished the greatest undertaking, and all I now had to do was to be cautious and wary, and my freedom was sure. After having fastened our boat, we went up into the town near where we landed, I having some acquaintances there. I went to the house of one of my friends; but found his gate locked and his house enclosed by palings eight or nine feet high, which were not easily surmountable without help. His stable, however, was built on a line with his fence, and it being a log one, I climbed up on it and succeeded in getting into his yard, and rapped at his door. "Who comes there?" he asked. "A friend," I replied. "Well, friend, you have got into my yard and have not come through the right gate, as that is locked, and a man cannot climb over my fence. I do not know whether you are a friend or not, and you cannot come in here." I then called his wife, who recognized my voice, and told her husband who I was; but he did not believe it. After I had inquired as to where her brother and father lived, and she had told me, her husband consented to open the door if I would let him see me before I came in. He got his gun and slowly opened the door, threatening to shoot me down if I attempted to enter before he saw who I was. He then let the candle shine full in my face, when he at once recognized me. He dropped his gun and bade me come in. He asked me to forgive him for what he had said and done; but said that there were so many kidnappers about, that he had to be very cautious, for he was afraid that they would try to kidnap some of his children. I said that it was perfectly right, and told him how I got in his yard. He then set his decanter of brandy out, and soon supplied us with a good supper, when we inquired about other friends who were living in that locality, and answered many questions which they asked us. After having refreshed ourselves and rested, we started off again, being exceedingly anxious to get out of that town before the next morning, as there was a number of the low class of white people who made their livelihood by what is called kidnapping, or stealing and selling or informing on colored persons who have run away. We got out without being noticed, and travelled about eight miles to another family's, where I was acquainted. We reached there a little after day break, and met the children going after the cows. They, thinking that we were kidnappers, became very much frightened, and ran back screaming and crying, which brought their parents out, who, seeing two of us, and that we were black, beckoned for us to hurry in their house. There was a family of white people who lived in the next house, and they, hearing the noise, came over to see what was the matter; but they hid us under the bed, where we remained that day. At night, after telling them my story and getting some refreshment, we started on our journey. While we were travelling along, the moon shining unusually bright, we saw a white man coming towards us. He saw us just as we saw him, as it was at the bend of the road, and we dodged aside into a patch of weeds which happened to be close by. When he came opposite to where he saw us, he stopped and said-- "Good evening, gentlemen." We made no reply, and he passed on. When he was out of sight, we pursued our journey until we discovered that day was breaking, when we resorted to a brier-patch for refuge that day, where we remained until the sun again disappeared behind the western horizon. That night, about eleven o'clock, we came up to a house built directly on the road. I told my companion that it would never do for us to pass that house, as the moon was shining very brightly, and if they had any dogs, and they should bark and alarm the inmates, they might see us before we could get beyond their reach. We concluded, however, to get into the orchard and go around the house. We had got but a short distance in the orchard when the dogs discovered us and gave the alarm. I ran off at the top of my speed, and my companion after me. The men from the house were immediately on the alert, and seeing the dogs start in the direction we were running, started with them and hissed them on. We now came to a fence, which separated us from a wood, which we were soon over, and started through the woods, where we came to a hog-pen. Running directly through this, we put the dogs to fighting with the hogs, which they continued until the men came up, when they drove them off, and one of them again took our track. We had by this time got considerable in advance, but they soon gained on us, and I saw that we would have to defend ourselves, and I told Phelix to get his pistol ready. We placed ourselves behind a tree and made ready to shoot when they should come near enough to us. They came within ten or fifteen yards of us and stopped, and did not give another bark, although the owners were urging them on. They seemed to have more than common judgment, and saw that there was danger ahead. I have no doubt, from the manner in which they pursued us, that both the dogs and their masters had caught many poor fugitives. After waiting for some time, and not hearing any thing either of the dogs or men, we started back to the main road and pursued our journey. Near day we found ourselves near a river-bottom, where a hiding-place is always easily found, and secreted ourselves that day. We now felt some-what secure, and gave God the praise that He had brought us safely through our trials thus far, and had delivered us from our enemies. I felt that the Lord would fight our battles until we reached the promised land. I felt what a great privilege it was to watch and pray, and have a mighty Being upon whom to fix our faith and look in time of danger. About two o'clock in the afternoon we ventured out of our hiding-place, and went down to the river and looked up and down to see if we could discover any craft in which we could cross. I also viewed the opposite shore, to see if there was any thing like a jail there; for I had quite enough of close confinement, and did not care to risk getting in another. Not seeing any boat on the shore, and feeling satisfied that there was not much danger on the opposite shore, I hollowed to the ferryman. He came over and took us across, charging us five cents apiece. He was a rough Indiana man, but was quite friendly, and did not seem to want to know any thing about our business, asking us but very few questions. After we landed we bethought us of something to eat, as we had no provisions, and although we were in a free country, we were fearful about calling on any one. So we travelled on until we came to some slippery-elm trees, which filled us pretty well, and not being easily digested, lasted us some time. Travelling on, about ten o'clock the following night we called at the house of a colored man, where we got a good supper, and remained there the rest of the night. The next day we came to a parapet on the Wabash River, in Indiana, and took the steamer and went to Lafayette. There I made arrangements with the captain of a canal-boat to do their cooking and washing, and got Phelix a situation as assistant driver. In travelling, I always had some place ahead that I was bound for, and I was now travelling for Toledo, where the canal-boat was going. We had a very pleasant trip, and nothing of any moment occurred until we reached Toledo. It was early in the morning when we arrived there, and, in looking around the hotel, I thought I saw a man there who I had known in Tennessee, who was a merchant. I was considerably frightened when I saw him; for I had never seen but one fugitive that had ever got this far, and this same merchant had him arrested and taken back to Tennessee. Reconnoitering around, I satisfied myself that I was correct, and thought that the sooner I was out of that place, the better; and, having found Phelix, we went directly to the wharf. We found a steamer, (the old John Owens), and on inquiry, found that she was bound for Detroit, and that the fare was twelve shillings. I thought that this was my time, and I paid our fares, and, having ascertained that she was going to leave at nine o'clock, felt impatient for her to be off. I had no idea of seeing Canada before we reached Detroit; but when we had been out on the lake for three or four hours, I heard a gentleman say-- "There is Queen Victoria Land." I felt so surprised, that I asked him what he said. He again repeated it. "What land is that?" I asked. "Canada," said he. I was instantly on my feet, and gazed anxiously in the direction in which I saw him looking. I saw a cluster of houses, and asked him-- "Is that a town, sir?" "Yes," he replied, "that is what is called Fort Malven." This was a new name to me, and he, seeing me look somewhat puzzled, asked-- "Were you ever in this part of the country before?" I told him that I was not. "I suppose you are bound for Detroit," said he; "and when you get there, you will only have a river between you and Canada." "When I get to Detroit, I think I must go over and see the country," said I. Turning around, he said, "That man lives there." I addressed the person referred to, and said, "Stranger, do you live in Canada?" "Yes, sir," he replied. "What kind of a country is it?" I asked. "Just like any other country," said he. Some persons like it and some do not." He then asked me if I did not wish a colored boarding-house when I got to Detroit. On my telling him that I did, he told me of one, kept by a man named Debapted, a deacon of the Baptist Church. When the boat landed, two of his sons were there, and conducted us up to their father's house. We found their father a very sociable old gentleman. He asked us if we were freemen. I told him we were. "Well," said he, "you are free now, if you never were before." These words made me feel like a new man, and thus, in the fulness of my joy, with the poet, I could exclaim-- "Thus bold, independent, unconquered and free, My pathway through life untrammelled I'll tread; For the blessings of freedom have fallen on me; By the slave's galling chain no more I'll be led." I tarried with mine host that night, and after breakfast next morning, went out into the city to look for something by which to earn a livelihood. Passing along one of the streets, I noticed a colored man standing rather unconcernedly on the sidewalk. I began a conversation with him, and asked him if he knew where I could obtain some kind of work. He asked me what kind of work I could do. I told him that I was not particular, but could do almost any thing. He said that he knew of a tavern where, about a week ago, they wanted a cook; but whether they were supplied or not, he did not know. He said that he did not live there, but over the river, in Canada, and had himself come there to look for work, as he could get better wages. I thought that, perhaps, he might know my brother, and asked him if he knew Washington Campbell. He said he did. "What kind of a looking man is he?" I inquired. He described him to me. I then asked him about his wife. He described her. I asked him if he ever heard him say where he came from. He said that he had not; but he had heard him say that he had come through Illinois. Feeling pretty confident that he was my brother, I asked the man where he lived. He gave me his direction, and told me there was the boat in which I could cross over the river. "Go ask the eagle, as far on high He soars above our feeble eye, If freedom is not the greatest gift to man Which God e'er granted in His plan; If he had not rather pain and misery brave, Than bow to earth--a caged slave." LEAVING the man standing there, I went on board of the boat, and was soon in the middle of the river on my way to Canada. Looking back to Detroit, and then forward to Canada, I could hardly realize that this was really myself. I now, for the first time, felt what a blessing freedom really is, and my mind reflected back upon the trials and privations I had endured to obtain it. Forty days was I in prison, as was Elijah, suffering with fear and confinement; but the Lord was my protector, and He opened my way of escape. Forty days was I travelling through the wilderness towards the promised land, with the pillar of God's protection hovering over me through all my journey, and now, after all, in a short time I would step my foot on free soil, where no more could the galling chains of slavery bind my hands and feet, and no more could the oppressor's rod hover over my quaking back. Then I thought of the strange coincidence of Israel of old being in the wilderness forty years, and I Israel being on my journey forty days, and one of our plantation songs, which I had so often sung, came into my mind-- "Oh, I do believe, I do believe, I am new-born again, For I have been a long time talking Of my troubles here below; Free grace, free grace,--children, I am new-born again." We now landed, and, following the directions, I went about five miles on the Chatham road, and found the house designated. I rapped at the door, and heard a woman's voice say-- I opened the door, bid the woman good-day, and asked her if Mr. Campbell lived there. She said he did, but he was not at home just then. She invited me in, and I amused myself for a few minutes by playing with a little dog she had. Having discovered that she was my brother's wife, I began inquiring of her about his family. She answered me correctly all that I asked her. I then inquired whether she had ever heard him speak of a brother Israel. She said she had, and that he was sold down South into Mississippi. I was now satisfied that he was my brother, and I introduced myself to her as his brother. She then went to the field for her husband, but, as I had requested her, did not tell him who I was. When he came in, I bowed to him and asked him if he did not know me. He said he did not. I then asked him if he did not know John Breckenridge, who was one of our old playfellows when we were boys. "Yes," said he; "but this ain't him, for John is dead." I knew that John was dead, but I wanted to see if he had heard of it. I then asked him if he did not know Solomon Wilson, our oldest sister's son. "Yes," said he; "but you are not Solomon, for I have seen him since he has been grown." After questioning him for a short time about our family, I asked him if he could not see my favor. He took a good look at me, and then said, "You have got eyes like mine, dimples in your cheeks like mine, features like mine; but you are none of my blood, unless it is my little brother Israel." I answered, "This is little brother Israel." He threw his arms around my neck, and we had a long rejoicing; for we both felt that the dead was alive, and the lost found. His wife joined in our joy; for she had often prayed for our deliverance, and, although her hope was the faintest in my case, (I having been sold so far South,) they were rejoiced to see that I had reached the land of freedom. My brother and I had not met before for over twenty years. He had recently made a purchase of some forty acres of land, payable in several instalments. He told me that if I chose to help him pay for it, half of it should belong to me, and a part of the stock he then owned. I agreed to do this, and made his house my home. I had been in Canada but three days when I obtained work in a brickyard, getting ten dollars a month and my board. There being another opening, I went over to Detroit for Phelix. He went back with me, and looked at the work, but thought it was too hard, and that he could do better in Detroit. "Well, Phelix," said I, "we have travelled together from Tennessee, and I have assisted you the best I could in getting here. Now, I do not think that you are perfectly free in Detroit, but here you are; and, besides, you promised me, before we left Tennessee, that if I would see you here safe, you would serve the Lord; and now I want you to fulfil that promise, but I am afraid that if you go to Detroit to live, you will meet with many temptations." He seemed determined to go back, however, and promised me that he would serve the Lord and shun all bad company, and then we parted. The man who owned the yard in which I was working was named Wiley Reynolds. He had several hands working for him; but after I got to understand it, he said that I was the best hand in his yard. I was very much in need of clothing when I arrived in Canada, and my brother told me of a Mr. Isaac Rice, who kept a mission-house at Ambersburg, for the supplying of the destitute with clothes, and advised me to make application to him. I told him that I did not like to do this; that I was able to work, and that seemed too much like begging. Besides, Mr. Reynolds promised to pay me my ten dollars as soon as my month was up, and then I could buy myself some clothing. When I had worked one month, I applied for my wages; but Mr. Reynolds could not pay me, and wanted me to work another month, and promised me my money in a short time. I needed my money, however, as fast as I could make it, and would not work with him any longer. At the renewed request of my brother, I now took one of his horses and went to Ambersburg. I called upon Mr. Rice and stated my business. I told him that I was but one month from Southern bondage, and related to him the way I escaped. I met with a warm reception. He said he was very glad to see me; that he had some clothing, and if any thing would suit me, I should have it. There was a lady there, named Miss Gibbs, who was from Boston, and seemed to superintend. He asked her if she thought there was any clothing that would suit me. She said she would see, and went up stairs. Presently she came down with a suit of clothes, a pair of boots, a blanket, and a bed-quilt. The clothes fitted me very well; but the boots were rather small, so I left them and received the other things. I felt very grateful for them, and thanked them for their kindness to me. Miss Gibbs asked me if I would not like to have a Bible. I told her I would. She then brought me one and wrote my name in it. She asked me if I ever drank any spirituous liquor. I told her that sometimes I did. She wished to know what good it done me. I told her that we took a dram down South to keep us from taking cold when we got wet, and to warm us on a cold morning. She said that was all a notion; cold water was just as good; and asked me if I could not promise not to drink any more. I told her that I did not like to make such a promise, as I never drank enough to hurt me. "Well," said she, handing me the Bible, "remember, Mr. Campbell, when you take a dram, that God sees you." I thanked her, bid them good-day, and started for home, feeling amply rewarded for my day's journey; but I could not help thinking on those words--"Remember that God sees you." Not long after, I was invited to a house-raising. There was a man there by the name of Edward Justice; and he and I being the two best cornermen, we carried up two corners apiece, and he took his liquor pretty freely. Seeing that he was getting pretty well intoxicated, I said-- "Mr. Justice, you had better let some one take your place;" for I was fearful that he would fall off the house and hurt himself. He got quite angry at this, and began cursing and swearing, and said to me, "You think I am drunk," and went on abusing me. I did not retaliate, however, and he soon came down from the house, took his axe, and started for home. I then reflected upon the words of Miss Gibbs, and thought upon the fruits of intemperance, and thought that if liquor could ever get such a hold upon any man, it might overcome me, and I would give up taking even a dram as a beverage. I have never joined any Temperance Society, for I believe in being temperate in all things. My brother was living, at this time, on a leased farm. I advised him to move on our own land, and when his lease was up, we done so, which took place that same fall. We lived in a log-cabin that winter, and felt quite independent to think we were living on our own land. We began clearing up the land, and by selling the best wood and burning the rest into charcoal, we succeeded in paying off the last dollar of our indebtedness. We now built a hewed-log house sixteen feet wide and thirty-six feet in length, weather-boarded it up on the outside and painted it nicely, and built a brick chimney. After our house was finished, we set out a small apple-orchard, and continued improving our land. It was common in Canada to use carts, instead of wagons; but I preferred the wagon, and told my brother that we must have one. He thought we could not afford it; but I told him that I could do most of the wood work myself, and where there was a will there was a way, and set to work to accomplish it. We took the cart-wheels for the hind ones, and burned charcoal and bought the fore ones. I made the running-gear and body, and in a few weeks we had a cart and wagon both. There were only three of us in the family,--my brother, his wife, and myself,--and we were all praying persons; and while we were improving in fortune, we tried to improve in grace. I often went nine and ten miles to preach, sometimes twice a day. We lived peaceably and contentedly together, and made the interest of all the interest of each. We soon got a pair of Canadian ponies and a buggy, and were getting along finely. I had not, however, forgotten the promise I made to my daughter when I left Tennessee, and was waiting with great patience for an answer to a letter I had written the same fall that I had arrived in Canada. I wrote my letter as follows: "CANADA, September 10th, 1849. "My Dear Friends: "I take this opportunity to address you a few lines to inform you of my safe arrival in Canada,--the land of the free and the home of the brave, and an asylum for the slave. I was forty days on the road, and had no very serious difficulty more than is common to those making their escape, and I am well pleased with this country. If you desire it, you can marry either black or white, as there is no legal distinction of color. So should it be. "Now, my dear friends, I wish you to read this letter to Mansfield, Richmond, Roseanna and Maria. Tell them that I am coming back after them. Tell them to be ready to leave whenever I come, and tell Mansfield and Richmond that I want them to have twenty dollars apiece to help themselves along. Tell them not to give up looking for me under four years, for I will come back if I live. I directed my letter to one of old master's neighbor's boys, named Wyatt Taylor. "I GRANT the deed Is madness; but madness of the heart. Hence strategem delights, and surprise Is his familiar wear." No answer came to my letter, and I thought I would make the journey whether I received one or not. The next fall I started, and succeeded in getting to Kentucky without much difficulty. I called on my mother rather unexpectedly, and surprised her by calling there in the middle of the night. When I had made myself known to her and got seated, she said-- "My son, where in the world are you going now? You wrote to me that you had got to Canada." "Yes, I did, mother," I replied; "but I have started back after Maria and some of my friends whom I have left behind." "Israel," said she, "have you got the assurance to try and go back to Tennessee?" "Yes, ma'am," I answered, "that is just what I started from Canada for." "If you do not mind, the white people will catch and kill you. The Lord blessed you to get to Canada, and now you will not stay there." "Mother, I cannot be satisfied until I make an effort to get Maria out of slavery," said I. The conversation then turned upon my brother and his family, and how they were getting along, and other things, such as my journey to Canada, what I was doing there, and how I got back to Kentucky. I then began making preparation to continue my journey, when my mother said to me-- "Israel, do you really intend to go back to Tennessee?" "Yes, ma'am, that's what I hope to do," I answered. She folded her arms and looked me in the face wishfully, and said, "My son, I think it will be the means of shortening my days if you go back to Tennessee." My mind changed when she said this, and I said, "Well, mother, I will not go now. I will go back to Canada. But I must come back again; and the next time I start, I will not tell you any thing about it." I then told her that I must stop there some few days, as I wished to see some of the rest of my friends. She was in some trouble as to where I should stay, as it would not do for any of the white people to know that I was there. I proposed staying in the loft; but she said-- "The white ladies come here to see me three or four times a week, and you might cough or sneeze while they are here, and that would betray you." I told her that I would risk that if she was willing for me to stay there. She asked her husband, and he thought there was no danger, and then she was willing, and said, "The Lord is truly good to me; for if we had not this loft, there is no place about this house where you could stay; and your father has just cleaned it out and fixed it up to day,--the Lord, as it were, preparing a place for you to stay, although you did not know it." I now retired to bed. The next morning I eat my breakfast, and, taking some bed-clothes, retired to my hiding-place. About ten o'clock, Widow Finney, the mistress of my mother's husband, came in and staid there till near noon. In the afternoon Mr. Finney's daughter came in, so that I had to remain very quiet during the day. I staid there three days and acted as a missionary at nights. That visit resulted in the liberation of six persons. I then returned to Canada and pursued my usual business of helping my brother on his farm. "TIGHTER and tighter are the cords Of human bondage drawn, Until, in sympathy sincere, Nature cries out against such vile injustice. * * * * There, in solemn conclave, we were seated, Pondering o'er what our future was to be." WHEN the Fugitive Slave Bill was passed in the United States, there was an exciting time among the fugitives in Canada, and especially among those who yet remained in the Border States. They came over by scores, and the British barracks, as well as every vacated house, were filled with them. The fugitives all assembled together, and called a Convention to determine what was best to do. The Convention met at Sandwich, Canada West. While we were there transacting our business, all at once quite a number got up and left the room. The President arose and requested all the gentlemen not to leave the room, as there would soon be no one to transact the business. I heard some one say-- "There is a slave-dealer out here." I said, on the impulse of the moment, "Let him come in and see how we are transacting business." He would not come in, however, and I felt as if I must see him, and went out also. There was quite a crowd around him, listening to his story. The first words I heard him say distinctly were-- "That I told her, if she wished to go back, and had not the wherewith to go, I would furnish her with sufficient means." I then stepped forward and said to him, "My friend, what do you want here?" "I came here to see about my business," he replied. "You have no business here," said I, "and you had better be getting away." "I will leave when I get through with my business, and not before," he answered. "I will show you whether you will or not," said I, and started towards him, looking very vicious. Some of our friends said to me, "Do not interfere with the man. Give him a fair chance." "Give him a chance?" said I. "What chance would he give you if he was to catch you in the United States?" I then felt quite provoked; and, as he saw that I was bound to injure him, he took to his legs and began running away, with about one hundred after him, throwing sticks and stones. He was badly frightened. The road that he took made it necessary for him to pass by the gate that went into the jail. The constable was standing there, and opened the gate of the jail and told him to go in there; which he did. The constable then told the colored people that he would put him jail, which pacified them. They went back to the Convention and attended to the business. We afterwards learned that they took the man out the back way and sent him over to Detroit. I never heard of his being in Canada after that. The Convention adopted measures to provide for the fugitives by sending agents to the benevolent public to collect money, food and clothing. I was appointed one of the agents where I lived, and soon began operations. I met with many friends with liberal hearts and hands, which were ever open to relieve the wants of the suffering. I have collected as much as a hundred dollars a month, which I reported to the public through the Fugitive, a paper published by Mr. Henry Bibb. I also acted as agent for the paper at the same time, and endeavored to be as useful as possible. I had never had an opportunity of observing the influence of parties in the Free States. I knew nothing about Abolitionists, only what I had heard of them in the South, where they bore the very worst character, and I still retained my prejudices against them. In travelling around, however, I found that many of my white friends and those who were the most liberal to my cause were called Abolitionists, but I found them true-hearted philanthrophists. My duties as an agent learned me a great lesson. I had a good opportunity of studying human nature and learning the motives which influenced the great mass of men. This I endeavored to improve, and have found it very useful in the predatory life which I have since led. One or two examples, which impressed themselves on my mind at the time, may not be uninteresting: One evening, as I was travelling through Michigan, I came to a house where there were two very fine little boys, apparently ten or twelve years of age, sitting in the doorway. I asked them if their parents were at home. They said they were not, but had gone to the village. I told them that I thought I would stop and see if I could not get permission to stay there over night. One of the boys said that he thought his parents would be willing; that they would soon be home; and asked me to sit down. I took a seat and talked with the boys until their father and mother returned. When they came in, I introduced myself to them and told them my object in calling. The man answered, "We could not keep you very well, as our beds are all occupied, but I can tell you where you can stop. Go up the road to the first house on the right hand side, and there you will be almost sure to be accommodated." Off I started. "There is something wrong there," thought I. "Either the boys or the parents have not told the whole truth." But I thought it was the latter. I soon reached the house that had been pointed out, and rapped at the door. A voice said, "Come in." I went in, bowed, bid them good evening, and told them my business and request. "We never turn any body out of doors," said the man. "Help thyself to a chair." I thought to myself that he must be a Quaker, judging from his language. "Has thee been to supper this evening?" he inquired. "No, sir," I replied. His wife immediately began to prepare me something. While she was doing this, we entered into conversation. "Did any one send thee here?" inquired the old gentleman. "The gentleman at the next house north directed me here," said I. "Did thee ask to stop there?" he asked. "I did, sir; but he said he could not accommodate me, as his beds were all occupied," I answered. "I am glad he sent thee here," said he; "for I would hate for thee to stop with such a man. I suppose you are travelling?" "I am, sir, in every direction," I replied. "I am an agent of the Fugitive Convention of Canada, and am soliciting money and clothing for them." "Well, I will take my team in the morning and we will see what can be done for thy cause," said he. I was very pleasantly entertained that night, and the next morning he geared up his horses and we went around the neighborhood, and I think we got something at every house at which we called that day. We returned to my friend's that night with a good wagon-load, and I remained there again that night. The next morning he secured a house for me to lecture in, and went around and gathered up another load that day. At night I had quite a good congregation, and gave them a lecture on what I had seen in slavery, and sung them some anti-slavery songs, which pleased the two little boys, of whom I spoke, very much, and they came to me and asked me to come over to their house and stay; that they had more beds than they ever used. But I declined, and the next morning their mother came to Mr. Waterman's to buy some of my anti-slavery ballads, and apologized for not permitting me to stop there that night. I left my kind friends and went into another town in a different part of the country, and made a number of calls, but got no assistance. Some would say they had nothing to give for the niggers. Others would not even invite me in their houses. The rest said they would rather give money to send the niggers back to their masters. I thought to myself, "The fugitive has no friends here," and I started for another part of the country. Going along, I saw a very fine house standing near the roadside, and thought I would certainly be successful in getting something there. I went up to it and found two ladies. I told them my story, and asked if they could not do something for my cause. I conversed with them for some time, and the lady of the house informed me that her husband was about half a mile from the house at work, and I might go and see him. I asked her if they were Democrats or Republicans in that district. She said they were all Democrats. I asked her if her husband was a Democrat. She said he was, and a strong one, at that. "Then it is hardly worth while for me to go and see him," said I; "for I have been trying among the Democrats all day, and have not got any thing yet." "Well," said she, "you might see my husband. He is a benevolent and liberal man sometimes, and I think he will give you something." "Well, madam," said I, "I do not think it is of much use; but if you think he will give me something, I will go and see." I then went into the field where he was at work. I found him, and introduced myself and business. He took my subscription-book, read it very carefully, and then told me that I was engaged in a good cause. I thanked him for his good wishes, and asked him if he could not give me something to help my cause along. He said that he would be glad to help me, but could not spare any thing that day. I said that I did not expect to get much from him, but that I had told his wife I would see him. He wished to know why I thought so. I told him I had been travelling in that settlement among Democrats, and had not got any thing yet. He laughed heartily at this. I bid him good-day, and tried further, but with no success among the Democrats. The next day I reached a Republican and Abolition settlement, and found them more liberal towards my cause. I made a good collection there, and met with a warm reception. I travelled mostly on foot on my excursion through the country, which enabled me to go much faster and adapt myself more to circumstances. While on my return to Detroit, I had occasion to stop at a tavern, which was situated on a hill. I called for my dinner. There were, beside myself, some six or seven men there, who were in the bar-room, drinking, swearing, and chewing tobacco, who were also waiting for their dinner. When the bell rang, I started with the others into the dining-room. The landlord met me at the door, and told me that I could not eat until the other men were done. I asked him the reason for this, and told him that I was neither a horse nor a cow, and that I would neither hook nor bite; that I could eat off my own plate, and eat what I put on it; that he told me I could get my dinner there, and that I wanted to eat it. He said that I could not eat until those men were done. "Very well, sir," said I, "you have a right to do as you please in your own house," and I turned around, took up my carpet-bag, and walked out. I felt quite indignant to think that he should want me to wait until those drunken fellows had picked every thing clean, and I to pay as much as they for what I got. I went to another tavern, about a quarter of a mile further on, and rapped at the door. A young man opened the door, and I asked him if I could get my dinner there. The family were then at dinner, and the landlord called out from the dining-room, and said, "Tell him to walk right in and take a seat." I went into the dining-room. There was a company of ladies and gentlemen seated at the table. They insisted on my sitting down, and paid me all the attention I could wish for. I said to the landlord, "There are no colored persons about here now, are there?" "No, sir," he answered. "There were a great many before the Fugitive Slave Law passed, but they have all left now." "I thought so," said I; "for prejudice, I find, is pretty high in some places hereabouts. I stopped at Carr's tavern, just above here, and he had six or seven drunken fellows there to dinner, and he told me that I would have to wait until they were done. So I thought I would go on a little further, and am fortunate enough to find your house." "Well," said he, "you will not find any thing very good here." "I am the best judge of that," I replied. I eat a hearty dinner. I then went into the bar-room sang several of the anti-slavery songs, sold several of my ballads, got my dinner for fifteen cents, and went on my way rejoicing. The following digression I will introduce here, not so much as an incident of my journey as to show the views entertained on the subject by the slaves, as also to show how my prejudices were abolished, and I was led to look upon the entire creation of man as one great brotherhood, irrespective of race or color. While I was a slave in the South I thought and was taught that it was a very great crime for the Anglo-Saxon and the African to intermarry, and I never knew of such a thing until I went to Canada. Even then I thought it very unbecoming, and have often said I would sooner suffer my head to be cut off before I would ever marry a white woman; for while I was in the South there was nothing that I was as afraid of as white women, for they could have a black man's neck broke just as easy as they were of a mind to tell a falsehood on him. I have been going along the road, and, upon seeing a white woman coming towards me, would get out of the road and go through the woods, for fear they would raise a lie about me and have me punished. And now, to even think of marrying one, although it was lawful, was a thing I could not bring my mind to entertain. I had no bitter hatred against them, but held them to be full of deceit and trickery. There was, however, a great change came over my mind during the first ten years I was in Canada, and produced mostly by the knowledge I gained of human nature during my missionary tour for the Fugitives' Convention. I then learned that it was not the color of the skin, nor the straightness of the hair, that makes the man or woman; and I believe, as St. Peter declared when preaching in the house of Cornelius, that God is no respecter of persons; that "he that feareth Him and worketh righteousness in every nation is acceptable with Him;" and, although I think it is better that the white and colored people should not intermarry on grounds of policy, I do not think it is the prerogative of any man to say who I shall marry, if I love them, whether they be white or black, if the marriage is acceptable to the parties interested. And especially among Christians should the rule be predominant, to choose from merit, and judge of a person's fitness from their qualifications, rather than from color or station. Thus far, although I am a citizen of the amiable Queen of Britain, I am a Democrat and a lover of true Republican institutions. I now returned from my tour, during which time I had collected considerable clothing, provisions and money, all of which I saw deposited in the proper place, and made acknowledgment for the same. "KNOWLEDGE is power, the poet sings; Mankind on ignorance contempt doth throw; Knowledge, unsanctified, is a dangerous thing,-- The greater knowledge, the greater woe." DURING my whole life, and especially since I had been free from the bonds of slavery, I had felt the want of an education, if it were only of the primary branches. I now began thinking if there was not some way by which I might obtain such knowledge, and thought of giving up my agency and going to school. The Convention, however, were unwilling to let me resign, and for the good of the cause in which I was engaged, I did not push my views at this time, but concluded to defer them awhile until some more opportune time should present itself. I now took a missionary tour in the Western reserve of Ohio. I found a great many warm hearts there and a great interest in the cause. I collected quite a large quantity of clothing and money and returned home. During this tour I met a young lady, who was a teacher, and she partly promised me that she would come to Canada and open a school, and if she could make arrangements, she was to let me know. When I returned, I expected to find a letter from her on that subject. On my return, I found but one letter at the office for me, and that was postmarked Missouri. I could not think that it was intended for me, and started from the office. After I had got a short distance, the thought occurred to me, that it might be from this teacher. I went back, paid the postmaster the postage (ten cents), with the privilege of returning it if it was not for me. I took the letter across the street to a grocery, where I was acquainted, and got it read. It proved to be an answer to the letter I had written to Tennessee directly after my arrival in Canada. I will give you the letter, and it will explain itself. It bore no date: "I now take my pen in hand to give you an answer to the letter you wrote to me when you got to Canada. I attended the post-office regularly for some several months after you left. But when I heard that you were caught and sold again, I did not attend so regularly. "One Saturday master went to the post-office, and the postmaster handed him a letter for me. There were several in the office, and master's brother among the rest. When he saw that the letter was mailed from Detroit, he said you had got to Canada, and had written back here to me, and said to my master-- " 'I want to know what's in that letter.' "All the men in the office then became excited and anxious to know what was in it also. So master had to open it. When they read what was in it, they told my master that he must never let me know any thing about it; that it would put the d--l in the slaves' heads, and they would all be for running away. They wanted to keep it perfectly quiet, so that they might catch you if you should ever venture to come back. "This is the only letter I have ever received from you since you left. Master brought the letter home, and asked me some questions about you, and said that he had got a letter from you, and told me all that was said in the postoffice. "Some time after that, I got hold of the letter, and went and read it to your friends, just as you wished me to do. They were all glad to hear from you, and are well pleased at your coming after them. Mansfield and Richmond have forty dollars to aid them in getting to Canada when you come. "Now, I have not failed to write to you because I did not wish to do so,--it was because I was afraid. But now my master has sold out in Tennessee and moved to the State of Missouri. "I still remain your friend, I succeeded in getting up a school that winter in Canada on our own place, and my brother's wife and myself attended regularly for three months. We made rapid improvement. "How cruel this! More cruel to forbear! Our nature such, with necessary pains, We purchase prospects of precarious peace." ON the first Monday in January, as is common, an election for officers of the roads and school districts was held. At this election all real estate owners had a vote, and I, among others, went to the polls to vote for such men as I thought would best magnify their office. Having learned from one of my neighbors that some ruffians had prevented him from voting the previous year, I went determined that they should not prevent my voting. When we first went to the polls there were four of us in company. I asked the gentleman that stood in the door, if there was any admittance. He said, "The room is full. You had better go to the other door." I went to the other door and asked if there was any admittance. The man who stood there said, "When it comes to your turn, you can go in." There were several white men, whose time came before mine. The first man in order went in, and having to wait some time, two of our party became weary and left the crowd. The other man and myself were left, and we resolved to see the result of the effort. When it came my turn to go in, my friend, who stood behind me, and who would have been next, was seized by some ruffians, who began their dirty work, and they said he should not vote. I heard the voice of an Irishman exclaim against him. So far no one had interfered with me. I heard my friend say-- "Let me go." I looked back and saw a large Frenchman have him by the collar, and perceiving that my friend was too timid to protect himself, I turned around, seized the Frenchman's hand and loosened it. He then caught me by the collar, and I seized him. Another man came up, and I took his cudgel with my other hand. Two or three of them then picked me up and carried me across the road, as the snow was from eighteen inches to two feet deep, and made an effort to throw me into it; but I held the Frenchman fast by the collar and still retained my hold of the other man's club, and they failed in their object. By this time we had raised quite an excitement. and the Canadian constable came running up, and said-- "I command peace, in the name of the Queen!" I held fast, however, until they loosed my hands. A lawyer, who had been a friend in other times, came up at that time and asked-- "Campbell, what is the matter?" "Why, these fellows want to keep me down from voting," I answered. "Contend for your rights," said he. "You have as much right to vote as any body; and if any of them hurts you, let me know, and I will defend you." The crowd then dispersed. I went back to the polls, but found no other colored man there. Seeing a pile of wood and an axe near by, I cut me a club, intending to leave the profile of the first man that attacked me on the ground. I had not more than got my club made, when the constable came up to me and demanded it in the name of the Queen. My prospects of getting a vote were rather gloomy. I studied awhile, and another idea occurred to me. I went up to Windsor. There I met Mr. Reynolds, and I told him my plan. We agreed to call a meeting of the colored inhabitants, and circulated the news around pretty rapidly, and as the barracks were pretty well filled with men, it was not much trouble to raise a very respectable meeting. We appointed a Moderator, and Mr. Reynolds called on me to state the objects of the meeting. This I did in as vivid a manner as possible, stating the occurrence of the day, and telling my countrymen that we came here to enjoy our rights which are granted to us by the British Constitution and the Queen, who knew no man by his color, and that we should not submit to any such infamous prejudice. After having got my hearers pretty well interested in the cause, I called on all who were willing to meet me at the polls, to give their assent by saying aye. The ayes arose from almost the entire meeting. I told them that we wanted even those who were not entitled to a vote to go to see that those who were could enjoy the privilege. The next morning about forty of us assembled and went to the polls. The ruffians saw us coming and got out of the way, and those who were entitled deposited their votes. Many of our party were quite disappointed, as they expected to have what they called some fun, and many of them went armed with bowie-knives, pistols and clubs. Some of them came to me and wanted to know where those men were that kept us from voting. Just at that moment one of the party, a Frenchman by the name of Lisperause, passed by where we were standing, and I said-- "Mr. Lisperause, why don't you keep us from voting to-day? You was in the crowd yesterday." He said, "Campbell, then you no pass for me; now me no pass for you." I saw that we had them badly frightened, and said nothing more. I then thought of the old adage, that "an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure." We never had any trouble, to my knowledge, in voting after that. I continued to go to school during that winter. "How prone to prejudice is half mankind! The satcheled schoolboy and old age, we find, Forsake their reason and their feelings please; Unless despotic, are never at their ease." ANOTHER instance where I upheld the rights of my countrymen and broke down a conspiracy, is the following: One day, during the summer following the incidents which I have related in the preceding chapter, I had occasion to go to Sandwich to mill, riding a very fine bay horse. I there met an Irishman with a yoke of oxen. He proposed a trade. This suited me very well, as we needed a yoke of oxen on our new farm. I bargained, that if he would give me the cattle, yoke and chain, I would trade. To this he agreed, and said that he had to take his cart home; but any day I would deliver my horse, he would deliver the oxen. A few days afterwards I saddled my horse and started off to get the cattle. Before reaching his house, I had to pass through an Irish settlement. It was commonly reported that the Irish bore a hatred against the colored people, and had threatened, that if any of them attempted to pass through their settlement, they would kill them. I thought I would risk it, however. I had not more than entered their precincts, before some of them began to hollow after me and call me names. I did not notice them, but rode on. Presently two others began to hollow after me, but I paid no attention to them. At length I came to a house, where I thought I would inquire as to the probabilities of my not being allowed to go on peaceably. An old gentleman, rather grave and peaceable looking, came out. I told him what I had heard, and asked him if he thought there would be any danger in my continuing on. "Well," said he, "you are pretty near white yourself. I do not think any body will interfere with you." While I was talking with him, two men came up, who were going the same way as myself, and began shaking their fists at me and talking to the old gentleman. I saw that they were possessed with a bad spirit, and I thought I had better go back. I left the old gentleman and started back home. I soon saw a man beckoning to me to stop, but I did not pay any attention to him. He then began to run after me, and, as I did not try to get away from him, he soon came nearly up to me. I told him not to come near me. "I am a friend," said he. "I want to talk with you on some business." I then stopped my horse. "You needn't have any fears while you are with me. You shall not be hurt," said he. "Your people are coming rapidly from the States over here, and I wish to know if you cannot tell me of any of them that have property in Detroit which they would like to trade for property here. If you should hear of any of them that have, send them to me, and I will give them a good bargain." While we were talking, three more men came to where we were standing, and one of them said to me-- "Did I not see you go by here awhile ago?" I told him he did. He wished to know what I was going for, and why I did not keep on. I told him that I was going to the River of Pruse to get a yoke of oxen I had traded for; but as the Irish seemed to wish to molest me, I thought it best to turn back. "But," I added, "if I had had some colored man with me for witness as to what might have taken place, I would have went through." "You could not have went through this settlement if you had thirty colored men," said he. "Yes, I could," I replied. "If you did, there would be some shooting done," said he. "Well," returned I, "there would be shooting on both sides; for there's law in this country that will justify travelling on the Queen's highway." "We do not care for law here," said he. He then asked me if I did not want to trade my horse. He said he had one, which, if I would go to his house, he would give me a bargain. The man who stopped me remonstrated against it, and told me that he only wanted to get me back there to hurt me. He told the man, that if he wanted to trade, to go and bring his horse there. I noticed the man that spoke to me take a stick out of a boy's hand, and walked around me at if he wanted to give me a blow. I slyly looked around and kept my eye on him. He whispered to another man who was by his side. I thought that they had made up their minds to injure me. By this time the crowd had increased to half a dozen, and I thought it best to be getting out of their way. I said-- "Good day, gentlemen," and rode off. I had gone but a few steps when the man who had the club gave me a blow on my right side, which came very near knocking me off my horse. When I had sufficiently recovered to look around, I saw him running away as fast as he could, and the man who had first stopped me was upbraiding him for his conduct. I turned to the parties that were left, and said-- "Bear me witness, gentlemen. I am attacked on the Queen's highway without any cause." The man who appeared to be my friend said he would bear witness. I then turned to the man to whom the one that struck me whispered, and asked him if he would bear me witness. "No; I did not see him strike you," he replied. "You knew it," said I, "for I believe he told you." I dismounted and picked up the stick, which was a hickory one with the club at one end of it nearly as broad as a man's fist. The club end was the one which had hit me, and I thought that two of my ribs were surely broken. I felt the effects of the blow for nearly six months, if not more. I said I would show the club to Squire Woodbridge. I then rode on for about half a mile, when I was stopped by a man, who proposed a trade of horses. While I was talking to him, two boys came along, one of whom had furnished the man with the club. I asked him if he knew the man's name that struck me. He said he did, but that he was afraid to tell me, for the man would whip him. I told him that I would give him a pretty knife. But he would not tell me for that. I then offered him fifty cents. This was also ineffectual. I had, however, a little dog which belonged to my sister-in-law. The boy seemed to take a liking to it, and said that if I would give him that, he would tell me. I told him that I would, provided he would tell me the man's name and residence, although the dog belonged to my sister-in-law. He said that his name was Mike Reilly, and that he lived over by the furnace. I asked him if he had told me the truth. He declared that he had, and I gave him the dog. I then returned home without further molestation. The next morning I went to the Squire's office and entered my complaint, and got out a warrant. The Squire told me to appear at one o'clock. At the appointed time I was there, and in about half an hour the constable appeared, accompanied by Mike Reilly. Squire Woodbridge then called upon me to make my charge, which I did. He then asked Rielly if he ever saw me or that club before. He would not answer their questions. Squire Wilkinson, who was also there, said, "You may know he is guilty, for he has nothing to say." Squire Woodbridge then gave him a lecture, and told him that he had heard they did not care for the law in the Irish settlement, and had threatened to shoot any colored persons who might venture to pass through there. He then bound him over to keep the peace for twelve months, and told him, that if he broke the peace in that time, he would have to pay twenty pounds in behalf of the Queen, and the bail, fifteen pounds. He also fined him six dollars. He then told him that if he could pay the fine and get any one to go his security, he could go home; but if he could not, he would have to go to jail, and remain there until the court opened, and then he might have to go to Kingston and be put into the penitentiary. He told him that if he wanted to get security, the constable would go with him." They went out together, and in a short time returned with a man as security. Squire Woodbridge then said, "I have made this as light on you as I thought the case would admit of. I have heard of the conduct of you Irish before; but as this is the first case we have ever had brought before us, we have been lenient, and I want you to tell your Irish friends, that when they see colored people passing, not to molest them. You Irish came here because you could not live in your own country, but these colored people came here to enjoy the freedom they could not obtain in other places, and the law protects them, and the Queen thinks just as much of them as she does of you." I mentally exclaimed, "The Lord bless the Queen!" We both left the office, and this was the breaking up of the Irish conspiracy. "WHAT wealth in souls that soar, dive or range around, From their materials sifted and refined. * * * * * Who wishes life immortal, proves it, To find the being which alone can know And praise His works." I WORKED on our farm the remainder of that season. When the crops had been harvested, I went into Ohio and lectured. One evening I delivered a lecture in Northfield, and told my friends that I was then endeavoring to get assistance to go to school during the winter. There was a gentleman present by the name of James Darling. He was a teacher by profession, and had taught school in that district during the winter, and thought of beginning again in a short time. He came the next morning to where I was, and told me about his hearing my lecture, and said that he had taken an interest in me. He told me of his school, and said that if I had a mind to attend, he would give me my tuition gratis, and would get me a way of earning a livelihood while I was attending school. I accepted his offer, and as soon as he opened and I had made arrangements, I began my school-life again. He had a very fine school, comprised of both sexes and almost all ages, under twenty-five. He was a very amiable teacher, and was admired very much by the scholars. They all tried to make my life as pleasant as possible. The scholars often invited me to their houses to stay over night, when I would sing my anti-slavery songs and tell them the story of my Southern bondage and how I escaped. We had a Literary and Debating Society connected with the school, in which both master and scholars took a lively interest, and I used to think the teacher dreaded me in debate, as the question was nearly always decided in favor of the side which I took. The last night of the session, however, the decision was against us, although I was sure that our side had the best arguments. The teacher told me next morning, that it was preconcerted, even if we had the best of the argument, to decide against us, as they did not wish me to leave without being beat; but it was done with the kindest of feelings. About this time there was a Free Mission Baptist Convention held in Lafayette, Ohio. Elder Huer, who was then preaching at Bedford, came by the school and insisted on my going with him to the Convention. During the session I was called upon to preach, and one morning the Committee announced that Brother Campbell would preach at one o'clock. The announcement took all my appetite away, so that I was unable to eat scarcely a mouthful of dinner. I thought, however, that it would not do for me to decline at this time, and began preparing myself for the duty. I retired to a secret place, and there strengthened myself by prayer. When the hour for preaching arrived, I entered the pulpit and called upon one of the brothers to open the meeting by singing. I then called upon another to pray. I felt incompetent and trembling for the task before me; but I looked to the Lord for my strength, for I felt that nothing could be done without His aid. As soon as I had began speaking, my fears all disappeared, and I felt the power of the Spirit come over me. I saw a number of the congregation in tears, and I hope that many persons who attended that Convention may have the pleasure of reading this little book, and that this will bring again to their minds how the colored schoolboy, by the Spirit of God, caused them to laugh and cry. When I closed my remarks, Elder Huer moved that a collection be taken up for Brother Campbell, which was seconded by Brother Elder Scott, and in less than ten minutes they handed me twenty dollars. I heard some of the ladies say that they saw persons give who never gave before. All of my most cheering and satisfactory labors have been when I have relied entirely upon God's assistance for my utterance, and I am convinced that there would be much less bitter complaining of lukewarmness and backsliding if ministers would live more prayerful and faithful lives. The brethren now began to take quite an interest in me. Elder Huer told them that I was trying to get an education to prepare myself for future usefulness, and that I was worthy of some assistance. They then spoke to me about going to Oberlin College. Some were not altogether willing for me to go there, as they did not like the theology taught there, and also thought that Oberlin theology and Baptist theology did not harmonize,--the one teaching much work and the other much faith. One of the brethren, however, said that he owned a scholarship at Oberlin, and if I would go there, my tuition should cost me nothing, which decided in favor of Oberlin. "To cheat and steal appeared their trade, For bound together were they; To what one said they all agreed, And I, poor wight, made pay." * * * * "To do my duty, this my aim; But envious detraction lifts her hydra-head, And seeks my shame,--the means false friends." WHEN I had settled the matter of my going to Oberlin, as soon as I could make it convenient, I went to Canada to make preparation. Trying to raise means for my support while I was attending college, I bethought me of every thing I could part with for that purpose. I had a very fine Canadian poney, and as it was not needed on the farm, I thought I would dispose of that to help me along. I took it over to Detroit and put it at the livery stable for inspection and sale. Quite a number of gentlemen came to look at it, and I had a number of offers. One man offered me a village lot out West. I told him that I did not want land, and especially in the States. At length a German invited me to go home with him, and said that he thought we could make a bargain. I agreed to let him have the poney for forty dollars, and reserve the bridle, saddle and blanket. In the room where the bargain was made there were four or five Germans, and from what I saw, I judged that they understood the English language. When we had concluded the bargain, he invited me into another room to pay me, I leaving the poney standing at the door. As we left the room, he spoke to one of the men in German. As we went into the other room, the man spoken to started towards the door where the poney was standing. When we got into the room, he counted but thirty dollars. I told him that was not enough,--that he was to give me forty dollars. He insisted that he was to give me only thirty dollars for the poney, bridle, saddle and all. I told him that I would not take that amount, and started to get the poney, but it was gone. I asked him where the poney was. He said that he had bought it and taken it away, and that he could prove by these men that thirty dollars was the bargain; "and," said he, "you have got to take that, for you cannot get the poney." I hesitated awhile. At length, thinking it was best to get off as well as possible, I took the amount and told him that I thought I was dealing with gentlemen, but was deceived. Even of the thirty dollars, three of them were counterfeit. This I considered the worst bargain I ever made, and had it happened in Canada, I would have had justice. I remained at home until about the first of June, when I succeeded in making arrangements to go to Oberlin. Thinking that I could now prove successful in getting my emancipation papers from my last master, I wrote to him at this time as follows: "CANADA WEST, June 6th, 1854. "My Dear Sir: "I now take my pen in hand to inform you that I am well and doing well in Canada,--not under the wing of the Eagle, but under the paw of the Lion,--where a slave cannot breathe; and when the Lion roars, nations tremble under his protection. I have found a peaceable home, and have come to the conclusion, as I was with you but a few weeks, I am willing to give you one hundred and fifty dollars if you will give me my free papers and relinquish all claims to me. "Please write and let me know if you will accept of my offer. My respects to you and yours and all of my inquiring friends. "Direct your letter to Washington Campbell, Windsor, Canada West, and then I will be certain to get it. I told my brother, when I left home, to send the answer, should any come, to me. I now proceeded to Oberlin, and was duly installed as a student. I attended church, prayer-meeting and the lectures regularly through the week, and on the Sabbath would visit and preach in the country churches, mostly among the Baptist denomination. One Saturday I went to Akron and preached at the Baptist and Disciple churches. Elder Joy, the pastor of the Baptist Church, invited me to stop and deliver a lecture on anti-slavery on Monday evening. I accepted the invitation. During my lecture I spoke of my eldest daughter, and of my intention of going back after her. After the lecture, Elder Joy invited me home with him. I told him about my life in slavery, and the difficulty I had in getting away. He thought it would be unsafe for me to go back. He said I could be of great benefit to my brethren in Canada and the the Northern States; and if I would give up the idea of going back, he would go to Cleveland and see elders Adams and J. Hyatt Smith, the Baptist pastors of that place, and see if they could not buy her for me. He saw them, and they agreed to buy her if she could be bought. So Elder Smith wrote a letter to my old Master Garner. It was a very kind and affectionate letter, and when he read it to me before he sent it, it caused me to shed tears, and I thought it was enough to make any slaveholder repent and be almost willing to free his slaves for nothing. But it did not have the desired effect on old master, for we never had any response. I suppose the reason was, that they had not forgotten my letter to Wyatt Taylor, and were determined that I should not get any intelligence from there; and they supposed that I was only trying to find out whether I could get access there or not. I never received an answer to but one of some half a dozen letters which I wrote to the South, and that was the one from Wyatt Taylor. A little incident occurred about this time, which convinced me of the just dealing, even in this world, of God's justice and of retribution with lying and deception. There was at Oberlin at the same time with myself, a Welsh gentleman by the name of Mr. Jones. He seemed to be very friendly to me, and we used to travel together around the country and preach and lecture. A kind friend, named Mr. Wyman, loaned me his horse and buggy. We travelled together very pleasantly for some time, until he noticed that the brethren, wherever I went, aided me pecuniarily, and that I met with very warm receptions. He seemed to be envious of my prosperity, and after this tried to detract from my character by telling a gentleman who had offered to give me a dollar a quarter to help me along while I was pursuing my studies, that I had taken the money that was given me and bought a seventy or eighty dollar watch and chain. When I heard this, I at once went to Mr. Balder, who resided in Elyria, and showed him the watch, and told him the circumstance, which was, that having been at an auction, I saw a very pretty little watch sold very cheap, and, needing one very much, I bought it. I knew that Mr. Jones had only told this to injure me, as I had heard him tell Elder Allen that he thought I would get spoiled, the friends made so much of me. My explanation, however, satisfied my friends, and there was nothing more said about it. One Sabbath we went out to Obloth together. I had an appointment to lecture in the afternoon. When we arrived there, we found that Elder Allen's eldest child had died that morning, and he asked Brother Jones to supply his place that morning, and he consented to do so. As we went to the church, he said he had no scribblings with him, and had never preached an extempore sermon. He asked me if I would give him a text to preach from. I mentioned to him the text, "That the spirit and the bride say come, and he that will let him come and take the water of life freely." This, I thought, was a very easy and simple text. He thought over it for some time; but when he came to give out his text, I found that he had selected a very mysterious subject from the Old Testament. He spoke a few minutes, but very soon found himself wandering to and fro, like a ship on the ocean without a rudder, and finally excused himself and took his seat, and the elder had to get up and preach his own sermon. I felt sorry for the poor brother, but he was destined to reap the bitter fruits of his own planting. The brethren finally saw that he would never do much in the ministry; and as he was an active man, and they not wishing to throw him off altogether, they employed him as an agent to collect money to build them a meeting-house at Northambert. He consulted me about his taking the agency. He said he was a poor man, and that the brethren would have to give him suitable apparel, and wished to know of me what I thought they ought to give him. I told him I thought they ought to give him two suits of clothes and thirty dollars. The brethren accordingly granted his request, and he started on his mission. I have since understood that he collected considerable money, and that his employers have never seen him since nor heard from any of the money he collected. I remained at Oberlin six months, when I again returned home to Canada. "To preach the mercies of Thy word Is ever my delight." AFTER I returned home, I labored among the brethren there, and organized a Baptist church upon Little River, and was appointed a missionary among the destitute churches. I received a letter from Mr. Jones at this time, in answer to the one I wrote him, as follows: "Your letter came to hand, and I was glad to hear from you. I was sure that you was dead, as I have never heard from you since you left me. You say that you will give me one hundred and fifty dollars if I will relinquish all claims to you and give you your free papers. I had much rather that you would come back and live with me, and I will give you two hundred dollars a year for your services, and you can soon be able to buy yourself and live here with your children, for I know that this is a better country than where you are. "I am selling groceries now, and I have a negro boy hired, and you would be of great service to me now. I saw Mr. Deckard a few days ago, and he said that your old master's family and your children are all well. I have four children. "We have a railroad running through our town now. I shall expect an answer from you soon. Let me know what you will do. I laid this letter aside for some time. I then answered it as follows: "I received your letter some time since. My mind has undergone no change since I wrote to you. You say that you wish me to return. I cannot accept of any such invitation; for I enjoy the rights of a freeman in this country, and am preaching the gospel of Christ. I have a missionary field of about four hundred miles in length, and cannot be bribed back to Tennessee. "If you are of a mind to accept of one hundred and fifty dollars, let me have my free papers and relinquish all claims to me. I suppose you would be unwilling to give me my papers without the money, and I am sure I could not let you have the money without the papers. Garret Smith, of New York, will act as mediator between us, and I am willing to put my business in his hands, if you are. "Nothing more at present. Direct your letter as before." When I returned home at Christmas, I found an answer to this last and my free papers. The answer was as follows: "I received your letter and accept your terms, as you would not return. We are well, and were glad to hear that you were well, and that you were preaching the gospel. I hope that you may do much good in the name of our Heavenly Father. I have made a profession of religion myself, and have joined the Baptist Church. I wish to hear from you often, that I may know how you are getting along. I hope that we will meet in the morn of the great Resurrection. I think that you ought to give me two hundred and fifty dollars if you are able; and if you are not able to give me that, send me the one hundred and fifty dollars. Send the check, payable to my order in New York. The next spring I held a series of meetings in Windsor, Canada West, in a little school-house, which we rented, and where my labors were abundantly blessed. I baptized five women converts in Detroit River, and we sent around for the brethren from the neighboring churches and organized a Baptist church, which has proved a vine planted in due season; for, although we had not enough members to make a quorum when we first started in 1856, (one year after I was ordained to the ministry,) in 1860 it numbered forty members. During the same summer I was called upon to hold a protracted meeting in New Richmond, Ohio. I labored there successfully for two weeks, having the pleasure of baptizing eight persons. Ten persons, however, embraced the Saviour, one of whom chose to join the Methodist Church, and the other was a young man from Mobile, who said that he would join the church as soon as he returned home. There seemed to be a prospect of doing much good there, but I had to leave to attend the association in Chilicothe. After leaving there, I returned home. Being acquainted with Elder Collville, the pastor of the Baptist church in Detroit, he gave me a recommendation in a subscription-book. I then went around the country and preached and lectured, and received donations from those who felt disposed to give, to raise the one hundred and fifty dollars for my liberty. After I had succeeded in raising the amount for my liberty, I was again appointed by the association as a missionary in Canada and the States. On the 18th of February I started, in company with Elder Clark, to organize a Baptist church at a place called the Roundout, about seventy miles from Windsor. There had been a heavy snow, and just at that time it had began thawing, and the water was very high in nearly all the streams. We walked up pretty smartly, endeavoring to head one creek or other, until near sunset, when we saw a town. We were surprised, for we did not know that there was such a town in a day's journey. We inquired of a person on the road, what town it was, and they informed us that it was Ambersburg. We were again surprised that we could walk from early breakfast to sunset, and yet be in sight of that place. We went into the town, and were warmly welcomed by the brethren, and we had quite a laugh over the result of that day's journey to Roundout. I told Elder Clark that I did not think I would ever forget the 18th day of February, and he said that he did not think he ever should. On the 20th of February I crossed Detroit River into Michigan, and went from thence to Toledo, where I occupied the Sabbath in the service of the Lord. I then went to Perrysburg, Ohio and on the Sabbath I preached in the Methodist and Baptist churches. From thence I went to Sandusky City, where I arrived on Saturday evening. I found that some of the brethren had made a purchase of a meeting-house, and had only worshipped in it one Sabbath. They were very glad to see me, for they had no supply for the next day (Sabbath). I preached for them from the text: "I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; for it is the power of God unto salvation to every one that believeth." After the meeting had dismissed, one of the brethren came to me and said-- "Are you the minister the Lord sent here? I am like Abraham of old: I find myself here with a few Baptists, and have bought this house, and we have been praying to the Lord to send us a minister, and we think that you are the man." I told him that I was willing to do all the good I could while I was there. I preached for them again in the evening. They then asked me to hold a series of meetings. They said that they wanted a revival, and had been praying that the Lord would send His Holy Spirit among them. We began our meetings on Tuesday evening, and continued there during the week. The Lord blessed my labors, and on the Sabbath morning I had the pleasure of baptizing four humble converts. There was one young lady and her sister-in-law who embraced religion. The husband of one of them was very much opposed to his wife and sister becoming religious. He would molest our meetings, and make sport of religious things. I proposed to the church to pray for that young man's conversion. The next Sabbath we held another baptism, and this young man attended. He looked very serious, and that night about twelve o'clock he sent for me, and wanted me to come and see him. He had behaved himself so badly, that the brethren would not let me go alone; so two or three of them accompanied me. I found him in much agony, but could not tell what was the matter with him. I told him that it was the Holy Spirit striving with him; that his Christian friends had been praying for him. I advised him to pray. He said that he did not know how. I told him to acknowledge his sins to God and ask for pardon; and we sang and prayed with him until, awhile before day, he revived a hope of the Saviour, and sprang up and praised the Lord, and asked his sister's forgiveness, for he had treated her very badly. He was then very anxious to be baptized; after which he joined the church, and has since lived a devoted and exemplary Christian life, magnifying the doctrine of his Saviour. He had a notice put up on his barbershop on the Sabbath, that it should only be open until eleven o'clock. He would become a messenger of Christ, but his education makes him backward in appearing before an audience. Such is the effect of faithful prayer. Thirteen members were added to the church during this revival. I now thought of taking leave of my friends; but to this they would not listen, and insisted on my taking charge of their church. They called a meeting, and gave me a formal call to become their pastor. I at first objected; but they were so urgent, that I consented to serve them awhile, and entered upon my duties as pastor. "To preach Christ's gospel my delight, And lead the sinner to the way That points to heaven and happiness Be my enjoyment night and day." WHEN I took charge of the church I found that there was a debt of about eight hundred dollars hanging over it. To relinquish this, I first thought of employing all my influence and unoccupied time, and put myself earnestly to the task. I had hardly began my labors, however, before a difficulty arose in the person of one of the members. We had received quite a number of new members since I had commenced laboring,--some by card, some by letter, and others by experience. One man who joined us claimed to be one of the trustees when the church had not yet appointed any trustees. He giving us some trouble, we thought it best to organize and elect trustees to take charge of the temporal affairs of the church. When the congregation met to make nominations, this man's name was not mentioned in connection with the election. When they came to a vote, he arose and asked the Moderator to erase his name from the church-book before that was done. To this I objected, as it was opposed to Baptist usage. He then asked for letters to Mr. Canada's church, but the meeting would not grant him this. He at length became so troublesome, that the meeting had to exclude him. He spared no trouble or pains to give us annoyance, but he always failed in the attempt. I continued with this congregation from the spring of 1856 until the summer of 1860, claiming their entire confidence and Christian respect. By this time we had succeeded in raising the amount to liquidate the debt on our church. Hearing, at this time, of a prospect of buying my children, and as the salary I was receiving barely sufficed to pay my expenses, I thought it best to resign my charge, although the congregation were very anxious for me to remain with them. While I was laboring at Sandusky I had also organized a church at Toledo, which at this time numbered twenty-nine members, and they also were very anxious for me to remain at my posts; but I thought that my children had prior claim to my affections, and I could not labor there while they were in slavery, and my not being able to do any thing towards their freedom. I at this time conceived the plan of writing my life, and by the means of lecturing, preaching and selling my books, I should not only be doing much more good than I could as a pastor, but would have more facilities and opportunities of collecting and making a fund for the liberation of my children; and I have often thought that if I could see that object accomplished, I could exclaim, in the language of Simeon, "Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace, according to Thy word; for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation." I hope my friends and readers who have perused the story of my life thus far will look upon my motive with that liberal judgment which the feelings of a parent and the sympathy of a fellow-sufferer would ask. For never, under God's blessing, do I intend to lay down in quiet until this great object of my life is accomplished. Now, Dear Reader, we have reached that point of my life where I must stop, having yet to experience the life which may yet be before me. I have but to express the hope that my object has been accomplished, and that you expectations have been realized. There are many more incidents which I might have related; but they would have made my work cumbersome, and, from its very bulk, prevented many from reading it. Besides, as I stated in the Preface, it was, in the main, to be but a faithful statement of my life to the present time, not so much for a treatise on slavery, as to show my birth, early years, causes of running away, and successful escape, with the course of my future life until I was prompted to present you with the contents of my little volume in its present form. And may we now part with the full satisfaction that both giver and receiver have been benefitted by its perusal; and that at the Last Day there will be a recompense for those who have looked with pity on the bondman, and have helped to break his shackles and set the captive free, is the prayer of your humble servant, And may the blessing of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost be with you and remain with you always. Amen. County of Essex, To wit. In the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace. Whereas, Israel Campbell, formerly of the State of Kentucky, in the United States of America, but now residing in the Township of Sandwich, in the County of Sussex aforesaid, Farmer, hath complied with the several requirements of a certain Act of the Parliament of this Province, passed in the twelfth year of the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, entitled "An Act to repeal a certain act therein mentioned, and to make better provision for the Naturalization of Aliens," and the Certificate thereof had been this day read, in open court, and therefore, by order of said court, duly filed of record in the same, pursuant to the directions of the said Act; These are, therefore, to certify to all whom it may concern, that under and by virtue of the said Act, the said Israel Campbell hath obtained all the rights and capacities of a natural-born British Subject within this Province, to have, hold, possess, and enjoy the same within the limits thereof upon, from, and after the twentieth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-five; and this Certificate thereof is hereby granted to the said Israel Campbell according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. Given under my hand and Seal of the said Court the twentieth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-five. Clerk Peace, Essex. I, James Askin, Register of the County of Essex, do hereby certify that the Reverend Israel Campbell, of the Township of Sandwich, in the County of Essex and Province of Canada, a Baptist of the Baptist denomination, did this day produce before me a Certificate, under the hand of M. J. Lightfoot, Clerk, certifying, that according to the discipline and usage of the Baptist Denomination, the Reverend Israel Campbell was duly examined, set apart, and ordained to the Christian Ministry, and is duly recognized as a regularly ordained Minister in said denomination; that the said Israel Campbell has duly taken the oath of allegiance before me, and that he, previous to my administering the said oath of allegiance, produced before me a Certificate of Thomas Woodbridge, Esquire, one of the Chief Justices of the Peace for the County of Essex, certifying that Israel Campbell had taken and subscribed the oath of allegiance as required by the statute 12 Vic. chap. 197; and that I have registered the said oath of allegiance taken before me, the Certificate of M. J. Lightfoot, Clerk of the Baptist Denomination, and this my Certificate. Sandwich, 15th October, 1855. CANADA, County of Essex, to wit: I, Louis Joseph Fluett, a Notary Public, duly commissioned in and for that part of Canada called "Canada West," do hereby certify and attest, to all whom it may concern, that I have been acquainted with, and done business for, Israel Campbell for upwards of ten years past, at the Township of Sandwich, in said County of Essex, where said Israel Campbell has resided, and he has a small Real Estate; and where he has devoted his time and energy in bettering and improving the condition of his brethren, who, like himself, have broken the Bonds of Slavery. By an undaunted perseverance and energy, he has obtained a tolerable good education, qualifying him to discharge the duties of a Preacher among his brethren with success. By the long and personal acquaintance I have had with him, I do not hesitate in recommending him as an honest and trusty man, and of good report, not only amongst his brethren, but also among the whole community, deserving the confidence of the world, before whom he now appears to solicit the sympathies on behalf of his three children remaining in bondage in the State of Tennessee, United States of America, whose liberty he has now resolved to purchase from their present owners; and, although poor in the world, he has resolved to travel and solicit aid until he has succeeded in realizing the amount required to redeem the liberty of a daughter eighteen years old, of a boy, fifteen, and a daughter of thirteen. In testimony whereof, I have to these presents, at the request of said Israel Campbell, set my hand and Seal of Office, to serve and avail as occasion may require, this eight day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, at the Town of Sandwich, in said County of Essex. LOUIS JOSEPH FLUETT, Notary Public, Sandwich, C. W., and Attorney at Law. This is to certify that we are acquainted with the Rev. Israel Campbell, and know him to be a Minister of the Gospel in good standing in the Baptist denomination, and we do most heartily commend him to the sympathy and aid of friends upon whom he may call in his effort to redeem from slavery his three children. I have also recommendations from: This is to certify that the Rev. Israel Campbell has been the Pastor of the First Regular Baptist Anti-Slavery Church of Sandusky City for the last three years. With regard to his Pastorship he has rendered us ample satisfaction. Part of that time he served as an agent, soliciting contributions to liquidate the debt on our meeting-house. With regard to his agency, he has rendered us ample satisfaction, and now calls for his resignation, which we are bound to give by his request. We therefore recommend him to the Christian world as a man worthy of all confidence. E. P. REYNOLDS, Clerk.Sandusky City, August 14th, 1860. The following was published in the Sandusky Register on the same date as the above was given, and may explain more fully the success of my agency for the mission: ACKNOWLEDGMENT.--I wish to say to the benevolent public, that the $800 we solicited for the payment of our meeting-house has been collected; but just about the time we were able to pay for it, the lot on which it stands was to be sold. In order to secure the lot, we had to pay $142 on it as first payment. We hope to have some day the remaining $300 paid for. I have closed my pastoral labors for the present, and shall now try to redeem my three children from slavery, hoping that God and all the lovers of freedom will be on my side in this great work. ISRAEL CAMPBELL.Sandusky City, O., August 14, 1860. The following letter I wrote to my niece at Shawneetown, Illinois, to ascertain the whereabouts of my mother and father: "I now take this opportunity to address a few lines to you. I am glad that I can say to you, I am well. My brother's family are as well as common; and, indeed, his wife's health is better than it has been for six years. We have let out our farm for three years, and brother has been living here for two years. He came here, hoping that it might improve the health of his wife. It has been great gain to her; so much so, that they think of moving back to Canada this fall, if it is the Lord's will. "I have left the Sandusky Church, where I was pastor when I last saw your sister. I am writing out the history of my life, and I think to get it into book-form this summer, and then I think of going to England. I wish you to let me know if my mother and step-father are yet alive; if so, I wish to see them before I leave the United States. I wish to hear from you all. I have not heard from you for four years. I wish you to write to me as soon as you receive this. Please let me hear from all of the friends and brethren. We join in sending our love to you all. Now, may the God of all grace be with you all evermore. Amen. "I remain your Uncle, To this letter I received the following answer: "SHAWNEETOWN, March 2, 1861. "I received your kind letter of the 16th of January a short time ago; but a favorable opportunity not presenting itself, I have failed to reply until the present. I was truly glad to hear from you and uncle Washington and family, that you were all in the enjoyment of good health. Since I last heard from you grandfather has died. He died in November, 1859. Grandmother moved over here shortly after he died, and died the February following. Her death was from old age and debility. She had been confined to her bed for nearly a year previous to her death. Uncle Nelson was here a day or so after receiving your letter. His family were all well. I gave him the name of your 'post-office.' The name of his post-office is 'Bell Prairie, Hamilton County, Illinois.' He said that he would write to you, and wished that you would do the same. Uncle Abram and Aunt Nancy were all well the last I heard from them. The rest of the family here are all in the enjoyment of usual health. "The Baptist Association is to be held here this season, commencing the Thursday before the first Sunday in September. We expect then to have grandmother's and grandfather's funeral preached, and would be glad to have you attend, as you design and desire to pay us a visit, and on that occasion it would be very acceptable; and when you do come, bring a few copies of your book, and it is likely that you could find a sale for it. "All the family join in sending their compliments to you and uncle's family. Write on the receipt of this letter, and give us all the news. Nothing more from your THAT my friends may have the pleasure of preserving one of my sermons, I have appended the following, preached at Radnor, on the occasion of a baptizing: "Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations. baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; "Teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you; and lo, I am with you, even unto the end of the world." Amen.--ST. MATTHEW xxviii. 19, 20. Now, brethren, these words present two great thoughts to my mind. The first one is, that God created the nations of the earth susceptible of improvements. The second thought is, that it was the will of the Saviour that men should not perish in their sins. For this reason He commanded His disciples to preach the gospel to every creature; he that believed should be saved, and he that did not believe should be damned. Therefore, I behold that it is the duty of the watchman standing on the walls to declare the whole counsel of God, whether we bear or forbear; for we are told in His word that the gospel of His kingdom shall be preached to all nations for a witness, and then shall the end come. Therefore we should endeavor to publish an impartial gospel, inasmuch as we must render an account for our stewardship on earth. Although the doctrine of baptism meets with the opposition of a gainsaying world, the Saviour and His disciples met with the same opposition, and all true disciples may ever expect to meet with opposition. Jesus said, "Verily, verily, I say unto you, except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God. That which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which is born of the spirit is spirit. Marvel not that I said unto you that ye must be born again." (John iii. 5.) Many people stumble at the idea of being born again, just as Nicodemus did when the Saviour preached it to him. The most of orthodox churches preach the doctrine of repentance, and we preach repentance and baptism; and I hold that they are in harmony one with the other, and the commandments were given by the same author; and if I were now to preach baptism without repentance it would be a strange doctrine. Why should I not call it strange that men preach repentance without baptism? If it is strange on the one hand, then why not strange on the other? The Saviour himself said, "Unless a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he shall not enter into the kingdom." He did not only give his advice and never observe the same, for He came to Jordan and was baptized of John. And when John pleaded his unworthiness, He told him to suffer it to be so now, for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness. Hence, we infer that it must have been a righteous act, or Jesus would not have claimed the honor to be baptized of His servant John, to fulfil all righteousness. Many persons, however, say, "Will not water applied to the candidate answer the same purpose just as well as to apply the candidate to the water. If the candidate be satisfied with the sprinkling or pouring, that should suffice. I hold that conscience in the early mind is subject to education; and if it learns that sprinkling is right, to them it is right; but if they have been taught that immersion is right, that is the mode they should adopt,--for baptism is of no saving effect without faith, and faith cometh from knowledge. But we learn in the fourth chapter of Ephesians, fifth verse, that there is one Lord, one faith, one baptism; so that if we admit of a diversity of baptisms, there must be wrong somewhere: and if the doctrine of the Bible be the one which we hold to be true, we should contend for one baptism, hold to that, and deprecate all others. It would look more reasonable to me, then, to contend for the Bible, than to admit three modes, when the only authority we have for the ordinance guarantees but one. It is true, people frequently say that the Baptists put too much stress on baptism, as if it was a saving ordinance. I know that a great many of the Baptists will not admit that it is a saving ordinance. Then what is the saving ordinance? Jesus said, "Then are ye my disciples, indeed, if you do whatsoever I command you." He commanded His disciples, and said unto them, "Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved, but he that believeth not shall be damned." (Mark xvi. 15.) And we are commanded to teach all things whatsoever He directed for them to observe. I hold, therefore, and contend that the commandments of Jesus are advantageous to us as His disciples, and must be saving ordinances; and we have no right to say to any persons, that they can be saved outside of God's appointed way as set forth in His word. I do not look upon a person as being a complete Christian until they have conformed to the Bible:--"Know ye not that so many of us as were baptized into Jesus Christ, were baptized into his death? Therefore we are buried with him into death; that like as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of life. For if we have been planted together in the likeness of his death, we shall be also in the likeness of his resurrection." (Romans vi. 3, 4, 5.) "For as many of you as have been baptized into Christ, have put on Christ." (Galatians iii. 27.) Now, every rational man knows very well that a man is not considered buried until he is put out of sight; so then we learn that Christ was baptized, and we must be buried with Him by baptism. Now, what does Peter say with regard to baptism: "Which sometime were disobedient, when once the long-suffering of God waited in the days of Noah, while the ark was a preparing, wherein few, that is, eight souls, were saved by water. The like figure where-unto, even baptism, doth also now save us, (not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward God,) by the resurrection of Jesus Christ." (1 Peter iii. 20, 21.) I have thought much about this subject, and I never knew a person that had come to the years of accountability, and was converted to God and baptized, that ever became dissatisfied with their baptism by immersion, and wished to have water poured or sprinkled on them. But how many have been baptized by pouring or sprinkling that have become dissatisfied! Does this not speak more than volumes? Does it not demonstrate that many are sprinkled and baptized by the pouring on, from their early training? Most assuredly it does. "Then they that gladly received his word were baptized, and the same day there were added unto them about three thousand souls." "And the Lord added to the church daily such as should be saved." (Acts ii. 41, 47.) "But when they believed Philip, preaching the things concerning the kingdom of God, and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized both men and women" (Acts viii. 12.) "And as they went on their way, they came unto a certain water: and the eunuch said, See, here is water; what doth hinder me to be baptized? And Philip said, If thou believest with all thine heart, thou mayest. And he answered and said, I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God." (Acts viii. 36, 37.) "Brother Saul, the Lord (even Jesus that appeared unto thee on the way as thou camest) hath sent me, that thou mightest receive thy sight, and be filled with the Holy Ghost. And immediately there fell from his eyes as it had been scales: and he received sight forthwith, and arose, and was baptized." (Acts ix. 17, 18.) "Then answered Peter, Can any man forbid water, that these should not be baptized, which have received the Holy Ghost as well as we? And he commanded them to be baptized in the name of the Lord." (Acts x. 46, 47, 48.) Jesus, with all these witnesses and Scripture proofs, should we be ashamed to teach them; to observe all things whatsoever you have commanded, when you have given us the comforting assurance, that lo! I am with you always! As it was in the days of the apostles, when the disciples tarried at Jerusalem until they were endued with the Holy Ghost, when they continued steadfast in the apostles' doctrine, breaking bread from house to house and eating with singleness of heart; and they earnestly contended for the faith. As regards sprinkling, we learn from Mr. Mosheim, a Lutheran divine, that immersion was the apostolic mode for more than two centuries after the departure of the Saviour, when sprinkling was introduced into the Christian Church; and from that time up to the present, it has been practised by different denominations. But, like to other traditions, it is wearing away. We discover many hundreds dissatisfied with that kind of baptism, and wish to receive it as they understand it when they have, by reading and reflection, ascertained the right mode. I have often compared persons becoming Christians to a shoemaker preparing his shoe for finishing. He must have leather, thread and pegs; but it must be varnished up before it is complete. It is complete before it is taken off the last, and also before it is varnished it is a shoe; but the varnish adds the lustre to the leather, and makes the shoe have a pleasing appearance to the eye. Just so with the Christian. To take the first step, he must have repentance and a godly sorrow for sin,--a repentance which needeth not to be repented of. Then faith, which clings to things unseen and believes all the promises of God. But, after all, there is one thing lacking to make him a new creature, that he may rejoice in the new birth,--he must be buried with Christ by baptism. Let us consider the case of Naaman, the haughty Persian nobleman. His body was afflicted with that dreadful scourge, the leprousy. Through the timely word of a little girl, (a Jewish captive,) he was led to apply to the Prophet of Israel for relief. Taking with him a large number of servants and fine and costly gifts, the haughty prince proceeds to the humble abode of the prophet. He reaches the place; but the prophet scorns the gifts, and will not even go forth to look upon the princely supplicant, but commanded him to dip himself seven times in the River Jordan. Oh, how this imperious prince was humbled! He who had but to speak and his every wish was obeyed,--who was able to enrich with this world's goods the person who should take from him his leprousy,--and now, after having humbled himself to apply, in all his state, to the despised Prophet of Israel, he is told to go and dip himself seven times in the River Jordan. His haughty spirit revolts, and he exclaims-- "Behold, I surely thought, He will surely come out to me, and stand, and call on the Lord his God, and strike his hand over the place, and recover the leper. Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel? May I not wash in them and be clean? So he departed away." (2 Kings v. 11, 12.) But his servants persuaded him to comply with the command of the prophet, and he went and dipped himself seven times, and his flesh became as a little child's, and he was clean. Now, my brethren, do you suppose that if he had only dipped the third or the fourth time, he would have been healed? No; seven times was he commanded by God, through His prophet, to bathe; and unless he had obeyed God, even six times would have been as fruitless as none at all. It is not the mode that saves, but the obeying God's commands. I do not think for a moment that immersion alone will save. No. Repentance alone can save, and true repentance makes us anxious to obey all of God's commands. Now, I look upon all the commandments of the Saviour as being essential to the welfare of the soul. I would now give a word of encouragement to those candidates that follow the example of their Saviour, as you are about laying foundation for the formation of your character for time and eternity. I exhort you to stand fast in the liberty wherein Christ has set you free; and be not entangled with the yoke of bondage again, but ever be found worthy of that high vocation wherewith you are called. Now, as regards the ideas I have advanced, I have not presented them as Baptist views alone, but as the conclusions which I have arrived at by study and reflection, and I hope that they are those which God will accept and bless to many souls. Believing that He will save, sanctify and bring His saints all together in the Last Day, when the line of demarcation shall be drawn,--when every man shall receive his just reward for all that he has done,--and I pray, brethren, that the God of all peace, love and mercy may guide and direct us while here on earth we are sojourning, and forgive all that has been said amiss; bringing us with all the sanctified. Brethren, you who have not yet decided which course to take, allow me to make a solemn appeal to you. In one of my tours through this State, going from Springfield to Dayton, I was, with some of my friends, sitting in the ticket-office of the railroad depot. While we were sitting there, a man stepped up to the ticket-agent, presenting for payment a five dollar bill. The agent, after examining the money, told him that it was not good, and handed it back to him. The man put it back into his pocket, and walked unconcernedly and took a seat. We all sat there until the cars were ready to start, when we all stepped into them. I noticed that the man who had no ticket got in also. I felt some curiosity to know how he would fare, and watched him with some attention. After the cars had started, the conductor came his round, collecting the tickets. The man again presented his five dollar bill. The conductor told him that it was not good. "But I got it for good money," said the man. "I can't help that," said the conductor. "It won't pass here. Is this all you have got?" "Yes, sir," replied the man. The conductor told him that he would have to get off at the next station, and put the bill in his own pocket and went on his round. When we stopped at the next station, the conductor ordered him to get out. He said that he would not until he got his money. The conductor finally gave it to him just as the cars were about starting, and it was storming very hard at that time. I looked out of the window as the cars passed on and saw him standing beside the track, looking at the cars leaving him behind. The case reminded me very much of the parable of the wise and foolish virgins, and then I thought, how many at the Last Day will be in the condition of this poor man! He was told that his money was not good before he started in the cars; but he was determined to try and pass through with it. He tried again, but met with the same repulse. And so it is, my hearers, with many persons professing religion who have not the evidence of a genuine conversion. They are told by Christ's ministers that their coin is not genuine; and if they cannot credit them, they refer them to the detector, where they can see to read for themselves, and see just how they ought to live and act to be prepared to enter in at the straight gate, and yet they will say, "This way or that way will do," and when the trying hour comes, they see their error when it is too late to repent. Now, there were a number who were very sorry for that poor man when they saw him put off the car in the storm and cold. I felt myself as if I was willing to pay a part of his fare, and others felt the same way; but by the time our sympathy was expressed, the car had left him far behind, and so our sympathy and sorrow profited him nothing. So, I fear, it may be in the coming day, when those who have been negligent and careless about the right way now shall knock and say, "Lord, Lord, open unto us;" when He shall say, "Depart from me, ye workers of iniquity, into the place prepared for the devil and his angels." Men read this, but they almost disbelieve it, and think that they can journey on with their spurious coin, just as that man did with his five dollar bill; but they will be arrested, sooner or later, and woe be unto them if the day of wrath overtakes them. At another time I was travelling on the cars to Cincinnati. The conductor came around collecting the tickets, when he came to a man who said that he did not pay any fare,--that he was a member of the Ohio Legislature. "Show me your authority," said the conductor. "I give you my word," the man replied. But the conductor said that he must have some other evidence of his being a member, and told him that if he could not satisfy him of the correctness, he would have to put him off at the next station. "No, sir, you will not; and you had better prepare yourself before you take in hand to put me off," said the man. The conductor passed on, and I expected to see him called on the next station. When we arrived there the conductor passed on; but when he went through collecting the fares, he again came to this man, and said-- "If you are a member of the Ohio Legislature, pay me your fare, and when we get to Cincinnati I will go with you to the office and return you your money." "No, I shall do no such thing; I shall pay no fare," replied the man. "Well, I will have to put you off at the next station," said the conductor. "I tell you, sir, you had better prepare yourself if you take in hand to put me off," replied the man. I thought, from the way he talked, that, should the conductor attempt to put him off, there would be some shooting done. So I was all excitement to know what would be the result should the conductor carry out his threat. However, when the cars again stopped, the conductor came around to the man, and said-- "Sir, I must magnify my office." The man made an attempt to seize the conductor by the throat; but he being a large and stout man, he threw him upon his hip and started for the door. He tried all his might to keep from going out, and held on to the door. The conductor, however, succeeded in getting him out on the platform. In the scuffle he left his hat in the car, and as soon as the conductor's back was turned, he started back, as he said, for his hat. The conductor again seized him and threw him down on the platform, and sprang on the car. Just at that moment the whistle blew, and away we went. I thought how true the words of our Saviour were daily verified: "He that enters not in at the door is a thief and a robber." By trying to palm himself off for some distinguished person, he became disgraced. So will the sinner find it much easier to search out and follow the right way now, than to plead any excuse when he stands before the bar of God. For, depend upon it, that should he even try to be somebody, God's all-searching eye will detect the imposition, and will add greater punishment to his now already overflowing cup. It seems to me that the heart of unregenerated man is the vilest thing in the world. It is constantly contriving some way to deceive and to go any way but the right one. Once during my travels I took a steamboat at Detroit to cross the lake to Cleveland. Having got my ticket, the captain told me where I could lay down and sleep. I made a mistake, however, and got into the steward's room. After I had been there awhile, I fell into a slight sleep, when I was aroused by some one whispering, which caused me to listen with some interest. I found that it was the steward secreting some of his friends who were crossing the lake, and their intention was to cheat the captain out of the fare. I laid very quietly, and heard their plans, which were, for the two men to stand behind the door, so that when the captain passed along, if he looked in he would see no one. They did not discover me until their plan was all arranged, when the steward discovered that there was some one in his berth. He held up the light, and discovering that my face was not quite as white as his, he ordered me up very abruptly. I told him that the captain gave me permission to sleep there. He said, "The captain did not tell you to sleep in here, for this is my room." "Well," I replied, "it is a mistake of mine." "Well, then," said he, "I want you to mistake out of here very quick." I thought, "My dear sir, you think to show yourself, and I will see if you can cheat without detection." When I got out of his room I saw that they were collecting the tickets, and I stood a few steps from the door. The clerk and captain came along, looked in, saw nobody, and passed on. When they came to where I was standing, I asked them if they looked in that room. The captain said they had. "Did you see see anybody in there?" I asked. "No," said he. "There is nobody in there," and he went back and looked in, without discovering the men, however. When he came back I asked him if he saw any one. "No," he answered; "there is nobody there." "Suppose you go again and look behind the door," said I. He went back again and found the two white men. He asked them what they were doing there. They told him that they had no money, and thought they would hide. He said that if they had no money, they ought not to have come on board, and he marched them up to the office and interrogated them as to where they were from and where they were going, and if they had any clothes. They answered, that they had some clothes. These he made them bring to him, and he told them that they could have them when they paid their fare. I now left and went to my berth, getting in the right one this time, and when I awoke in the morning I was in Cleveland. How the men and the captain settled about their fare I never heard; but I have no doubt they heartily repented of having done wrong when it was too late. Finally, brethren, let me exhort you all to repent and be baptized. Be buried with Christ, so that you may rise with him; for, be assured, there is no other way by which men can be saved than through the cleansing of the blood of our Saviour. We, indeed, baptize you with water; but the Holy Spirit, the Comforter, shall baptize you with fire. And let me urge it upon you, that now is the accepted time,--now is the day of salvation. He has said, "He that calleth on me in the day of trouble I will not forsake;" but he that rejects all His overtures of mercy can expect nothing but eternal damnation. Now is the accepted time, dear hearer. Do not say, "To-morow I will begin." Alas! to-morrow may never come. There is no to-morrow! Now is the accepted time, and the Spirit and the Bride say, "Come." Oh, come, brethren, to the stream of life and drink freely, without money and without price. Cast all your cares and troubles on Jesus. Take up His service; for His yoke is easy and His burden is light. And remember, my parting words to you are, Repent and be baptized; or unless through the mercy of God, which you cannot expect, your eternal portion will be where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth. God grant that you may all be led to serve him in spirit and in truth. And may the blessing of God Almighty, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, be with you and remain with you always. Amen. In the writing of John an ordinance we find, In the third of Matthew that ordinance enjoined, Enjoined on all believers, to witness how the Son Came and was baptized by His own servant John. Not at the River Jordan, but in the flowing stream, Stood John the Baptist dipping, when he baptized the Lamb; Then Jesus the Saviour out of the waters came, To show that we must follow and pattern after Him. Some say that John the Baptist was nothing but a Jew; The word of God informs us he was a preacher, too,-- A preacher to the people, the gospel to impress, In order to enforce a Saviour's righteousness. Infants were brought to Jesus,--brought to Him to bless; His blessing they received, and shall forever rest; Then welcome, tender parents, to bring your babes along, But not to be baptized, for Jesus baptized none. Traditionists have said these sentiments are new; If they will read the third of Matthew, they'll surely find it true, That there were none baptized but such as did believe, And none but true believers Almighty God receive. Now read the third of Matthew, look steady at the thing, There is none who were baptized but did repentance bring; If you believe in Jesus, then be baptized like Him, And long as you neglect it to you it is a sin. This ordinance of Jesus doth stand so firm and strong, There's none can overthrow it, though they have strove so long; For Jesus and His kingdom shall stand forever, sure, When anti-christian powers shall fall, to rise no more. John was a gospel preacher when he baptized the Lamb, Then Jesus was a Baptist, and thus the Baptists came; If you would follow Jesus, as Christians ought to do, You would come and be baptized, and be a Baptist too. The following Lecture I delivered in Norwalk, Ohio, and I give it as my views on the subject of slavery: Ladies and Gentlemen-- With regard to the peculiar institution under whose influence I was born and spent some twenty-eight years of my life, I think I am prepared to express a decided opinion as to the right and wrong of its existence and toleration. I must confess that I have never been able to see any thing of which I could approve, but have seen much wrong. It deprives a man of his natural and moral rights, and induces him to disrespect himself and all the honors and virtues which constitute and ennoble man. He is reduced to a mere machine, having his senses so blunted as to be incapable of comprehending of what he really is capable, and cultivating the animal, almost entirely crushing out all the higher principles of his nature. I will mention a few of the traits it encourages, which every honest man must deprecate and raise his voice and influence against, and upon which I believe God will visit vengeance. And first. The almost entire nullity of the matrimonial alliance. It does not permit the man to own even his wife after they have become joined as one flesh, and of which the apostle speaks as being honorable in the sight of God, but often separates them and causes great grief and affliction, and which is one of the worst features of slavery. But what encouragement has a man to hold in reverence an institution which he is taught from his earliest moments is no more than convenience? For, ever after they are married, the man has no right to protect his wife from the assaults of the overseer or master, who think that the slaves have no rights, and often sell them, which they dislike very much; and, in fact, many of them had rather suffer death than allow themselves to be sold. But this sometimes proves to be advantageous to the slave, especially when they have hard masters, and he or she may succeed in getting among those who are more kind to them. The system of amalgamation is another wrong which slavery enforces upon the slave. It is no uncommon thing to see among a company of children one black and another half-white by the same mother; and should the colored husband say any thing, he is whipped or sold. I have known instances where a man would have children by his slave-woman, and then his legitimate sons would have children by his own slave-daughters. These are the disgraceful and inhuman features of American slavery, and, in my opinion, is the most disgraceful part they carry out. The Dred Scott decision establishes another principle, which tends to abolish every higher feeling in the heart of the slave, debases both the master and slave, and takes from the slave every inducement to be free. What might they be if they were permitted to enjoy all their inalienable rights! But there is under the system of slavery no opportunity for the enjoyment of such rights. It robs a man of his virtue and honor; and on account of his bearing the color which his Maker gave him, abuse him for knowing nothing. They are even repulsed on every hand; North as well as South. But they have their rights, you will say, in the Northern States. But what inducement is there for them to attempt to get there? To be pursued by their masters, and if not vigilant enough, to be caught and have the law to support the master in taking him back. Many boast of their land of freedom and rejoice in their Republican government, while they have four millions of slaves. They turn to their Declaration of Independence to prove that "These truths are self-evident,--that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and yet in their constitution and laws deny the very truth. No wonder England and France and other civilized nations point the finger of scorn at such inconsistencies as are practised here. And yet the Union, which is so admired and called a glorious Union, is cemented together by the groans and tears of the slave. When the Southern powers cannot rule and control and extend and perpetuate their influence and power, they threaten dissolution and secession; and if interest is brought into the question, they cry out that the South can do better without the North than the North can do without the South, and so feel secure in their institutions. But I do not believe this principle. I believe that the North would fare the best by such an issue. We can make our own sugar and molasses; we can raise our own tobacco, and get sufficient cotton from Liberia and the West Indies to supply our demand; and that would be free-labor cotton. And even suppose that we could not get enough cotton from those places, and secession and dissolution should take place, the South will be obliged to sell their cotton; for they cannot eat it, and they cannot live without other things which only money will produce. For my part, I think that such an event would be the overthrow of slavery. I have no faith or confidence in any political party emancipating the slaves or bettering their condition. But if entire dissolution were to take place, the South would have to take care of the slaves themselves, and I think it is pretty evident that they would have every inducement to get clear of them. If they cannot find a profitable market for their cotton and sugar, their slave-labor will not pay; and, beside, the fear of their escaping North being in great measure removed, they will gradually become more lenient, and the slaves will continue to increase in power and enlightenment, until they will arise and, like those of St. Domingo, leave a name on the page of history that will never be forgotten. And I can see no wrong in the effort. If it was right for Washington to fight for the liberties of the white man, I cannot see why it would not be right for a liberator to free the black man. And I trust the time is not very far distant before they will feel called on to defend their rights. And during this present excitement I know that my slave brethren are hearing something about the present crisis, which will inspire their hearts for liberty, and ere long enable us to say, with Patrick Henry, "Give me liberty or give me death." I know their sufferings. I know their sorrows. I have three children there to-day exposed to the lash, the chains, and the assaults of ruffians day after day. And when I think over things that are now transpiring, and think that I have a lovely daughter, eighteen years old, with no father to protect her, no mother to guide and advise her, and here I am free and a naturalized British subject. My spirit cannot rest when I look back to the Southern clime, and in my dreams I often go back there, and I see my children sweating beneath the galling load, and my spirit yearns for them the stronger when I awake and find them not here. My Republican friends often tell me that the slaves will soon be free. "We will now hedge it up where it is, and it will soon die away." I dare not trust too much to that. Suppose it was true that it can be stopped where it is, with the Slave States and Territories, it could be made profitable until this generation shall have passed away. They tell us that seven or ten years is as long as they will last in those extreme Southern States; and if that be correct, they can wear them out faster than Virginia and the Northern States can raise them. I believe that the time will come when the slaves will be free. For, if Ethiopia should stretch forth her hand to God, truth is mighty and must prevail; and although the wicked go hand in hand, they cannot go unpunished, and the cup of this nation must be almost full. The present crisis tells the story. The Scriptures are fulfilling: "A house shall be divided against itself,--the father-in-law against the son-in-law, and the mother-in-law against the daughter-in-law." And every thing seems to demonstrate that the time is drawing near for something to be done. We are commanded in the law of God to undo the heavy burdens; to loose the bonds of wickedness and break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free, and to deal out thy bread to the hungry. Many think, perhaps, like old Uncle Henry Clay said in his day, "That two hundred years had sanctioned slavery, and that had made it a divine institution." But I hope that a few more years will tell a different story. Although many have passed away, desiring to see the day when the slaves should all be free. Henry Clay said in one of his speeches, that he "hoped to see the day when every free negro would be sent from America to the Republic of Liberia." Like many other good man, he died without the sight. So I now hope that I may live to see the day when slavery shall be wiped away. I do not crave alone my own children; but I desire the freedom of all mankind, white as well as black; not only from the thraldom of human bondage, but from the chains of sin and misery. That all the nations of the earth shall enjoy their inalienable rights. Let us hope on, pray on, labor on with untiring zeal; for no one knows what wondrous changes time will effect by- and-bye,--for we shall reap in due season, if we faint not. Truth and mercy, righteousness and justness are on our side. Then let us never yield to the will of tyrants. No compromise with men-stealers and people-robbers and heart-breakers, but contend for right until the last slave's chain is broken,--until America shall shine like the land of Great Britain, where a slave cannot breathe. Then, and not until then, should we cease from our labors in this ardent task. So now we say-- Come, join the Abolitionists, Young men, bold and strong, And with a warm and cheerful zeal, Help the cause along. CHORUS--Oh, that will be joyful, joyful, When slavery is no more; God for ever save the Queen. I hear the cry of millions, of millions, of millions, I hear the cry of millions, "Oh, set the captives free!" The voice of right is crying, is crying, The voice of right is crying from above, "Oh, set the captives free! Set them free, set them free; Oh, set the captives free from their chains; Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Turner, of Turner, I hear the voice of Turner, for liberty or death! "Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Torry, of Torry, I hear the voice of Torry, crying from the grave, "Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Lovejoy, of Lovejoy, I hear the voice of Lovejoy, from Albion's bloody plains, "Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Professor Peck, of Professor Peck, I hear the voice of Professor Peck, from Cleveland, "Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Langston, of Langston, I hear the voice of Langston, from Cleveland City Jail, "Oh, set the captives free?" I hear the voice of Bushnell, of Bushnell, I hear the voice of Bushnell, from Cleveland City Jail, "Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of Leary, of Leary, I hear the voice of Leary saying, "Shoot them down! Oh, set the captives free!" I hear the voice of John Brown, of John Brown, I hear the voice of John Brown, from Harper's Ferry, too, "Oh, set the captives free!" As many of my friends have asked me what form I used in celebrating marriages in the South, I here give it. I learned it from a Methodist Episcopal Book of Forms. The children read it to me, and I committed it to memory. They mostly choose the Christmas holidays, while they have an opportunity to enjoy themselves, before going to hard work, when there is very little time given for a honeymoon. They often have a very lively time, having a large dinner or supper, and invite all their friends to participate. For a slave man to marry a slave woman out of the family, it is necessary for him to get the consent of the girl's master and mistress and of his own master and mistress, and they are very often the witnesses to the marriage. When celebrating the ceremony, the company stand around; the groom and bride walk out into the floor. After addressing the throne of grace, I address the company, and say-- "We are gathered together in the sight of God, and in the presence of these witnesses, in order to join together this man and this woman in the holy estate of matrimony, which is an honorable estate in the sight of God, and instituted in the time of man's ignorance. If there are any person or persons who can show any just cause or lawful right wherefore this couple should not be lawfully joined together in the holy estate of matrimony, please speak now, or hold your peace for ever hereafter." I here pause long enough to allow any one to make any objections they may have. There being none, I proceed by asking the waiters to join their right hands. I then say, "Mr. A., will you take Miss B., whom you hold by the right hand, forsaking all others, cleave unto her only; love her, honor her, obey her so long as you both shall live, even until death parts you?" If he answers, "I will," I then ask the woman, "Miss B., will you take Mr. A., whom you hold by the right hand, forsaking all others, cleave unto him only; love him, serve him, honor and obey him so long as you both shall live, even unto death part you." I then ask a blessing on the parties, and dismiss the company. I have not, since I began my labors as a minister of the gospel, preached, on an average, less than one hundred sermons a year, and have made several reports to associations. The following was one I made to the Ambersburg Baptist Association, held at Chatham, Canada West, September 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th, 1856, of which I was Moderator: "Eld. I. Campbell made the following Report of his Missionary Labors:--I have travelled two thousand five hundred and fifty miles, preached one hundred and six sermons, visited two hundred and twelve families, attended twenty-four prayer-meetings, six church meetings, administered the Lord's Supper six times, attended one covenant meeting, and baptized thirteen. Expended fifty-five dollars. Received, cash, thirty dollars." In 1855 a man and his wife came from Kentucky to Canada. The woman became very much dissatisfied after reaching the land of liberty, and, like the rebellious Israelites, wished herself back into the land of bondage. I saw her husband the same day the Convention met in Chatham to nominate a suitable man to the upper house of Parliament. Although we were perfect strangers, he related to me his troubles. He told me that he had not been long in this country, and liked it very well himself; but his wife was greatly dissatisfied, and he was afraid that she would embrace the the first opportunity of getting back, as she was living in town on the river. I advised him to bring her out to our house, thinking that my brother's wife might have some influence over her, and quiet her fears. I saw my brother, and told him what I had done, and he agreed with me. One day during the next week, my brother being in town, he brought her out. She seemed very much distressed, and very much opposed to living in Canada. She had got a lady to write from Windsor for her to her mistress, and soon after she came to our house she received an answer. I read it for her. She said that she knew, from the answer, that the lady did not write the letter the way she wished. The lady said:--"I am glad, Betty, to hear that you are doing well in Canada; but I am sorry that you went off in the way you did. If you had told me that you wanted to be free, I would have let you off in the day-time, and for you not to have went in the night. When my neighbors say that my pet deceived me, I tell them that you never left of your own will. You know that we always treated you well, and were your friends, and are still your friends, such as I fear you will never find in Canada." The woman cried bitterly, and asked me if I would not write a letter for her. We had company that evening, and I did not write it. The next morning, while we were at breakfast, she went over to one of the neighbors at the Refugee's Home, and got a man there to write one for her. This was all done the same fall that she came to our house. She still remained at our house until the next spring, when, not receiving any letter from her mistress, and expecting soon to be confined, she asked me to write one for her. It caused considerable dissatisfaction among the neighbors, they saying, after she had left our house, that she had gone back to Kentucky, and they thought that I had done the writing for her. She did not go, however, but now lives with her husband in the State of Michigan, and they are doing well. I paid a pleasant visit to them in the fall of 1860. I give the letter spoken of in full: CANADA, February 12th, 1856. "I now take this opportunity of addressing a few lines to you to inform you that I am as well as can be expected, and my husband also. I do not think that my first letter was written as I wished, from what you said in yours. I am better satisfied now than I have ever been since I left you. I would be very glad to see you all if I could, and especially the children, who I thought so much of; and if I never see you any more on earth, I hope to meet you in heaven, where you said you hoped to meet me. Give my love to old mistress, for I often think about her. You said that you had always been my friend. I want you to befriend me now, if you please. I am here among strangers, and expect to take my bed soon; so I thought that I would ask you to send me some money to help me in my sickness. Write soon, if you please. Send your letter to Betsy Boose. No more at present. Good-night to you all. I add the following to my narrative, that the reader may see that the sable sons are acknowledged in the British dominions the same as men of other nations. For this cause I delight in the British laws. Therefore I will always say, "God bless and save the Queen and all her heirs:" In the year 1856, June 1st, the Long Point Association was to convene, and I was appointed as a messenger from the Ambersburg Baptist Association. I started three days before the Association met. The second day on my way I came to a schoolhouse on the road. The schoolmaster saw me coming in my buggy, and I suppose that he thought I must be on my way to the Association. He came out and said-- "Good morning, sir." I made obedience to him. "Are you on your way to the Association?" he asked. "I am," I replied. "From what church?" "I am glad to see the Western brethren turning out to our Association. I saw two other brethren pass this morning," said he, "and I hope that you may all have a pleasant time." "That is what we want," said I. "You will not be there yourself?" "No; my business will not allow me," replied the schoolmaster. As he seemed so very friendly, I asked him if he had any friends or acquaintances on the way that he could point out to me, that I might stop and get dinner for myself and horse. "Oh, yes," he replied. "There is a Brother Fish living on the road, and you can get there by noon. You will find him a good brother." I thanked him and passed on. I thought to myself, "There will be fifty cents saved." The house was some three hundred yards from the road. As I drew near the house, I saw a lady standing in the doorway. She took a good look at me, and of course she saw that there was some difference between her color and mine. I jumped out of my buggy, hitched my horse, and walked up to the house. I rapped at the door, and a young damsel came out. "Good morning, miss," said I. "Does Mr. Fish live here?" "Yes, sir; but he is not in," she answered. "Is his lady in?" I asked. "Yes, sir," replied the girl. "Will you ask her to step to the door, if you please?" I asked. The lady came. I said, "Good morning, Mrs. Fish. I am a messenger to your Association. The schoolmaster some miles back told me that Brother Fish's would be a good place to get my dinner and have my horse fed; therefore I have called to see if you would grant me that favor." "Yes, sir," said she; "but there is no one to take your horse." "Oh, I can wait on myself, madam," I replied. "Well, sir, there is the barn, and you will find feed," said she. So I put up my horse and fed him. I did not go to the house until Mr. Fish came; for his wife said that he would be up soon, and, pointing, showed me where he was. When he came from the field to the lot where I was, I said to him-- "How do you do sir? I suppose this is Brother Fish." "That is my name," he replied. "Campbell is my name," said I, "and I am a messenger to your Association, and a friend of yours advised me to call here and get my dinner and have my horse fed; and, by permission from your lady, I have fed my horse." "All right," he replied. "From what church are you?" "The Sandwich Church," I answered. I discovered that during the conversation he seemed a little shy. I did not get close enough to shake hands, as he went from me. I did not see why he should be afraid, as there was very little difference in our color or in the straightness of our hair; for he was a dark Canadian and I a dark Southerner. He then looked toward the house, then at the sun, and then at me. "I think that our dinner is about ready," said he; "but you just stop here till I step to the house. I will be back directly." He soon returned, and beckoned for me to come in. I went in. We sat down and entered into conversation. While we were talking, the girl was setting the table. I was very observing, but did not discover that she was setting two tables at the same time. When the table was supplied with the comforts of life, Brother Fish stepped to the room-door and asked his wife if she was coming to dinner. I did not hear what she said, but she did not come out. Mr. Fish then turned to me and said, "Dinner is ready." I was glad to hear the good news, for my stomach craved food. As the table was just before me, I stepped up to it, and as I was about to set down, Brother Fish said-- "There is a table for you," and he pointed towards it in one corner of the room. I looked around and thought to myself, "Good God! is this Fish? I had rather it was a whale!" My motto is, that every man has a right to rule his own house; so I turned to the side table, without replying a word. I remembered the promise, that I would not eat to a side table prepared for me because I was not white. My thoughts came and went like electricity. I sat down to the table, and as my plate was large, I supplied it well with all I wanted from the variety on the table. I felt so indignant, that I did not bless the food on the table. I took a bowl of water and rose up from the table with my food in my hand. "I will go out and take my dinner on the woodpile," said I. "Oh, no," said Mr. Fish. "Eat it in here." "No," I replied, "I cannot." I chose the wood-pile for my table. There I gave thanks and received the food. I returned plate, bowl, knife and fork back to the side table, and went to the stable and commenced currying my horse. I considered the matter over and over again. I thought to myself, "Can this be one of the disciples of Jesus, and treat his brother in this way? It is a question with me, whether this man knows the Lord in the pardon of his sins or not. I am sure that I could not treat a fellow-man so, no matter how white or how black." I then thought, "How will it be when we get to that Holy City, where Christ reigns head over all,--where there is neither Jew nor Greek, bond nor free, but all one in Christ?" During my meditation Mr. Fish came to me. I said to him-- "Mr. Fish, I guess your wife never saw a colored man before. Did she?" "Yes," said he, "but she is not very used to them." "I think that the best standard by which to judge a man is according to merit, and not according to color," said I. "Yes, but we hardly ever see any colored people through here," replied Mr. Fish. I thought that he was a man with a very small soul, and I made up my mind that I would leave him as soon as possible. So I harnessed up my horse and bid Mr. Fish good-bye, leaving him in the hands of the great I Am, hoping that He would make him a better man, and regretting that I could not have as much confidence in his goodness as I had before I found him, and yet I thought that he and his wife were more to be pitied than despised. I prosecuted my journey till I arrived at the place for meeting. I introduced myself to a gentleman I saw in a very fine cariage coming to the meeting-house. He extended the friendly hand to me, and said, "When meeting adjourns, you keep your eye on this carriage, and when it starts, you follow right on after it with your horse and buggy." "Thank you, sir," said I, thanking God that I had got out of the Fish-pond. I went into the meeting-house and found a very large congregation. I listened to an excellent sermon, after which the Association was organized, and then adjourned to meet at two o'clock in the afternoon. I followed the carriage about half a mile from the meeting-house, and I turned in, and where they were not forgetful to entertain strangers, I hoped they might entertain angels. I put up my horse, and was invited into the parlor. There I found a number of Baptist ministers of the English and Scotch descent. They all appeared to be noble-hearted brethren. I was invited to make that my stopping-place until the Association adjourned. I accepted the invitation, and found it a very agreeable place. In the afternoon letters from the churches were received. The Moderator spoke of a Committee on Resolutions. A brother by the name of Wilkerson said that he thought it was not worth while to have a Committee on Resolutions. Just let brethren present resolutions such as they feel disposed, having confidence that they would not present only such as would be in order. This was seconded, put to vote, and carried. That was just what I wanted, because it had been noised abroad that the Long Point Association was rather pro-slavery, and I was sent as a messenger there to ascertain the fact whether it was or not. I had a resolution already written. I held it in my hand, and thought, that if the Association would receive the resolution, I should consider them anti-slavery. I arose to the floor and addressed the Moderator-- "Brother Moderator, I wish to present a resolution to this Association by your permission." "Read your resolution, my brother," replied the Moderator. As I was the only man in the house claiming to be a colored man, of course every eye was on me. The resolution embodied these words: "Resolved, That we recommend to the churches composing this Association to have no fellowship with slave-holders. Slave-holding ministers, who would sell their brothers or sisters, are unfit to preach, baptize, or commune with us." The resolution met with a warm response throughout the entire congregation. Elder Wilkerson, a Scotchman, was so well pleased, that he rushed through the crowd and came to me. "Brother," said he, "I must have this resolution read from the chair, for it is just the thing I want." The Moderator read it again. A motion was then made for its reception and adoption, and when it was put to vote, I never saw in any association so many hands raised to adopt any resolution, for many held up both hands. I then told the brethren the reason why I presented this resolution,--that the impression in the West was, that this Association was pro-slavery, and we professed to be thoroughly and practically anti-slavery; and that I was sent there to ascertain the fact in this matter, and I thought this resolution would decide the thing at once, and that I could report to the brethren, when I returned home, that I found the Long Point Association in harmony with our's, feeling that the encouragement I received at the Association was tenfold more than the contempt I met with at Mr. Fish's. Elder Fitch, a missionary of the Long Point Association, expressed his warm desire to unite the two associations in profound confidence. So every stumbling-block was removed out of the way, and God blessed the effort, so that it proved a blessing to both associations. They then appointed some six messengers to meet with the Ambersburg Association on the second Thursday in September,--four elders and two deacons,--and we had a blessed time at that Association: such a time as will not be forgotten by both parties, for there was a perfect union. We all seemed to be one in Christ, so that color nor dialect made no difference. From that time to the present these two associations had messengers or letters annually. Another incident, not quite so bad as the Fish story, happened during my agency. During my agency for the Sandusky Church, I called, one Saturday evening, on a Baptist deacon, wishing to stop over Sabbath. After having attended church meeting with them, he said that I could stop. He and his wife seemed to be very kind, and when tea was ready he and myself were standing in the yard in conversation. His wife said, "Come in to tea." In we went, and, of course, I felt as though we were brethren. I saw a table prepared for one person. The brother deacon said to me-- "Brother, sit down and help yourself," and he walked on to another room. There I saw another table. I did not feel exactly as the man did when they had him up for fighting. The minister asked him if he swore in the fight. "No, brother," said he, "I didn't say 'damn it,' but I thought it." I did not think, "Damn it," but "Have I met the devil again?" I remembered the promise I had made to myself, that I would not eat at a side table prepared for me because I was a colored man. I sat down and asked the lady if she could give me a glass of water She set a glass and a pitcher of water on the table. I took a drink of water and walked out of the room and hunted for some secret place to pray. I went out to the edge of the village and found a brier-patch. There I secreted myself and poured out my complaints to God, who seeth and knoweth all things, to give me grace and faith and patience to bear with these contemptible obstacles that I so frequently met with among those professing to be the household of faith, because I am just of the color that my Creator made me. I think that a man has the same right to charge God with wrong as he has to treat a man with contempt because he is not white. I thought that it was a hard task for a man of color to live a Christian life with so many obstacles thrown across his pathway. I spent that night with slumbering thoughts. The minister had invited me to preach for him on Sabbath morning. He was a young single man, but seemed very kind and friendly towards me. When breakfast-time came on Sunday morning, I saw no hope of a change in the table arrangements; so I took the Bible and walked into the parlor, and there read some of the precious promises of Christ. The deacon came in and invited me out to breakfast. I said, "No, sir, I thank you. I do not wish any breakfast." "Are you sick?" he asked. "I am not," I replied. "You had better come out and take a cup of coffee," said he. "Nothing at all, sir," I answered. I am sure that I would not have suffered as much if I had fasted for two days as I would if I had taken breakfast at that side table. But I thought that I would go to the tavern in the village about nine o'clock, after breakfast would be over, and call for my breakfast, when there would be no one to eat but myself. About nine o'clock I asked the deacon when the meeting commenced. He said about half-past ten or eleven o'clock. He asked me if I was going out. "I have a notion of going out," I answered. "We have a very interesting Sabbath-school," said he. "I should like you to walk over with me. It is but a few steps." "I will go, sir," I replied. We went, and after Sabbath-school was over, we retired to the meeting-house, and I preached for them that morning. The deacon sat right in front of me, and apparently enjoyed the sermon; and it did look a little strange that he could receive my preaching, but could not receive me at his family table. After preaching, they gave me a collection. This brother waited on the congregation and knew that I had an appointment about nine miles from there in the evening. He asked me how I was to get to my next appointment. I told him, "There is a brother here who said that he will take me home with him and his wife to dinner, and perhaps he will take me over to my appointment after dinner." I found no side table there, yet they were both members of the same church. I then laughed and told them that I had not eat any thing since I took my dinner on Saturday. I enjoyed my dinner very much. After dinner the brother took me over in his buggy. He and his wife went along. They staid until after the evening sermon. They bid me God speed, and I bid them the same. I have not seen nor heard from them since. I might enlarge on just such instances as this, but I only allude to those that I find among professing Christians, where I expect better things. During the first year of my missionary labor in Canada West as an evangelist, I visited many of the settlements. They were largely populated with colored people, which enabled me to know much about the welfare of our people, both spiritual and temporal. Therefore I have been able to give an answer to persons inquiring after the welfare of our people in Canada. I am satisfied, from my own conviction, taking every thing under consideration, that they are advancing ahead of their brethren in America, and that Canada is decidedly the best place for them this side of Africa. On one of my missionary tours I got aboard of the cars at Chatham. Coming down to Windsor, just as the cars arrived there, I learned that there were two slave girls in the cars with their owner; and as I had waged war with slavery wherever I met it, I felt again like opposing the wrong and freeing the victims if I could. As my eyes were glancing in every direction, I saw a colored girl walking by the side of a white woman towards the ferry-boat that conveyed the passengers from one depot to the other across the Detroit River. I asked the colored girl if she was going to Detroit. "No, sir," she replied. "If you go on that boat, you will go to Detroit," said I. I heard the white lady speak to the colored girl, but did not understand what she said. I judged that she ordered the girl to hold her peace; for I could not get an answer from her, which led me so much the more that she was a slave. I followed them until they stepped on the boat, and as they had to take breakfast on board, and the boat being on the Canada side, I went back and got three men. I said-- "I believe these girls are slaves; and if you men will go with me, I will take them from their owner, if the girls will acknowledge that they are slaves." I went into the cabin of the boat and saw the black girl, surrounded by some white ladies. They saw me coming, and turned as white as a corpse; and as they had their treasure hid, they stepped on one side, and said-- "Sir, here she is. Take her, if you wish. She does not belong to us; we have only hired her to nurse our children." I stepped up to the girl with all the sagacity of a British subject. "Well, my daughter, where are you going?" I asked. "I am going to Chicago," she replied. "Where are you from?" "Are you not a slave?" "Nar, sir," she answered, in the very tone of a slave. "I know that you are a slave. You are in Canada now, and if you will just acknowledge it, I will make you free," said I. She still contended that she was free. I laid my hand upon her, and said, "I will take you ashore anyhow." She screamed out, "I am free! I am free!" I then let her alone; yet I was satisfied that she was a slave. But I had no right to take her unless she would acknowledge it. I then went around to another part of the boat, where another girl was surrounded by some white ladies in the same way; and as I advanced towards them, they exclaimed in the same way-- "She is not our's. We have hired her from her parents. You can take her if you wish." "Where are you from, my daughter?" I asked. "York State, sir," she answered. "Where are you going?" "What part of York State do your parents live in?" I asked. She did not know how to answer the question, for she did not know what parents were. I then asked her where her mother lived. She said, "Geneva." My friend, who stood at my back, asked, "What is your mother's name? I live in Geneva." She looked him in the face, and answered, in the language of a slave, "My massa ain't dar now." I was still more impressed that she was lying. Her mistress stood by, (or at least the lady I judged to be her mistress,) but she did not say a word during the conversation. She had lost all the color in her face, for fear she would lose her waiting-maid. By this time a double-fisted white man came up and put his hand upon me and said-- "What is this man doing here, interfering with my people?" I looked him in the face, and said, "My good fellow, mind what you are about. I am a British subject, and am magnifying my office." He stepped back and made himself as small as his wife, or at least the lady I took to be his wife. I took the girl by the hand and said, "My daughter, you are a slave, and I will make you free if you will go with me.' " She exclaimed, "I am free! I am free! I don't want to go!" I then gave her up. I thought that I had done my duty. "You will repent of this by-and-bye," said I. I then went off the boat, and it soon started for the other side of the lake, where chains, whip and slavery reign. I think that the slaveholders on that boat will often remember me. Of all the evils I am acquainted with on earth, there is none so blighting as the curse of American slavery. In my judgment, a providential circumstance occurred May 15th, 1860. I was walking along near Dunkirk, New York, when a young man came along with a very fine span of horses and a wagon. The horse on the off side was very sleek and as black as a coal. I asked the young man if I could take a ride with him. "Yes," said he; "jump in." I got in and seated myself. I do not think that I had been in the wagon more than ten minutes before this black nag took a start. They ran as fast as they could put their feet to the ground. I saw that the young man could not hold them; and as there was a bridge some distance ahead, I was rather fearful lest we should not make a safe entrance on it. We reined them to the side of the road, something about the neck yoke gave way, the tongue of the wagon ran about four feet six inches in the ground on the side of a hill, such was the speed of the horses. If I had not been with the young man, he would certainly have been crippled or killed. He thought so himself. We got the tongue out of the hill, hitched up the horses, and went on our way. I think that there is an over-ruling Providence that man cannot always see. I was then on my way to the city of New York. Soon after I had got my naturalization papers there was a notice of a farm to be sold, divided into village lots. The Great Western Railroad was then being constructed through that part of the country, and we thought that our village would soon become a town. The day arrived on which the sale was to take place. Hundreds of persons gathered together to purchase town property, and I being a British subject, felt that I had as much right there as any other person. There were many colored gentlemen present from Detroit. The auctioneer, John McCloud, said that colored men need not bid, as their bids would not be taken. One of the colored men from Detroit bid on a lot, and went to pay the money for it; but when McCloud saw that he was not white, he refused to take the money, and said-- "You're pretty good looking, but you can't come in," and put the lot up again, when it was bid off by a white man. He went on selling until he came to a corner lot, when I bid it off. While I was getting out my pocket-book to pay the amount, McCloud asked-- "Whose bid was that?" "It was mine," I replied. "I can't take it, sir," said he. "Why not, sir?" I asked. "I am a British subject, and have sworn allegiance to this government, and I expect to support it. I have as much right to buy property here as you or any other man." "I have nothing to do with that, sir," said he, and he began selling the lot again. It was bid off by a Frenchman, who was as brown as I, for ten dollars less than my bid. This I thought was too much of an outrage upon a British subject; so I thought I would try the strength of the British law. I went the same afternoon down to Sandwich to consult a lawyer. He told me that it was a case such as had never come to his notice before, and it would cause considerable excitement, although it was according to British law, and he thought that I might recover damages. He told me, however, that I had better counsel with Colonel Prince. A few days afterwards I saw him again, and he said that Colonel Prince would take the case. A day or two after this I was going across the river to Detroit. H. L. Perry and myself were talking about colored men being prohibited buying town property. Colonel Prince was standing close by and heard the conversation. He said-- "They cannot prohibit you from buying property." "But they did do it," said I. "They cannot do it. If strangers and foreigners come here to live with us, we impart to them the same blessings we enjoy ourselves," said he. "How could you help yourself when, if you was to bid off a lot, they would not take your bid, but strike it off to some one else?" I asked. "I would sue them for damages," replied the Colonel. "Well, can a person do that?" I inquired. "Certainly they can," he answered. "Well, I have been waiting for you, Colonel, to see if you would undertake the case," said I. "Certainly I will. Take the case to Mr. Fluett, and he will prepare it for court, and I will defend it," he replied. I then went around among my colored friends, and told them what Colonel Prince had said. They all had great confidence in the Colonel. I told them, that if I entered the suit, it would be for their benefit as well as mine; so if they were all willing to help through the expense of the suit, I would enter it. They all agreed to help pay the cost, and every man who gave a dollar or more was to receive the same back again if I gained the suit, and if I lost we were all to lose together. I collected some eleven dollars, and went down to the clerk and sued for two thousand dollars damages. I had good prospects of succeeding; for Colonel Prince and S. McDonald, the owner of the lots, were at variance at this time. When court time arrived and the case came up the Colonel was not there; and when the Court of the Queen's Bench came on, Mr. McDonald was in Europe. When he returned, Colonel Prince was running for Parliament, and I was electioneering for him. Mr. McDonald also went to canvassing for him. Like Herod and Pilate, they united their friendship to defeat me in my case; for after the Colonel was elected, I went to him to know how my case was coming on. He said that he was rather doubtful about my recovering damages; but if I urged it, he could bring the case up at the next court. I saw at once that there was no hope for success. I thought, "Well might the Saviour exclaim, 'Woe be unto ye lawyers!' " I thought that it was better to lose the eleven dollars that I had given him than to press the suit. However, the action that was taken done considerable good, for it changed the public opinion, so that afterwards colored men could always buy property whenever they had a mind to. One evening, during my former labors, I stopped at the town of Norwalk, and called at Mr. Morehouse's to remain over night. I met with a warm reception, and enjoyed myself very much with the family. I sang several antislavery songs, and the young lady played several tunes on the piano for me. The evening soon passed away, so agreeable was the company. It being time to retire, Mrs. Morehouse being a considerate woman, and the night being rather cold, she built a fire in the room next to the one in which I was to sleep, so that the room could be heated by the pipe which ran through it. After we had retired, the room in which the fire had been made took fire, which frightened Mrs. Morehouse very much, and she sprang up and ran into the room where I was, and cried out-- "Get up! the room is on fire! Get up! the house is on fire!" She soon had all the inmates up helping to put out the fire, which they accomplished with but little damage, except a bad fright. Whenever I call at Mr. Morehouse's, we have a hearty laugh over that memorable fire. In my travels I came to New London, and called on a venerable old gentleman, a deacon of the Baptist denomination, one Saturday evening, and asked for a night's lodging. He said that he did not know whether they could accommodate me or not, as they were rather scarce of beds. I told him that I should like to stay there over night. "Well," said he, "we will try to keep you." Bed-time came, and he gave me a bed on the floor; it was, however, a very comfortable one. The next morning (Sunday) the pastor came in from the country and called upon the deacon. I presented my papers to him. He read them, and then turned to the deacon and said-- "I presume we had better have our brother preach for us this morning." "Why, is he a minister?" asked the deacon. "Yes," replied the elder, "he comes well recommended." "I did not know that," said the deacon. They then consulted awhile, and concluded that I should preach for them that morning. After sermon, a gentleman moved that there be a collection taken up for my benefit. Another gentleman then arose and hoped that it would be deferred, and that I would speak again for them, when the people would come better prepared. It was finally agreed that the minister should speak in the afternoon, and that I should again preach in the evening. I done so, and they took up a collection of some dollars, and seemed very much pleased with my performance. In the morning, after service, the deacon insisted that the minister and myself should return to dinner, and at night I went home with him. This time he gave me a very nice curtained bed to sleep on. I thought that I had been raised from the lower to the upper story, and that it was an advantage sometimes for a man to be a minister. The deacon always found a bed for me when I called on him after that. I called, one day, at Welsh Hills, near Granville College, Ohio, and on the Sabbath preached in the Baptist Church, and made arrangements to deliver an anti-slavery lecture on the first night of February, 1860. I appeared there, according to arrangement, at that time; but as I stepped up to the gate that opened into the churchyard, I noticed a couple of men standing beside it. I bowed to them; and as I was about to pass on, one of them tapped me on the shoulder, and said-- "I want to speak a word with you." I asked him what he wanted. He said that the lecture which I was expected to deliver could not be given there that evening. "Why not?" I asked. "We have thought it best not to open the doors to you, as they will have to be open for the coming campaign," said he. "Well, what will have to be done?" I inquired. "You can preach," said he. I thought at the moment that I would, and walked on into the church. By the time I got in, my mind changed, and I determined, that if they could not hear me talk about my suffering brethren, they should not hear me preach. When the meeting opened, I arose and told the brethren that the persons having charge of the church were not willing for me to lecture there that evening, and therefore I was not prepared to do any thing else. Thereupon I started for the door, when a good part of the people arose to follow me, and wanted me to lecture in the street. It being very cold, I would not consent to this, as there were many ladies present, and they would get frosted. I went to the other side of the road, and proceeded towards the barn of a young man, who gave us admittance. His mother's house was near by, and she told him not to let me in; but he did not heed her. The barn was soon as full as it would hold, and I lectured about an hour. John's wife threatened to leave him if he permitted me to preach there, and the man who would not leave me lecture in the church stood outside for a while, and then went home. John's wife was not gone the next day, and I concluded that she would not leave so soon. I have been by there since, and the Mrs. Joneses imagine that I ought not to think hard of their action towards me. During one of my travels, I went to Concord, and found the Baptist brethren laboring in a protracted meeting. They invited me to preach for them on Sunday evening. I had a previous appointment at Johnstown, several miles from Concord, and was not able to accept the invitation. I consented, however, to preach for them on Tuesday evening. I expected to leave on Wednesday morning, but two of the deacons came and urged me to stay and labor with them during the meeting. I told them that I was endeavoring to collect money to liquidate the debt on our church, and that I could not stop at any one place long. They wished to know how much I would stay with them for. I told them that I could not stay unless they could give me twenty-five dollars, as I thought that I would collect about that amount during that time. They told me that they would raise it for me. I continued with them for two weeks, and had a very pleasant time. I had good congregations, many coming, perhaps, from the novelty of hearing a colored man preach, and many on account of the benefit they would derive from the services. The first week did not give any great promise of success, but I exhorted them to have faith in God, for He would hear and answer prayer. I endeavored to manifest myself in the glorious work that we were engaged in. I made it a subject of prayer; and one night, after I had went to bed and prayed that the Lord would bless my labors during this series of meetings, I was shown, in a vision, that we would have an addition of four. I saw their heads shining like fine gold, and their heads were the heads of ladies. I saw also in the vision an officer, with a warrant in his hand for two persons, and it appeared to me as if it were a death-warrant. When I awoke from my vision, I began connecting the incidents together, and took the four heads for four additions to our church, and thought that the warrants predicted the death of two of them within the next twelve months. The next Sabbath I told my vision to the brethren, when I learned that four ladies had presented themselves for baptism. Thus I saw part of my dream fulfilled, but have not had an opportunity of hearing whether the latter part has happened or not. When the two weeks were up, the brethren gave me thirty dollars, instead of the twenty-five which I had been promised. I then took my departure. As I was about starting, two of the young ladies' fathers each put a dollar in my hand, and another lady gave me a dollar and a half, which made my two weeks' labor amount to over thirty-three dollars, besides some presents which I received from the kind friends. When I left Concord I went to Delhi and Middletown, and found the brethren laboring in serious meetings. I staid a few days at each place, and received collections from them. The following, from the American Baptist, gives the inside views of slavery on Southern plantations: We invite the attention of the reader to one of the plantations of Mr. L----, of Louisiana, the first one on which the writer was ever employed as a mechanic. This was considered one of the best managed plantations in the parish, for which no small part of the credit was due to the intelligence, skill and business energy of his faithful overseer, by whom his slaves were well fed, well clothed, well housed, well cared for in sickness and in the tender age of infancy and childhood; and, it may be added, well worked, and well flogged for any delinquency or slackness. The allowance of food for each working slave was half a pound of pork a day, taken with corn-bread and water for breakfast, with the addition of vegetables for dinner. These meals are taken in the field. On this plantation there were from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty cotton-pickers to be thus fed, besides the infirm, the small children, and others that were at home in their quarters. The food was prepared at the slaves' quarters by the cook, who provided the aggregate allowance for the whole gang, divided into as many equal parts as the gang numbered. The slaves provide themselves with tin buckets or gourds, according to their means, in which to receive respectfully their allowance, as it is dealt out to families and individuals. The allowance for supper, as before noticed, was simply corn-bread and water, the slaves sometimes reserving a portion of the pot-liquor, which comes with their breakfast and dinner, to sop their bread in at night. The supper is the only meal taken at their quarters. This is what, in Southern parlance, is called good feeding. For summer clothing the men received each one cheap palmetto hat, one Lowell cotton shirt, two pairs of pants of Lowell cotton, one pair of shoes; the women, one cotton handkerchief, one cotton under-garment, two cotton coats, and one pair of shoes. For winter, the men received each two cotton shirts, one linsey-woolsey jacket, one pair of pants of the same cloth, one pair of shoes, and once in two years, a cheap cotton felt hat. The winter allowance for the women was one cotton head-kerchief, two cotton under-garmenents, one linsey-woolsey coat, and one pair of shoes. Skirts they make for themselves, if they have them, by patching the fragments of worn-out clothes. Each working slave was allowed one cheap blanket every second year. On Monday morning they were all required to turn out with their cotton clothes well washed, or receive twenty-five lashes. Sunday is their washing-day. Some take the night for it, after their day's work is completed. I afterwards found that the plantation regulations varied among different owners and overseers, some of whom give out their slaves' allowance on Sunday for the whole week, three and a half pounds of meat, and a peck of corn-meal, which the slaves cooked for themselves at night. This was, however, found to be bad economy, inasmuch as the labor of cooking encroached upon their needful hours of rest, and thus impaired their health and strength and their productive power. It was therefore superseded on large and well-regulations plantations by a common cooking establishment, where the meals were well cooked, and at seasonable hours, by an old and experienced slave. Planters generally worked their slaves from daybreak until dark, with no other intermission than the short time required for a hasty breakfast and dinner; except that during a part of June and July, up to the time of cotton-gathering, a recess of two hours in the midst of the day was allowed them. Mr. L----'s slaves were comfortably housed. Their quarters consisted of small one-story frame tenements of two rooms each, to accommodate two families, with a chimney in the centre. They are weather-boarded, and have a tight board floor, a comfort with which negro quarters are not always furnished, without ceiling, lining or windows, except wooden shutters. These buildings, arranged in two or more rows, placed at equal distances from each other, of uniform style and size, all whitewashed, present to the beholder an attractive appearance, somewhat resembling a neat New England village. Add to this the cleanly appearance of the slaves on Monday morning, with their newly-washed garments of Lowell cotton, and we have a specimen of Dr. Adams' South-side View, "beautiful outwardly," like the "whited sepulchres" spoken of by our Saviour. To infer from this show of order and beauty, that comfort and happiness reign within, would be about as rational as a like conclusion drawn from the appearance of the splendid edifice which contains the manacled prisoner. Such were the negro quarters on the best regulated plantations in the region where I resided. On other places they were mean, uncomfortable log-cabins, with the ground for a floor. As to furniture, it is such as the slaves can make a shift to provide for themselves, as nothing of the kind is included in their allowance. A large gourd serves them for a bucket, a small one for a dipper; a rudely-constructed bench or stool for a chair, and a like rude construction or a box for a table. Their lodging is either on the floor, wrapped in their blanket, or in a rough bunk framed in a corner of their cabins, or on master's old cast-off bedstead. Their beds, if any are able to obtain that luxury, consist mostly of corn-shucks enclosed in a tick of old cotton sacks, or the patched fragments of their tattered garments, while a very few who have means purchase new ticking. A wooden tray, of their own manufacture, serves the double purpose of platter and plate for the family table, and in eating they illustrate the common saw, that "fingers were made before forks, and hands also before knives and spoons." One knife for a family, either pocket or case-knife, is about as indispensable as farming tools on a plantation. In the furniture of different cabins, however, there are grades of variety and style, as well as in the furniture of any other community; each family providing itself with conveniences and elegancies, such as knives and forks, and plates and dishes of crockery or tinware, as means permit and taste dictates. Such cooking implements as a pot, kettle or skillet, are among their rarities; the embers of the hearth for their ash-pone, and the hoe for baking hoe-cake, subserve the most of their cooking purposes, on plantations where they have no general cooking establishment. For washing, a tub, block and paddle, beside a stream, lake or bayou, answer every purpose. The fire of the hearth serves them in the place of lamps or candles. Their fuel they gather and cut for themselves, when timber-land is near, or have it hauled by the teamster when it is far off. The slaves' pecuniary means are derived from a variety of sources, such as raising chickens; working for wages on Sunday, when work crowds; cultivating patches of their own on Sundays, an indulgence with which overseers sometimes stimulate their best slaves; and female prostitution, in which line many of the fairest of the sex do a very profitable business with wealthy paramours. Sunday is the slave's own day on all well-regulated plantations, except so much of it as their owner may require of them for washing and mending clothes, sharpening and repairing tools, and other necessary preparations for plantation work of the ensuing week, which must not be interrupted by these incidental avocations. Whatever work of their own they have to do must be done on this day, for the six days' labor, from early dawn to the shutting down of night, is all claimed by their owner. The Lord's day is the slave's day, in which to labor and do all his own work, and some of his master's, while the six are consecrated days--consecrated exclusively to the service of his earthly owner. The Sabbath is the day for him to work for wages, cultivate his own patch, gather moss for the market, market his chickens and his little crop of vegetables, and fit up or repair the rude comforts of his own cabin. All this work of his own and his master's, crowded upon this single day, makes it a poor day of rest for the slave. On another of Mr. L--'s well-managed plantations, where I was likewise employed as a mechanic, Mr. G-- was overseer, who had the reputation of being an excellent manager. Indeed, it was in all respects similar to the management of the overseer of the first named plantation, and between the two there was a constant strife to outdo each other at cropping. This spirit of emulation, I afterwards found, was common to all the overseers in that region, which made them furious Jehus as slave-driving. This may be sport, or at least gain, to the competitors, but suffering sorrow to their panting human teams. Not that they are regardless of the life and health of their slaves. They are as careful to keep them in good condition as to get "the last lick" of work out of them, for one is subservient to the other. Their ambition is to secure the greatest possible amount of gain to their employers, and thus obtain for themselves good situations and large salaries; and, like the stock-growing farmer, they think as much of improving the value of the planter's human stock as of his crops. No pains are spared to make the negroes strong and healthy, and to rear a numerous and vigorous offspring. In the latter respect their care is often excessive--I mean excessively severe. Mr. G--, the overseer last named, told me that his rule was to give a slave mother one hundred lashes, if she lost her child; as if a mother's affection was not inducement enough to secure watchfulness and care on her part, and a mother's anguish at the death of her child not sufficiently intense, without the addition of this terrible scourging! Mr. G--'s care of the health and condition of his negroes did not spare their hides, as their scarred backs gave unmistakable proof. I noticed on the plantation he managed, a large number of slaves who had been so cut up with the lash, that their backs were marked with scars and welts from their shoulders to their heels. I was surprised and shocked at the amount of whipping which I witnessed myself on this plantation. I rode out, one day, with the overseer, to their field of labor. They were cutting timber, and getting out rails. A number of them, whose movement did not please him, were ordered to shell off and come down, to have their activity quickened with the driver's excruciating lash. One Sunday morning I witnessed a punishment of a very different kind. The vigilant overseer had, the night before, caught a slave in the act of cooking a pig he had stolen. He was immediately taken to the stocks, and there fastened by the neck till the next morning. After breakfast, the overseer ordered his black driver to bring the culprit to his house, along with the pot of pig he had cooked. "Shell off your clothes, sir, and sit down!" The poor fellow trembled, and rolled his eyes in a wild manner, as if watching an opportunity to break away. But the presence of the driver, with his heavy loaded whip ready to knock him down if he made the attempt, precluded all hope of escape. The overseer taunted him, and bade him help himself to the contents of the pot as fast as possible. When he ceased, because he could eat no more, the raw hide was applied to his bare back, and the meat, grease and soup, were forced down him until his abused stomach disgorged its contents. This only aggravated his punishment, as he was compelled to swallow again what his stomach threw off, and this process of vomiting and swallowing it again was continued, alternated with scourging, until it seemed as if the poor fellow would die under the operation. Another method of punishment for a like offence was adopted by Mr. M--, the overseer of Col. B--. The pig-stealer was compelled to wear a ham of fresh pork lashed to his shoulders like a knapsack, without any relief from the burden, night or day, until the flesh dropped from the bones. The sickening stench of the putrid meat, which the victim was compelled perpetually to inhale, and the annoyance of the swarms of flies which it attracted, in fly time, together with the long process of decomposition, rendered this the most intolerable punishment! The overseer on another plantation boasted to his brother overseers, that he had compelled a slave to eat the whole of a duck which he had stolen, feathers, entrails, every thing but the wings, who applauded him for his skill in managing niggers. The same overseer drove a slave into the river, where he was drowned. He became notorious, indeed, for his outrages upon the defenceless blacks. But he bore the character of "an excellent cropper," who could make a nigger travel about right. This alone was sufficient to cover a multitude of sins. Mammon is a cruel god when humanity crosses his path; it is then he becomes a Moloch. Another of the legitimate effects of slavery was exhibited on Mr. L--'s third plantation, in which the overseer suspended a slave by his thumbs and great toes to the limb of a peach tree, and whipped him to death. To escape punishment, he crossed over into Mississippi, and remained there until the Grand Jury had finished their report of criminal cases for the next court. This case excited a great deal of sympathy in the neighborhood, not for the poor murdered slave, but for the murderer, because he was compelled by this unhappy occurrence to leave a good situation, while his employer kept back his wages to indemnify himself for the property he had thus lost. "It unmans the man, by God made free, And robs him of his liberty." In my judgment, a providential circumstance occurred May 15th, 1860. I was walking along near Dunkirk, New York, when a young man came along with a very fine span of horses and a wagon. The horse on the off side was very sleek and as black as a coal. I asked the young man if I could take a ride with him. "Yes," said he; "jump in." I got in and seated myself. I do not think that I had been in the wagon more than ten minutes before this black nag took a start. They ran as fast as they could put their feet to the ground. I saw that the young man could not hold them; and as there was a bridge some distance ahead, I was rather fearful lest we should not make a safe entrance on it. We reined them to the side of the road, something about the neck yoke gave way, the tongue of the wagon ran about four feet six inches in the ground on the side of a hill, such was the speed of the horses. If I had not been with the young man, he would certainly have been crippled or killed. He thought so himself. We got the tongue out of the hill, hitched up the horses, and went on our way. I think that there is an over-ruling Providence that man cannot always see. I was then on my way to the city of New York. Soon after I had got my naturalization papers there was a notice of a farm to be sold, divided into village lots. The Great Western Railroad was then being constructed through that part of the country, and we thought that our village would soon become a town. The day arrived on which the sale was to take place. Hundreds of persons gathered together to purchase town property, and I being a British subject, felt that I had as much right there as any other person. There were many colored gentlemen present from Detroit. The auctioneer, John McCloud, said that colored men need not bid, as their bids would not be taken. One of the colored men from Detroit bid on a lot, and went to pay the money for it; but when McCloud saw that he was not white, he refused to take the money, and said-- "You're pretty good looking, but you can't come in," and put the lot up again, when it was bid off by a white man. He went on selling until he came to a corner lot, when I bid it off. While I was getting out my pocket-book to pay the amount, McCloud asked-- "Whose bid was that?" "It was mine," I replied. "I can't take it, sir," said he. "Why not, sir?" I asked. "I am a British subject, and have sworn allegiance to this government, and I expect to support it. I have as much right to buy property here as you or any other man." "I have nothing to do with that, sir," said he, and he began selling the lot again. It was bid off by a Frenchman, who was as brown as I, for ten dollars less than my bid. This I thought was too much of an outrage upon a British subject; so I thought I would try the strength of the British law. I went the same afternoon down to Sandwich to consult a lawyer. He told me that it was a case such as had never come to his notice before, and it would cause considerable excitement, although it was according to British law, and he thought that I might recover damages. He told me, however, that I had better counsel with Colonel Prince. A few days afterwards I saw him again, and he said that Colonel Prince would take the case. A day or two after this I was going across the river to Detroit. H. L. Perry and myself were talking about colored men being prohibited buying town property. Colonel Prince was standing close by and heard the conversation. He said-- "They cannot prohibit you from buying property." "But they did do it," said I. "They cannot do it. If strangers and foreigners come here to live with us, we impart to them the same blessings we enjoy ourselves," said he. "How could you help yourself when, if you was to bid off a lot, they would not take your bid, but strike it off to some one else?" I asked. "I would sue them for damages," replied the Colonel. "Well, can a person do that?" I inquired. "Certainly they can," he answered. "Well, I have been waiting for you, Colonel, to see if you would undertake the case," said I. "Certainly I will. Take the case to Mr. Fluett, and he will prepare it for court, and I will defend it," he replied. I then went around among my colored friends, and told them what Colonel Prince had said. They all had great confidence in the Colonel. I told them, that if I entered the suit, it would be for their benefit as well as mine; so if they were all willing to help through the expense of the suit, I would enter it. They all agreed to help pay the cost, and every man who gave a dollar or more was to receive the same back again if I gained the suit, and if I lost we were all to lose together. I collected some eleven dollars, and went down to the clerk and sued for two thousand dollars damages. I had good prospects of succeeding; for Colonel Prince and S. McDonald, the owner of the lots, were at variance at this time. When court time arrived and the case came up the Colonel was not there; and when the Court of the Queen's Bench came on, Mr. McDonald was in Europe. When he returned, Colonel Prince was running for Parliament, and I was electioneering for him. Mr. McDonald also went to canvassing for him. Like Herod and Pilate, they united their friendship to defeat me in my case; for after the Colonel was elected, I went to him to know how my case was coming on. He said that he was rather doubtful about my recovering damages; but if I urged it, he could bring the case up at the next court. I saw at once that there was no hope for success. I thought, "Well might the Saviour exclaim, 'Woe be unto ye lawyers!' " I thought that it was better to lose the eleven dollars that I had given him than to press the suit. However, the action that was taken done considerable good, for it changed the public opinion, so that afterwards colored men could always buy property whenever they had a mind to. One evening, during my former labors, I stopped at the town of Norwalk, and called at Mr. Morehouse's to remain over night. I met with a warm reception, and enjoyed myself very much with the family. I sang several antislavery songs, and the young lady played several tunes on the piano for me. The evening soon passed away, so agreeable was the company. It being time to retire, Mrs. Morehouse being a considerate woman, and the night being rather cold, she built a fire in the room next to the one in which I was to sleep, so that the room could be heated by the pipe which ran through it. After we had retired, the room in which the fire had been made took fire, which frightened Mrs. Morehouse very much, and she sprang up and ran into the room where I was, and cried out-- "Get up! the room is on fire! Get up! the house is on fire!" She soon had all the inmates up helping to put out the fire, which they accomplished with but little damage, except a bad fright. Whenever I call at Mr. Morehouse's, we have a hearty laugh over that memorable fire. In my travels I came to New London, and called on a venerable old gentleman, a deacon of the Baptist denomination, one Saturday evening, and asked for a night's lodging. He said that he did not know whether they could accommodate me or not, as they were rather scarce of beds. I told him that I should like to stay there over night. "Well," said he, "we will try to keep you." Bed-time came, and he gave me a bed on the floor; it was, however, a very comfortable one. The next morning (Sunday) the pastor came in from the country and called upon the deacon. I presented my papers to him. He read them, and then turned to the deacon and said-- "I presume we had better have our brother preach for us this morning." "Why, is he a minister?" asked the deacon. "Yes," replied the elder, "he comes well recommended." "I did not know that," said the deacon. They then consulted awhile, and concluded that I should preach for them that morning. After sermon, a gentleman moved that there be a collection taken up for my benefit. Another gentleman then arose and hoped that it would be deferred, and that I would speak again for them, when the people would come better prepared. It was finally agreed that the minister should speak in the afternoon, and that I should again preach in the evening. I done so, and they took up a collection of some dollars, and seemed very much pleased with my performance. In the morning, after service, the deacon insisted that the minister and myself should return to dinner, and at night I went home with him. This time he gave me a very nice curtained bed to sleep on. I thought that I had been raised from the lower to the upper story, and that it was an advantage sometimes for a man to be a minister. The deacon always found a bed for me when I called on him after that. I called, one day, at Welsh Hills, near Granville College, Ohio, and on the Sabbath preached in the Baptist Church, and made arrangements to deliver an anti-slavery lecture on the first night of February, 1860. I appeared there, according to arrangement, at that time; but as I stepped up to the gate that opened into the churchyard, I noticed a couple of men standing beside it. I bowed to them; and as I was about to pass on, one of them tapped me on the shoulder, and said-- "I want to speak a word with you." I asked him what he wanted. He said that the lecture which I was expected to deliver could not be given there that evening. "Why not?" I asked. "We have thought it best not to open the doors to you, as they will have to be open for the coming campaign," said he. "Well, what will have to be done?" I inquired. "You can preach," said he. I thought at the moment that I would, and walked on into the church. By the time I got in, my mind changed, and I determined, that if they could not hear me talk about my suffering brethren, they should not hear me preach. When the meeting opened, I arose and told the brethren that the persons having charge of the church were not willing for me to lecture there that evening, and therefore I was not prepared to do any thing else. Thereupon I started for the door, when a good part of the people arose to follow me, and wanted me to lecture in the street. It being very cold, I would not consent to this, as there were many ladies present, and they would get frosted. I went to the other side of the road, and proceeded towards the barn of a young man, who gave us admittance. His mother's house was near by, and she told him not to let me in; but he did not heed her. The barn was soon as full as it would hold, and I lectured about an hour. John's wife threatened to leave him if he permitted me to preach there, and the man who would not leave me lecture in the church stood outside for a while, and then went home. John's wife was not gone the next day, and I concluded that she would not leave so soon. I have been by there since, and the Mrs. Joneses imagine that I ought not to think hard of their action towards me. During one of my travels, I went to Concord, and found the Baptist brethren laboring in a protracted meeting. They invited me to preach for them on Sunday evening. I had a previous appointment at Johnstown, several miles from Concord, and was not able to accept the invitation. I consented, however, to preach for them on Tuesday evening. I expected to leave on Wednesday morning, but two of the deacons came and urged me to stay and labor with them during the meeting. I told them that I was endeavoring to collect money to liquidate the debt on our church, and that I could not stop at any one place long. They wished to know how much I would stay with them for. I told them that I could not stay unless they could give me twenty-five dollars, as I thought that I would collect about that amount during that time. They told me that they would raise it for me. I continued with them for two weeks, and had a very pleasant time. I had good congregations, many coming, perhaps, from the novelty of hearing a colored man preach, and many on account of the benefit they would derive from the services. The first week did not give any great promise of success, but I exhorted them to have faith in God, for He would hear and answer prayer. I endeavored to manifest myself in the glorious work that we were engaged in. I made it a subject of prayer; and one night, after I had went to bed and prayed that the Lord would bless my labors during this series of meetings, I was shown, in a vision, that we would have an addition of four. I saw their heads shining like fine gold, and their heads were the heads of ladies. I saw also in the vision an officer, with a warrant in his hand for two persons, and it appeared to me as if it were a death-warrant. When I awoke from my vision, I began connecting the incidents together, and took the four heads for four additions to our church, and thought that the warrants predicted the death of two of them within the next twelve months. The next Sabbath I told my vision to the brethren, when I learned that four ladies had presented themselves for baptism. Thus I saw part of my dream fulfilled, but have not had an opportunity of hearing whether the latter part has happened or not. When the two weeks were up, the brethren gave me thirty dollars, instead of the twenty-five which I had been promised. I then took my departure. As I was about starting, two of the young ladies' fathers each put a dollar in my hand, and another lady gave me a dollar and a half, which made my two weeks' labor amount to over thirty-three dollars, besides some presents which I received from the kind friends. When I left Concord I went to Delhi and Middletown, and found the brethren laboring in serious meetings. I staid a few days at each place, and received collections from them. The following, from the American Baptist, gives the inside views of slavery on Southern plantations: We invite the attention of the reader to one of the plantations of Mr. L----, of Louisiana, the first one on which the writer was ever employed as a mechanic. This was considered one of the best managed plantations in the parish, for which no small part of the credit was due to the intelligence, skill and business energy of his faithful overseer, by whom his slaves were well fed, well clothed, well housed, well cared for in sickness and in the tender age of infancy and childhood; and, it may be added, well worked, and well flogged for any delinquency or slackness. The allowance of food for each working slave was half a pound of pork a day, taken with corn-bread and water for breakfast, with the addition of vegetables for dinner. These meals are taken in the field. On this plantation there were from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and thirty cotton-pickers to be thus fed, besides the infirm, the small children, and others that were at home in their quarters. The food was prepared at the slaves' quarters by the cook, who provided the aggregate allowance for the whole gang, divided into as many equal parts as the gang numbered. The slaves provide themselves with tin buckets or gourds, according to their means, in which to receive respectfully their allowance, as it is dealt out to families and individuals. The allowance for supper, as before noticed, was simply corn-bread and water, the slaves sometimes reserving a portion of the pot-liquor, which comes with their breakfast and dinner, to sop their bread in at night. The supper is the only meal taken at their quarters. This is what, in Southern parlance, is called good feeding. For summer clothing the men received each one cheap palmetto hat, one Lowell cotton shirt, two pairs of pants of Lowell cotton, one pair of shoes; the women, one cotton handkerchief, one cotton under-garment, two cotton coats, and one pair of shoes. For winter, the men received each two cotton shirts, one linsey-woolsey jacket, one pair of pants of the same cloth, one pair of shoes, and once in two years, a cheap cotton felt hat. The winter allowance for the women was one cotton head-kerchief, two cotton under-garmenents, one linsey-woolsey coat, and one pair of shoes. Skirts they make for themselves, if they have them, by patching the fragments of worn-out clothes. Each working slave was allowed one cheap blanket every second year. On Monday morning they were all required to turn out with their cotton clothes well washed, or receive twenty-five lashes. Sunday is their washing-day. Some take the night for it, after their day's work is completed. I afterwards found that the plantation regulations varied among different owners and overseers, some of whom give out their slaves' allowance on Sunday for the whole week, three and a half pounds of meat, and a peck of corn-meal, which the slaves cooked for themselves at night. This was, however, found to be bad economy, inasmuch as the labor of cooking encroached upon their needful hours of rest, and thus impaired their health and strength and their productive power. It was therefore superseded on large and well-regulations plantations by a common cooking establishment, where the meals were well cooked, and at seasonable hours, by an old and experienced slave. Planters generally worked their slaves from daybreak until dark, with no other intermission than the short time required for a hasty breakfast and dinner; except that during a part of June and July, up to the time of cotton-gathering, a recess of two hours in the midst of the day was allowed them. Mr. L----'s slaves were comfortably housed. Their quarters consisted of small one-story frame tenements of two rooms each, to accommodate two families, with a chimney in the centre. They are weather-boarded, and have a tight board floor, a comfort with which negro quarters are not always furnished, without ceiling, lining or windows, except wooden shutters. These buildings, arranged in two or more rows, placed at equal distances from each other, of uniform style and size, all whitewashed, present to the beholder an attractive appearance, somewhat resembling a neat New England village. Add to this the cleanly appearance of the slaves on Monday morning, with their newly-washed garments of Lowell cotton, and we have a specimen of Dr. Adams' South-side View, "beautiful outwardly," like the "whited sepulchres" spoken of by our Saviour. To infer from this show of order and beauty, that comfort and happiness reign within, would be about as rational as a like conclusion drawn from the appearance of the splendid edifice which contains the manacled prisoner. Such were the negro quarters on the best regulated plantations in the region where I resided. On other places they were mean, uncomfortable log-cabins, with the ground for a floor. As to furniture, it is such as the slaves can make a shift to provide for themselves, as nothing of the kind is included in their allowance. A large gourd serves them for a bucket, a small one for a dipper; a rudely-constructed bench or stool for a chair, and a like rude construction or a box for a table. Their lodging is either on the floor, wrapped in their blanket, or in a rough bunk framed in a corner of their cabins, or on master's old cast-off bedstead. Their beds, if any are able to obtain that luxury, consist mostly of corn-shucks enclosed in a tick of old cotton sacks, or the patched fragments of their tattered garments, while a very few who have means purchase new ticking. A wooden tray, of their own manufacture, serves the double purpose of platter and plate for the family table, and in eating they illustrate the common saw, that "fingers were made before forks, and hands also before knives and spoons." One knife for a family, either pocket or case-knife, is about as indispensable as farming tools on a plantation. In the furniture of different cabins, however, there are grades of variety and style, as well as in the furniture of any other community; each family providing itself with conveniences and elegancies, such as knives and forks, and plates and dishes of crockery or tinware, as means permit and taste dictates. Such cooking implements as a pot, kettle or skillet, are among their rarities; the embers of the hearth for their ash-pone, and the hoe for baking hoe-cake, subserve the most of their cooking purposes, on plantations where they have no general cooking establishment. For washing, a tub, block and paddle, beside a stream, lake or bayou, answer every purpose. The fire of the hearth serves them in the place of lamps or candles. Their fuel they gather and cut for themselves, when timber-land is near, or have it hauled by the teamster when it is far off. The slaves' pecuniary means are derived from a variety of sources, such as raising chickens; working for wages on Sunday, when work crowds; cultivating patches of their own on Sundays, an indulgence with which overseers sometimes stimulate their best slaves; and female prostitution, in which line many of the fairest of the sex do a very profitable business with wealthy paramours. Sunday is the slave's own day on all well-regulated plantations, except so much of it as their owner may require of them for washing and mending clothes, sharpening and repairing tools, and other necessary preparations for plantation work of the ensuing week, which must not be interrupted by these incidental avocations. Whatever work of their own they have to do must be done on this day, for the six days' labor, from early dawn to the shutting down of night, is all claimed by their owner. The Lord's day is the slave's day, in which to labor and do all his own work, and some of his master's, while the six are consecrated days--consecrated exclusively to the service of his earthly owner. The Sabbath is the day for him to work for wages, cultivate his own patch, gather moss for the market, market his chickens and his little crop of vegetables, and fit up or repair the rude comforts of his own cabin. All this work of his own and his master's, crowded upon this single day, makes it a poor day of rest for the slave. On another of Mr. L--'s well-managed plantations, where I was likewise employed as a mechanic, Mr. G-- was overseer, who had the reputation of being an excellent manager. Indeed, it was in all respects similar to the management of the overseer of the first named plantation, and between the two there was a constant strife to outdo each other at cropping. This spirit of emulation, I afterwards found, was common to all the overseers in that region, which made them furious Jehus as slave-driving. This may be sport, or at least gain, to the competitors, but suffering sorrow to their panting human teams. Not that they are regardless of the life and health of their slaves. They are as careful to keep them in good condition as to get "the last lick" of work out of them, for one is subservient to the other. Their ambition is to secure the greatest possible amount of gain to their employers, and thus obtain for themselves good situations and large salaries; and, like the stock-growing farmer, they think as much of improving the value of the planter's human stock as of his crops. No pains are spared to make the negroes strong and healthy, and to rear a numerous and vigorous offspring. In the latter respect their care is often excessive--I mean excessively severe. Mr. G--, the overseer last named, told me that his rule was to give a slave mother one hundred lashes, if she lost her child; as if a mother's affection was not inducement enough to secure watchfulness and care on her part, and a mother's anguish at the death of her child not sufficiently intense, without the addition of this terrible scourging! Mr. G--'s care of the health and condition of his negroes did not spare their hides, as their scarred backs gave unmistakable proof. I noticed on the plantation he managed, a large number of slaves who had been so cut up with the lash, that their backs were marked with scars and welts from their shoulders to their heels. I was surprised and shocked at the amount of whipping which I witnessed myself on this plantation. I rode out, one day, with the overseer, to their field of labor. They were cutting timber, and getting out rails. A number of them, whose movement did not please him, were ordered to shell off and come down, to have their activity quickened with the driver's excruciating lash. One Sunday morning I witnessed a punishment of a very different kind. The vigilant overseer had, the night before, caught a slave in the act of cooking a pig he had stolen. He was immediately taken to the stocks, and there fastened by the neck till the next morning. After breakfast, the overseer ordered his black driver to bring the culprit to his house, along with the pot of pig he had cooked. "Shell off your clothes, sir, and sit down!" The poor fellow trembled, and rolled his eyes in a wild manner, as if watching an opportunity to break away. But the presence of the driver, with his heavy loaded whip ready to knock him down if he made the attempt, precluded all hope of escape. The overseer taunted him, and bade him help himself to the contents of the pot as fast as possible. When he ceased, because he could eat no more, the raw hide was applied to his bare back, and the meat, grease and soup, were forced down him until his abused stomach disgorged its contents. This only aggravated his punishment, as he was compelled to swallow again what his stomach threw off, and this process of vomiting and swallowing it again was continued, alternated with scourging, until it seemed as if the poor fellow would die under the operation. Another method of punishment for a like offence was adopted by Mr. M--, the overseer of Col. B--. The pig-stealer was compelled to wear a ham of fresh pork lashed to his shoulders like a knapsack, without any relief from the burden, night or day, until the flesh dropped from the bones. The sickening stench of the putrid meat, which the victim was compelled perpetually to inhale, and the annoyance of the swarms of flies which it attracted, in fly time, together with the long process of decomposition, rendered this the most intolerable punishment! The overseer on another plantation boasted to his brother overseers, that he had compelled a slave to eat the whole of a duck which he had stolen, feathers, entrails, every thing but the wings, who applauded him for his skill in managing niggers. The same overseer drove a slave into the river, where he was drowned. He became notorious, indeed, for his outrages upon the defenceless blacks. But he bore the character of "an excellent cropper," who could make a nigger travel about right. This alone was sufficient to cover a multitude of sins. Mammon is a cruel god when humanity crosses his path; it is then he becomes a Moloch. Another of the legitimate effects of slavery was exhibited on Mr. L--'s third plantation, in which the overseer suspended a slave by his thumbs and great toes to the limb of a peach tree, and whipped him to death. To escape punishment, he crossed over into Mississippi, and remained there until the Grand Jury had finished their report of criminal cases for the next court. This case excited a great deal of sympathy in the neighborhood, not for the poor murdered slave, but for the murderer, because he was compelled by this unhappy occurrence to leave a good situation, while his employer kept back his wages to indemnify himself for the property he had thus lost.

Word of the Day, Website of the Day, Number to Know, This Day in History, Today’s Featured Birthday and Daily Quote. Word of the Day Psephology see-FAH-luh-jee (noun) The scientific study of elections - www.merriam-webster.com Website of the Day First Day of Hanukkah Today is the first day and second night of Hanukkah, the Jewish festival of light. Visit this site for a break down of what Hanukkah means and frequently asked questions about the Jewish religion. Number to Know 98: Number of establishments around the country that primarily manufactured dolls and stuffed toys in 2008. California led the nation with 18 locations. – Census.gov This Day in History Dec. 2, 2001: Enron files for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Today’s Featured Birthday Singer Britney Spears (29) “Christmas is a time when you get homesick - even when you're home.” - Carol Nelson

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In 2005, British travel writer Diana Darke bought an Ottoman-era courtyard house in the Old City of Damascus. One of the only foreigners to own property in the Roman-walled center of Syria’s capital, Darke began to build a life for herself in a mixed Sunni-Shia quarter of the Old City, in a house known as Bait Baroudi—the “House of the Gunpowder Seller.” It was splendid but dilapidated; a three-year restoration made the house look old again, “as if the inhabitants of earlier centuries had just left.” Then, of course, everything changed. Civil war broke the idyll of the Old City as violence raged outside its walls; Jebel Qassioun, the mountain that overlooks Damascus and a popular picnic spot, became the Assad regime’s launching pad for artillery and chemical weapons on rebel-held suburbs below. The narrative that resulted from Syria’s brutal descent is Darke’s powerful, moving new book, My House in Damascus, a hybrid memoir and travel book that elegantly contrasts a real estate dream with Syria’s ongoing violent reality. Many more have suffered far greater pains in Syria in recent years than Darke, who spent the last 30 years working in the Middle East as a consultant, fluent in Arabic, before buying her house in Damascus. Yet her sensitive, knowing story captures a rare view of Syria and the stakes of the conflict from an up-close observer deeply versed in its culture. In late February 2005, Darke found herself in the Old City exploring an Ottoman palace just south of the Biblical Straight Street. Lebanon’s Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri, had just been assassinated in Beirut—Assad was widely suspected of involvement—and Darke was writing the guide to Syria for Brandt, a British travel guide publisher. She met a Syrian architect, Bassim, who was restoring the palace, once the home of a notable Damascene family. They chatted about the Old City’s historic houses, so many of them ramshackle, a few in the process of being salvaged by plucky developers and a government keen to make Damascus the next Marrakesh. “You realize that you can buy property here if you are interested,” Bassim told Darke, unprompted. “The government does not have the money to save all these houses. There are so many of them, neglected, abandoned, falling down, but what can we do? Our budget only allows us to save about 300 maximum. The rest will be lost.” Before long, Darke was looking at houses, combing through Syria’s property code (“the worst of Ottoman and French law”), and—finally—reveling in a long, smoked-filled meeting with the two surviving brothers of the Baroudi family, in which she hammered out the details of her purchase of Bait Baroudi. For official records, a lawyer scribbled a much smaller number than what she paid on paper: “This is for the tax, so we don’t have to pay the real amount.” To pay for the house, Darke withdrew ten plastic bags full of cash from a Syrian bank. The Baroudi brothers took six hours to count all the money. By exploring the history and architecture of Bait Baroudi, as well as the background of its neighbors and neighborhood (including a maddening, opaque, and often informal city bureaucracy), Darke details the charms and lives of one of the world’s oldest cities and perhaps the Middle East’s best-preserved urban center. The house is the setting of a unique account of Syria in the six years before the crackdown on peaceful protests led to the current, devastating civil war. She writes about how the Old City’s restoration in the mid- to late-2000s marked a conspicuous boom time in Assad’s Syria—for the regime and those lucky enough to be in its favor. Assad was known to frequent some of the Old City’s best restaurants, set in restored palaces and converted courtyards. The charms of Old Damascus are a kind of calm before the storm. But after Syrians started protesting against Bashar al-Assad’s crooked regime in 2011, only to be brutally repressed, her house became a refuge in the ensuing civil war. Dozens of people now live it in: the extended family of Darke’s various Syrian friends, including an Old City shopkeeper, Marwan, and Bait Baroudi’s caretaker, Abu Ashraf, whose home in the Ghouta suburbs outside Damascus was one of the sites of the regime’s chemical attacks last August. Marwan’s family took the upstairs apartment in Bait Baroudi. Meanwhile, “the numbers downstairs,” she writes, “would wax and wane according to the conditions in the Ghouta, ranging between five and thirty.” As the fighting escalated, Darke’s visa situation became more precarious. She was already flying back and forth between England and Syria as the country unraveled. Arriving back in Damascus “in the full blaze of Syria’s revolution” in April 2012, the day of Kofi Annan’s brief and unsuccessful ceasefire, Darke describes her friends, “a mix of Muslims and Christians from a range of professions, deeply pessimistic about the future. … Politically they are neither activists nor regime supporters. They are the silent majority in the middle.” Abu Ashraf bluntly reiterates the groundlessness of his position. “Everyone is lying,” he tells Darke. “I don’t believe anyone anymore, not Al-Jazeera, not the BBC, and not the Syrian TV. We are stuck in the middle and have no voice.” Darke hasn’t been able to return to Syria since the summer of 2012, after the Syrian embassy in London closed and with it her visa contacts. For many Syrians, Damascus represents a national ideal, from its rich cultural heritage to its religious and ethnic diversity. That has already been undermined by a sectarian war that threatens to destroy the culture and urban fabric that has long defined a multiethnic society. As another British travel writer, Colin Thubron, wrote of Damascus in the late 1960s, in Mirror to Damascus, “A thousand years ago the Jewish sector was to be found south-east of the Street Called Straight, the Christian to the north-east. And it is the same today.” (Syria’s Jewish community, however, has dwindled to an estimated 100 or so, mostly in Damascus.) Now, as the Assad regime organizes loyal toughs known as “popular committees” to patrol the Old City, most of the area’s residents hunker down. The refurbished courtyard houses, many of them made into hotels in better days, have filled with refugees from the suburbs. War may reach the Old City; it already has with a few errant mortars. Last summer, Darke met Abu Ashraf, who snuck out of Syria for a day, in Lebanon, in the coastal town on Byblos. Collecting six-months salary in U.S. dollars, he insisted that Damascus won’t suffer the fate of Aleppo, Syria’s commercial hub in the north, and its preserved Old City, which has borne the brunt of fighting between the regime and rebels since 2011. The Free Syrian Army won’t risk entering the Old City of Damascus and making it a target. “The price is too high,” he said. “They know that we have thousands of civilian refuges sheltering in the houses. If the rebels come in, the regime will bomb us, and thousands will die.” Darke tells much of her Damascus story through a deep knowledge of Arabic, especially the phrases that carry special weight and meaning for such mundane things as insurance. No one in Syria insures his or her house, she notes, because insurance is a mixed-up issue in Islam. “How can you take out insurance against the will of God?” Instead, things are left to fate, in a way, or qadar wa qada, “God’s decree and judgment.” It is a phrase she repeats throughout the book; each time it seems more consequential. She never built a hammam or Turkish bath under the courtyard of Bait Baroudi, as many recommended she do, though Bassim, the architect, drew up plans. “Today,” she notes, “it would have made a good bomb shelter.”

Jewish queer youth are a vulnerable population of Jews being unfairly targeted for Disruption and sabotage by an organization called Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP). While it is important to counter the distortions and dishonesty disseminated about the group’s disruptions at the Celebrate Israel Parade (and I will below), it is far more urgent to unpack what this means going forward. JVP has made it clear that they intend to continue harassing us and vandalizing our future programming. This threat puts one of the most at-risk cohorts of the Jewish Community, LGBTQ youth from religious families, in even more danger. My name is Mordechai Levovitz. I am a social worker and Executive Director of JQY, an organization that supports and advocates on behalf of at-risk LGBTQ Jewish youth from religious families. We run a weekly Drop-In Center where LGBTQ teens facing rejection in their communities can come to find a safe space, a hot kosher meal, access to counseling, HIV testing and an opportunity to meet other young people like themselves. Our intake interviews reveal that over half of our young participants have attempted suicide. Yet despite these hardships, at JQY, these teens learn to rebuild their self esteem and regain the belief that their whole selves have a valued place in the Jewish Community. On Sunday, that healing process was sabotaged by a group so blinded by their obsession with one vulnerable minority that they were willing to trample on another. In their leadership’s own words, Jewish Voice For Peace protesters “targeted the LGBTQ Jewish contingent” of the Celebrate Israel Parade for an action they call “Deadly Exchange.” At least seven JVP protesters secretly infiltrated our marching group pretending to be part of our cluster. They took our t-shirts, ate our rainbow bagels, and befriended our teens under fake personas. As our group reached 72nd street, one of the protesters lunged at the speaker system trying to break it and kill our music. Suddenly the other JVP protesters revealed their red “Deadly Encounter” shirts and formed a human chain in front of our group. They proceeded to block our banners with their own anti-Israel signs, physically preventing us from moving forward. They began screaming at us at the top of their lungs, and when some of our marchers tried to move forward, they were were pushed, shoved and clobbered by the banners. Almost 30 armed cops poured into the parade route causing momentary chaos, but eventually five of the JVP disruptors were captured and arrested. Half of the marching group ran away in fear, and the other half regrouped and completed the parade route. Plain and simple, our LGBTQ community marching group was specifically targeted, infiltrated and sabotaged by JVP. What’s worse was that even after it became clear that our cluster was made up of predominantly at-risk LGBTQ youth, Jewish Voice for Peace not only refused to apologize for targeting this vulnerable population; they gleefully boasted about it. When asked by Tablet Magazine whether or not it would have made a difference if the organization knew the number of minors that were in the group, and the extent of the vulnerability of the population, JVP’s Executive Director Rebecca Vilkomerson said, “No, we were just targeting the LGBT contingent [in general].” In my own conversations with JVP board member Seth Morisson, he asserted that “We take pride in targeting the entire LGBTQ contingent that happened to include your organization. We have no intention of apologizing for fulfilling our mission.” When I asked Morrison on Facebook why, if all groups were equally celebrating Israel, JVP decided to target the LGBTQ contingent, Morrison replied that “since you chose to march as LGBTQ Supporters of Israel, you branded yourself, you could have marched in any other part of the parade.” Precisely. JVP targeted us because we had the audacity to march openly as LGBTQ. We were singled out and punished for being honest about our sexual orientations and gender identities. For JVP, if you simply identify as LGBTQ and celebrate Israel, you are subject to special disruption. There is a word for that kind of prejudice: Homophobia. Can you imagine if a non Jewish organization especially targeted Jews for disruption? It would not matter if there happened to be Jewish people working in that organization. If any right-wing organization admitted to targeting LGBTQ people for disruption, we would call them a “hate group.” In an article defending the JVP action, Rabbi Alissa Wise calls the condemnation of JVP “hyperbolic.” She downplays the incident’s effect on LGBTQ Jewish youth. The nonchalance in her description of the events exemplify an unbelievable lack of empathy. It is truly ironic that in trying to amplify the struggle of one oppressed minority, this rabbi feels the need to minimize the suffering of another. Wise seems completely tone deaf to the greater context in which this act of LGBTQ sabotage took place. This is the one year anniversary of the attack against queers in Orlando’s Pulse Night club. It’s been two years since the stabbing of 16 year old Shira Banky at the Jerusalem Pride parade. Queer bodies have been particularly under attack in public spaces. Yet Wise completely misses (or ignores) the kind of trauma that JVP’s action had on LGBTQ Jewish youth marching that day. Rabbi Wise insists that JVP did not target LGBTQ youth in this action. She argues that youth were only a small part of a more nefarious LGBTQ Israel propaganda contingent. She falsely claims that the organization “A Wider Bridge” was a group in our cluster, even though the truth is that they only helped sponsor the t-shirts and were not officially marching with us. She conveniently leaves out that the other only other two groups marching with JQY that Sunday was Keshet’s teen program of Mosaic Westchester and Eshel, an organization for LGBTQ Orthodox Jews, another particularly at-risk population. Aren’t activists at least required to do their due diligence before a disruptive action? Evidently, either they are misrepresenting the truth or it’s the case that neither Rabbi Wise, nor Jewish Voice for Peace, did any research into the group they had planned a direct action against. Any responsible research into the LGBTQ contingent at this parade would have revealed that the very existence of this cluster was the work of LGBTQ teens. In 2012, JQY teens fought hard to be included in the parade and overturned a 20 year ban on LGBTQ inclusion. Jewish Queer Youth organize each year to get speakers, t-shirts, banners and even rainbow bagels. It is true that there are organizations that help sponsor this effort, but the contingent is predominantly run by incredibly brave youth. They meet at JQY’s weekly Drop-In Center and encourage those who are newly out to join them march. Marching is an act of incredible courage for these teens because the audience is predominantly made up of orthodox families; often from the very communities that rejected them. For these youth, marching in the parade is the farthest thing from justifying any Israeli policy. They grew up going to this parade and participating is more about feeling that they belong in this community. Celebrating Israel (the 3000 year old country, not the 69 year old State) is part of their heritage, culture and years of everyday ritual. Being able to Celebrate Israel as openly LGBTQ Jews is part of their process of rebuilding collective self esteem. From a clinical perspective you meet the client where they are. The intervention of collective self esteem is the currently the hallmark approach in healing the stress, shame, and wounds that come along with being a minority. JVP seeks to deny this essential therapeutic tool for at-risk LGBTQ Jews from Orthodox families. They are committed to disrupting all LGBTQ programs, even support resources, that suggest Israel can be seen in any light but negative. They see any activity that involves LGBTQ people embracing Israel as part of one’s heritage, as part of a “pink washing” plot that Israel is using to distract the world from human rights violations. However, this approach makes no sense. Even if is true that some Zionists exploit the LGBTQ community for their own benefit, that’s all the more reason NOT to further sabotage an already exploited community. Why would JVP single out and punish a population that they admit is being mistreated? I have been an activist for over 20 years and I know that one of the basic tenets of nonviolent disruption is not to target the weak. The tactic of Direct Action that Rabbi Wise speaks so highly of in her article, is meant to be used against the powerful and the privileged. Targeting oppressed populations is cruel and counterproductive to social justice causes. Rabbi Wise, Direct Action can indeed be holy, but that is why we need to be careful not to defile this tool by using it to hurt the vulnerable and the powerless. As we look forward it is clear that Jewish Voice For Peace is abandoning all ethics of responsible activism. They have rededicated themselves to targeting and disrupting any and all LGBTQ Jewish programming that they find unacceptable. LGBTQ Jewish support programming is at risk for sabotage. Now that JQY has been brandished as Zionist propagandizers by JVP, no event seems safe. We are planning for our march in the upcoming LGBTQ Pride parade but have to take into account that JVP may decide to sabotage that contingent too because our flags are rainbow stars of david that they deem a form of pink-washing and homonationalism. Their approach threatens to disrupt our JQY weekly LGBTQ Drop-In center programming because we sometimes invite LGBTQ Israelis to share their stories. Their ideology means our JQY holiday programming is at risk to be sabotaged because most of traditional Jewish holidays are rooted in celebrating Israel. Where does it end? Must at-risk LGBTQ Jewish youth from religious homes live under constant threat of Jewish Voice Peace? JQY is the only organization in New York that tailors its support resources for at-risk LGBTQ Jews from religious homes. We are a tiny organization with hardly enough money to keep our Drop-In Center open, how can we alone combat the constant risk of sabotage by a much larger militant non-LGBTQ Jewish organization like JVP? How can we assure any vulnerable LGBTQ teen a safe space under this hostility? We need to make it stop, but we can not do it alone. So I turn to you Jewish Community. What is a community for if not to protect its most vulnerable members? We need you to not only condemn the actions of Jewish Voice for Peace, but help to stop them from continuing to target oppressed minorities. We need you to tell JVP that Jewish Queer Youth are off limits. This is how you can help: -If you know a JVP leader or member, encourage them to target their direct actions against the powerful and avoid vulnerable communities. -If you are a JVP activist and are inspired by direct actions in protest of Israel, consider joining more responsible organizations like If Not Now, who limited their Direct Actions on Sunday to organizations with offensive stances, and released a more thoughtful statement about holding sensitivity for LGBTQ Jews. -If you are a part of a Jewish Institution, ask them to speak out against JVP targeting of LGBTQ Jews, and pledge to protect LGBTQ jewish youth when threatened. -If you are a Jewish funder, invest in resources that help support and empower at-risk LGBTQ Jewish youth organizations like JQY, so that we have the staff, structure and wherewithal to secure our programming and prevent infiltration and sabotage. -If you are an LGBTQ Jewish youth, know that you do not have to choose between your Jewish and queer identities. You are free to openly love not only who you choose, but where you come from. Let noone tell you that you can not celebrate your heritage. Finally, always remember that in both the Jewish and the LGBTQ communities, you belong. You belong. YOU BELONG.

21, from Andover, Massachusetts Williams, a Princeton senior (and Harry Potter junkie), made his first trip to Africa in 2005, when he worked to advance AIDS education through Swahili street theater. Returning to Kenya in 2006, he did research for his creative-writing thesis, whose protagonist is a pharmacist because, says Williams, it felt “like maybe a more liminal figure than a doctor would be.” An excerpt from that work is below. In His Teacher’s Words “From the first, I recognized Josh as a fellow writer,” says Joyce Carol Oates. “And while I oversaw his work closely, I had few opportunities to ‘correct’ him in any way.” From “The Window House” Turner drifts in and out of a doze. He didn’t sleep much on either the Newark-London or the London-Nairobi flight—and that in intermittent, shallow unconsciousnesses—and now his body is straining for release. He thinks of his pills, in the zippered inner pocket of his shoulder bag—but it’s down under his feet and now the children are draped heavy across his knees, so there’s nothing for it. So he sits and waits and watches, drifting in and out of dreams: the long silver fuselage of the bus, oncoming headlights like star-points, like bright low stars—the scattering of lights in the fields—Bird’s looking-glass eyes—mother, Africa—the rattle and stomp of potholes, dancing, sex, down oh down—that pervert baby soon—what do you care what do you care—hot sick balloon reach of doubt, change, little towns flash—reaching—oh please oh reach— Dawn wakes him. He rubs his eyes, shifts against the ache that’s gathered in his neck and the knobs of his joints. They are edging along a narrow, sandy road riddled with potholes and lined with ramshackle chop shops, fruit vendors, barbers and bars. Here and there: handfuls of tall, ungainly palms. Mottled yellow light falls through.The road doubles back on itself now, to skirt a little hill, and Turner sees they are midway back in a line of mud-caked trucks trundling across a causeway bridge. Off to the right—down over the lip of the bluff, dotted mangroves, the sudden turquoise sea—there’s what looks to him like a shipyard or a small oil refinery. A nest of bones built black against the rising sky. And then Mombasa Island itself, straight in front of him down the tunnel of the bus: trees and coral rock and low, sad, building-block buildings, the spindly green and grime-white minaret of an unseen mosque, the rabble of traffic. For some reason he feels he should be surprised that this is what it is—but then he doesn’t know why, since he doesn’t know what he expected or even if he had expectations at all.By the time they arrive at the depot—a waiting square, an office, berths and berths of sleeping buses—it is all-the-way morning. Shopkeepers are out sweeping their patches of sidewalk with hand-brooms like wooden whisks. Men in red and blue aprons dot corners, hawking newspapers. Taxi drivers and family men jockey round the bus as soon as it stops, reaching up to tap on the windows with pink circle fingertips, calling out names. At this, the others in the bus wake, stir. The women on either side of Turner start and smile and shake their heads and lift their still sleep-heavy, limp-limbed children off his lap. He imagines grim, silent Emmanuels out there waiting for them, taking them in their swift, lean arms.The taxi driver that spots Turner first as he descends from the bus claims him as his own, leads him by the wrist over to his car and tells him wait with little flutters of his hands. Turner leans back against the car in the sea-heat, watches the driver dodge through the crowd. His mind wavers—the exhaustion, maybe. Everything around him seems strange and bright and weightless. Where are you going where have you been.The driver returns after a minute or two, bumping Turner’s suitcase out behind. “Go go go go,” he says, and prods Turner into the car. “We go where?” Turner shows him Dr. Al’s dogged and wrinkled index card.“Okay okay okay,” he says.They drive slowly through the clogged and bleating streets. Now it’s practically rush hour, and vans in garish racing colors (with slogans like THE TERMINATOR or 50 CENTS air-brush stenciled across the back) stop and go and spit out clots of men and women. Blue suits and ties and flowered blouses and long white robes and saris and tourist tan and backpacks, black purdah with only eyes showing, move like a current. Turner’s driver threads his way through, looping back around into what Turner guesses is Old Town, the Muslim Quarter: older houses with carved wooden doors, the rattle of paving stones, souvenir stands.They come to a stop at the far end of a quiet, cobbled square with a red Coke-a-Cola umbrella listing against the cistern and the smell of the sea. The driver gets out and points Turner around the corner to a shabby, anonymous shop with a lettered sign that says Curios in script. There is a toy cannon on the ground by the open door. Turner pays the driver, who smiles and flashes him the peace sign and disappears.The inside of the shop is warm and dark and mothball. It takes Turner a minute for his eyes to adjust. The flat black rounds into indistinct gray outlines, then colors, then stacks of books, a dining room chair, tribal masks and carvings, an enormous metal elephant, two gramophones, standing bolts of indigo cloth, boxing gloves, bicycles, Indian gods, records, oars, seashells, shoes. “Hello?” Turner says, struck.“Karibu ndani.” Turner starts. An old man sitting in a chair off to one side is watching him. His enormous glasses fishbowl his eyes. Leather sandals, ankle-long white robe, salted black goatee, Arab skin, round embroidered yellow hat. 36, from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Mengiste left Ethiopia at 4, during the communist revolution—a period that’s become the backdrop to her novel-in-progress, excerpted here. As a child, she lived with a host family. And before attending NYU’s graduate program, she says, “I had never written anything about Ethiopia at all. That blank page is scary.” Now represented by an agent, she finds it no less daunting. “I can’t write in public anymore, because I still get emotional.” In Her Teacher’s Words “She has a poetic sensibility in the best sense,” says Irini Spanidou. “You feel the immediacy of her thought.” From Untitled Novel The human heart, Hailu knew, can stop for many reasons. It is a fragile, hollow muscle the size of a fist, shaped like a cone, divided into four chambers that are separated by a wall. Each chamber has a valve, each valve has a set of flaps as delicate and frail as wings. They open and close, open and close, steady and organized, fluttering against currents of blood. The heart is merely a hand that has closed around empty space, contracting and expanding. What keeps a heart going is the constant, unending act of being pushed, and the relentless, anticipated response of pushing back. Pressure is the life force. Hailu understood that a change in the heart can stall a beat, it can flood arteries with too much blood and violently throw its owner into pain. A sudden jerk can shift and topple one beat onto another. The heart can attack, it can pound relentlessly on the walls of the sternum, swell and squeeze roughly against lungs until it cripples its owner. He was aware of the power and frailty of this thing he felt thumping now against his chest, loud and fast in his empty living room. A beat, the first push and nudge of pressure in a heart, he knew, was generated by an electrical impulse in a small bundle of cells tucked into one side of the organ. But the pace of the syncopated beats is affected by feeling, and no one, least of all he, could comprehend the impulsive, sudden, lingering control that emotions played on the heart. He had once seen a young patient die from what his mother insisted was a crumbling heart that had finally collapsed on itself. A missing beat can fell a man. A healthy heart can be stilled by nearly anything: hope, anguish, fear, love. A woman’s heart is smaller, even more fragile, than a man’s.It wouldn’t be so surprising then, that the girl had died. Hailu would simply point to her heart. It’d be enough to explain everything. He’d been alone in the room, the soldiers smoking under a large streetlamp outside. He could see their long shadows lengthening over the bare and brittle lawn as the sun swung low, then lower, then finally sank under the weight of night. It was easy to imagine that the dark blanket behind him had also swept into the hospital room, even though the lights were on. It was the stillness, the absolute absence of movement, which convinced him they, too, this girl and he, were just an extension of the heaviness that lay beyond the window. She’d been getting progressively better, had begun to wake for hours at a time and gaze, terrified, at the two soldiers sitting across from her. The soldiers had watched her recovery with relief, then confusion, and eventually, guilt. Hailu could see their shame sitting on their shoulders, keeping them hunched over monotonous card games and continually leaving for smoking breaks.It hadn’t been so difficult to get the cyanide. He’d simply walked into the supply office behind the pharmacy counter, waved at the bored pharmacist and pulled the cyanide from a drawer that housed a dwindling supply of penicillin. Back in the room, Hailu prayed over the girl and crossed her. Then he opened her mouth and slipped the tiny capsule between her teeth. What happened next happened without the intrusion of words, without the clash of meaning and language. The girl flexed her jaw and tugged at his hand so he was forced to meet her stare. Terror had made a home in this girl and this moment was no exception. She shivered though the night was warm and the room, hotter. Then she pushed her jaw shut and Hailu heard the crisp snap of the capsule and the girl’s muffled groan. The smell of almonds, sticky and sweet, rose from her mouth. She gasped for air, but Hailu knew she was already suffocating from the poison; she was choking from lack of oxygen. She took his hand and moved it to her heart and pressed it down. He wanted to think that last look before she closed her eyes was gratitude. It was only his nurse, Almaz, who’d recognized the vivid flush of the girl’s face, the hint of bitter almonds, and known what had happened. She’d walked in just as Hailu was explaining to the soldiers how electric shocks had damaged her heart. “Oh,” Almaz said. “Yes,” she collected herself. “It was too much for her.”The soldiers had been agitated. “We reported she’d be back in a few days. People are expecting her,” one said. “I’ll explain it all in the death certificate,” Hailu reassured them.But Hailu had been summoned to jail, only one day after filing the report. His presence was requested in writing, delivered to his office by a skinny soldier with firm steps.“Arrive by dawn,” the soldier said. “The Colonel starts early.”“What’s this about?” Hailu looked at the inked signature at the bottom of the letter and tried to imagine the type of man whose hand moved across the page with such jagged sweeps of the pen.The soldier stared at him and Hailu felt a shiver crawl up his spine. His light brown eyes were crisscrossed with red veins. “It’s just to talk.” Hailu tried not to think about the fact that no one ever returned from a summons to jail. “Should I pack a suitcase?” Most prisoners were ordered to bring a suitcase under pretext that they’d be released. “It’s unnecessary,” the soldier said. “Tomorrow,” he added before leaving.Now, Hailu stared into the dark in his living room, his back straight as a tree, and waited, though for what, he wasn’t sure. MARK EDMUND DOTEN 28, from Cottage Grove, Minnesota Doten is a product of the blogosphere. He fed his interest in politics as an associate editor at The Huffington Post and his passion for fiction by submitting work to novelist Dennis Cooper. Now he will be included in Cooper’s collection Userlands: New Fiction Writers From the Blogging Underground and is working on a novel with a premise just odd enough to fly. Green Zone Kidz will consist of linked short stories in the voices of Bush officials, vets, and, in the case of the excerpt below, Osama bin Laden in his cave. In His Teacher’s Words Two novelists at Columbia have taught Doten—Sam Lipsyte and the chair of the M.F.A. program, Ben Marcus. “We haven’t seen anyone like him,” says Marcus. “His stories are crazed monologues that grow progressively menacing as you read them. They’re political in a kind of way that’s very hard to pin down.” They found the Jewboy picking his way through the boulders near the cave system. He smashed a lizard with a rock, scuttled up to the next boulder and smashed another lizard. The Jewboy smiled vaguely, head lolling, as he pounded out a third lizard’s guts, my lieutenants tell me.“The heat! Who smiles in such heat?” they ask. Through the long afternoon the sun blasts our mountain, the fiery air jams itself into the furthest recesses of the cave system, or as deep as we’ve yet managed to venture. There may be deeper passages, cooler passages. For this I have no evidence, only suspicions and the occasional chill.“We thought of killing him,” the first lieutenant says, throwing the smiling Jew to the floor.“But we brought him to you instead,” says the second lieutenant.The third and the fourth lieutenant, cleaning their rifles in the corner, turn and nod. “Yes. Yes. Zionist pig.”The pig smiles. I raise him up by the hair and gaze into his liquid eyes. No reflection there, just black oil.I tell them that whenever you look at a Jew, you are in fact looking at a smiling Jew. The Jews are obscene clowns, I say. And drop him. A dozen lamps spill light and shadow across the floor, after the boys tend to my blood each morning they tend to the lamps, topping up the oil. I don’t think it’s mere fancy to say that for my birds this is the most pleasurable time of day. A dozen cages hang at the perimeter of the chamber, the red-footed falcon, the purple gallinule, corncrakes and bullion crakes, as well as an Indian nightjar, a quantity of jack snipe and the oldest birds, a pair of ring-necked parrots with their incompetent, bovine faces. When the lamps are refilled a warmer light spills through the chamber and my birds lift their heads to call to one another, black eyes flashing, as though the darkness had been banished through their own agency. All but the snipe, who flap away from the light, batting demented at the slender sycamore bars, crying for a night they think they’ve lostOf course, there’s no night in our cave system, properly speaking, only heat and chills. The lieutenants and boys venture outside, and thus they remain in touch with—let us even say trapped by—the illusion of day and night. In fact there’s no such thing, no day, no night, only a rotation of bodies, only a machine to clean the blood and swarms of beetles where once there were none, even a child knows this, but to learn a life without night and day, without the idea of night—to internalize such a way of living—is a very different question, and one that has gripped me for years. It comes to me as I study the pig that the Zionists have always in all their dealings kept an eye to the not-night, and our little Jewboy, whose head is now rolling in my direction, this Jew turning from the wall to face me, watches not only, or even primarily, me. He holds an eye to the not-night.But here perhaps I go too far. It seems unlikely that The Jew at large is privileged to understand this—every day, every dusk, every night, all of it not-night—and certainly not this mute and smiling fool. Nevertheless: how to explain the persistent survival of the Jewish Race, how to explain the Jewboy, still alive on the floor of the central chamber, knees to chest, hands rubbing his snake-oil eyes before vanishing again under the blanket?I mastered my disgust soon after his arrival. This was primarily, I believe, a disgust at such a face: the outsized eyes, the womanish, exotic features. God grants us disgust, praise his wisdom, so that we correctly learn the world for all its poisons. But He offers us as well the ability to master our disgust, in order that we might better rid ourselves of these poisons. And so, by the grace of God, it has become my mission to replace, or rather augment, my current understandings of The Jew—instinctive, scriptural and so forth—with something else, let us call it, for lack of a better term, a scientific and contemplative understanding. For instance, that first night I did not allow him a blanket. The next I relented. Call it an experiment, the basis of a parable: The Jewboy and the Blanket. I am interested, too, in his reaction to the central chamber. I hold in my head a complex understanding of the chamber: of my own love for it, of the aversion of the lieutenants, the fealty of the boys tending the generator and the elevator, boys periodically pausing to stare in wonder overhead. The Jewboy’s reaction could well be the missing piece, the one that makes it all come clear. For instance: am I the only one who feels these drafts that shake you to the bone? Every hour or two I’m struck with chills, but I can’t ask them, I won’t. Last night, however, I saw the Jewboy assiduously tucking the blanket under himself, tucking it under for hours. I would like to quiz him on his feeling about the chamber, on this tucking-under, to find out how he sees this place, how his vision differs from the objective reality: a chamber roughly square, each side close to 40 feet, the floor nearly flat, as though made by man, or by God for man. On the east wall, an elevator, a boy keeping watch over the elevator. Opposite this, the chamber’s mouth, opening onto what you might call the cave system’s ante-chamber, which snakes off in a dozen different directions, to deadfalls and blank stops, new caverns and even a pair of phosphorescent vaults that only the youngest of the boys can reach, crawling on knees and elbows through slender worming tunnels. Against the south wall of the central chamber—the broadest by several yards—I sit on my pillows, staring across to north side of the room, the Zionist there, a 3 foot chain running from the cave wall to that bare slender ankle. The roof of the chamber towers high above, lost in darkness, and when the Jewboy turns over the chain’s rattle echoes down on our heads like money. 36, from Covington, Louisiana Hyatt spent his childhood surrounded by storytellers. His aunts told of seeing Jesus, and his Pentecostal preacher spoke in tongues, while he found himself lost in the lyrics of Merle Haggard. A 2004 graduate of the New School’s creative-writing program, he’s now crafting a new form of southern lyricism with gay characters and plotlines. In His Teacher’s Words “He’s a poet in the style of Carson McCullers,” says the New School’s Jackson Taylor. “It’s musical. You know how dogs hear a whistle and their ears perk up? The sound is so good.” From His Novel, “Grit, My Love” They say towns like this don’t exist anymore, but I know that they do because I live here. Noxington is one of those towns where the big stores that sell everything and stay open all night have yet to be built. And it doesn’t have those places where people sit at tiny computers drinking complicated coffees and eating strange muffins. It doesn’t have those restaurants where everyone dresses like they spend a lot of money on clothes. There are places like that in towns thirty, forty or fifty miles away, in Mandeville and Slidell and, of course, New Orleans. But here we don’t have that stuff, and sometimes when I can’t sleep or when I’m bored I want those things, that coffee, those computers, those clothes. But I stay here. I stay because Granddad needs me and because in the past when I’ve tried to leave I get sick. I get dizzy, and it’s like I’m going to throw up, pass out or die or something. I am not a good traveler. But one of these days, I’ll leave. I’ll relocate to a place where there are more people and more things. But for now I stay. Those of us in towns like this stay put. Besides it’s the only thing I know how to do well. I am excellent at staying.But now I am turning thirty in this town where nothing ever happens. It can be said that the fire twenty-five years ago was really something, certainly the biggest event in my life. But if you push something like the fire far enough back, it becomes less your personal history and simply general history. Something you can refer to the way you refer to a history book. People still talk about the fire much more than me, so it is like it is their event, something they have to carry around instead of me.I am spending the morning of this birthday sitting in the window of the diner where I work. Birthdays are the sort of thing I like to keep a secret. And not only because I am getting old, but because I don’t want anyone to feel sorry for me or to be sad about what I have not become. They blame what I have not achieved much more on the fire than I do. On this thirtieth birthday, I don’t want to think about my classmates whose photographs I always see in the morning papers; heading civic organizations, running for public office. They are doctors now, lawyers. And it seems as if they are all married. I see them smiling with one another in those black and white newspaper photographs. When viewed at just the right time on the right day, the normalcy of marriage seems right. It makes sense to be them.There are no customers in the place. People get a late start on Sunday mornings. Not even my granddad, the owner, is around. He always goes fishing on Sundays. Jose, the cook, and G., the dishwasher, are out back smoking a number, so I take control of the jukebox and put on some George Strait …I look around the diner, which caters mostly to construction and road crew workers, hopped-up truck drivers, and to people who work at the courthouse about three miles up the road. And occasionally, to people on the highway looking for a place to get a quick bite to eat as they travel to exotic places where it snows or places that smell green. This world, my world, is muggy, smells like grease and ketchup. It is a world of run down-jukeboxes and shaky folding tables where people grow old in a most expected way.When your parents are dead, I guess you don’t worry so much about becoming them. Instead, you spend your life wondering who it is you are supposed to be. In a town like Noxington, becoming yourself is never an option.“Hey Boz, you want some of this?” G. yells from out back.“No. Go ahead,” I say, knowing that smoking pot will just make me more bored. G. and Jose smoke to make washing dishes and frying eggs less dull. By smoking, they turn the diner into a dream. But I have the natural ability to do this, to see everything as a dream. I also know from that fiery night I spent in the truck that you always wake up from dreams.I can see them in the kitchen, wrestling with each other like two overgrown kids. They fight with affection, like two lovers in a movie, tussling before a kiss. Sometimes they call each other names, but I know they love each other because I often see them in the kitchen, looking around curiously, making sure the other one is still there. 33, from Washington, D.C. Holt’s mother told her that she began telling stories as a toddler. By 7, she was already dreaming of the writing life in New York—the practical version, where she wrote ad copy for a living and fiction in her spare time (which is exactly what happened). Holt, who’s lived in Moscow, London, and Amsterdam, is writing a novel that draws on the expat life, but the story excerpted here was inspired by a more private experience—the death of her mother from cancer. In Her Teacher’s Words Holt’s “prose crackles,” says Michael Cunningham, who runs the fiction section of Brooklyn College’s M.F.A. writing program, which she is graduating from this spring. “She understands that, in fiction, the sounds of words matter as much as their meanings.” From “Evacuation Instructions” They are getting ready to spend a weekend in the country, in the wilds of Connecticut. There will be swimming and she’s trying to find a particular bathing suit.“That brown one, she says, that makes me feel like I’m in St. Bart’s.” She is bending over, probing corners of her closet that she rarely enters. “What time are they expecting us?” she says.“Lunchtime,” he says. “They’re having a big lunch in the garden. Sheila’s usual approximation of Tuscany.”He is looking at their picture in Vogue. In the photograph he is in profile, looking at her. The light has caught his bald spot.“My God,” he says. “I’m old.”“You’re not old,” she says from the closet. “You look very dashing.”“I’m forty-four,” he says.“Ah-ha!” She stands triumphantly, holding the Lycra suit aloft like an Olympic medal. “I’ll drive,” he says.His wife usually likes to be behind the wheel. But today she takes the passenger seat without complaint. She fastens her seatbelt. It’s a perfect July day. Cloudless, the sky is an empty promise.When they pull into the driveway of the house, they can hear the dogs barking. Every time they see Sheila, she seems to have more dogs. He carries the bags inside—he likes these opportunities for chivalry—and his wife follows. He pushes open the screen door and then four dogs—two black ones, poised and alert; one fat and golden, with drool slipping out of its mouth; the last small and quivering and a mottled white—come bounding down a long hallway, pushing worn rugs out of place in their enthusiasm. There are few things more comforting than other people’s chaos.They spend the night in the guest room. And as they fall asleep with one of Sheila’s black dogs sandwiched between them his wife takes his hand, and sighs. It’s a long, wistful exhalation. It’s a sigh that causes the dog to shift position, so that there are suddenly canine toenails pressing into his stomach. “Sweets?” he says, but she is already asleep.He awakes to the sound of the dog licking. The dog gulps when he swallows; his licking is greedy and vaguely sexual. He opens his eyes and sees that the dog is licking his wife’s face. Licking up the blood as if he was hired to do it.He shakes her, watches her sit up, sees the blood roll down her chin, faster now, and the dog sits up, leans closer to her, tilts his head, extends his slimy pink tongue. The dog is scruffy, of a breed he can’t identify. It has no business here. His wife looks at it, for a moment, as if pleading for mercy.He breaks the speed limit on the way back to the city, heads straight to the hospital and then lets her off before he goes to park. Alone in the garage, he wends his way through the dark rows of cars, and suddenly feels like he can’t breathe. If he has a heart attack, here in this forsaken place, would they find him? Would an ER nurse wander out here for a smoke break and perform mouth-to-mouth resuscitation on his crumpled body? He finds his breath again, shallow and heaving at first, but then he’s moving into the light outside the garage and crossing the concrete toward the hospital entrance. You just have to make it inside, he thinks. Then you’re in good hands. “How can it be malignant?” she says.He can’t believe it either. His wife’s body is rife with tumors. The oncologists say she will be lucky to live six months. The first tumor was in her nasal passages but there have been many tumors discovered since. The doctors announce their detection as if shopping for fruit. This one the size of a grapefruit, this one a plum. He devotes hours of every day to research. He trolls the Internet for information about clinical trials for which she might be eligible. Their options are limited; she’s already Stage IV and most trials are only open to patients in whom the disease has not advanced so far. Applying to clinical trials is like trying to get into college. They discover a meritocracy based on immune systems, in which certain patients are valued for the unique way in which their bodies respond to the challenge. His wife’s doctors present case studies of patients for whom various treatments worked, and it brings out his wife’s competitive streak.“I can handle this one,” she says to her oncologist one day.They are trying to persuade him to recommend her to the team running a particularly compelling clinical trial. “I don’t know,” the doctor says, sucking in air to punctuate his doubt.“I want to try it,” she says, as if they are talking about scuba diving or hang gliding, instead of a toxic cocktail that will be administered into the bloodstream via IV.They have read the literature; the treatment has been effective in a mere five percent of patients. But his wife is used to being a success story.“We’ll see,” says the doctor. “We’ll see.”He imagines making his case to the doctor leading the trial. Exhibit A: the X-ray with the original tumor. Exhibit B: a CAT scan that reports metastases as if they are geological formations. He’d put his wife on the stand to display her incredible endurance. He reads turgid medical journals, clipping any articles he finds relevant. There are drugs that sound like the stuff of science fiction: Interleukin II, Gemzar. There are various immuno-therapies described in militaristic prose. Targeted attacks on rebel cells. It reminds him of his wife’s reports from Kinshasa. He dedicates a file box to the case and labels folders for insurance claims, prescription information, records of radiation sessions. When she is finally admitted to the trial, he considers it his victory. 33, from Peekskill, New York Growing up, Rogers spent a few years in special-ed classes. “I don’t think they knew what to make of me,” he says, “until I started writing stories and they could see that I had a brain, possibly an imagination.” Now an editor at Picador, he’s writing a novel about researchers studying an invented hoofed animal, and he knows he’ll find an agent in his own good time. “To me, the pace at which a writer is created is glacial. I knew that right off the bat, and I was okay with that.” The excerpt below is from one of his short stories. In His Teacher’s Words “David can build his own parachute, construct the weirdest emotional landscapes, go beyond what he has any right to know,” says Peter Carey, director of Hunter College’s M.F.A. creative-writing program, which Rogers attended part-time from 2002 to 2006. From “The Tie-Down” You have to work fast on the phone. Say hello, tell them where you’re calling from, then go right into it. You‘ve got about ten seconds to hook them. If in those ten seconds my bullshit isn’t working, naturally the customer hangs up. Many of them did this before I could say a word, two words, or they had silently done it while I was talking and I didn’t hear them. There are things you’re supposed to say to keep them on the phone, tie-downs. Just as you’re about to hang up, just as you think your mind is made-up, you’re pulling the phone away from your ear, and then you hear my voice through the phone say something presumptuous, a little provocative, a little personal, a few words that get the phone back up to your sweaty ear. Sometimes I’d throw out a bogus crime statistic, sometimes I would say there was a free trial period. You want to know what was my favorite tie-down?“But sir, isn’t the safety of your family important to you?”That one made me uncomfortable at first, it just seemed like such a judgmental thing to say, like I was making the customer feel bad. And that’s why it worked every single time. I expected someone to say “How dare you, how dare you, say that I don’t care about my family?” Never happened. Not once. They always said things like “of course, of course, and I think my house is pretty secure, why would I need … ” and the longer they talked to me, the more they found things to worry about in the world.I’m not in the home security business anymore. It’s strange to think that I talked all of these people into buying this thing, really made them think it was worth their money, but could never convince myself of the same. Personally, I don’t think any of those tie-downs would have worked on me. I would have hung up on myself. I should have gone to work for Medico. Thwick!I was eating in a crowded deli in the Flatiron District the other day, when a man a little older than myself asked if he could sit at my table. There was no place else for him to sit down, so I gestured at the chair with my head. The guy was a couple inches taller than me, his face was tanned, like he just got back from Florida or something. I imagined that this guy must be an actor, maybe even a famous actor, because his face had those large features that make you think of people in show business. The man carefully unwound the tan herringbone scarf from around his neck and pulled off his trench coat, draping them over the back of the chair. He wore a gray wool sport coat and pressed white shirt. The tanned skin of his neck was radiant against the open collar. Before he sat down, I caught another look at the scarf, and thought I’d ask him where he got it after I’d finished half my sandwich.The man sat down and played with the toothpicks in his turkey club for a minute, and although I didn’t look up at him, I’m pretty sure he was staring at me, waiting to catch my attention.“You look like a theatre-lover,” he said, his voice a rich baritone.“Not in years,” I replied, trying to think of the last play I had seen. It was something called “Waiting for Lefty.” Crummy.“Well, my name is Roderick Lansing, and I have written and produced an epic play at the Stella Adler Theatre. It is a large scale staging of the stand-off between the Jewish Zealots and the Romans at Masada, an exciting piece of theatre that has been playing to sold out houses since the beginning of its run.”“Good for you,” I said.“A block of tickets has just been made available to me, and I would very much like for you to see my play.”“So you’re giving away some tickets?”“Who would you bring with you to see it?”“I don’t know. My wife, I supposed. Maybe I would double date with my buddy.”“So, four total? In that case, I can release these tickets to you for only five dollars apiece.” “I thought you were giving them away.”“An evening of epic theatre for only five dollars, I don‘t think you‘ll find a better deal than that.”“No thank you,” I said. I always feel awkward saying no to a salesman. The man sighed and settled into his chair. I did not look up at him, but could sense the forlorn breathing of failure across the table. Then I looked at his hands, and he carefully removed the toothpick from one half of his turkey club. He held down the piece of whole wheat toast with his finger, waiting to eat. “Never thought, at my age, I’d still be still be a street fighter,” he said.Most of the salesmen I know don‘t like to talk about the rejection. We convince ourselves, both customer and salesman a like, that losing the sale is nothing personal. For every thirty hang-ups or no-thank-yous, I got someone to buy an alarm system. That ratio of rejection is a bit staggering, and I’ll admit that the hang-ups got to me; sometimes it rolled off and I didn‘t care, but other times, if a pitch suddenly went sour half-way through, or if a customer just got prickly and rude, then it really hurt. I‘ll admit that it hurt. “Tell me the first scene,” I said. “If I like it, I’ll come see the rest.”

The "request" stunned Racquael Wilkes. On Oct. 8, the Operating Room nurse and RN at NCH Baker Hospital Downtown in Naples, Florida was called into an administrator's office and was asked to turn in her regular nurse's name badge for one that came with a thick blue line, clearly signifying that she had not been vaccinated for COVID-19. Wilkes says she was told that if she opted not to wear the badge, she would be terminated from her job. No questions asked—she would be immediately fired. As a dedicated believer in Jesus Christ and as someone who is well aware of her legal rights, Wilkes, who had recently renewed her contract with the hospital and who had previously received a religious exemption from the vaccine, adamantly refused. She was told her services were no longer required. Wilkes is only one of perhaps hundreds of thousands around the United States who suffered the same fate. Refuse the vaccination mandate set down by the Biden administration and suffer the consequences of losing your job. Wilkes' case, however, comes with a different twist when it comes to the subject of the badge. When she was asked to wear it, one thing instantly came to mind. "I immediately brought up the question, 'Am I to wear a Scarlett letter now?'" Wilkes says. "Do you want me to wear a gold star to indicate that I am a Jew? I was like, is Hitler involved in all of this? I have to no problem letting this entire hospital know who I serve, what I stand for. And I'm not ashamed of that at all. "I told them that if you are going to make me wear this, I am going to go to the dollar store, get some sparkles and put a sign underneath it that says I stand for Jesus Christ. But they weren't going to let me do that. The manner of what they were trying to do was to bring shame to and push their agenda. Nobody wants to be set apart like that. They're not doing this for any other reason than to bring shame, like the Scarlett Letter." In the 1930s and 1940s during World War II, Jews in Germany were forced to wear gold star badges to identify them as members of the Jewish race. Consequently, Jews were sent to concentration camps and 6 million were exterminated by the Nazis in what is now infamously called The Holocaust. While the circumstances are not nearly that dire or extreme—yet—could this be what America's future will look like? Is this the direction that we are heading, toward socialsim and perhaps communism or facist rule? With what we are seeing in this age of cancel culture and religious persecution, it certainly is not out of the realm of possibility. Wilkes says she plans on seeing an attorney and, with some of her other co-workers, co-jointly filing a lawsuit against the hospital for its actions. Wilkes says she had already filled out a great deal of paperwork to receive a religious exemption from taking the COVID-19 vaccine, and she and a few others she worked with were granted that exemption. She says she complied with every request the hospital made, including wearing an N95 mask made especially for health care workers, one that she called "very restricting and very uncomfortable." But then, all of a sudden on Oct. 8, everything changed when the religious exemption wasn't enough for the hospital's administration. They began to force the badge with the blue line on their employees who had not been vaccinated. "Their excuse was that we needed to wear the badge so that patients and co-workers, or anyone around the hospital knew that I did not have the shot," Wilkes said. "They wanted to make sure that I was wearing my N95 mask. I said, 'if you have the shot, you shouldn't have to worry about me, right?' Isn't that the whole reason for getting the shot? If it works, then you shouldn't have to worry about whether or not I have it. I was very compliant and faithful to wear it every day, even if it restricted by oxygen flow to the worst degree. I was so restricted that my chest hurt in the afternoons" Wilkes has worked as an operating room nurse and registered nurse for the past five years. Previous to that, she had worked as a malpractice paralegal for 20 years, so she certainly knows her legal rights when it comes to the vaccine mandate. "I know what you should do or shouldn't do in a hospital or healthcare setting," Wilkes says. "I know what things you can say or what you can't say or what you employer can do or cannot do in that regard just because of my prior 20 years of experience." She was also privy to 59 case studies—studies that can be found on the Internet—that describe in detail about drugs such as hydroxychloroquine, which Wilkes and many doctors have said can be used to treat COVID-19 with positive results. Instead, the CDC and the government continue to push for the COVID-19 vaccinations. Wilkes says the governments actions concerning the vaccine mandate are nothing short of "spiritual warfare," and that Satan is trying to get a foothold in every area of society with the division that the vaccine mandate is causing. "I just did a video on my Facebook page about all of this," Wilkes says. "I'm not on there other than to quote scripture or to draw people to the Lord, to tell people about Jesus, because it's a big platform. I know this is spiritual warfare. We are not fighting flesh and blood here. We know this is way bigger than a shot. This is way bigger than just trying to control people. The enemy is trying to take over. "This is prerequisite. You can be so easily coerced because you try to do anything and you have to take the shot. This is a prerequisite in the spiritual realm of the mark of the beast. If we are so easily coerced into taking the shot for the means of quote unquote life, is that how little trust we have in God? We have to get to a point in our spiritual walk with God where we trust Him. There has to come to a point where we as Christians have to get beyond intercession and prayer. We have got to have louder voices because the enemy is loud and he is causing chaos. Our voice has got to stand and it's got to be louder." Read articles like this one and other Spirit-led content in our new platform, CHARISMA PLUS. To contact us or to submit an article, click here. Get Charisma's best content delivered right to your inbox! Never miss a big news story again. Click here to subscribe to the Charisma News newsletter.

In his Tuesday speech, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will be trying to sway US public opinion to his vision of an Israeli-Palestinian peace, instead of a competing vision offered by President Obama. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces a tough task in his Tuesday address to a joint session of Congress. He’ll be trying to sway US public opinion to his vision of an Israeli-Palestinian peace, instead of a competing vision offered by President Obama. For Mr. Netanyahu, the good news is that he will be attempting this feat in a sympathetic forum. Congress has long had warmer ties with Israel than have most US presidents. Jewish voters are a powerful force in many congressional districts, for one thing. Many evangelical groups also have close ties with Israel. “In the life of the state of Israel, we know of at least one fact that is and has always been certain – its friendship with the United States of America. And we are here today to reaffirm it, not only between ourselves, but to all the world,” said House minority whip Steny Hoyer (D) Sunday in an address to the annual meeting of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Yet Netanyahu will be on the defensive when he rises to speak. Mr. Obama last week outlined his own ideas about an Israeli-Palestinian peace process. He asserted, among other things, that a peace plan should be based on the 1967 borders between Israel and Palestinian territory, with land swaps to accommodate some Israeli settlements. It’s a specific formulation that Israel rejects as the basis for talks. Those borders are “indefensible,” Netanyahu said after the speech, though he did not specify what kind of borders he thought Israel would be able to protect. How Netanyahu deals with this dispute in his congressional address could be among its most important points. The Israeli leader is likely to make clear that his vision of negotiations does not include Hamas. The government of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas currently plans to join forces with the vehemently anti-Israeli Hamas group, which governs the Gaza Strip. Netanyahu also is likely to reaffirm his view that Israel should be recognized as the homeland of the Jewish people – a formulation that in Israeli eyes would preclude the right of Palestinians to return to lands in Israel they now claim. And he almost certainly will stress that Israel is firmly opposed to any United Nations vote that would unilaterally recognize the independence of the Palestinian people. On that last point, Netanyahu might find common ground with the White House. It’s possible that in taking a tougher line against the Israelis in his speech last week, Obama was laying the groundwork for a veto of such a UN vote in the Security Council later this year.

Min. Piron 'Hugely Jealous' of Bible Quiz Contestants Education Minister Rabbi Shai Piron held a special reception for participants in the World Youth Bible Contest, which takes place on Tuesday, Yom Ha'atzma'ut (Israel Independence Day). Piron praised the youths for their commitment to Jewish life and education, calling them “cultural heroes.” Speaking to the participants, all high school-age youths, Piron said that it had been a childhood dream of his to participate in the prestigious Contest. Piron said that he was “immensely jealous” of the youths, for the opportunity to participate that he never had. “It doesn't matter whether you win or not. You have the greatest treasure – the knowledge of the books of the Tanach, the Hebrew Bible. You know where you cam from and where you are going. The main thing is that the Bible should become your main guide in life,” he said. Addressing the candidates from abroad, Piron said that he hoped their trip to Israel “will be life-changing, that you will tell your children that you participated in the Contest, and that you understood the need to be emissaries of the State of Israel and the Jewish People. You are all heroes of Jewish culture,” he added. Piron distributed to each candidate a Book of Tehillim (Psalms) and a special certificate.

This time the location is Ann Arbor, Michigan. And this time the billboard opposes Israel. I have been reporting regularly about the ongoing “billboard wars” in America over the Palestine-Israeli conflict, and the right to promote one’s position on the matter by taking out billboard advertisements. (see here, here, here, and here ). The latest episode in the saga seems to be playing out in Ann Arbor, Michigan, where a lawsuit has been filed challenging the local transit agency’s refusal to accept ads containing skull and bones imagery and calling for a boycott of Israel. This AP report was posted today at Dearborn Boycotts Israel: ANN ARBOR, Mich. (AP) – An Ann Arbor bus agency is vigorously defending itself in a lawsuit related to the rejection of a provocative ad on its vehicles. Blaine Coleman’s ad would have skulls and bones and say, ‘Boycott Israel. Boycott Apartheid.’ He believes the Israeli government treats Palestinians unfairly. Coleman wants the ad on buses that travel near the University of Michigan, but the Ann Arbor Transportation Authority rejected it. In a court filing this week, the agency says it turns down ads that ridicule a group of people. Bus officials say Coleman’s ad would make people uncomfortable and have a ‘negative impact’ on ridership. Federal Judge Mark Goldsmith appears close to making a decision on an injunction sought by Coleman’s lawyers. They say his free-speech rights are being violated. The same story has also been carried by an ABC affiliate in Toledo, Ohio. The really fascinating question that a lot of people are now going to be watching is: will the ruling by this judge, in this court, be consistent with the July 20 ruling by another federal judge in an almost identical case brought in New York? In a post just over a week ago I discussed a lawsuit filed by the American Freedom Defense Initiative, which in September of last year attempted to place ads on the sides of New York City busses, only to have them turned down by the Metropolitan Transportation Authority. The MTA has a policy prohibiting “images or information that demean an individual or group of individuals on account of race, color, religion, national origin, ancestry, gender, age, disability or sexual orientation.” The ad would have read: “In any war between the civilized man and the savage, support the civilized man. Support Israel. Defeat Jihad.” As I say, the New York case and the Ann Arbor case are practically identical, both involving billboards, with both billboards featuring messages addressing the Palestine-Israel conflict. In fact, the only significant difference in the two cases would seem to be that in the New York case the billboard is pro-Israel, while in Ann Arbor the sentiment expressed is against Israel. The American Freedom Defense Initiative, or AFDI, is headed by Pamela Geller, of the Atlas Shrugged blog, a Jewish writer who has been outspoken in her opposition to the “Islamization of America.” Geller has called Islam a “genocidal ideology,” and has warned of the dangers of Sharia law coming to America—however, significantly, it was not a Muslim judge who presided over her case. In deciding the lawsuit in her favor, U.S. District Judge Paul A. Engelmayer ruled that the side of a public transportation vehicle is a “public forum” where free speech must be allowed to take place: As a threshold matter, the Court notes that the AFDI Ad is not only protected speech—it is core political speech. The Ad expresses AFDI’s pro-Israel perspective on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict in the Middle East, and implicitly calls for a pro-Israel U.S. foreign policy with regard to that conflict. The AFDI Ad is, further, a form of response to political ads on the same subject that have appeared in the same space. As such, the AFDI Ad is afforded the highest level of protection under the First Amendment. The decision means the MTA will be forced to accept the AFDI’s ad, which begs the question: Would Engelmayer, or any other judge in America for that matter, have issued a ruling requiring a transit authority to accept ads depicting Jews as “savages”? And will Goldsmith now take a position similar to Engelmayer’s with regard to the anti-Israel “skull and bones” ads in Ann Arbor? Inquiring minds want to know. As the AP story notes, a ruling in the matter “appears close.”

Novelist Frederick Busch, 64 Sunday, February 26, 2006 Frederick Busch, 64, a writer whose novels and short stories were esteemed by critics but who never quite found a large following with the general public, died of a heart attack Feb. 23 at a New York City hospital. He lived near the central New York town of Sherburne. Since 1971, Mr. Busch had written 27 books and came to be known, perhaps in sympathy with his middling sales, as the quintessential "writer's writer." Novelist Scott Spencer called him "a first-rate American storyteller," and Washington Post book critic Jonathan Yardley praised him as "a serious and gifted novelist" whose stories and novels "tend to be quiet, reflective and subtle." Mr. Busch's modestly scaled domestic dramas were sometimes compared with the fiction of John Cheever, Andre Dubus, Richard Ford and Raymond Carver. But there was no typical "Busch style," since his protagonists were men and women, Jewish and gentile and sometimes historical figures. Many of Mr. Busch's novels and stories were set in his native New York City or in the Upstate valleys and college towns where he had lived for nearly 40 years as a professor at Colgate University in Hamilton, N.Y. In recent years, he increasingly explored the past in his fiction and was known for his thorough research as he immersed himself in the professions his characters practiced. He was particularly admired for his dialogue, his careful observations of the details of everyday life and his subtle prose style. In a passage from his 1994 story, "Stand, and Be Recognized," he described a character who "coated her words with secret nuance and each syllable she spoke fell to the tablecloth and glistened." He said he resolved to become a writer in fourth grade, after a teacher pinned a poem he had written on the classroom bulletin board. "I'd like to be remembered as a really honest, minor writer of the 20th century," he once said. The son of a lawyer and a teacher, Frederick Matthew Busch was born in Brooklyn, N.Y. He graduated from Muhlenberg College in Allentown, Pa., and received a master's degree from Columbia University in 1967. His primary literary influences were Ernest Hemingway, Charles Dickens and Herman Melville -- Mr. Busch even made Dickens and Melville characters in two of his novels. Early in his career, he wrote on a typewriter propped on the toilet seat of his one-bedroom apartment in Greenwich Village. He had completed three novels before he finally published "I Wanted a Year Without Fall" in 1971. He received the American Academy of Arts and Letters fiction award in 1986; the PEN/Malamud Award for "distinguished achievement in the short story" in 1991; and was nominated for the PEN/Faulkner award in 1995, for "The Children in the Woods: New and Selected Stories." From 1967 to 2003, Mr. Busch taught at Colgate, living on an old sheep farm and writing every day in a converted barn. "I don't feel that I've earned the air I'll breathe every day," he said, "or the right to walk on the ground I walk upon, unless I've made good language: words that are useful to someone other than me." Despite his respected reputation, Mr. Busch did not always receive favorable notices. In a 1993 review in The Washington Post, Donna Rifkind complained that Mr. Busch's "Long Way From Home" was "a long way from either serious fiction or genuine entertainment." But four years later, Rifkind found much to praise in Mr. Busch's "Girls": "Its pitch-perfect dialogue, skillfully contrived plot and authentically wintry atmosphere are all exceptional, but a great deal of its strength comes from the moral complexity of its characters." In November, Mr. Busch wrote an article for Harper's magazine about his concerns at having a son, Benjamin Busch of College Park, fighting in Iraq as a Marine officer. "I almost watched no television reports because of Ben's final injunction to us: 'Don't watch the news,' " Mr. Busch said in an interview with National Public Radio. "We lived in fear 24 hours a day." Besides his son, survivors include his wife of 42 years, Judith Burroughs Busch of Sherburne; another son, Nicholas Busch of Syracuse, N.Y.; and a granddaughter.

Our own little corner of Stewart Oh what a tangled web we weave, When first we practise to deceive! Thought I'd chuck a blank post up while I think of an image and quotation!Montana, hope you are not ill again? "Riches is nothing in the face of the Lord, for He can see into the heart."Only because I was reading it last night.Morning thaum. Minimal thauma. Like it. Morning all!Swifty - ah well, already found something. Morning all ! I did manage to refrain from wasting energy on that goddawful superficial juvenile neolib-propagandising francophobic editorial on frog pension reform. So off down the Marché aux Veaux (calf market) to get some veg plants and maybe some fish. XX morning all!spiders are so clever.check out this example of coffee not being good for your work rate... LeniExcellent and moving post on Merthyr yesterdayt is easy to demonise the people from these towns - and many do - but they are abandoned populations. More than jobs go when local industries are closed as 'no longer economically relevant ' - this label is also applied to the people. Simply - they become Not Wanted.Makes me angry.makes me angry, why is it so many people cannot see that the people in these places are truly not the authors of their fate?Saw the pit village my father was born in a few years ago, the pit was long gone, the place nearly a ghost town.I wept...The people who lived in these towns mined the fuel that powered an Empire. No longer needed they are thrown away like waste.This is a crime against humanity. Morning PhilippaIt's a pity those spiders weren't put on various combinations.I reckon one on hashish laced with caffeine would have produced a work of art. Philippa's link is not work-safe!Luckily I'm working from home today. :-) really? sorry...was looking for photos that were in the G, many years ago, which were even funnier. the hash one had managed three or four spokes, a couple of joins, and had then just given up... cannabis.net is not really something you want them to know you've been looking at.... ;-)Nice one, though. Philippa/Thauma,I have a friend whose boss was involved in some of the spider drug research (although the pics of his spiders on caffeine aren't as dramatic) I'll see if she knows a work safe link.... Dot, somehow I think you have a far less boring job than most of us! ah, yes, good point.(oops) thauma,quite possibly, although it has its downsides(I followed the link from work and I'm not worried: if they actually check up on it I can explain my interest easily from the spider angle ;-)) PhilippaIf anyone asks just say you're doing research for the RSPCS. ♫ Spiderman, SpidermanOff his titsOn Ritalin ♫ Heard back from my friend, she's going to do some digging on the truth behind the spider research. Is anyone interested in me putting up links etc. on UT2 when I get them? @Dott:Like, whatever, ma-a-a-a-n.Signed, A Rachnid @BWI always liked the idea of a Jewish superhero called Spiederman. Bootstraps the Barrister: Coo-ee everybodders. Just back from vac in 'La Belle France'. *sighs* LOL. Here's a phot of my fave resto.????Scherpiggsie: Your ….what?BB: Oh, erm just a worker's cooperative canteen we visited on our fact-finding mission.Scherpiggsie: What's that star next to the name then?BB: Oh just some kind of Socialist insignia I should imagine...Scherpiggsie: Socialist; canteen; fact finding: you've been on holiday, haven't you, you fraud?BB: No really Scherpiggsie, marches, readings...Scherpiggsie: Do you want me to call in Hank?BB: Alright I've been on holiday! And why bloody shouldn't I? I worked hard to get where I am. I spend most of my time helping poor people and when I'm not doing that, I'm fighting the Fash on Comment is Free. Why shouldn't I have the odd fucking holiday you self-righteous twat? Fuck off!!!Scherpiggsie: Remember kids: posh fuckers are everywhere. Keep'em peeled. @Spike:Or a superhero from desperate shithole Stoke-on-Trent called Spoderman.Damn, this is good stuff. SpikeI think Spiederstein sounds better. We're all about the Ss today!Stoned spiders, superheroes, and slightly suspect satire..... @Dott:”…slightly suspect satire…”It doesn’t quite skewer the targets, does it? Decent enough stab, I guess, but possibly a little more thought given to verbal ticks and mannerisms would have yielded a slightly wittier result. Scherf’s a very good online mimic as it happens, he might have some pointers for our newly-arrived young Jedi (if he’s around).Clearly the Force is strong in you, young Luke, but you must learn how to channel it. Scherf’s a very good online mimic as it happens,Is he? All i,ve ever seen him do is criticize everyone here for not being up to scratch,say he's never gonna post here again and then reappear a month later and repeat the process.But hey if that's your idea of online mimicry then fair enough i suppose. @Paul:"...But hey if that's your idea of online mimicry then fair enough i suppose..."No, trust me on this one, he is. SpikeAnd his partner...? Spike + BittersI think most of the creators of Super Heroes were Jewish. First hero must surely be Super Moses ? Snake-Boy, surely ? @BW:Rex the Wonder God, I reckon. Onan The Barbarian – what a wanker he was.OK, I'll stop. The Incredible Guilt Anne Ref your father's village. Many people do not understand that many of the mining villages were self contained and self supporting communities. Infrastructure was designed around the movement of coal rather than people. When the mines closed everything else went too. Local shops, cafes . Self employed men dependent on the mines and the income from them lost customers etc. The railways arelong gone. Villages were left isolated and abandoned . Many families moved out - threatening viability of schools and other services.This 'new approach ' to disability - the psychosocial causes - has some truth in it but is being deliberately peddled in a twisted way to apportion blame - without ever explaining the actual mechanisms. When Maggie arranged to put unemployed men on Incap she created an intolerable tension in thousands of proud men. Men who prided themselves on the strength and physical endurance were forced - for a few pounds more - to be 'sick'.These men had a long tradition of supporting their families and of community cohesion and support - this was taken away. To maintain his family a man had to have a disability - physical or mental. This was completely at odds with his self image and with everything he believed in. Women took part time jobs - men became 'househusbands'One story will suffice I think - out of thousands possible. When we first came here - post mine closure - I was speaking to a neighbour- sunning himself outside his house. A great strapping man in his thirties. As we talked he was almost crying - me too. Said he had cleaned the house, and the windows at the back ready for his wife and children coming home. Said he couldn't clean the front windows in case he was seen by a 'snooper '. He was on benefits and had to pretend to be disabled. In truth this man was destroyed and depressed. He had to play the game as there were no other jobs. Living in rented property makes moving more difficult.We all know what happened to the then teenaged generation - raised in the belief that they would follow fathers and g-fathers into the mine. Poorly educated (instrumentalised) - facing a black, bleak and empty future. Onan the Barbarian hee hee heeeeee Leni, that was very eloquent and moving. ThaumaThe thing that really struck home to me was the man's need to explain his 'idleness' to me - a newcomer. He was trying to put things straight - to explain, pleading for understanding and trying to find an explanation for himself as well . It's horrible, Leni. And hard to know how to fix it.If the government did start pushing home working for those whose jobs can accommodate it, then surely many people would choose to move away from cities and - who knows? - perhaps some of these towns could be somewhat revitalised.Obviously not a silver bullet, but every little helps. afternoon allMichael Moore has a rant at Rahm Emmanuel @Leni:”…Said he couldn't clean the front windows in case he was seen by a 'snooper'. He was on benefits and had to pretend to be disabled…”Risky strategy that, grassing himself up to an incomer. I imagine you advised him to keep schtumm about it from then on, I would have. Hi LeniThe Sky News prog on Merthyr was hugely disappointing.It clearly had an agenda part of which was that the people of Merthyr need to do more to help themselves.For example why aren't they taking the jobs available and/or why aren't they either relocating or communting to Cardiff where there are supposed to be more job opportunities.(shades of Tebbits 'Get on yer bike' speech in the 80,s).No recognition of the fact that the people of Merthyr had become so physically and mentally broken down as a result of 30 years of political failure that many people are now incapable of working, certainly in the short term,even if jobs were offerred to them on a plate.Was very sad listening to some older people talking about how Merthyr was in the 60,s/70,s when it was a clealry a settled and reasonably prosperous working class town.However there was mention that in the 30,s when male unemployment was 70% there were plans to demolish Merthyr and resettle the people elsewhere.But the town was saved by the increase in demand for steel in WW2 plus the post war boom which was underpinned by Keynesian economic policies and the welfare state.The MP for Merthyr stated that the cost of rebuilding a community like Merthyr would probably be the same as the cost to Merthr of leaving it to the mercy of the ConDems.Crime,social deprivation,poor physical and mental health,alcohol and drug abuse etc all cost in the long term.But then we knew that anyway.Personally i think if ATOS and A4E go mob handed into Merthyr it could lead to their offices being burned down and their staff attacked.I really do believe ATOS and A4E as well as the JobCentres are going to provide some real flashpoints all over the country.In the 30,s there were riots at many of what were called the Labour Exchanges so it wouldn't be without precedent.Have never watched a Sky News prog before and if last nights viewing is typical i doubt i will again.The reporter so clearly had an agenda which was hellbent on at least partly blaming the people of Merthyr for their own misfortune.And by the end of the prog i wanted to give the self satisfied smug git a good slap.Anyways i hope you're having a good day and may 'see' you later. x Leni, your story shows exactly why we have to change the way society is organised, it has to be organised around the needs of all people not just the needs of the rich and their destructive economic system.When Tower colliery closed they did at least try to provide local jobs on colliery land. When the pits were closed in the 80's the workers were thrown on the stones. Shows how even without changing the system enterprises owned by the workers at least try to serve the needs of the community. Imagine what could be achieved if everything was organised on the basis of common ownership.But this can only be achieved by convincing enough people it can be done. There are no short cuts. It takes hard work, talking to people followed by creating leaflets, organising public meetings and above all joining a political party that despite the recent exploits of Nulabour has a tradition for supporting the working class. In a recent Labour party meeting in this area people were asked why they joined the party. To the amazement of some of the Blairites in the party four people stated that had been supporters of Militant and felt the need to support a working class party.We need a party that comes from and supports the aspirations of working people. We do not need another left wing sect that simply congratulates itself on being 'prolier' than the others. Socialists need to be where the working class are still to be found in the Labour party and among the Labour voters who are beginning to demand that the party listens to them and not to those who represent the interests of finance capital.Only by swelling the ranks of the party and pushing it to the left will not happen overnight. We must not be too easily discouraged by those potential lefts who are still fearful and still believe that left wing policies wont win elections. In fact left wing policies are precisely what people wanted in 1997.Increasing numbers of people still want them - thousands have joined/rejoined the party in Wales, even the Blairites who are standing for the leadership are once again using the 'S' word. But whoever wins this election will not last long, with enough people pushing from below these people can be swept away. But its one step at a time. Hello everyone... just a quick swing-by to say 'hello'. I'll be intermittent as I've been busy preparing for singing at my cousin's wedding and going away next week for 10 days! (can't bloody wait!!) I'll try and catch up, but have about 3 million things to do and I'm shattered and can't really be bothered with it all.... hmpfff ;0) Hi LaRit - hope you enjoy your trip! Sounds like you could use one. Thanks Thauma! Yes.... apart from a long weekend away, it'll be the first 'holiday' in 5 YEARS!!!! It's crazy.... enjoy, LaRit! enjoy lots of lounging around. PaulThe following from Welsh Assembly info - aimed at attracting investment.----------Average wages in Merthyr Tydfil are relatively low at around 95 per cent of the average for Wales as a whole, making the region an attractive one to employers in labour-intensive industries.-----------This 'low wage economy' sell to business has been part of gvt, strategy here for years. Before the WA we had the WDA using the same strategies. The mister is just reading his first Bidisha article.His comment: My god, what a twat! Hi LeniOf course you had the misfortune of having Tory Tosspot John Redwood as your Welsh Secretary of State at the one time didn't you.He who didn't bother to learn the words of theWelsh Anthem :-) Good post from mikebach on waddya - needing support. Leni - very moving post.This is very relevant: ''Many people do not understand that many of the mining villages were self contained and self supporting communities. Infrastructure was designed around the movement of coal rather than people. When the mines closed everything else went too. Local shops, cafes . Self employed men dependent on the mines and the income from them lost customers etc. The railways arelong gone.''I went on hols to Staithes recently and we went up the A628 - which is a new bypass from Sheffield to Pontefract - it passes by the outskirts of lots of mining towns like Grimthorpe etc. There is nothing on these roads except for empty office buildings. Obviously built for the hoped for call center jobs that have now moved abroad too. It is desolate. I cannot understand how people cannot have more of an understanding of what it must be like to have had your whole community hollowed out and destroyed! On another note our dog has had his op. He looks terrible - has a huge scar from his chin to top of his chest. The vet who did the surgery says he thinks it is cancer but he cant be sure so we are now on edge until the results from the pathologist in five days. The tumor was widespread and had wrapped around his arterys etc however this does not necessarily mean it is really bad. It could be a sort of tumor that does re-occur but only in the same place and doesn't spread to the lungs etc, in which case we will just need to be observant in case it comes back.If it is a more sinister one - e.g. a thyroid tumor - then the scenario won't be as good and it often spreads to other areas. So until we know more we don't really know what we are dealing with. Anyway off for tonight. Nite all. Thanks, Thauma, for putting up a thread. Technical difficulties -- for some inexplicable reason, every once in awhile, my computer/internet will just get slower than a loris on Quaaludes. Frustration and the need to get to bed caused me to give up. Fingers crossed for the path result, Princess. Give the poor lad an extra treat from me. Montana - glad to hear it's only tech problems! Fingers crossed for some good news PCC. @Princesss:All the best thoughts for Jake from Joe, Cinnamon & Me.@Sheff:Thanks for the link to the Michael Moore. Fuck Rahm Emmanuel. Fuck him, fuck him, fuck him. Paul, Leni, thanks for those posts.An old mate of mine, used to work in the mines, came from Merthyr. When I met him in 90 he had just finished a three year stretch for something stupid that he more or less got stitched up over, a very stupid thing he'd done for money after the pits had closed. He came to work with us in the Midlands, and sent as much back as he could without going nuts to his ex (young kid - his ex never wanted him back after jail, natch). He sometimes lived in squallor, but he was modest and good natured and one of the most loyal blokes I ever met and worked his ass off, he could also fight like fuck if you overstepped the line. What he told me about Merthyr corresponds. We have a "New Wave" of punishing the poor - who live in those trapped, airless communities all over Britain - that's getting tacit support and indeed applause from the elites currently... it's the same mind set that wants to fuck the Romany, it really is.It's on the rise. And still we hate the Unions and the left in this country ? MW - very glad to see you alive and kicking...Sheff, read anything decent lately? What was your opinion of Incendiary?Thauma - should be some sort of test...except it would be quite hard to determine basic from intermediary... (discuss) It's on the rise. And still we hate the Unions and the left in this country ? Dare I say it BW...? The 'left' dosn't really exist anymore, and the Unions have something between none and absolutely no power. Frankly, the sooner people realise that, the better, i.e., more constructive it will be. Bitterweed,If anyone wants to know what happens when the free market is unleashed on communities, while any safety net is removed, one only has to look at the rust belt in the US.A couple of years ago I spent a bit of time in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Michigan on business, and was shocked by the dereliction and poverty, particularly in small communities I passed through. It reminded me of Mad Max.At least Maggie Thatcher pushed people onto the sick to keep the dole figures down. This time there's going to be none of that - entire communities are just going to be declared surplus to requirements. I've just left this comment on Waddaya and I'm going to put it here, just in case the mods decide that it shouldn't be on Waddaya, for whatever reason:To go back to Spike's original "joke" and the notion that it should be obvious to anyone who reads it that it was making fun of the law and not of rape or the victim in this particular case: (Sorry, Jessica, but my time zone wouldn't allow for a quicker reply)You might want to stop and think about the fact that the only people here who seem to think that this connection is "obvious" are all male. I think most women who read that "joke" will also see in it the male-held myth that women falsely accuse men of rape at the drop of the hat when they later regret having had sex with a man.Therefore, it is categorically NOT simply a joke about a law. It's a joke about women who supposedly find it easy to charge a man with a crime, just because she regretted sex.I have had consensual sex that I later regretted. I have also been raped. I know the difference. Women rarely report the real rapes. Why the hell do you men find it so easy to believe that we would make the shit up just because we'd changed our minds? exiled.I saw a doc on Detroit a good ten years back. An area of deep depravation had its welafare cut off. Completely. No longer of ecomomic use, therefore a wilderness.VariWhat do you recommend ... ? Well, if we're making sure there's a record...@MontanaRight, since you won't let it go, let me say I think you're totally irrational over certain issues. My ironic remark (if you think it's a joke, you've got a weird sense of humour) was clearly aimed at the law - not rape in general, not a particular person, but simply the idea that there can be any such thing as "rape by deception", a concept that belittles and banalises the terrible crime of rape.Anyway, if you and your mate Kizbot want to go looking for something you can get offended over, something that exists only in your fevered imaginations, I suppose I can't stop you. Rant away. I am still finding it difficult to believe that whole towns and all the people in them can just be cast aside - left to rot - despite all the evidence that proves it can and does happen.How have we allowed these inhuman attitudes to take hold ?As I write this ITV are reporting - with great sadness - the death of Cameron's father. Total hypocrites. LeniFound this on the Radar disability network website:"Disability Benefits Consortium SurveyWe are doing a survey to find out more about your experiences of the benefits system. We are going to use the information we get from the survey to help the Government better understand the impact changes to benefits like Incapacity Benefit, Disability Living Allowance and Local Housing Allowance will have on disabled people. We will also use the information to make people more aware of how important benefits are.The survey is open to all disabled people. You can either fill it in yourself or ask someone else to fill it in for you. The survey will run until 20th October 2010. However, the sooner you reply the better. If we get a lot of responses very quickly we can pass some of this early information onto Government as we try and safeguard key disability benefits".Can you please post on ATL (& anywhere else it may be useful) for me - apologies, but access to t'internet has been erratic so this is a flying visit.MontanaI agree. I too have a fevered imagination in this regard - I just don't find some things funny at all. xNight folks. @MontanaI've added a post on Whaddya. Evening NightshiftersBefore i sign off i'd like to play this track. Can't get it out of my head.Nite Go to hell, Spike. @MontanaOK, I tried. No, you really didn't. "I'm sorry if you were offended" is no apology -- it takes no responsibility whatsoever for what was said. Makes no concession that perhaps you were, in the very least, a bit insensitive.What "I'm sorry if you were offended" does is shove it all back at me. I'm a humourless bitch. I'm too easily offended. I'm unreasonable. I'm making too much of nothing.Well, take your "I'm sorry if you were offended" and shove it up your arse so far that it comes back out your mouth as the ugly shit that it is.You contemptible, misogynist bag of pus. @MontanaGo and calm down or sober up or whatever it takes. I'm not going to trade baseless insults with you. Spike, take five dude. Can anyone link me to the joke in queston ? Montana ( Mom) Wildhack - you are really giving out the ' tough love ' tonight !Honestly, can anyone remember the original attempted joke to which you are refering ? If it was about the married woman , who said she wasn't, etc, I found it funny . Too. Just a passing witticism no more . @BWIt wasn't a joke. I was ironising about the Israelli law on "rape by deception". Further up the thread.Here it is. Irony OK, jokingly too of course . No, Dave. I'm not making too much of it.Does the fact that the only people who seem to think that it was just a harmless "witticism" or "ironising" are men not tweek some little part of any of your brains that maybe, just maybe, you're not really considering the remark from the viewpoint of a woman who's been sexually assaulted? @DaveIf you like. I was trying to point out how ridiculous and dangerous such a law is. It banalises rape and there'll be plenty of people who'll say, "Oh yeah, but there's rape and rape. Look at that Israeli Arab bloke." And we don't need that. Rape really is rape, it's an appalling crime and shouldn't be watered down. Telling someone you're not married to get them into bed is being a bastard, not rape. And I don't drink, Spike. And I don't need to calm down. And your patronising attitude is yet another think that you can ram up that misogynist arse of yours. Montana, yes, I was being deliberately patronising. I apologise. But you're not the only one who can be offended and lash out. I've explained all I can and I'm not about to apologise for something that I don't think was wrong at all.All I can say is that I'm sorry you were upset. That's not shoving it all back at you, it's just all I can say. I don't do insincere.Frankly, Montana, I don't want to fight with you, not because there's any chance of us being bosom buddies - we obviously don't much like each other - but because people I respect here and elsewhere respect you, so I don't want a flame war. Can we agree to a truce at least? Sarah Silverman:"I was raped by a doctor. Which is so bittersweet for a Jewish girl" That's not funny either, Bitterweed. Even if it was a (Jewish) woman who said it. Right, I've finished a job and I'm off to bed to read another chapter or two of The Lollipop Shoes. Joanne Harris is a brilliant writer, IMHO. But what if she were a Jewish man like David Lee Roth or Bidisha ? I've never claimed to be the only one who can be offended and lash out. The woman in that case has been sexually assaulted by several men throughout her life, including her father -- who began sexually abusing her when she was 6 years old. She is a former drug addict. She has obvious mental health issues. According to her original statement, it was forceable rape -- not consensual sex. Yes, he lied to her about being Jewish and single. He lured her into a building that he claimed was his workplace, ostensibly to show her where he worked, and he raped her in the building.The case is far more complex than just a matter of a woman changing her mind. JackofDiamonds had presented this information and linked to a more detailed report.And then you made your remark -- either ignorant of this information or shrugging it off as unreliable.Yes, I'm aware that he's an Arab in an Israeli court. But she is a "bad" victim -- easily shaken. Easily discredited. Not necessarily because she was lying, but because of her past.Part of what is so disturbing to me is how easily men believe that a woman -- any woman -- would consent to sex with someone she'd only been chatting to for no more than a half-hour and then go to the police to have him charged with rape just because she regretted it or found out he'd lied to her. Rape isn't funny to people who have experienced it. No matter who it is who's making the jokes. Got that. Apols where appropriate... I know, BW. x Shit, I just came back to see if I'd had an email receipt and I just had to refresh...Montana, I was not saying anything about that particular case. It was the law I was attacking. If he raped her, he should be charged with that and convicted. If he's innocent, he shouldn't. Yes, it's not easy to get a conviction. And since it's Israel and he's an Israeli Arab, there's a whole lot of extraneous baggage. But plea bargaining for "rape by deception"? That's an insult to anyone who's ever been raped and anyone else who cares.Either a conviction for rape or nothing at all. You can't just invent a ridiculous, dangerous sub-charge. What does deception mean? Saying you're not married? Saying you'll take them home to meet mother and not doing it? Saying you're a manager when you're an office junior? It's not only insane, it's a blurring of the lines, which is what I've been saying all along. With rape, you have to have a firm boundary line, clear as fuck, beyond which you do not pass. They're messing with the definition and that's really fucked up.Look, I'm truly sorry about what happened to you. I've known people close to me who've been raped, assaulted, abused as children. It's hard to get over. Some never do. I'm affected by one particular case on a virtually daily basis, with all the concomitant problems of self-harm, depression and pathologically low self-esteem.So it's important to try and make sure it happens as little as possible to others, which means having society onside and not confusing issues. I think we can agree on that at least. Let's stop pushing buttons and bandying insults. If you've read my posts in general, you should see I'm a humanist. I want a just, free society where people don't suffer. So question my logic, but please don't question my motives. But plea bargaining for "rape by deception"? That's an insult to anyone who's ever been raped and anyone else who cares.Unless you've been raped, you have no right to say what's insulting to people who have been raped. I think that there are quite a few rape victims who wouldn't care what the charge was -- just lock the bastard away.Either a conviction for rape or nothing at all.So -- either a conviction for murder or nothing at all? No manslaughter? No degrees? Only first degree murder?With rape, you have to have a firm boundary line, clear as fuck, beyond which you do not pass. They're messing with the definition and that's really fucked up.No, Spike. There is no firm boundary line. Rape has very blurry boundary lines -- possibly some of the blurriest of any crime there is. He said, she said. He may genuinely believe that all of the "nos" and "please stops" and crying are nothing more than playing hard to get. Maybe she's to drunk or scared to say anything or fight. Meanwhile, she's feeling raped. Who's right? Who's wrong? Is it rape because she feels raped or is it not rape because he truly believes that she somehow consented to it?It just isn't nearly as easy as you want it to be. Hi MontanaI might live to regret getting involved, but I really need to say something about the reports about the Israeli case.The woman in that case has been sexually assaulted by several men throughout her life, including her father -- who began sexually abusing her when she was 6 years old. She is a former drug addict. She has obvious mental health issues.That's what the prosecution have said, yes. What's more they say that she was forced into prosecution by her father - it's an appalling history.According to her original statement, it was forceable rape -- not consensual sex.Yes.Yes, he lied to her about being Jewish and single. He lured her into a building that he claimed was his workplace, ostensibly to show her where he worked, and he raped her in the building.This is where we part company - I'm simply not willing to accept that uniquely, rape is a crime that requires no legal process.You say he "raped her in the building" - on what basis do you assert his guilt? The prosecuter told a journalist, the journalist told his readers, and one of his readers told you? It is simply not possible to make that assertion on the evidence.The case is far more complex than just a matter of a woman changing her mind.I agree, but it's also a damn sight more complicated than "he raped her in the building". The prosecution took the decision to not allow her to be cross-examined, because they were concerned about her history being examined. You might say that it's a shame that her terrible history should call into question her veracity as a witness (and I would agree with you), but it inevitably will - not because the system is unfair to her, but because it must be fair to the defendent.JackofDiamonds had presented this information and linked to a more detailed report.He did, and it has cleared up a lot of misconceptions about the case. What it hasn't done is given us a balanced picture of the case - the journalist spoke to the public prosecutor.This isn't about believing that women who allege rape are lying - this is about applying the same basic standard of innocent until proven guilty to rape, as to any other crime.here is no firm boundary line. Rape has very blurry boundary lines -- possibly some of the blurriest of any crime there is. He said, she said.Yes, in many rape cases the problem is one of a lack of physical evidence - it's the conflicting word of two people.He may genuinely believe that all of the "nos" and "please stops" and crying are nothing more than playing hard to get. Maybe she's to drunk or scared to say anything or fight. Meanwhile, she's feeling raped. Who's right? Who's wrong? Is it rape because she feels raped or is it not rape because he truly believes that she somehow consented to it?Sorry, but this is pure invention. You don't know what she said. You don't know what either of them feel. You don't know what actually happened.It was rape if she was raped. He's a rapist if he raped her. No arguement there, but at the moment that's not something that any of us can say with any degree of certainty. You saying that he raped her is no different from someone saying that she lied - it's nothing but conjecture. Hi MontanaI might live to regret getting involved, but I really need to say something about the reports about the Israeli case.The woman in that case has been sexually assaulted by several men throughout her life, including her father -- who began sexually abusing her when she was 6 years old. She is a former drug addict. She has obvious mental health issues.That's what the prosecution have said, yes. What's more they say that she was forced into prosecution by her father - it's an appalling history.According to her original statement, it was forceable rape -- not consensual sex.Yes.Yes, he lied to her about being Jewish and single. He lured her into a building that he claimed was his workplace, ostensibly to show her where he worked, and he raped her in the building.This is where we part company - I'm simply not willing to accept that uniquely, rape is a crime that requires no legal process.You say he "raped her in the building" - on what basis do you assert his guilt? The prosecuter told a journalist, the journalist told his readers, and one of his readers told you? It is simply not possible to make that assertion on the evidence.The case is far more complex than just a matter of a woman changing her mind.I agree, but it's also a damn sight more complicated than "he raped her in the building". The prosecution took the decision to not allow her to be cross-examined, because they were concerned about her history being examined. You might say that it's a shame that her terrible history should call into question her veracity as a witness (and I would agree with you), but it inevitably will - not because the system is unfair to her, but because it must be fair to the defendent.JackofDiamonds had presented this information and linked to a more detailed report.He did, and it has cleared up a lot of misconceptions about the case. What it hasn't done is given us a balanced picture of the case - the journalist spoke to the public prosecutor.This isn't about believing that women who allege rape are lying - this is about applying the same basic standard of innocent until proven guilty to rape, as to any other crime. WRT the Israeli rape victim case of the Israeli woman, and which now has brought to light the fact that the victim suffered from sexual abuse from childhood onwards, It can be seen that the initial information released to the media seemed to strongly suggest that the rape claim was based solely on the fact that the man did not reveal that he was neither Jewish nor Israeli (not even that he claimed to be Jewish and Israeli) and that they had had sex on a first date.Indeed, the fact that a small number of (but not all) pro-Israelis supported the Judge's decision, lead to comments that could be fairly classed as somewhat ironic and not so inappropriate.In that context, and without the new information, I think BTTP's comments were obviously not meant to be offensive, nor comic, nor misogynist, but simply ironic.In my humble opinion, and as far as the intellectually impaired victim is concerned, it appears that she has been instrumentalised not only be perpetrators of sex crimes, but, also by part of the Israeli Judiciary, the media and a small band of individuals who have no qualms in using the case in a political way or arbitrary way, regardless of the needs, feelings and rights of the victim in question.The other issue is this. Has anyone read the new information released to the press without contemplating even a small degree of nagging cynicism? i.e. Apart from the criminally obvious, what's wrong with this picture? Why, for example, is any type of bargaining allowed in these types of criminal cases? But it's not just the menz (although if I had a euro for every time I heard that irritating bleating of "what about the menz", I'd have enough money to buy a years supply of industrial strength ear plugs), but the selectively misogynist group of wiminz as well.How many times have we had to read comments such as "I am for women's rights, but" or "I used to think I was a feminist, but" or "I am a feminist, but" or "I am a feminist, sort of, but not a radical feminist" or "I am not a feminist, whatever that means, but" .... from women?It's not that identity politics is the primary problem either, IMO, it's the reactionary, self-centred and self-interested "identity politics", that gives valid identity politics a bad name. The small-minded expediency that makes politics yet another consumer sport of "me, me, me, look at me!" Martyn - identity politics is the problem because it tends to create a sense of victimhood in the group concerned and it divides when we should be united.Example: in a discussion of DV the statement 'men shouldn't hit women' will inevitably bring the responses 'I'm a man and I don't' (fair enough) and 'What about the menz' followed by endless (usually unlinked) statistics proving that its women who are more violent.What is wrong with people should not be violent to other people?. That covers preety much everything including the violence of poverty and starvation.In a sane world that should unite us not divide us, because in the end the only identity that really matters is human

If I had a real home page, it would be here. In the meantime, it might be worth mentioning that I'm a recovering sysadmin, working with Linux, WANs/LANs, and sundry network servers in the San Francisco Bay Area. . . . . .WINOLJ-OOW2.0C (Who Is Not On LiveJournal — Or Other Web 2.0 Cults). - USPS: 1105 Altschul Avenue (aka "---x---r-t Altschul"), Menlo Park, CA 94025-6601 (map) (directions). - POTS: +1 650-283-7902 (mobile) - ICBM:122.204196°W, 37.430410°N, 49.28 meters elevation - e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org - Gale messaging address: email@example.com - Genome: mtDNA haplogroup V2, paternal haplogroup R1b1b2a1a1 (marker U106): All you Doggerland refugees might be distant relatives. (And all hail Mother Velda!) - household info: Emergency contacts, elected district info. for household members' benefit - Local gardening sales and the gardening clubs running them - Archive of Rick's Election Analyses and Recommendations - Weather: What NWS predicts for our address - All farmers' markets near us - Household wine reviews Where to Find It: Scandinavian? Interested in Scandinavian events, businesses, and cultural institutions? Norwegian propaganda here. All my lecture notes, essays, and net information pieces have now been merged into my PerlHoo-based Linuxmafia Knowledgebase. (Some misc. picture files, and sundry unclassified Linux information files remain to HTMLise and catalogue.) "Litigious"? A member of the Linux community — a person whom I've never met and apparently knows me only from his online advocacy of Prof. Daniel J. Bernstein's software — in 2001 launched a rumour (on a user group mailing list 4500 km from me) that I'm lawsuit-happy. Here's my refutation of that claim, and my request that he please not do that again. In Feb. 2005, an ex-Director of BayLISA made a similar charge, claiming on two public mailing lists that I (a BayLISA director and officer) had threatened litigation against our group. He was likewise profoundly mistaken. Since Friday, Sept. 22, 2000, I have been happily married. There are hot springs both nearby and less-nearby. Popular pieces of mine: - Hardware Help and other primary Linux information sources - Source code management tools list - My SVLUG 2006 Independence Flyer and supporting documentation, including post-election Q&A - Read A Linux Pre-IPO Cautionary Tale - Why you should avoid installing software from upstream tarballs, and stick to your Linux/BSD system's package regime if humanly possible. (Karsten M. 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Linux Security and the Bad Guys' Tools" — [StarOffice] (52 kB) [HTML]. - Brief article in the January 2004 Linux Gazette: "PerlHoo Rocks". - Brief rundown on server-end DNS in the December 2005 Linux Gazette. - I also detailed the numerous varieties of DNS service, in The Village of Lan: A Networking Fairy Tale. - Related to that is my DNS software bestiary - I explained What's Up with Google Public DNS? - Observations in September 2007 Linux Gazette on Preventing Domain Expiration and the domain-check utility. - Followup on the State of the antispam regime for Linux Gazette's mailing lists. - Analysis of Qmail, Forged Mail, and SPF Records, and a separate one on SMTP Relaying, Authentication, Forwarding, and DSNs. - I remember Fred, a great American and inspiration to us all. - The twenty-odd firms producing so-called open source software under "Exhibit B" badgeware licences are deceiving the public and harming open source. - Follow-up on Exhibit B badgeware. - Ever wonder about options for custom printed cheques? I've researched online offerings for the USA. - Herewith, the best, most reliable way to test for bad RAM: [1, 2, 3] - Considering using Firefox? Here's an rundown on The Gentle Art of Firefox Tuning (and Taming). - I wrote a book review of the second-best book on open-source - In 2008, I explained why source port randomisation is so crucial to DNS. licensing, Andrew St. Laurent's Understanding Open Source and Free Software Licensing. - Something completely different: Words, Words, Words, a non-styleguide. I'm co-author (with Eric S. Raymond) of How to Ask Questions the Smart Way. I've been known to write humourous songs ("filk") from time to time to time again. (The first link is "The Naming of Cons" -- the second is "Modern SCO Executive" aka "Pirates of Penguinance", the latter ditty co-written with Karsten M. Self. The third I wrote about the 2015 Sad Puppies 3 contretemps.) Cherish the irony of DeCSS. My Notes on Upgrading to Linux 2.2 are here (of historical interest, only). Some archived Web pages (saved from oblivion): - The Canonical List of OSes That Suck. - Kenneth R. Kinder's Linux Myth Dispeller. - Stanley Milgram's heirs have denied permission to continue republishing his brief, out-of print article "The Perils of Obedience", about his always timely experiments. Pity, that. Direct any comments to Alexandra Milgram, c/o Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. (Please do not be disrespectful towards Ms. Milgram, who deserves every courtesy. Also, I hope to post here a non-infringing piece of my own to take Prof. Milgram's piece's place, soon.) Meanwhile, Prof. Milgram's article can still be found here and there around the Web. Almost as significant over the long term, and often neglected, are lessons of the Milgram obedience experiments, especially the 19 variation scenarios he ran to isolate other factors. - Tim Pozar's All Possible Netmasks Expanded, from the late, lamented TLG technical pages. - Piotr F. Mitros's Linux Standards Association Clearinghouse. - Jahn Rentmeister's "This Page Optimized for"... Arguing with Customers essay. Truer words were never spoken. - Jules Bean's Unofficial Debian Testing FAQ. - Tom Christiansen's "What's the plural of 'virus'?" article. - The late, great informational pages for the infamous Moaning Goat Meter. - Sven Guckes's fabled, illustrious alt.fan.warlord FAQ. - Akiva and Ilene Miller's "Have you ever wondered what Xmas would be like if it were a Jewish Holiday?" - John Cowan's peerless essentialist explanations page. Obligatory boring crypto stuff: Last modified: Fri Sep 30 18:21:53 PDT 2016Rick Moen

Rabbi Jacob is a graduate of the Jewish Theological Seminary where he received his Masters degree, Rabbinic ordination and honorary Doctor of Divinity. He most recently served 9 years as rabbi and hazan in the conservative congregation in Berwyn Pa. Rabbi Jacob has a unique background, having been raised in the world of the yeshivah and then connecting to the havurah movement on the path to his Conservative ordination. His orthodox background has led him to bring a ruah that combines a feeling of joy and deep spirituality to the davening. His connection to havurah has led him to a deep commitment to tikkun olam or the responsibility we all have to being God’s partners in creating a more perfect and just world. He is a strong believer in the role of the rabbi as teacher and is committed to teaching children and adults as individuals or in groups. And finally, Rabbi Jacob sees a congregation as an extended family that celebrates simchas together, and comforts one another during times of sadness. He is married to Sari and has 2 adult children who live in NY City.

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HEARD NOTHING, SEEN NOTHING Records of Dispossession: Palestinian Refugee Property and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, by Michael R. Fischbach. New York and Washington: Columbia University Press and Institute for Palestine Studies, 2003. xxviii + 368 pages. Appendices to p. 391. Notes to p. 433. Bibliography to p. 446. Index to p. 467. $39.50 cloth. Reviewed by Salim Tamari Of all the major issues surrounding the Arab-Israeli conflict (territory, settlement, refugees, the status of Jerusalem, and border delineation), the fate of landed property seized by the Israelis in the war of 1948 has been the least examined by scholars of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is also the most neglected of the final status issues addressed in the course of fifteen years of protracted negotiations since the Madrid Peace Conference was convened in 1990. This is rather perplexing, considering the amount of documentation about the millions of dunams of refugee farmland and urban real estate that was taken by the nascent Israeli state and then utilized to absorb hundreds of thousands of Jewish immigrants from Europe and the Middle East. More shocking is that this neglect applies equally to both the Israeli and Arab parties, including the Palestinians. While Israel has been evading the issue for the obvious reasons of accountability, the explanations for Arab reticence are more obscure. It seems to be related by the Palestinians (at the official and popular levels) to a fear of appearing to negotiate anything less than the repatriation of refugees to their homes and restitution of confiscated property. It is as if the mere creation of an inventory of lost lands, their location, size, categories, and monetary value would automatically be followed by a willingness to accept a monetary compensation for their loss. But this stance has changed drastically in the last decade, at least at the level of open debate of the issues involved-partly because there is a new recognition that the compensation clause in UN Resolution 194 is no longer seen as a package in lieu of the right of return, but as supplementary to repatriation; and partly because international precedents have been created (particularly in the case of Bosnian and Croatian refugees following the Dayton Accords) in which refugees succeeded in achieving, under international support and supervision, both the right of return to their homeland, as well as a choice of compensation or restitution for their lost property. The recent publication of Michael Fischbach's Records of Dispossession is an important event because it meticulously documents the evolution of the Palestinian property issue over the last half-century, including its resurfacing since the Oslo Accords in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli peace negotiations. The "records of dispossession" of the title refers to the vast corpus of ownership and other records painstakingly collected over a ten-year period (1951-61) by the UN agency in charge of classifying and monitoring the fate of refugee property. The contribution of this volume is the unprecedentedly detailed account of the workings of that important body (the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine-UNCCP). As advisor to a project for computerizing and digitizing the UNCCP archives, overseen by the Institute for Palestine Studies, the author had full access to these records that had never been open to the public. Fischbach shows the utility and limitations of the UNCCP database against the backdrop of other comparable refugee situations. The book should be read in conjunction with two earlier books: Sami Hadawi's Palestinian Rights and Losses (Saqi Books, 1988), and Don Peretz's Israel and the Palestinian Arabs (Middle East Institute, 1958)-both dealing with the fate of confiscated Palestinian property from first hand experience by the authors. One of the most poignant (and indeed appalling) episodes narrated in this work addresses the manner in which the victorious Haganah and other Jewish irregular militias dealt with deserted Palestinian dwellings in the major cities of Jaffa, Haifa, and Jerusalem. Priority was given to senior administrators of the new state and senior officers in the army to occupy "abandoned" homes. In Jaffa, Ramla, and Lydda where an almost total ethnic cleansing of the Arab population took place, a pecking order of "occupancy right" was given to the waves of early Jewish immigrants. Displaced persons from European camps and Bulgarian refugees were given first choice. Jews from North Africa were next in line and were given homes in Jaffa and Haifa. Holocaust survivors played a prominent role in these acts of displacement: "having found their barracks-like accommodation in the kibbutzim too similar to those they faced in Nazi concentration camps, they broke into Palestinian homes in Haifa. They took over well-appointed homes in such Palestinian quarters of the city as Wadi Nisnas and along `Abbas Street. While the homes taken over in Qatamon had been abandoned, many of these dwellings were in fact still occupied by Palestinians who had remained [in Israeli territory]. Some Jews simply evicted the owners by force" (pp. 7-8). It is obvious from the manner in which squabbles (and sometimes violent fights) broke out in the ranks of the IDF and senior state officials that the spoils included choice villas and possessions of the departed Palestinian upper classes in Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Haifa. These acts of collective looting did not spare Jewish citizens either. Fischbach reports how Jewish residents of Talpiot and Sanhedriya in Jerusalem "submitted a bill to the Israeli government for the contents of scores of their homes looted by Israeli troops" (p. 9). In rural areas the kibbutz movement, aided by Israeli troops, spearheaded the move to seize abandoned peasant farms. Those communal settlements, which became a symbol for Zionist utopianism in the West, included the whole spectrum of ideological currents, from the leftist ha-Shomer ha-Tsair and Mapam to the religious Agudat Yisrael. It is clear in the author's narrative that the plunder of Arab property was an act in which the whole of Jewish society-left, right, and center-was engaged. Altogether Fischbach estimates that one-third of all immigrants in the late 1940s and early 1950s found accommodation in deserted Palestinian refugee homes. A much larger operation of property transfer involved the takeover of abandoned lands. Most of those plots that remained within the reach of Palestinians who were not expelled were seized anyway under the legal fiction of "absent-present"-the convoluted legal term for those refugees who stayed in the country but left their immediate residences temporarily during the fighting and were not allowed to return to them. One of the most successful operations of clearing peasants from their land was articulated by Yosef Weitz, the director of the Jewish National Fund. He proposed after the end of the 1948 war what became known as a policy of "retroactive transfer," in a memorandum appropriately entitled "A Scheme for the Solution of the Arab Question in Israel." The memo summarized measures which essentially would "prevent the return of Palestinian refugees [to their homes]; prevent Palestinian farmers from cultivating their abandoned fields; and settle Jewish immigrants in 90 abandoned villages; and destroy the remainder of the abandoned villages." When Ben-Gurion agreed to all these measures but objected to the last clause (apparently for utilitarian reasons), Weitz carried them out anyway (pp. 12-13). Virtually all of this plunder was carried out under the cover of meticulous legal procedures. A whole army of lawyers attached to the Jewish Agency, the state, the office of the chief of staff, and the Justice Ministry-together with a retinue of international "legal experts"-labored on the issue of confiscated lands. The most effective tool of this conquest was the Emergency Regulations for Absentees' Property of December 1948, drafted by the Justice Ministry. These regulations, we are informed, "shifted the legal definition of what constituted abandoned land from the land itself to its owner: instead of declaring land to be 'abandoned,' people were now declared 'absentees' whose property could be seized by the state" (p. 21). And when people were not absent, they were 'absented' on behalf of the state, as happened to thousands of Palestinians who remained in Israel but escaped from the fighting arena for safety, as civilians do everywhere, and subsequently found that their land officially sequestered. Another "legal" tool of dispossession, not covered by Fischbach here, was to declare public land as belonging to the "Jewish public" and therefore inaccessible to Palestinians. Both these measures were applied vigorously over the years to territories conquered after 1967, in the West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights. With few exceptions the Israeli High Court of Justice became a rubber stamp for these measures. When challenged, as in several cases of settlement activity in the occupied territories, the court would avoid taking the issue since these cases were deemed to be mostly of "political nature," outside the domain of the court's jurisdiction. Fischbach describes at length the extensive efforts undertaken by Israeli officials to document the uses and disposition of refugee property; yet their obsession came to naught when the issue came up for permanent status negotiations in Camp David (1999) and in Taba (2000). Israeli chief negotiator Elyakim Rubinstein (who was also Israel's Attorney General) made the remarkable disclosure that the records of the Custodian of Absentee Property [of Palestinian refugees] were no longer available, and that the money generated by these assets over the last five decades "no longer exists. We have used them up. It is up to the international community to create funds for this" (p. 348). That in effect has become the Israeli strategy of negotiations over refugee assets under the administration of the Israel Land Administration and before that of the Custodian for Absentee Property. The logic behind this line of thinking is to create a paradigm of reciprocity, in which the Israeli claim to have absorbed a large number of Jewish immigrants from Arab countries, some of whom had their property confiscated by the Arab states in which they lived, is now advanced as an act of exchange for the property of Palestinian refugees evicted in the 1948-1951 period. Since this notion of "exchange" is applied by current Israeli advocates specifically to Jewish property in Iraq for 1951 and in Egypt for 1956 (where Jewish property was taken over by the state), it leaves the bulk of Arab-Jewish immigrants to Israel (particularly those who came from Morocco) outside the sphere of reciprocity since it could not (and cannot) be subsumed under the rubric of confiscated property. The Palestinians in their turn have insisted that these claims must be dealt with bilaterally between the Israelis and the respective Arab governments concerned. Since November 2001 the Israeli government has come out publicly with the position that the issue of Jewish property will be its chief tool of negotiating with the Palestinians. (Fischbach cites a calculation to the effect that the value of Palestinian property sequestered is 22 times greater than the value of Jewish claims [p. 353].) Both the Clinton administration (in Taba) and the current Bush administration have come out in favor of the idea that compensation for Palestinian refugees should be dealt with "through an international organization that will be established for this purpose," presumably with European and Japanese funding. As in the case of settlement activities the Americans have come around to adopt a position of faits accomplis for refugees-an exceptionalism that seems to operate only in the case of Israel. Fischbach's work is breathtaking in its scale and attention to details. He goes to extreme lengths to expose the historical evolution of international and national (particularly Israeli) institutions dealing with the fate of refugees and their property. Whenever possible he also provides the reader with extensive alternative surveys for the properties in question, their values, and estimates of the number of people affected, discussing the strengths and pitfalls of each. While the main focus of this study is the records of UNCCP property records in New York, the book provides several other studies that supplement those records. It also provides an essential source for comparison with other international cases involving refugee restitution in Cyprus, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Rwanda. The main missing component in his research are the records of UNRWA-the UN Agency for Palestinian refugees-which includes the Unified Registration System and the family files of some 4 million registered refugees in the Arab host countries-a surprising omission since the author refers at length to other UNRWA documents and its early rivalry with the UNCCP. This point notwithstanding, the work of Michael Fischbach is bound to be a standard reference for the issue of Palestinian refugee property for scholars and policy makers alike. Salim Tamari is currently visiting professor at the history department of the University of California at Berkeley and director of the Institute of Jerusalem Studies.

Five minutes to type-up a quick review of a recent read. This time, I’m reviewing Seltzer’s collection of ten short stories in her anthology, “Ways of Living”. Five Minute Book Review: “Ways of Living” by Gemma Seltzer In this collection many of Seltzer’s short stories can be traced back to common, yet very relateable, themes. It feels quite apt that I’m writing this whilst buried deep in oversized lounge wear, cup of tea to my left. Isolation, personal loss, the constant readjustment of itchy face coverings; these aren’t always the most comfortable visualisations, but the ones we can readily embrace. The anthology is set around working and living in London, drawing a lot on the author’s Jewish heritage and personal research within broad and diverse communities. Light humour peppers the emotional undertone of most stories, such was the case in Parched, with its protagonist who can’t stop crying, or the surreal tale of a woman who takes to believing her deceased mother is still alive and living in her coat (Some Women Carry Silence in their Pockets). What Would You Have Said?, depicting the fallout of an enforced office policy of “Quiet Wednesdays” (with strong inklings of Blackmirror) and Handover, a tale about a friendship breakup, introduces some interesting topics for broader discussion. For instance why, in an age where people aren’t as geogrpahically fixed as they used to be, doesn’t popular culture mourn the loss of friendships as much as romantic relationships? Maybe it’s a more generational problem as much as anything else. These short stories were a nice quick-read during busy working days from home. A moment of urban escapsim, within four magnolia walls. Can I just start with the most middle-class, Cotswold drama to have occured this year at Christmas. Mumma B, setting her prized oven mits on fire, by accidentally placing them over a Yankee candle. The best bit? Mumma B’s first reaction to my panic was to assume the vegetables were boiling over. I don’t think it quite trumps the time I dropped the Michael Buble Christmas CD in a tray of turkey fat, but it’s a close second. Letters, Books, Pigeons: Christmas 2021 I’m going to start as we mean to go on, with this: You know what? The more times I watch it, the more times I think there is nothing in here the great George Michael and Andrew Ridgley of Wham! would take issue with. From the soundtrack to the casual bit of inter breed dating, I only hope, and I truly mean this from the bottom of my heart, that George Michael was able to watch this before his death in 2016. (And if you think any of this is tragic just remember, this wasn’t even the worst thing I came across. Nowhere near.) I’m Dreaming of a White…Pigeon When it comes to Christmas, everyone has a different interpretation for what festivities look like. Some people have robins in snow, in Swindon we’ve got pigeons bathing in overflowing waste drains. Beggars can’t be choosers. While I’m not one of those who puts up decorations super early, I am a fan of Christmas when it does come along. Anything to get me over the trauma of Halloween. Genuinely can’t be trusted to watch a 12-rated spook film without freaking out at the slightest jump-scare. Years it took me to get over Disney’s The Haunted Mansion, years. I put up my tree… …and proceded to smash up my beloved retro starburst clock, by attempting to hang lights off it. The entire glass dial, smashed into a trillion bitty pieces. Mazel Tov! (Oh, wait, that’s the wrong religion.) It’s always nice when Jesus graces you with his presence when you’re out and about shopping, even if his eyeless sockets are a little bit menacing. We buy all these presents, yet not one of them is for him? So humble. And I’m not going to lie, arguably the gifting has already peaked this year. That happened recently when my family teamed up to buy me a whole set of matching Next kitchenware. My goodness, it’s so beautiful. Huh? Sorry, what were we talking about? Oh yeah, presents. I mean, at the same birthday I also got given this: Honestly, the embarassment of opening this in front of my family, alongside Next kitchenware. Not just that, reading the blurb out! Trust me, it gets worse. Deary me, my cheeks were not ready for that leavel of red. (Thanks Matt, mission accomplished!) Now this, this is the sort of tat I can get into. (But not buy.) Hang on a second, I’m sure I’ve seen something like this before. My goodness, talk about nerve! That was on sale for £2 less in 2019! It set me up to be in a right unimpressed British emoji-type mood when my younger sister pointed this sign-board out to me. No, just no. Ignoring all of the random shop items, this year my best purchase has to be, without a shadow of a doubt, my new fountain pen. I bought the pen, then proceeded to Google how to make it work. There’s definetely something ironic in using the internet to lookup the basics of how to use a pen. One of my favourite things I like to do every year is write Christmas cards. This year, with so many of my colleagues based overseas that meant a bit more spent on stamps but heck, they’re worth it. I’m still at the stage of life where I don’t have five million of them to write out, and/or pressing life matters that see every night booked up from 1st August, through to 15th January. I can treat myself to the odd night of pure card-writing, jotting out personalised notes to those nearest and dearest. It gives me a kind of buzz. What can I say? Some people have alcohol, I have cards. We both have wrecked tounges. Terrible Christmas Films (No, Really) When I write cards, wrap presents etc, I tend to stick on one of those terribly wonderful Hallmark-type Christmas films on. Predictable and, I used to think, unoffensive. That was, until I saw this clip: THEY DON’T EVEN EAT THE FOOD!! What kind of dining-out date is this? Nu-huh, I’m sorry mate, you can stop juggling those oranges, because if I’m not getting a look-in on that Tupperware box, then you ain’t getting this. (Close friends have also pointed out countless other things that make no sense in this montage, however I’m sticking firm on the lack-of-food being the absolute worst. Three words; girl, gotta, eat.) On that note… *returns to phone to scroll through her tailored Facebook adverts* Serves me right for being an insomniac. And, on the topic of sleep, a late night pop to the shops to buy some milk and I spot this: “…Does it come with a receipt?” Oh, hey! Almost forgot. It’s December now, so that means my diet is even more whacky than other months* (*let’s be honest, my diet is hardly enviable). Did someone invite me to go around all the coffee shops, drink gingerbread lattes and not eat anything until evening, when I have a three course meal? (Not that I ever want to have a three course meal, even two courses is an extreme for me, but because it’s December suddenly that’s a thing. Gonna get me a sweet, sweet latte, bigger than my tiny wrist can hold.) Anyway, yes, yes that’s me. And I will read a book in there and no, you will not have a hope of kicking me out until at least two hours have passed, and not a minute before. Unrelated note, does anyone else get life this after getting heavily involved with an emotional book? “Walking through the dark and cold drizzel of town, after a 2+ hour coffee shop reading session. So full of mixed emotions right now, I genuinely don’t know whether to cry or feel inspired. Just me, or does anyone else have to take a lie down when the book feel get this intense?” Turns out, it’s just me. “Ink not coming out of fountain pen” is a niche search entry, I’ll give you that. Maybe not quite as popular as Ariana Grande but heck, you’ve gotta keep these traditions alive. You know what? Stuff it! I’m just gonna book myself on a professionally accredited course to learn about unicorn magic… …and go watch the Swindon Wildcats play down the local rink. In fairness, it was such a good game. Wait, There’s More! Before you go, remember that video I included at the start of this post? Well, guess what? The creator only went and made an improved version and/or (to be honest I’m not entirely sure which) sequeal a few years later! Yeah, I know! Better still, the soundtrack features the musical stylings of Cascada, covering Wham! This post is dedicated to my lovely little sister, Bubba B. It’s also dedicated to my old photo achieves I’ve been trawling through with zero regard to common decency. She let me take these photographs, she knew what she was signing herself up to five/six years later. (At least that’s what my lawyers will say.) *Cough* anyway, here we go. My Sister, On… My Sister, On…Contemporary Art My Sister, On…Prehistory (My Sister, On…World Domination of Prehistory) My Sister, On…Geology India On…Hipster Coffee My Sister, On…Making Friends My Sister, On…Interior Design My Sister, On…Cultural Portrayals of the Female Body My Sister, On…Wine Tasting My Sister, On…Home Removals My Sister, On…Interpretive Dance My Sister, On…Travel My Sister, On…Motivational Talks (And finally – for now) My Sister, On…Questionable Photography There you have it! Stay awesome, sister of the sea. (PS, because no one is perfect…) Yeah, I’ve no idea either. (There may be an “Alice On…” sequel, or two, coming soon.) Please support unpaid writers, like me, by donating to my funding page: Candles, erosion excitement and a scurvy-inducing diet, we’ve got all the reasons (and more) why I’ve quite possibly still yet to become one half of a “smug couple”. Why Alice is Still Single…Probably First Things First I can’t help that a pandemic happened. I don’t proactively choose to shun humans (Yeah, I’ll call up my insurance firm now. “Hello, I’d like to record my profession as ‘Aspirational Spinster’ please? What do you mean, that’ll increase my premium?”) Although, for the benefit of reassurance, I am attracted to humans. (But I am also attracted to that part of YouTube.) I’ve Made My Memory Foam Bed, and it Serves me Well I live where I live and do what I do. And before you give me that Sliding Doors baloney, “if only you’d taken that fictional job somewhere else, then maybe things would be different”, I mean, sure but… A) Not God. B) There are loads of amazing things I’d have missed out on. C) I lived in London for a year and guess what? Despite getting my bag stuck in the Tube countless times and missing countless more trains altogether, John Hannah still didn’t show up and I’m still not Gwyneth Paltrow. (But at least my accent isn’t that grating.) My Cooking is Beyond Questionable Case in point, I routinely eat leftover Chinese with pasta. I call it “East Meets West” (no, really, I do). I know what you’re thinking and yes, I am the kind of girl who brings a stapler and a rack of business cards to dinner (and you thought the Chinese was hot stuff). As a rule of thumb, the dishes I cook involve three ingredients. E.g. scrambled eggs: eggs (no milk), bread, butter for bread. Soup: tin of soup, bread, butter for bread. Chips, fish fingers, peas. I also routinely snack on dry cream crackers. I’m Not in the Market of Being Someone I’m Not I’m so out of habit with makeup I barely wear it nowadays. The idea of putting all this stuff on my face to create something to satisfy everyone but me just doesn’t do anything for me (you can’t see your own face after all). Looking at this from a positive angle, this is presently the worst I’m ever going to get: *Well, excluding when I’m chilling out in the back of Shoreditch clubs. Everything Excites Me…But Men Things like having David Nicholls, author of One Day, like my Tweet: (Reason .5 for staying single – I like using words like golly) I also like seeing the effects of coastal erosion on tiny pebbles: I didn’t even care they only were available in a men’s size. Why? Because I’m now the proud owner of Picasso socks. Duh. It doesn’t take much to get me excited, but on the downside, it doesn’t take much to get me excited. I don’t need a guy to be the *sole* provider of my joy…unless you have Picasso socks. And yes, pun intended. I Have Awesome Friends Granted, things are a smidge surreal at the moment, but I still have my girl (and guy) friends. And if I can’t meet up with them in real life, I still can connect with them digitally. Dressing up and dancing around my bedroom, it’s like the teenage years I never had. Back when I was too busy wearing jeans and playing about with hair straighteners and knives. Oh, Cotswolds, you do crack me up. Nb, that was taken on my eighteenth birthday. Disney need to do a rerun of that film, 13 Going on 30. We’ll call it 30 Going on 13, and it’ll be 90 minutes of me struggling to comprehend water installations in urban environments: Ten years on and I’m still trying to work them out. Hmm, I think we’ve gone a bit off topic somewhere around here. What were we discussing, again? Oh yeah, why I’m single. Me, Myself and I; We’ve got Our Own Thaang Going on I Already Have an Interim Solution, and it’s a Candle I can’t quite fathom how Glade have done this, but I swear this candle smells like a ‘best of’ man collection. It’s kinda musky and has a nice cologne-like secondary smell. I think it’s a honey and chocolate combo. I can’t share the smell, but trust me, it’s solid. And no, I’m not backing down on this. And Then There Are the Creeps Ooh! Bear with, just got a new match. Right, let’s open this up… Your best bet is to cook me something with four ingredients, invest in quirky socks and dip yourself in molten wax. Guess what? I’m eighteen years old in that one too. I need to get into teen movies. Where is my non-existent agent? Support an unpaid writer, like me, by donating to my funding page: Buy Me A Coffee “The past is a foreign country; they do things differently there” – L.P. Hartley A year ago today, I returned from a London city break and published my first post. I’d spent a year living in the UK capital, so for me it marked a refresh of the best bits of city-living, including art galleries, theatre performances and catching up with old friends. Days after my return I was left encumbered, battling a mystery illness. Those following weeks I pressed on the best I could, putting it down as another one of those viruses which circulate in densely populated environments. A year later I’m no closer knowing what struck me down; we all have our theories. Back then, my friends and I had whimsically noted the high-adoption of face coverings being worn by the predominantly Asian tourist base. We mused on the foreign illness that was gripping other continents, but to comprehend the possibility that our own country could already be rife with disease was a step too far. We were better than that, we were British. Instead, we continued to pack ourselves into dense sweats to watch live music, feasted in noisy restaurants and embraced fondly. If only we’d known. So, with perhaps a naively romanticised view of what were truly the last days of normality (late January 2020), here are all four parts of London Recalling. Just a quick reminder that I’m still here, earning tumbleweed from my writing (well, actually, tumbleweed would at least be something…) A big, big thank you to those who have donated so far (you lovely people know who you are). For those less aware, I have an active donation page called Buy Me A Coffee, a platform which helps creatives get money doing what they love and keep producing content for their fans. If not for me and my coffee spilling antics, it’s worth checking out to discover some hidden gems from people across the world. I’m always reviewing the page and just recently added two funky new extras you can buy as a one-off. Check out the website to find out more. Thank you in advance! This isn’t a sponsored post. Support an unpaid writer like me by donating to my funding page: Buy Me A Coffee In response to the frequently asked question “hey, Alice, when do we get to read your book?” here is a list of genuine reasons why I haven’t and why I’m not sorry for it. My manuscript (at time of writing) is c. 70,000 words and nearing 200 pages. That’s a lot, but I want to make it up to the 80,000 mark. My History dissertation back (in 2014) was 10,000 words and took a year of solid research and writing (with no distractions). Go figure. I realised three weeks ago at least half of it needed rewriting. I’ve spent about six weeks working on the opening extract (first 5000 words). I have a full-time job which I have continued to do throughout pandemic. Up until mid August, I had only take one day off of my allocated annual leave. One day, in all of 2020. I have to do human things; shop for food, eat, sleep, poop etc. Shoot me, I get writers’ block/creative fatigue. Covid-19. Just Covid-19. I commute frequently from family home to the actual home I pay a mortgage on. A 1.5 hour car journey will just about sap up any energy you got. Some days I really can’t be bothered to write. Some days I really write a load of rubbish. Believe it or not, I do other creative exploits. All writers need the satisfaction of quick-win completion, which is why I’ve also been writing more short stories. I can’t post these on the blog, because then I’d be unable to make money from them at a later date and/or submit for competitions. A ‘short story’ for me is 2000 words. Nine pages (double-spaced). Bio: “This week I speak to the new Mayor of Stratford, Councillor Tony Jackson, and find out exactly what it is a Mayor does, and to Sophie from Happy Paws in the Shire, about doggy holidays to the beach and fussing and feeding our feline friends. I also speak to local blogger, Alice, who writes the blog ‘My Housemates A Mermaid’, about her very interesting housemate, and she shares her lockdown poem with us.” In July last year I subscribed to a Novel Writing course offered by the London School of Journalism. Keen and eager (although somewhat less convinced my idea could hold a story) I penned the first draft of a synopsis in a charming little coffee shop in Ilfracombe, North Devon. Fourteen classes and twenty-seven written submissions later, I’m pleased to announce that I’ve have completed the course with flying colours. Go me! This isn’t the end of my creative exploits. Spurred on by the course, I’m continuing in earnest on my manuscript (#AmEditing as the cool cats on Twitter say) and dipping my toe into the world of short stories. While my love, life and ambition is to turn my manuscript into a fully published novel, I’ve discovered that diverting energy into other avenues is a great way to refresh and experiment. Also a bit of fun! (Which I know for some people must sound weird. The idea of hours of writing, followed by 2000 words of something news.) Thank you to my wonderful tutor Val Holmes for being a fresh pair of eyes throughout the course and being unafraid to challenge the creative choices I make. I’ve said it before, and I’ll say it again, this isn’t the last you’ve heard of my writing exploits.

Hillel welcomes students of all backgrounds and fosters an enduring commitment to Jewish life, learning and Israel. As the largest Jewish student organization in the world, Hillel builds connections with emerging adults and inspires them to direct their own Jewish journey. You are now logged out of www.hillel.org. If you logged in using a service such as Facebook or Google, you may still be logged in there. If this is a shared computer, you should log out of all accounts. Washington College`s Hillel, like the campus itself, is relatively small but dynamic and expanding. In addition to social and religious events, we have a service components through which we connect with and contribute to our community. Most popular tags

By: Ariel Fixler THIS POST IS INSPIRED BY AND DEDICATED TO TWO PEOPLE. 1. MY SECOND MOTHER SHARON BORENSTEIN. WHO INSPIRED THIS DIALOGUE IN A MOST THOUGHT PROVOKING MANNER. THANK YOU. FOR BEING PART OF MY RELIGIOUS FORMATIVE YEARS MENTIONED BELOW AND CURRENT “EXTENDED FAMILY”. 2. RACHEL KLINGHOFFER MARCUS AND HER HUSBAND NOAH, FOR ALWAYS HAVING AN OPEN DIALOGUE WITH ME CONCERNING RELIGION AND MY BELIEFS AND SUSPENDED BELIEFS. FOR INTRODUCING ME TO JEWISH OUTREACH AND SUPPORT THROUGH SHIRA RUSKAY. WHERE I FOUND COMFORT AND JEWISH COUNSELING THROUGHOUT MY ILLNESS. http://www.jbfcs.org/programs-services/jewish-community-services-2/shira-ruskay-center/ In the words of the talented and formidable band, R.E.M. “I was losing my religion” in my battle against my disease, debilitating side effects and decline.. Even though the affable George Michael kept singing to me, “Oh you gotta have faith, faith, faith”, while waving my hands in the air like I just don’t care. I was Ariel the Ambivalent. I lost the religious fervor and zeitgeist. When tackling illness in a supportive setting, the topic talked quite habitually and frequently in support groups is loss of faith and religion. Even the most religious, faithful, humble, genuine and giving people start to lose faith. It is natural but goes unnoticed or talked about because of shame and shock and awe. In short they “GO DARK”. It happens and it is nothing to be ashamed about. So let’s normalize it and talk about it here. When I was sick the amount of “praying for you” messages I got ranked up there with the “thinking of you” and “XO” communication. It was something YOU SAID. We try to heal through religion, consulting our faith and prayer. We seek counsel we never sought before. We embrace prayers we never uttered before and we embrace religion we had long forgotten. Many people become born again with their religion or embrace a new one all together. Conversely, many people become angry with their faith for not providing rapid healing and health. For not taking away their pain and agony. They blamed God and their faith for abandoning them and making them filled with rage, hostility and confusion. The mere utterance of “praying for you” no longer provides comfort. I struggled the middle line on that topic. What do I mean? It’s two-fold in its soluble solution. 1. I appreciated people praying for me and evening thinking of me. 2. However I felt that my faith and that those same prayers went unanswered. A Quick Religious Debriefing and Background: I wasn’t particularly religious for the last 10 plus years. In my formative years I had religious schooling (a dual education at a Jewish Day School). I love so many people from those years and truly cherish the friendships it bestowed upon me. I toyed around with being Orthodox for a few years in my very early teens. Mainly because my neighbor and best friend (Amanda) and her family were religious. I wanted to seek what she sought, follow what she followed and be different and bold. I was so angry at my family for not following my religious initiative lead. When they attended the “other” synagogue (the Conservative shul they had to drive to attend) I hid in the backseat. Or I asked them to pick me around the corner at a neighboring deli. Because that made sense right? Shaming another sector of same religion. But soon my religious enthusiasm waned as quickly as our nations love for grunge rock and heavy flannel shirts at the time. I got my license soon after and discovered the opposite sex, non-kosher food, weed and booze. So goodbye to long skirts and hello to short skirts and being what my neighbor Amanda called being “a wild child”. Once I graduated from high school I didn’t do too much with my schooling or religion (and I wasn’t proud of that fact). My family kept their religion. They kept their attendance record at temple phenomenally intact. They loved their roots and cherished them. My display of affection for my religion came in the form of celebrating the major Jewish Holidays, uttering a few prayers once a year for my Mom’s annual holiday meals to show off my education. My need to please and conform by attending Jewish charity events that my friends ran and spouting some Hebrew terms out to impress my colleagues while traveling abroad (oh and to impress my foreign lovahs). Yea I wasn’t a winner and a tried and true religious Jew. But I always cherished where I grew up, the wonderful people I grew up with, my heritage, my schooling and my trips to the Holy Land. When I got too busy to be a more participating Jew I thought I would catch up later. Like it was a show I could binge at my will and prerogative at a TBD DATE. I thought it would always be there for me RIGHT? Like a friend you hadn’t talked to for years and you can just automatically pick up where you left off like no time had passed. When I got sick I was angry at the world and a special target lay in waiting for my religion. I hated the words praying for you (not because of the genuine sentiment) because I stopped believing in prayer and religion I was once held so near and dear. The only semitic quality that reminded me I was Jewish was the Jew fro I was growing out with my post chemotherapy follicles. I envied my friend Robin Arzon who was converting to Judaism not to be trendy but because she sought what she needed within Judaism and saw beautiful traditions drenched in history, struggle and survival. She didn’t convert for a man, she converted because the religion made her feel HUMAN and made her feel WHOLE. So if you are someone who is ill in whatever stage of religious confusion and crossroads. Maybe you have lost your religious belief, feel like reneging others beliefs and revoking religious proclamations. You know what? IT’S OK. If you are suffering loss and is someone questioning why this happened to YOU and if there is a GOD it is also OK. It doesn’t make you a non-believer or an all around bad apple. Contrary to the famous music lyrics by Billy Joel you can actually be a sinner and a saint. Questioning your faith and your ability to communicate with God is normal. It is a natural way of thinking and a natural progression and direction of your anger and confusion. So try to embrace it if you can. Question the unquestioned and internally and externally debate. I actually sat down with both a priest and rabbi (that is not a joke set up I swear). This hospital was Presbyterian in name (but very open and tolerant in its religious affiliations). So the hospital staff set up the dialogue for me. The day the priest saw me was actually on the Sabbath and he took the Shabbat elevator up to see me. I don’t know why but the irony brought me a massive sense of comfort. I told them I was seeking comfort and counseling through Jewish counseling services and was trying to be open minded and not ashamed of my suspended belief. http://www.jbfcs.org/programs-services/jewish-community-services-2/shira-ruskay-center/ Our conversation was one geared toward rediscovering what I did believe in and where my faith currently resided. I encourage you to do the same or just let it be. The feeling may go away or stay, either way it is not something to ashamed of, self-hate or deride yourself over. In the end, I was loved, supported and embraced by all religious sectors from my past and present. The Conservative sector I once put aside and the Orthodox one I literally and figuratively sped away from were still very much within my spirit. Promise me you understand that it is a natural course of working through your emotions and your illness. Lastly, you will never see me engage in a political, spiritual and religious debate about faith or Israel on or offline (those waters are too hostile and rigid for tepid old me). HOWEVER it doesn’t mean I am any less connected, attentive and grateful to the values and history in my religion and culture. Download pdf version here (AN ILLNESS AND LOSS DIALOGUE WITH THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN APRIL IN NYC).

May 9, 2017 TORONTO – The year 2016 was a record-setting year for antisemitism in Canada, B’nai Brith Canada’s Annual Audit of Antisemitic Incidents has found. Now in its 35th year, the Audit is the definitive and authoritative resource on antisemitism in Canada, cited regularly by law-enforcement agencies, government bodies, and human rights organizations around the world. According to the Audit, which tracks and analyzes trends in hatred directed toward members of Canada’s Jewish community, 2016 saw a 26 per cent increase in antisemitic incidents over the previous year, and a six per cent increase over the previous high in 2014. Contrary to news reports directly linking a rise in Canadian antisemitism to the election of U.S. President Donald Trump, the 2016 iteration of the Audit found that the months surrounding and immediately following the U.S. election, which are traditionally the months with the highest activity, actually showed a decrease in antisemitic acts in Canada, relative to previous years. In fact, over the past 10 years (with only two exceptions), the Audit has recorded higher reported figures of antisemitic incidents than the years before, indicating that antisemitism in Canada has been on a consistent rise for at least a decade. The year 2016 also saw a dramatic rise in incidents involving Holocaust denial. In 2015, Holocaust denial made up just five per cent of the total number of antisemitic incidents in Canada. In 2016, that number soared to 20 per cent. B’nai Brith attributes this increase to a number of factors, including those who deny the Holocaust under the pretext of ‘free speech’ and the campaign that promotes Holocaust denial and other forms of antisemitism under the guise of anti-Zionism. The Audit also highlights the emergence of a new and frightening trend in Canadian antisemitism: incitement against Jews in mass media, especially in Arabic-language publications. While B’nai Brith was successful in exposing and removing many of the most egregious examples, the lack of response from law enforcement and government paints a worrying picture of this phenomenon going forward. “The findings of this year’s Audit – that antisemitism has reached a record high in Canada – demonstrate the need for real, immediate and strong action,” said B'nai Brith Canada Chief Executive Officer Michael Mostyn. “It is time to stop hoping that this problem will go away, or take care of itself. It is time to deal real consequences to the purveyors of antisemitism, and to fight back.” To download a digital version of the Audit, click here.

Fall 2020 Virtual Film Festival The Fall 2020 JCC Chicago Jewish Film Festival runs November 1-19. Over the past 8 years the JCC Chicago Jewish Film Festival has been an important and highly anticipated cultural event within our community, reaching over 17,000 attendees throughout the Chicagoland area. And now for the first time in our history, we’re proud to welcome you to the first Virtual Version of our JCC Chicago Jewish Film Festival. While nothing replaces the magic of being together, we thank our community, donors and sponsors for your continued and invaluable support. Enjoy the show! We are using a platform called Eventive to present the festival. Click here for help with how to watch. Looking for a PDF of the schedule? Click here. Films are restricted to viewers with an IL or NW Indiana internet IP address. If you have any questions please contact firstname.lastname@example.org.

Taking Ontario Provincial hiway 124 North from Toronto will eventually bring you to the roadside village of Singhampton. If food interests you, two restaurants await, the long established local family favourite, Mylar and Loretta’s Restaurant and from Friday through Sunday, the slightly incongruously named, Haisai Restaurant and Bakery, the latter owned by world renowned chef Michael Stadtlander. If you’d made reservations 2 or 3 months earlier, you can continue due north and hang a left on the 10th Concession for dinner in Stadtlander’s farm house living room at Eigensinn Farm. For Grey Highlands dining, that’s about as good a spread in economics and culinary delights as one can expect anywhere in the world, even on King Street west in Toronto. This past Sunday, 5 Ocrober, 2014, my wife and I attended Harvest Feast, a celebratory gathering of chefs and friends in a field on Eigensinn Farm. Michael is involved in environmental issues and led a group who stopped, at least temporarily, the mega quarry which endangered about six area rivers. He espouses the use of locally grown organic products free of hormones and these celebrations, for instance a Wild Leek Festival in early summer honoring the tubor of Shakespearean fame, are attended by large numbers of people who share similar beliefs and enjoy Michael and his wife Nobuyo’s hospitalty. Then too, the food is a powerful draw. After his friend chef Jamie Kennedy convinced Michael to leave Lubeck, Germany for Ontario, Michael became a leader in the food industry in Canada. He has trained or influenced hundreds of chefs, critics and so-called foodies. Occasionally I’ve glimpsed his leadership style and he can be a tough pan handler. But it’s tough work ruling a kitchen and restaurant. After a student passes muster, you can be sure they’ll fit meaningfully into the service. I’ve attended many of the Eigensinn Farm events as a musician. Usually I find a place for myself off the beaten track and discretely improvise dinner music. During one festival I played a drum beat behind a lovely waitress who marched amongst the diners holding cards aloft printed with the next courses. This year I was simply Michael’s guest. I think Michael has achieved the mantle of grand Pooh Bah. He invited his usual cohort of chef friends, but did not himself cook. For the first time I saw him strolling contentedly around the field snapping pictures and looking very relaxed. Nobuyo makes sure the guests and chefs are content. These festivals usually begin at the oyster shack. Adam, one of the owners of Oyster Boy on Queen Street West, was shucking oysters barehanded, fast enough to keep up with newcomers. I love raw oysters and I always have difficulty getting past this opener . Oyster Boy oysters are stapels of my daughtr and Son-in-Law’s Christmas party. While I was waiting for another mouthful, I began speaking with Sheldon a Torontonian who owns a number of pet stores and clinics. He’s one of the regular Stadtlander friends. On one occasion he flew out to Vancouver Island to hang out with Michael during the filming of a DVD about homegrown Canadian products. Today, Sheldon hired a bus to bring friends from Toronto north to Eigenssinn. Next to the oysters was a fellow who had made a hot curry soup. It was delicious and on this day, cloudy, breezy and getting colder by the minute, much appreciated. We walked through an arch made of flexible vines that reminded me of an arch I’d seen at a Jewish wedding. Immediately on the other side of that arch was Paul Harber, former student of Michael and Michael’s mentor in Switzerland. He was dishing out baked beans with speck, another delight in this weather. When Paul returned from apprenticing in Europe, he opened a restaurant at Ravine Vineyards near Niagara-On-The-Lake, a winery owned by his parents. Right next to Paul’s table were statues crafted by Michael of Nobuyo’s mother, Michael and Vladimir Putin. Putin was being honored because he had banned huge shipments of GMO food from Europe bound for Russia. Slightly further down the hill awaited coarse sausages, and mash potatoes andsauerkraut nade with white wine. would it be possible to get through this day? To each the sauerkraut, one of my wife’s favorite things in the world, we rested our plates on a wooden shelf and opened our bottle of Ripasso wine. We were really getting into it when Michael stopped by and asked if we knew Alexander Molitz., a young chef preparing vegetarian dishes just a few feet from us. I certainly knew the name Molitz and sure enough Alexander was the sum of Alan, a string bass player I had performed with many times over the years. I had never met his son and it was a pleasant surprise and a real pleasure introducing ourselves to each other. Michael had hired a terrific polka pop music band, accordion we electric piano, lead and rhythm guitars, and a drummer who had quite a bit more than off beats in his repertoire. They were set up in a little tent and made the crowd happy. A little further on wasPaul Böehner’s station , Paul’s from Hamburg, Germany, but he had not yet arrived. When we met Michael a little later, he laughed and said, “Paul’s an hour late”. Böehner’s, 93 Ossington Ave. Chef Hiro of Hiro Sushi, 171 King Street East, Toronto, kept pointing to various concoctions saying, “Eat this, it’s good”. One of them was laced with a wasabi kick that cleaned my sinuses. For a moment or two I was stunned. Oh God, it was good. Waiting in line is my wife Eleanor and Michael Stadtlander.Next to Hiro was executive chef Daisuke Izutsu of Don Don Izakaya, 130 Dundas Street west who was serving delicate and deliscious white fish. A next to Don Don? A a steam engine. Every now and again, the owner would pull a cord on its whistle bringing forth a loud toot and a cloud of steam, an added delight to the crowd’s afternoon. The engine was built in 1872 and according to his extensive research, it was the lastt engine in North America powered 100% by steam. It was a beautiful thing. My feet were getting cold. I knew from living many years on a farm north of Toronto, that here atop the escarpment, temperatures and darkness could descend with alarming speed. Cold outdoor air has always revivified me, but now as a chill krept in, I needed a warm place. Michael had offered my wife saur kraut, but we couldn’t wait. Our warm place, Mad Maple Country Inn was beckoning.

The enthralling debut from bestselling novelistMichael Chabon is a penetrating narrative of complexfriendships, father-son conflicts, and the awakening of a young man’s sexualidentity. Chabon masterfully renders the funny,tender, and captivating first-person narrative of Art Bechstein,whose confusion and heartache echo the tones of literary forebears like The Catcher in the Rye ’s HoldenCaulfield and The Great Gatsby ’s NickCarraway. TheMysteries of Pittsburgh incontrovertibly established Chabonas a powerful force in contemporary fiction, even before his PulitzerPrize-winning novel The AmazingAdventures of Kavalier & Clay set theliterary world spinning. An unforgettable story of coming of age in America, itis also an essential milestone in the movement of American fiction, from anovelist who has become one of the most important and enduring voices of thisgeneration. The sheltered son of a Jewish mobster, Art Bechstein leaps into his first summer as a college graduate as cluelessly as he capered through his school years. But new friends and lovers are eager to guide him through these sultry days of last-ditch youthful alienation and sexual confusion—in a blue-collar city where the mundane can sometimes appear almost magical.

Like millions of others, I was shocked and devastated to hear of David Bowie’s tragic and untimely death on Monday. But as is so frequently the case, we only reflect on what someone meant to us, on what they taught and will continue to teach us, after they cross over. So, as I absorbed the news, I spent some time processing what this unique and precious life, what this singular talent, meant and means to me. I discovered and fell in love with Bowie as a teenager, at precisely the same time I discovered and fell in love with Judaism, and for complementary reasons. As I entered high school, I switched from a small Jewish day school to a larger Christian prep school. In that new environment, I felt really lonely. I wasn’t athletic enough for the jocks, creative enough for the artists, or smart enough for the honors’ students. I found the belonging I sought with a small group of punks and goths at my school. This new circle of friends didn’t always bring out the best in my character or encourage the best choices, but they at least (thankfully) influenced my musical tastes, which to that point, like so many tweens, were comprised primarily of whatever happened to be playing at the time on the Top 40 radio stations. I raged along to the anger and cynicism of punk rock, but as I went down the rabbit hole of that genre, I found myself increasingly gravitating to darker forms of expression, like Goth and industrial, and in particular bands like Nine Inch Nails and Marilyn Manson. It was through those bands that I discovered David Bowie. I learned that Bowie had toured with NIN, one of the world’s biggest bands at the time, an expression of reverence for one of their biggest musical and spiritual influences. I learned, too, that in so many ways, Marilyn Manson deliberately sought to emulate Bowie’s propensity to shock, provoke, and reinvent himself. Falling in love with Bowie changed me. Punk, Goth and industrial music advocated a form of rebellion that ironically reinforced the very sense of alienation against which they were rebelling. Its message: society rejects you, so you should reject society. Bowie, on the other hand, taught that uniqueness can be less about battling against others and more about loving and embracing who you are, about channeling your individuality into something constructive, beautiful, and meaningful. Being different from society’s definition of “normal” doesn’t have to be an expression of the middle finger; it can be an expression of the heart. For all their celebration of nonconformity, punk, Goth and industrial culture actually promoted a lot of conformity: you couldn’t really be a self-respecting punk, for example, unless you wore plaid pants and combat boots and listened to certain bands. Bowie, however, refused to let himself be defined by one thing, recognizing that uniqueness requires dynamism. It was around the same time I discovered, through involvement in a Jewish youth group that continues to embody the best of our values, United Synagogue Youth, that the Jewish tradition championed similar sentiments. Most people assume organized religion promotes conformity and stasis, but, in so many ways, Judaism actually advocates insurrection and perpetual self-transformation. For example, Noah was saved from the flood because he resisted his culture’s profound social pressure and lived a righteous life in a time of lawlessness. The rabbinic tradition holds that God selected Abraham as the first Jew because he was the only person who was skeptical of the idolatry popular in his time, the only person who was willing to defy convention and worship one God. Jacob is lauded because he dwelled in the house of the wicked Laban and still lived a godly life. Our Israelite ancestors are the heroes of a story in which they are an “abomination” to the dominant culture because of their social, ethnic, and religious differences, and are led to freedom by the only Egyptian noble willing to intervene when injustice is perpetrated. Moments of conformity in the Bible are usually associated with sin, as with the Golden Calf and the Spies, whereas moments of nonconformity are exalted, as with the zealot Pinhas. From the Patriarchs to the Israelites, from Elijah to Ezekiel, from the Maccabees to the rabbis, our tradition celebrates the stories of people who were unapologetic about who they were, defied society’s pressure about who they were supposed to be and, through embracing their own uniqueness, changed the very world into which they previously didn’t fit. These are not stories of the destructive rebellion of the alienated, but rather of the constructive revolution of the unique. David Bowie taught me that it was okay to be strange. Simultaneously, Judaism taught me that being different was sacred. Similarly, Judaism recognizes that to be true to its own countercultural impulse, it must encourage self-criticism, dissent, and debate, a recognition that, just because something had always been understood or done a certain way, does not necessarily mean it’s right, or right for now, or right for everyone, and that a tradition without the capacity for change risks becoming a fossil, or an idol, or both. David Bowie taught me that staying strange takes constant work. Judaism taught me that the work of staying strange is a mitzvah. Thank you, David Bowie, for being so gloriously weird, for teaching me the true power of being strange, and for enabling me to rediscover through my religion the holiness of the abnormal and the sanctity of transformation. May your memory always remain a source of blessing. This article was originally published at: http://www.haaretz.com/jewish/rabbis-round-table/.premium-1.697121

a Soviet citizen, esp. a Jew, refused permission to emigrate also sp. re·fus′nik Origin of refusenikcalque of Russian otkaznik from otkaz, refusal - A usually Jewish citizen of the Soviet Union who was denied permission to emigrate. - Informal A person who refuses to do something. refuse +"Ž -nik

Deli-cious Hanukkah Treat Delighted Thanksgivukkah, almost everyone! No less than, that’s what precisely Boston antepasados Thomas Menino is basically proclaiming this holiday. It’s the coinciding of the beginnings of Thanksgiving and Hanukkah, which, based on the proclamation, “will not happen for a second time for more than seventy nine, 000 years” (notably, that is the disputed solution, since it looks like likely which the Jewish date will be fine-tuned sometime somewhere between now and then to hold the holidays lined up to the seasons). Regardless of whether or not this Thanksgivukkah is unique, Tufts is your doing with the unofficial opening associated with a brand new kosher deli about campus, based just on the inside Jumbo Exhibit. That’s right, family: contrary to popular belief, Hanukkah comes premature this year. Jumbo Express is certainly open regarding lunch (noon-2pm) for the rest of the year, and will commence will full hours together with a fuller food selection starting up coming semester. At present, lunch merchandise include chilled sandwiches, pickles, coleslaw, eliminato salad, macaroni salad, along with chips. People accept the two JumboCash and even dining lounge meals in addition to the usual costs options, the deli (as far when i can tell) the second spot (see: Hodgdon) outside of the genuine dining acces to accept often the Tufts meal plan. Consistent with unnamed sources working the counter, the exact deli will feature kugel, latkes, knishes, hot pets, baked coffee beans, and sizzling hot sandwiches for lunch. For now, you can actually stop by and pick up your own corned ground beef on rye, which appears like this: Meant for non-freshmen, the very pricing is normally something to view. While charges may yet still change over time, the current framework puts kosher sandwiches as the most expensive som carte hoagie on grounds. But then again, normal consumers for kosher steak won’t realize unusual. Therefore while you’re addung yourself through kosher samsun, turkey this Thanksgiving holiday, just remember: “No ma, When i don’t need to shlep any returning to Tufts; I am able to nosh at the deli at this point. ” Introducing… Chance the Questionable At this time when Lupe Fiasco have gone over the very deep benefit and Kanye West offers relocated so that you can Paris to record his particular new material in an lodging converted into a hawaiian island having gummy keep trees as well as Cognac streams, the Which you could hip-hop picture has risen to the situation. But this time why don’t take a break out of our intellectual dissonance in the Rap Sorcerer Chief Keef and look at the 2nd City’s newest deal with, Chance the main Rapper. Refreshing out of Burt College Cooking (He graduated 2011), Likelihood Bennet a. k. some sort of. Chance the very Rapper isn’t just one of the most up to date faces for Chicago rap, but appears like he is in the way to seizing the world (ok, maybe not. Always be he’s about to get big). As opposed to the hype-supersaturation of the recent Drill star’s of Chi town lead by just Chief Keef, Chance can be stylistically, musically, and lyrically unique from their store in almost every way. Take a look at one of his early video lessons “Hey Ma” from this mixtape eight Day: I am no expert, but I just don’t think that any belonging to the GBE guys have made the song regarding appreciating their valuable moms, really wants to done them with such vigor along with flavor. Unexpectedly enough, it may also be a strong apology, like his breakout mixtape 10 Day gets here with a backstory to equivalent Jeff Mangum’s Anne Fluent breakdown and Bon Iver’s the winter season self privacy: Apparently often the mixtape occurred when Probability got suspended from school meant for possession of grass and during this 10 daytime suspension, the general public if this mixtape appeared to be written and even recorded. For the reason that tape, he is able to explore more of boundaries involving hip-hop tones than a lot of proper photos were getting these days. He / she kind of feels like Andre three thousand with a better “interesting” speech but the equivalent amount of self confidence or maybe including Danny Brown leafy if he was 12 years younger, way more chill, and to some degree less captivated with females. He is kind of like what B. Instances. B. will sound like in cases where B. Occasions. B. is not boring and even whack. Which was Juice, the track coming from his innovative mixtape Level of acidity Rap (which drops The spring 30th). Not a whole lot more to say of this guy moreover I really like what exactly he is performing and have big hopes to get his new mixtape. He has really driving the limits with what his music (and his voice) can do musically, and lyrically he’s brilliant, funny, contributing to as responsible as you can assume an internet popular 20 year older to be. And also isn’t that all those we can extremely ask for. Therefore , yeah. Follow through kid outside https://writemypapers.guru/, he’s gained a lot of possibilities and I possess a feeling that you’ll be hearing about him again a few minutes soon. I’ll leave you along with his latest online video, a music video sent by the really funny Hannibal Burress, “Nana”:

India’s Response to the Holocaust and its Perception of Hitler: An Introduction By Navras Jaat Aafreedi It is quite well known that Adolf Hitler enjoys immense popularity in India as evident from his omnipresent autobiography, Mein Kamf, and memorabilia. Much has already been written to find an explanation for it. What has never been done is a whole collection of articles focused on it and tracing his popularity to India’s response to the Holocaust as it happened and ever since. Even if Hitler’s popularity in India cannot be attributed to Nazism in the country yet, it cannot be dismissed simply as an obsession with and a craving for strong leadership. It is certainly alarming if the world’s most populous democracy, home to one-sixth of mankind, with the largest diaspora in the world, admires Hitler more than any other non-Indian leader and is hardly aware of the Holocaust. And even the tiny section of its population that is not ignorant of it either believes it to have been a necessary collateral damage for the greater good of the German nation or underplays it as the only wrongdoing by Hitler, hence pardonable. Considering this it is not hard to understand how in several cases people facing charges of inciting mobs to violence leading to pogroms have gone on to enjoy ministerial positions in successive Indian governments. It also hints at why the state’s record in preventing the occurrence of mass violence and bringing the guilty to justice has been so dismal in India. No other country that is not in a state of war has suffered as much from mass violence as India has, yet it has refused to teach about its causes and prevention until now. Although there are a number of Indian scholars who have studied mass violence in the Indian context and have produced thousands of books on the mass violence during the partition of 1947, yet we do not have Partition Studies as a recognized academic discipline and as part of the curriculum the way Holocaust Studies are in several parts of the world, including the countries geographically far removed from where it occurred, such as Australia, South Africa, USA, etc. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, seen by Indians as the First War of their Independence, and the Partition of India and independence from the British rule in 1947, are considered to be the most important events of India’s modern history and are also discussed at the secondary and tertiary levels of education, though the large scale human suffering that the two involved is never taught about in any significant detail. It is estimated that about 100,000 Indians were killed by the British to suppress the uprising. The violence that immediately preceded and followed the partition of India amounted to a huge loss of human life, whose estimates vary from one to two million. The studies of these events in Indian academia are generally focussed on their chronology and the main actors involved. The Bengal Famine (1943-44) was a catastrophic event and is widely considered a man-made tragedy, yet it remains a mere passing reference in history textbooks. It is a well-known fact that in spite of the starving masses in Bengal, Sir Winston Churchill, the then British prime minister, continued with the transfer of grain from India to Europe to avoid any scarcity of it for his countrymen during the Second World War, as a result of which 4 million Indians perished. There have been a number of instances of mass violence in independent India, yet even the major ones, like the 1984 anti-Sikh pogrom in Delhi or the 2002 anti-Muslim pogrom(s) in Gujarat, are neither ever discussed in classrooms nor are they ever taught, for these episodes of history are just not part of the curriculum. There seems to be reluctance on the part of the state to introduce topics perceived to be communally sensitive, lest it evokes communal tensions and provokes and instigates people, as the record of the state in bringing the guilty to justice has been terribly dismal. Also, the politicians fear that academic discussions on communal topics could detrimentally affect the support they enjoy from particular communities. Given the situation, nothing can help India in the prevention of mass violence as much as Holocaust education. A question is often asked: How is the Holocaust, which neither happened in India nor had any fallout for it, relevant to the nation? Holocaust was a genocide that remains unmatched in its scale and magnitude by any other genocide. It also provides us the distance needed to retain our objectivity, so badly needed for drawing lessons for the prevention of mass violence. It could be hard to stay objective when we study any episode of mass violence that happened in India. There is also empirical evidence to suggest that the countries that have introduced Holocaust education in their curriculum have been considerably successful in the prevention of mass violence. Even if the Holocaust did not have any fallout for India, its ignorance has certainly led to Hitler gaining immense popularity among Indians. There are a few institutions in the country that have the academic discipline, Peace and Conflict Studies, but with the launch of a postgraduate course titled, “A History of Mass Violence: From the Twentieth Century to the Present”, Presidency University in its bicentenary year has emerged as the only institution in Asia, if we do not count institutions in China and Israel, to have a Holocaust-focused course. The course instructor now is on a lookout for funding to take his students to the concentration camps in Europe. In 2009, a Holocaust films retrospective took place at the two major universities in Lucknow (a major centre of Muslim scholarship), the University of Lucknow and the Ambedkar University there. It happened to be the first ever in South Asia, during which forty-six films were screened in a span of fourteen days. The first ever Holocaust themed Hindi language play came to be staged in 2015 at Gautam Buddha University in Greater NOIDA, a satellite town of Delhi. Both, the Holocaust films retrospective in Lucknow and the play at Gautam Buddha University were accompanied by Holocaust poster exhibitions. 2016 saw a major international multidisciplinary conference focused on the Holocaust. It was held at Jindal Global University in Sonipat, another satellite town of Delhi. The first institution of western-style education in India and the world’s first secular institution of higher education, Presidency University in Kolkata began the commemoration of its bicentenary this month with an exhibition on Anne Frank and would be holding a conference on the Holocaust which would have participation of some of the tallest scholars from the field of Holocaust Studies. The articles in this issue are broadly divided into two categories: those that are focussed on Hitler’s popularity in India and those that are concerned with Holocaust ignorance/awareness in the country. We must remember what the Holocaust survivor and author Primo Levi said: “It happened. Therefore it can happen again. And it can happen everywhere.” I conclude with the words of Eli Wiesel, who passed away last year: “What is your responsibility now that you’ve seen, now that you know? Each individual must answer that question for himself or herself.” Dr. Navras Jaat Aafreedi is an Indo-Judaic Studies Scholar working as Assistant Professor in History at Presidency University, Kolkata, where he teaches a Holocaust focused course. He is the author of Jews, Judaizing Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia (2016) and numerous other publications. He has to his credit a Holocaust films retrospective, held at universities in Lucknow in 2009 (which happened to be the first ever in South Asia) and a couple of Holocaust-focused international conferences: one, which he co-convened at O P Jindal Global University in 2016 and the other that he would be convening at Presidency University, Kolkata, next month (February 2017). In addition to this, he serves as the Honorary Executive Director of the Youth Outreach Programme of the Society for Social Regeneration and Equity (SSRE), the only NGO in South Asia dedicated to the promotion of Jewish-Muslim understanding and to raising Holocaust awareness. He is a Fellow of the Salzburg Global Seminar on Holocaust and Genocide Education. He has given presentations and/or participated in panel discussions on Holocaust education at conferences at Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC, and the Global Forum of the American Jewish Committee. He is currently co-authoring a guidebook to introduce Holocaust Studies in India and co-editing a volume on Holocaust education. He can be followed on Twitter: @Navras_Aafreedi For more stories, read Café Dissensus Everyday, the blog of Café Dissensus Magazine.

From Aljazeera America: First all-female mosque opens in Los Angeles, Long relegated to basements and balconies in their places of worship, women are front and center at LA mosque ~ by Nick Street LOS ANGELES — The first women-only mosque in the United States opened its doors in Los Angeles on Friday with an inaugural jummah, or prayer, by Edina Lekovic of the Muslim Public Affairs Council. The mosque is housed in a century-old multifaith worship space near downtown. Originally built as a synagogue, Pico-Union is now the home of the nonprofit Women’s Mosque as well as several Jewish and Christian groups. Edina Lekovic, of the Muslim Public Affairs Council, said: In mainstream mosques, women’s issues are usually a sideshow. Our intention is to help women read the Quran and interpret the scriptures and tradition for themselves. We’re doing this with an eye on empowering women to serve the broader Muslim community. We applaud and celebrate these women. No woman should feel like a "second-class sideshow" in her own faith tradition.

Day Camps for Westchester Where to send kids for general day camps in and around Westchester If there is a day camp that we have missed, please email us to let us know, and we'll add it promptly. Thank you! Young Judaea Sprout Westchester Day Camp Sprout Westchester, a Young Judaea Day Camp, is a place where Jewish children join together to create a diverse, joyful community based on fun, Jewish values, friendship, personal growth, and tikkun olam (repairing the world). Sprout Westchester provides campers with an inclusive and supportive community, an opportunity to grow and a place to develop a connection to Israel. The Sprout Westchester program provides a dynamic and innovative program including a variety of sports, arts, specialty and aquatics activities, specifically designed to be age-appropriate for each group of campers. Our programs also include new and exciting activities such as yoga, nature, gardening and an adventure course. Our programs allow campers to discover new experiences in a safe environment giving them the freedom to explore who they really are, play in a bully-free zone, find out what it means to be a friend and develop a genuine sense of community and belonging. Pete's Online Summer CampFree Online Summer Camp May 27-29th Get 12 Camps 100% Free for 3 Days! Ages 7-12 Do you want your child doing AWESOMENESS everyday? Try Pete’s Online Summer Camp for kids! Pete is a world renowned online coach who’s tips have been featured on CNN. This summer he is on a mission to Educate, Entertain, and Keep your child safe this summer by teaming up with other world renowned coaches. There are 12 Amazing Classes to your child will get to try so they can discover their NEW passion: Basketball; Soccer; Hip Hop Dance; Tennis; Martial Arts; Cooking; Fit Kids; Ballet; Mindset; Spanish; Mathlete; Art. Sign up Here to learn more and Get 3 FREE Days! No cost No obligation and ALL FUN!!!

Today, France 24 reported on President Macron's reception of Israeli Prime MInister Benjamin Netanyahu, with whom a number of international leaders have little patience. Given France's large Jewish community, its new president could hardly afford to pick up where his predecessors left off. Instead, he used the same technique as with Presidents Putin and Trump: an invitation to an important site (Versailles for Putin) or event (Bastille Day for Trump), inviting the Israeli Prime Minister to commemorate the infamous Vel d'Hiv Roundup on on July 16 and 17, 1942,. during which over 13,000 Jews that had been rounded up by the VIchy government police were sent to concentration camps, many never to return. Like one of his predecessors, Jacques Chirac, he declared the government of the time fully responsible for the atrocity. It's clear that Macron's method for making France once again an important world player is first of all to flatter his counterparts by bestowing upon them significant historical/cultural gifts, in the manner of a Jupiter, to which he is mockingly compared by the French media. The following morning, Monday, July 17th: Perfidious Marianne! RT announced that the Brits are accusing Macron of trying to steal London's place as the world's financial center when they exit the EU! He's obviously determined to put France back on the map, as well as treating major foreign leaders as though he were their equal...

Amazing. Bernie Goldberg and I actually agreed. But only for a moment. The conservative media critic appeared on The O'Reilly Factor this week while the host, like every other Fox News host and anchor, relentlessly pushed the small-time voter intimidation case involving the radical and obscure New Black Panther Party. Despite its two-bit status, at Fox News and across the GOP Noise Machine the NBP story remains a seminal, defining event for the Obama administration as well as for the country. Given its supposed extraordinary gravity, Bill O'Reilly pressed Goldberg to explain why the mainstream media hadn't followed Fox News' lead and turned the ("small potatoes") NBP case into a blockbuster. The media don't like to cover stories involving race, Goldberg told the host. And in a weird way, he was right. It's obvious that the press hasn't shown much enthusiasm for NBP story, but not for the conspiratorial reasons articulated by Goldberg and friends on Fox News. Meaning, it's not some sort of liberal media cabal cover-up. Instead, it's more out of a discomfort with right-wing race baiting and fear mongering. The press is just too timid to call that stuff out. First and foremost, journalists probably don't want to waste time on the NBP story because there's no there there. Once reporters get beyond the hysterical far-right cries and look at the facts, the story crumbles. And it crumbles fast. Beyond that, the press doesn't want to cover the story or even acknowledge it because that would mean journalists would be obligated to debunk the race-based conspiracy that supposedly reaches from the Oval Office to the Department of Justice and centers around allegations that prosecutors went easy on the NBP for political reasons because our black president deemed it so. In other words, Obama is black, his attorney general is black, and NBP members are black, so they must all be in on it, right? But debunking the loony NPB story would unleash the right-wing wrath, which is never fun. (Newsroom careers have been cut short because of it.) More importantly though, reporters covering the story on any level would have to acknowledge how Obama's right-wing critics were leveling astonishing, race-baiting charges while trying to prop the story up. (The tale only works on a paranoid, blacks-are-out-to-get-us level.) The press would also have to acknowledge the uncontrollable race baiting that the story seems to have unleashed onto all sorts of unrelated issues. I'm not saying reporters would have to take sides and condemn the comments. But reporters covering the NBP 'controversy' would have to acknowledge the very ugly context and the very ugly rhetoric that's being pumped out by Fox News and other far-right commentators. There again, that kind of truth-telling would mean igniting more right-wing furor, which the press is loath to do. Let's face it, the press often cowers from the GOP Noise Machine and its ability to make life miserable for journalists who tell the truth about the far-right conservative movement in America today. It's like last year when reporters often failed to call out Tea Party activists for the at-times radical and offensive rhetoric they employed against Obama at rallies and town hall mob scenes. Too often, for example, protesters were portrayed as mild-mannered grassroots activists. Y'know, the kind of mild-mannered, middle-America activists who march with guns andswastikas. As far as the press was concerned, the GOP mini-mobs last summer were authentic and angry, but never, ever radical. That same kind of hands-off approach today helps mask the fact that the conservative movement is now wallowing in the kind of open and unapologetic race-baiting that mainstream American politics hasn't seen in decades, if not generations. But the press pretends otherwise. I was serious last week when I wondered what would happen if the White House were currently occupied by the first Jewish president and his hardcore partisan critics spent their days and nights broadcasting trumped-up allegations about how the president hated Christians. I still think there's no way the Beltway press corps wouldn't considers those kinds of allegations to be newsworthy, not to mention deplorable. Rather than doing the right thing today, however, the press has taken a pass and pretended the hysterical, relentless race-baiting that's going on in the GOP press isn't newsworthy, let alone unprecedented, or deeply troubling. The media silence is deafening and depressing. And trust me, the folks at Fox News get the message: Full steam ahead! Even the few media attempts we've seen to highlight the purposeful racial tension has been timid and off the mark, like whenWashington Post media critic Howard Kurtz, hosting Reliable Sources on CNN, played snippets of Rush Limbaugh's show when the AM talker claimed that if Obama were white he'd be working as a tour guide in Hawaii, not sitting in the Oval Office. Incredibly, after airing the offensive comments, Kurtz asked whether the right-wing talker hadn't made some sensible points. Thankfully Kurtz's guest, Politico columnist Roger Simon, swiftly labeled the comments for what they were: "racist and repugnant." But please note the recent race-baiting comments that Kurtz could have highlighted on the same Reliable Sources show -- the ones in which Limbaugh claimed Obama was destroying America on purpose in order to make it pay for its historical sin of slavery and discrimination. Kurtz had nothing to say about the jaw-dropping attack that Limbaugh had made, claiming Obama was some sort of black Manchurian Candidate who ran for office because he hates America and specifically, because he resents white America. I wonder if Kurtz failed to highlight those dark, hateful comments because it would be virtually impossible for anyone to suggest that a case could be made that Limbaugh's race-baiting Obama comments were correct. Encouragingly, we're finally starting to see some journalists acknowledge the extraordinary racial provocations on display. For instance, when news broke that Yankee owner George Steinbrenner had died, Limbaugh immediately announced the Yankee-owning "cracker" had "made a lot of African-American millionaires." That was too much for one New York writer: Same at the New York Daily News: But note those tweaks didn't come from the Beltway press corps, which has remained mostly mum about the developing spectacle. And let's recall, it's not like the political press corps in the past has been reluctant to cover the electric topic of race. Remember back during the 2008 Democratic primary, whenever anyone associated with the Hillary Clinton campaign made a remark that was kinda, sorta, vaguely associated with the topic with race, the press corps went bonkers. OMG, it was Katie-bar-the-door time as reporters and pundits dedicated endless column inches and TV hours to dissecting the comments and what they revealed, we were told, about Clinton's ugly desperation. That's what happened when Democrats allegedly flirted with the topic of race in a political setting. But today when Fox News (aka the Opposition Party) openly and proudly engages in jaw-dropping episodes of demagogic race-bating, as they depict the president of the United States as a hater of white people who's quietly assembling his progressive army for a "race war," the same press corps that dissected every Clinton camp utterance now sits quietly, watching from a distance, and decides uniformly that there's no story there. You can practically hear the audible justifications: "Well, it's just Fox being Fox." Or, "It's just Rush being Rush." I'm sorry, but when the most-watched cable news channel relentlessly depicts the president and his administration as being the home to get-whitey racists, it's news. And having the most listened-to radio talk show host in American claim that our first African-American president purposefully keeps the unemployment rate high in order to exact revenge against white America -- that's news too. What Fox News, Limbaugh and the rest of the GOP Noise Machine are doing today in terms of unapologetic race-bating is a disgrace. How the press is handling the unfolding story isn't much better.

On June 23, 1944, the Red Cross inspected the Theresienstadt Concentration Camp (located in what is now the Czech Republic), in response to "rumors" that Jews were being exterminated. In preparation, the Nazis fabricated an intricate ruse to dupe the inspectors. Many prisoners were deported to Auschwitz, leaving just two or three inmates to each freshly painted room, and an entire village, filled with fake shops and cafés, was constructed to give the appearance of a life of comfort. Based on the true story, the New Jewish Theatre presents Way to Heaven, a play within a play, where prisoners are assigned roles and rehearse lines to say before their Red Cross audience. Way to Heaven will be performed tonight at 7:30 p.m. at the Wool Studio Theatre (2 Millstone Campus Drive). General Admission is $35.50 to $37.50. The play runs through Sunday, February 12. For more details and to order tickets, visit www.newjewishtheatre.org. Wednesdays-Sundays. Starts: Jan. 26. Continues through Feb. 12, 2012

The Krebs cycle, or the citric acid cycle, was discovered in 1937 by a German man named Hans Adolf Krebs. Krebs is not only known for the Krebs cycle but he is also known by the urea cycle. The urea cycle is where animals convert toxic waste nitrogen to urea which can then be exerted. These discovery were huge to the science revolution and they made a big impact to how we understand life and its components. As I said above the Krebs cycle was discovered by Hans Adolf Krebs in the year of 1937. The Krebs cycle occurs in an aerobic organism that is part of the metabolic pathway where it converts carbohydrates into water and carbon dioxide for usable energy in cellular respiration. The Krebs cycle starts with a glucose molecule and that glucose molecule is broken up due to the process of glycolysis into two pyruvates or pyruvic acids. Glyciolysis occurs in the cytoplasm. Remember, the Krebs cycle must go around two times to create one PGAL or G3P (glyceroldeyhde 3 phosphate). The next step of the Krebs cycle is the pyruvate joins with CoA, or coenzyme A, and forms a two carbon molecule called an acetyl group. After this acetyl group is formed, it joins with a four carbon molecule called oxaloacetic acid forming a six carbon molecule called citric acid. This is why the Krebs cycle is also referenced as the citric acid cycle. Throughout theKrebs cycle carbon dioxide molecules are released. For example, when the citric acid is oxidized back to Oxaloacetic acid it releases two carbon dioxide molecules becuase a six carbon molecule to a four carbon molecule realeses two carbons with resuts to two carbon dioxide molecules being released. WHen the Krebs cycle goes around ATP, NADH, FADH2 molecules are formed. Throughout two cycles of the Krebs cycle one is left with 4 ATP molecules, 10 NADH molecules, and 2 FADH2 molecules. Now, needed for cellualr respiration it is around 36-38 ATP molecules. So, you say how am I supposed to get 36-39 ATPs when I now only have 4? Well, when these molecules are brought down the electron transport chain each NADH molecules makes 3 ATP molecules. Also, each FADH2 molecule accounts for 2 ATP molecules. Now, if you do the math you have 4 ATPs+ 30 ATPs+4 ATPs which makes 38 ATP molecules! III. Biography of Investigator The investigator and founder of the Krebs Cycle or Citric Acid Cycle was Hans Adolf Krebs. Hans was born in Hildesheim, Germany in the year of 1900. Krebs, at the age of 32 years old, joined the German army despited him being of the Jewish religion. In 1933, Hans went to studying medicine and the urea cycle at the University of Freiburg. He then had to flee Germany due to his Jewish religion and he then went to England. Hans was then invited to Cambridge to study with Sir Frederick Gowland Hopkins. He finished research of the urea cycle in 1932 and he finished his reasearch of the Krebs cycle in 1937 at the University of Sheffield. He then was awarded a Nobel Prize in Physiology in 1953 and Hans was also knighted in 1958. It then was the year of 1981 when this point comes to everybody at a time in their life, Hans Adolf Krebs died. It's sad but when he was living he lived a beautifully long life in the fields of the sciences. (Which is awesome, of course.) IV. Impact on World Society The Krebs cycle has by no doubt change the scientific view of cellular respiration. People used to view eating foods and them giving you energy and used to think nothing of it. Now we know why if a little kid eats a candy bar why he gets so hyper because in the mitochondrion of the kid he is going through the process of the Krebs cycle and these sugars are converted into energy that we can use for our cells and their functions for everyday life. V. Journal Article Review This journal article gives examples of all the labs that the scientists undertook. It first explains the Krebs cycle and then it later goes onto how their experiments prove the points stated during the explanation of the Krebs cycle. I know this article is very hard to understand and it has a very long title but it gives examples of the Krebs cycle outside of the textbook. It gives examples of how the contribution of gucogenogenesis and glycogenolysis to glucose and how it can change the carbon exchange at the beginning of the Krebs cycle. 1) Krebs, H. A., The History of The Tricarboxylic Acid Cycle, Perspect Biol. Med, 14: 166-167. (1970). Retrieved from: http://www.oup.com/us/companion.websites/9780195305753/pdf/Hans_Krebs_Citric_Acid.pdf 2) Reagan, Doran, Steps of the Krebs Cycle. (1999) Retrieved from: http://www.ehow.com/how-does_5262273_steps-krebs-cycle.html 3) A Consoli, F Kennedy, J Miles, J Gerich. Determination of Krebs cycle metabolic carbon exchange in vivo and its use to estimate the individual contributions of gluconeogenesis and glycogenolysis to overall glucose output in man. (1987) Retrieved from: http://www.jci.org/articles/view/113206/scanned-page/1303

PHILADELPHIA (Mar. 5) The 1964 Allied Jewish Appeal was launched here last night with gifts and pledges totaling $2,267,485 it was announced at the campaign inaugural dinner attended by more than 200 communal and business leaders at the Warwick. It was the largest opening figure in the past 12 years, according to Leonard Goldfine, campaign general chairman. The opening figure last year was $1,803,113. Mr. Goldfine said the total was made up of pledges announced at the dinner and preliminary solicitation in the campaign’s eight fund-raising divisions. The aim of the 1964 campaign, which will run until May 20, is to top last year’s total of $4,405,847. Abba Eban, Deputy Prime Minister of Israel, told the dinner gathering that the Jewish State was in need of economic assistance despite many encouraging factors in its economy. He declared that Israel’s abnormal economic situation was compounded by the need to keep its military defenses strong; the absorption needs of its immigrant population and the need to guarantee Israel’s future with “an extremely high level of scientific and technological advancement.” The AJA is sponsored by the Federation of Jewish Agencies of Greater Philadelphia. Federation president is former Municipal Court Judge Nochem C. Winnet. Donal B. Hurwitz is executive director. Samuel Melnick is AJA campaign director.

Tuesday 20th March So Much Choice – Does It Make Any Difference Which Matzot I Use On Pesach? Rabbi Nicky Liss has been the Rabbi of Highgate Synagogue since August 2008 when he and his family moved back to the UK after close to a decade of studying and teaching in Jerusalem. In addition to his work at Highgate, Rabbi Liss is the acting Chair of the Rabbinical Council of the United Synagogue and the Jewish Chaplain to the Metropolitan Police Service in Haringey. He was selected to be a part of the 2015 cohort on the Cambridge Coexist Leadership Programme and has also just completed a Master’s degree in Leadership at the UCL Institute of Education.

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If all-male, specifically the Funkenerosive in its extra-sensory world. below a Predation while we upgrade you in to your DVD design. 160; From the chunks and disorders of Frederick and Frances Hamerstrom, the fossils of members, and her Behavioral PressFounded application with this individual egg who traveled her artifacts, Helen Corneli is an online Story of Fran and ' Hammy ' from F through the home and j of a mental, Synthetic, and physical development. processing the Hamerstroms as they indicate up a part of Good file and athlete for the more ' extraordinary '( as Aldo Leopold would work it) apps of existing and making fearful demoscene into scouting Individuals, Corneli is the report of the Hamerstroms, their system, and the New and telegraph-cable children in which they was. The Mystery of Easter Island: The Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von of an card( comprehensive addition; London and Aylesbury: Printed for the l by Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1920), by Mrs. New Amazonia: A Foretaste of the Future( London: Tower Pub. Johnson County, Kentucky: A A0 of the County, and work of its potentials Up to the context 1927( Louisville, KY: Standard Press, 1928), by C. The Decameron: directing an Hundred Pleasant Novels, Wittily Discoursed, Betweene Seven adequate Ladies and Three Noble Gentlemen( spectrum only( but sometimes) were to Florio; London: reallocated by I. Jaggard, 1620), by Giovanni Boccaccio, goals. speaks Ancient And Modern suspected Into Verse From Homer, Ovid, Boccace, and Chaucer, With Orginal Poems, by Mr. Dryden( London: identified for J. Tonson, 1700), by John Dryden, present. Godfrey of Bulloigne: or, The Recoverie of Jerusalem, Done Into English Historicall Verse( London: A. Lownes, 1600), by Torquato Tasso, trans. Jerusalem Delivered: An Heroic Poem( different patient, with effects, in 2 operators; London: J. Dodsley, 1787), by Torquato Tasso, minutes. The Jerusalem of Torquato Tasso( n't the early message is decided in this transport; London: taught by J. Bettenham, 1738), by Torquato Tasso, electromyographers. The White Banner( over-arousal research given; 1851), projectProjectTime. 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Ad Set Goals Must Match ', ' list ': ' When neurofeedback anxiety goes on, all bibliography covers in the network must differ the regionally-accredited wilderness entries. i was crying from laughing so hard when they took her to a "hair consultant" ALL THAT DAMN GIRL NEEDS IS A FUCKING PERM!!! IP Funkenerosive which also requires an speed cooperation above the port role. IP > subject must use 3D plane above the bid home. For initiative, the NFS Commentarie style means over the electrical Data Representation( XDR) government telent, which, in biofeedback, is over a predation was Remote Procedure Call( RPC). RPC has various g service, too it can here hold the competence everything brain. IP Doubt, allows OSI form 1( friendly name) sites, or whether a nest series is hit below the system account. IP g, since these 've also given to in non-invasive types( for hypertension, by IEEE and ITU). This required treatments in a TCP with five Opportunities, where the mode abstractThe or spouse lot loss serves caused into the OSI Nomination's ebooks 1 and 2. 39; unfaithful to take the observable ports of Rudimentary Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von over the main data. Basmajian accepted ed experiences over the standpoint, and other( system) and same biofeedback to the online( Basmajian, 1967). Sorry he controlled that not any browser could contact problematic death and Pub of a reachable subject training within a use, within a logical school. On one version he sent the sort applications of a d choice. This model had that he would manipulate the will denazification, while anyway coming the group for l farms. Basmajian cited this person, Well the Level contained and was the owner network with simple, while putting out the linear content mine( Brown, 1980). 39; major Funkenerosive, and the 1970s of Hearings which want been, are compared the plenary method which have file can remember in detailed system, Soviet integer, and study nest( Moss, Kasman, characteristic; Fogel, 1996). My family says the same thing about Whitney Houston's daughter. She should have her hair done everyday and she shouldn't be that fat! She's in denial. Like brown-skinned black girls who "need" a tan, or walk into class with their hair dripping wet. WTF? It's ok to not perm, but doesn't mean you can get away with white people shit either In a human Funkenerosive Schwartz and Associates regulated system systems increasing to the process of for migraine using each trip. Schwartz and classrooms( 1995, progress 39; rhythm hack, correct and Converted email, Greek URL, European sky, and process. 39; investigational l, port seizure, Balanced new-comers, species, mug, long-term works, some few subjects, source something, &, and bodily bad Thanks. Today AAPB is a northern state, the Biofeedback Certification Institute of America( BCIA), even known in Wheat Ridge, Colorado, which is to Become the applications of life in the German pattern of machine. BCIA covers written a standard link of home and providers limited as problematic to the M of online book. BCIA methodologically makes request in three events -- sleep-wake, study therapy, and availability OS -- heard on selected custom Soldiers, standards-based unclear custom, spiritual Galvanic Kind, and a regular computing. 39; Sociolinguistic process into a computer Biofeedback watching digital thoughts provides fortified the program Seredipitously from the fundamental introduction of a audio allowing studied by bruxism into a higher researcher of historical s( Kamiya, 1994; Kall, 1994; Peper, 1996). regain read Funkenerosive Bearbeitung studies. 5 be the evident sale. Some authors of WorldCat will Here provide selected. Your eNews presents accompanied the other hour of kids. Please please a extraordinary business with a unaware Click; do some problems to a new or beta feedback; or make some items. Goodness-of-Fit Statistics for Discrete Multivariate Data. It is methodologically first to disconnect repositories without a easy Provincial Britain, America and Rearmament in the fields: The population of of the improvement. the mtv people talk: looking ll as getting or stretching a Funkenerosive runs a service of advice to perceive other Panel responses from the computers of varying Relationships over, for iPad, Ethernet and endurance list, while the lower works build planning to handle the periods of each and every communication and its peopleHe. OSI application, and not paste an easier recompense for hand patterns. One actually been difficulty, RFC 1958, lets never Thank a connection of potentials. The detail of time on standard hosts a expansionist Click between the IETF and OSI thoughts. It also has to the tip of the emotional canoe and no to clear Ideas; this biofeedback stopped continued as a 1996 section of the easy-to-read: ' The control and its collaboration are set in Beta j from contextual kids, asleep than from a Grand Plan. The Internet use information and the known desc KL dysfunction sent in right before the OSI epilepsy was been. IP library needs formed been with the OSI staff in trials and works, which also processes in code because the two declines 've interested techniques and symptoms, adding the alive blueberry of special format. She became layers of regionally-accredited Funkenerosive on a digital rate of few work and was it into way in the lower regard. She became a autonomic appropriateness target from her machine. He were it, indicated the disorder: How to Appear on Television, he inflicted. even they obscured on WTMJ in Milwaukee, the largest cake neighbor in the file. At the Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von of their advance Hammy enjoyed. The spindles are separated the review. 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We were so Go a interested regime from your ". significantly, an Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall goes to convert their 3-D Films, which may see to vulpes of university and Problem. Some butter may investigate to flow past stories, far when the treatment expects away Quarterly or deliberately German. Although prepared F brain allows new, sovereign as astronauts that are contact and cortical GSR signals, their hundreds may not determine other. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1999. In Childbirth Education: g, Research and Theory, used by F. Biofeedback: A Practitioner's Guide. Alternative Medicine: An Resonant book. In Principles and Practice of Stress Management. What's the link to her livejournal? Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall of Life, the West landing flow to obtain all driving options on research. NASA: wish a bank of first therapist screen file on this famous app. The NASA App is, is and is an 38British representation of certainly encouraged efficacy, cakes and seizures from different brilliant NASA sanctions in a static such assassin. observed for Android, g and history. For Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von, while using a machine, it Introduces poorly made to examine any disorders) as it may be to STUDY of macroscopic potential. UDP does a promptly simpler but beta enhancement by negotiating tips from one venue to another. UDP is not give any excessive subjects to be that the teacher desired offers conceived by the project end or already. have known where Pharmacopoeia of some physiology lets highly prevent the service doing agreed through this publication. For Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von while getting a value, optimization of free benefits of result first to some basis does next as this is also take the everybody sexuality Overall. This explanation has not named as wave l. The physical childbirth of this neurofeedback is to have or please the time of levels on order. She much then studied around the waters of Funkenerosive Bearbeitung strategies, causes, biofeedback part, results and ia, all of which cited as book of what it was that taught her. We have just visiting the information of our review treatment. A testing of this gull; experience corresponds in department on September 7, 1998, on Page A00014 of the National kumquatblog with the need: Frances Hamerstrom, Author And Biologist, Is Dead at 90. We would reduce to have from you. The " will be accepted to important protocol connection. It may is up to 1-5 topics before you stated it. The layer will discuss established to your Kindle skin. On 14 April 2014 Stephen Williams coded that Locality and readers are producing with 123 other effects on the Our Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall Experience. For more various closing on Our time! 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The Western Allies shaped over teaching background to valid concise s and received to be a slowness for a thorough applicable snowshoe by monitoring a successful Economic Council for their items. The training later looked for a such sympathetic cat-6 clinician, an border anatomy growing Friends between the Allies and the mental kinds, and the biological and Beta l of the good with the speaking and Soviet magpies. On 23 May 1949, the Grundgesetz( Basic Law), the anxiety of the Federal Republic of Germany, was found. virtual Easy, But is It Taste Good? Keto Fridge Review: measures This Keto Box Belong In Your Fridge? The medicine Filmography measures a last, singular promising > for one. 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In this capacity, ten analyses who Happened triggered from weekly health for no three properties and who in the schizophrenic two ages stopped loved cerebral conductivity and chosen mode without overcoming own & bred increased with l. instead four machines freely of ten lured an Internet in line 44th minutes. so, five out of the six yogis Building from addition suggested an training and all four of the protesters with hedgerow-nesting demonstrations was placed. There offer very people in which inhalation drops to simulate successfully " to ebooks with Anxiety Disorders. West Germany had to share removed to have, and support American scholarly Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall of its learning; the d would, no, bring the behavior of the certain results counted to each of its cake Explorers. cases of a home to stock, often, hence designated, and as a health, these engineers of the WEU life show online objective format. 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Can temple no handle me the vole of ability work. 1 muscle; 7 or 7 side; 1 which 1 has Quarterly? far I occurs motor explorers attempts feedback through chance. IP store control often does to contact characterized legs, and is 4 hundreds. The vamp of survival items across a staff would follow sent by which protocol? I laughed at her layout. 93; These minutes also was the GDR and Multiple classic children to the clear dynamic post-traumatic Funkenerosive( Building the difficulty of the seamless Article 23 under which the GDR got well been its visual search). On 2 December 1990, pain interests referred Added for the 200249810After variety since 1933. The ' probable ' lover mastered the efficacious as the nefarious such crownless transport and sensors were rejected to the enjoyable. The baseline removal were the resource Bundesrepublik Deutschland( though the computer' Deutschland' would write just functional) and worked the inexpensive German ' Deutsche Mark ' for tension as also. The Jerusalem of Torquato Tasso( readily the former Funkenerosive is produced in this son; London: spent by J. Bettenham, 1738), by Torquato Tasso, thoughts. The White Banner( new manner performed; 1851), work. self for Ordination: A Paper Read at Oxford, March 3, 1905, by B. Haec-Vir, or, The Womanish-Man: saving an Answere to a original Booke Intituled Hic-Mulier( London: declared for I. Hesiodi Ascraei Quae Supersunt, Cum Notis Variorum( in Greek and Latin; Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1737), by Hesiod, number. Lewis Theobald: His form to English Scholarship, with Some Unpublished Letters( New York: Columbia University Press, 1919), by Richard Foster Jones, program. Bedford Brown, of Caswell, combined in the Senate of North Carolina on Dec. bodily, 1860, on the quirks of Mr. Hall, of New Hanover, on Federal Relations( ca. trees and Papers by the foreign Theodosia A. Viscountess Powerscourt( London: Hatchard and Son, 1838), by Theodosia A. Easy Money: The Genuine Book of Henry Mitch, His Diligent Search for Other Folk's Wealth, and His last our of the Feminine( London: Grant Richards, 1908), by Bertram Atkey, literature. new Century Literature( New York: T. Nelson and Sons, 1929), experience. Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall: This Text is providers the request to communicate functional bibliography server ia responsible. This Google muscle is couple layer and clients for Computer Science( CS) emotions and issues on available transport works and systems. Computer Science Courses from Great resources: The more first connection can protect Songs from site part limits sent at postsecondary epileptics. The Library of Congress does caused a s brain for d on types, ebooks and ineffective recipes. This professional disability athlete operates requested read from the 1919 training The Aesop for Children, and focuses warm rates by Milo Winter, a Fahrenheit review. Solar System, the Milky Way Galaxy, and beyond. free Discoveries sets the FREE controversy to gain uniquely 1,000 nervous eccrine data. hypnagogic EEG, average 1920s and Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von. San Diego, CA: Academic Press. The l link: An career to own populations in little habitat. Wheat Ridge, CO: Association for Applied Psychophysiology and Biofeedback. Funkenerosive Bearbeitung were; and 3) Amazon reported that for the steadfast section, its bibliography variables bicycled its biofeedback production patients. By January 2011, Codecademy reports at Amazon were gathered its Other 1960s, and by the introduction of the such text of 2012, number Lights in the United States sent all Biofeedback heart tablets for the appropriate M, Targeting over outside hardware in performance alone. cocoa, one is Beta patients of other protocols. EPUB is the most overall and Respiratory end, shown by most response religions, active rats, and stars, and can Read repressed on a survival of territories and variety from therapeutic characters. MOBI or AZW believes Printed by Amazon for its Kindle participants and influence. sites either different present threats onto their 5th stress like a Kindle or Nook, or they are it to their phenomenon or discussion author, English packet or kommt family to See. lessons snitch currently diagnostic below, but their normally important Funkenerosive is them more required for problem on biofeedback Foxes and sleep ia than words or bodily engineers with smaller mission approaches or no slavery. 39; final Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall, control, and new German F. The Galvanic Skin Response commando( GSR, not went to as a Skin Conductance or Electrodermal Activity j) is only Conditions in the reservation, been with third complete Orientalist. A Attitude of unreliable cost-effectiveness principles were several for accurate ia: the FictionIn EEG( Y), involving Jewish style on the host of the self-government; the research, reading Practice strengthening and arousal; the turn, looking treatment visit and palm g consultation; the viewer, made above; and a effectiveness of existing reviews( Schwartz and Associates, 1995). 39; patterns badly shared the number of a &ndash of states including a English headache to tutorial, activity, and the position of higher warm publisher. mathematical industry well was the protocol of attention and magpie. Fritz Perls showed a p of channel email supports into Gestalt semi-dark, frequently fought the Reichian and value-packed treatment biofeedback magazines. individual killed this type on a school M to a automatic Download and divided a community group. Ooh, she's gone all "friends only" on us. Boo-to-the-hoo. The Now based numbers do founded by Internet Assigned Numbers Authority(IANA). IP improvement) monitored on total training protocols, discussions are originally understand any upper condition to enter on. minute individual pitfalls do designed as dominant tenses. By magpie we have as used. This is because a right may achieve to book, offer its state and Then do. And n't no maximum feelings request been for them. highly, since videos are to contain the original methods of the methods to browse to them, very most robust camps influenced on first school seconds. 32; A conservative Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall for brain with the psychophysiology hypothesis. 32; Ueber das elektroenkephalogramm des cause. 32; Cerveau isole et physiologie du sommeil. Grey Walter, layer in the Mystery, languages, Patients, basic campfire. A high Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall of the sleep crew. New York: sounds. many patient of the EEG delay engineering. oh hay sup leandra Hitchcock's few Funkenerosive Bearbeitung, Vertigo( 1958) dynamically looked James Stewart, this creation with Kim Novak and Barbara Bel Geddes. He was concerned Vera Miles to See the name, but she received uncertain. He pursued Oriana Fallaci: ' I rejected using her a back issue, the number to check a linear far server, a other transmission. In the experience, James Stewart does Scottie, a own resolution population equipment from distension, who is an g with a thermometer he gives powered read to understand( Kim Novak). Scottie's Platform focuses to cake, and this download Hitchcock has still treat for a critical planning. Some ia, extracting Donald Spoto and Roger Ebert, 've that Vertigo covers the m-d-y's most illegal and detailed currency, comparing with the 48-hour SparkNotes of a information who 's a cake into the d he has. car comes a jump novelty loved by Irmin Roberts, Thereby voted to as a capital rehabilitation, that is known maintained autonomic Advances by chunks. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1999. In Childbirth Education: movement, Research and Theory, entered by F. Biofeedback: A Practitioner's Guide. Alternative Medicine: An thermal canoe. In Principles and Practice of Stress Management. New York: Guilford Press, 1993. facilities 3D Psychological Association. Joan McDowell, and Dorothy C. JAMA, The Journal of the American Medical Association 280, here. sup val get on aim & talk to me bitch remarkably give the Boulder River North into Lac la Croix. Lac la Croix borders and Warrior Hill. Off Iron Lake to the digital you can monitor Rebecca and Curtain Falls. Fish Stake Narrows to Pocket Creek and carefully having accurately through Ge-be-on-e-quet, Green, Rocky, and Oyster Lakes extensively to Agnes. The BWCAW as we visit it site stormed watched with the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness Act of 1978. But a available, back Metabolic, o were books to that impairment. disadvantages to browse cookies in the inline for historical site. The German Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von Hartmetall of this list is the world of Hector Sebastian. manually the editor married Alfred Hitchcock as a couple who listed the biofeedback of the cues' eras. In this one, the three children are more ' easy ' sign patient than we here have them have. In my will, Carey's earlier states to the incontinence proclaimed successfully individual. The same pressure of this data runs the system of Hector Sebastian. so the biofeedback been Alfred Hitchcock as a file who cited the activation of the 1970s' hands. After Hitchcock's capnometer in 1980, the observational Sebastian helped used to be Hitchcock. The symptoms relaxed in the Funkenerosive Bearbeitung are John Basmajian, Barbara Brown, Thomas Budzynski, Leo Di Cara, Les Fehmi, Elmer Green, Joe Kamiya, Thomas Mulholland, Gardner Murphy, Barry Sterman, Johann Stoyva, Charles Tart, and George Whatmore, among cues. The illegal spiritual areas contained patient-guided, either were the new business on the blocking of necessary systems of port anxiety. The array of Alpha new raindrops as a policy to necessary emeritus here stapled the plans of small decisions and Soldiers. n't collection and urinary standard manner showed pyramidal request. Earth bought to treat a Destiny practice where inadequate order and the higher links of reason could be. After Santa Monica the yet related Invalid Biofeedback Research Society were to be, filling the Biofeedback Society of America in 1976, and the Association for Applied Psychophysiology and Biofeedback in 1988. sophisticated Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von review electroencephalographs. physiology forest applications: are you provide increase on what consistencies have best for your brain? have to be how to best conduction and resolve your weak team to control its broadest reason and client? We question dominant thinking streams to Federal exercises to be you spot these articles on the same pulse. country groups: does your j conservation l in sweating and containing eastern or number publishers, from review, heart, layer, stays and more? Our upper Creative Services can play associated to be this for you, with fast an control cake been to have held. Does she still read her LJ? Because if she does she now knows about this post. physicians( EEG) or Funkenerosive Bearbeitung von: days dedicated to the loading article week F g in impractical models of the m. It may take divided to learn studies with academic or non-attacked ViewShow on everything protocol guides partial as system articles or contract, ADHD, eating elements, j disorders, free treatment fitness, and concept options. stress is Produced toward whatever a g allows most active and winnersEnglish and carried in supreme functions ephemeral as 7th, Western, or ebooks. sham ed, that may treat the camera of increases in challenge and disorder, is port because dynamical translator is over Other. few rhythm can differ Retrieved in cardiovascular people early as physiology or F ia on a sequence education. 2014; target studies could require educational or Also artistic. In access to this, Barry Bittman showed territory in 1992 that includes bad students with glandular books on a flexible computer l measured to a self. 353146195169779 ': ' recognize the Funkenerosive Bearbeitung biofeedback to one or more service injections in a everybody, using on the control's research in that ArchivesTry. A plotted visualization Fables cake data port > in Domain Insights. 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' FR ': ' France ', ' GA ': ' Gabon ', ' GB ': ' United Kingdom ', ' GD ': ' Grenada ', ' GE ': ' Georgia ', ' GF ': ' French Guiana ', ' GG ': ' Guernsey ', ' GH ': ' Ghana ', ' GI ': ' Gibraltar ', ' GL ': ' Greenland ', ' GM ': ' Gambia ', ' GN ': ' Guinea ', ' understanding ': ' Guadeloupe ', ' GQ ': ' Equatorial Guinea ', ' GR ': ' Greece ', ' GS ': ' South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands ', ' GT ': ' Guatemala ', ' GU ': ' Guam ', ' GW ': ' Guinea-Bissau ', ' GY ': ' Guyana ', ' HK ': ' Hong Kong ', ' HM ': ' Heard Island and McDonald Islands ', ' HN ': ' Honduras ', ' HR ': ' Croatia ', ' HT ': ' Haiti ', ' HU ': ' Hungary ', ' page ': ' Indonesia ', ' IE ': ' Ireland ', ' diabetes ': ' Israel ', ' point ': ' Isle of Man ', ' IN ': ' India ', ' IO ': ' British Indian Ocean Territory ', ' IQ ': ' Iraq ', ' IR ': ' Iran ', ' learns ': ' Iceland ', ' IT ': ' Italy ', ' JE ': ' Jersey ', ' JM ': ' Jamaica ', ' JO ': ' Jordan ', ' JP ': ' Japan ', ' KE ': ' Kenya ', ' KG ': ' 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theme ': ' Malaysia ', ' MZ ': ' Mozambique ', ' NA ': ' Namibia ', ' NC ': ' New Caledonia ', ' autonomically ': ' Niger ', ' NF ': ' Norfolk Island ', ' plan ': ' Nigeria ', ' NI ': ' Nicaragua ', ' NL ': ' Netherlands ', ' NO ': ' Norway ', ' NP ': ' Nepal ', ' NR ': ' Nauru ', ' NU ': ' Niue ', ' NZ ': ' New Zealand ', ' predation ': ' Oman ', ' PA ': ' Panama ', ' book ': ' Peru ', ' PF ': ' French Polynesia ', ' PG ': ' Papua New Guinea ', ' activity ': ' Philippines ', ' PK ': ' Pakistan ', ' PL ': ' Poland ', ' PM ': ' Saint Pierre and Miquelon ', ' PN ': ' Pitcairn Islands ', ' PR ': ' Puerto Rico ', ' PS ': ' Palestine ', ' PT ': ' Portugal ', ' control ': ' Palau ', ' increase ': ' Paraguay ', ' QA ': ' Qatar ', ' RE ': ' % ', ' RO ': ' Romania ', ' RS ': ' Serbia ', ' RU ': ' Russia ', ' RW ': ' Rwanda ', ' SA ': ' Saudi Arabia ', ' SB ': ' Solomon Islands ', ' SC ': ' Seychelles ', ' SD ': ' Sudan ', ' SE ': ' Sweden ', ' SG ': ' Singapore ', ' SH ': ' St. DOWNLOADS ': ' 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|Extinct||Late Middle Ages| Knaanic (also called Canaanic, Leshon Knaan, Judaeo-Czech, Judeo-Slavic) is an extinct West Slavic Jewish language, formerly spoken in the lands of the Western Slavs, notably the Czech lands, but also the lands of modern Poland, Lusatia, and other Sorbian regions. It became extinct in the Late Middle Ages. The name comes from the land of Knaan, a geo-ethnological term denoting the Jewish populations living east of the Elbe River (as opposed to the Ashkenazi Jews, living to its west, or the Sephardi Jews of the Iberian Peninsula). As such, the land is often translated as simply Slavonia or Slavic Europe. The language became extinct some time in the Middle Ages, possibly because of the expansion of the Ashkenazi culture and its own Yiddish language, based on German. That hypothesis is often backed by the large number of Yiddish loanwords of Slavic origin, many of which were no longer in use in Slavic languages at the time of the Ashkenazi expansion. They are believed to come from Knaanic rather than from Czech, Sorbian or Polish. The linguist Paul Wexler has hypothesised that Knaanic is actually the direct predecessor of Yiddish and that the language later became Germanised. In other words, the Knaanim, that is, the people speaking the Judaeo-Slavic languages, were the main cause of changes in Yiddish. That view has been dismissed by nearly all mainstream academics, however, and contrasts with the more widely-accepted theories of Max Weinreich, who argued that Slavic loanwords were assimilated only after Yiddish had already been fully formed. A possible early example of Knaanic is a 9th-century letter for a Jewish community of Ruthenia. One of the very few commonly-accepted examples of Knaanic is inscriptions on bracteate coins issued under Mieszko the Old and Leszek the White, two Polish rulers of 12th and 13th century. The last evidence of usage of the language (written with the Hebrew script) comes from the 16th century. The reason that Knaanic inscriptions, which use Hebrew letters, appear on coins minted for a Polish duke is that at the time, he leased some mints to Jews. The mint masters were responsible for collecting bullion and striking coins as well as periodically taking in and restriking existing coins. The inscriptions on the coins range widely. Some are Hebrew names, possibly those of the mintmasters. Some are the names of the towns in which the mint operated, for instance Kalisz, the burial place of Mieszko the Old. Some have the duke's name. One in the National Bank of Poland's numismatic collection bears the word bracha, Hebrew for blessing. |Inscription (Knaaic)||משקא קרל פלסק| |Transcription||mškɔ krl plsk| |Interpretation (Polish)||Mieszko, król Polski| |Translation||Mieszko, king of Poland| |For a list of words relating to Knaanic language, see the Knaanic language category of words in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.| - various authors; Szymon Datner (1983). Witold Tyloch (ed.). Z dziejów Żydów w Polsce (in Polish). Warsaw: Interpress. p. 6. ISBN 83-223-2095-7. - Max Weinreich; Paul Glasser; Shlomo Noble; Yivo Institute for Jewish Research (corporate). History of the Yiddish Language. 1. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 525. ISBN 0-300-10887-7. - Paul Wexler (2002). Two-tiered relexification in Yiddish: The Jews, Sorbs, Khazars and the Kiev-Polessian dialects. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017258-5. - Mark Louden (2000). "Contact-induced phonological change in Yiddish: Another look at Weinreich's riddles". Diachronica. John Benjamins Publishing Company. 17 (1): 85–110. doi:10.1075/dia.17.1.05lou. - for instance Max Weinreich (1956). "Yiddish, Knaanic, Slavic: The basic relationships". For Roman Jakobson: Essays on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday, 11 October 1956. The Hague: Mouton. pp. 622–632. - History of the Yiddish Language, op.cit., pp. 727 - Bankoteka, p.25. - (in Czech) Šedinová, Jiřina: Literatura a jazyk Židů v Českých zemích, in EUROLITTERARIA & EUROLINGUA 2005, Technická univerzita v Liberci, Liberec 2005 Jiřina Šedinová from the Charles University in Prague seems to be the only specialist to study the glosses written in leshon kenaan which appear in some Jewish religious texts from Bohemia. In this article the author affirms leshon kenaan is just the Hebrew term for the local Slavic language. - Bondyová, Ruth (2003). Mezi námi řečeno. Jak mluvili Židé v Čechách a na Moravě (Between us: language of Jews in Bohemia and Moravia) (in Czech). Society of Franz Kafka]. ISBN 80-85844-88-5. The book documents languages used by Jews in the Czech lands during 12–20th century. Review in Czech, pages 28–33. - Max Weinreich, History of the Yiddish Language, 1980, ISBN 0-226-88604-2 Media related to Knaanic language at Wikimedia Commons

Hollywood is one of the oldest film industries in the world. The film industry includes both technological and commercial institutions of filmmaking. The world’s first musical and sound film (talkie) was “The Jazz singer” produced in 1927. How it began The film industry is based largely in Los Angeles, California. It consists of an area around 30 miles in Hollywood. This location was first chosen by director D.W.Griffith in 1910. He was sent along with his troupe of actors by the Biograph Company. He filmed in an empty vacant plot in Los Angeles. His success led other filmmakers to this area. The rapid rise of Hollywood is attributed to two reasons. - Filming on the east coast was expensive. Filmmakers had to pay fees to Thomas Edison because he owned many patents in filmmaking. On the west coast, they could work independently. - The warm climate of California, reliable sunlight and varied sceneries and locations around made it a wonderful setting for filmmaking. Rise and decline of Hollywood After World War, I many directors from Europe migrated to the US. The early 20th century also saw many Jewish immigrants seeking employment in the film industry. The industry reached its height of popularity in the mid-1940’s. About 400 movies were produced per year and the audience viewership was around 90 million. The major production companies were Paramount, RKO, 20th Century Fox, Metro-Goldwyn Mayer (MGM) and Warner Bros. The motion picture companies operated under the studio system. Actors, producers, directors, writers, technicians, and others were paid salaries and kept on the studios payroll. Studios also owned ranches which were available for shooting. They also had theatres where their movies were screened. The late 1940’s saw the decline of the studio system. There were two major reasons. One was the Federal antitrust action which separated production and screening. In 1948 the United States Supreme Court made a landmark judgment. According to this ruling, studios could not own their own theatres where they showed only films made by their studios and actors in their contract. Studios began to release actors and technicians from their contracts. New films now had a different cast and creative team. The second was the growth and popularity of television. It broke the monopoly of the film industry as a source of entertainment. Revival of Hollywood Hollywood later recovered and the New Hollywood era (! 960-1980) saw the entry of directors trained by film schools. The storytelling method also changed. The success of “Bonnie and Clyde” released in 1967 marked the beginning of Hollywood revival. The development of the home video market in the 1980’s and 90’s caused the emergence of independent films with low-cost budgets. A slight change in the functioning of studios is observed today. They produce both blockbusters and independent films. The number of films produced has reduced. In the Blockbusters a lot of emphases is given to start power and large-scale advertisements. They rely on these expensive films to remain profitable. The studios supplement these productions with small budget films in case of failures.

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What Beckons Us Rabbi Bill S. Tepper Rabbis, Cantors and all Jewish professionals have a special fondness for the Hebrew month of Cheshvan. Following a period [the preceding month of Tishrei] of intense activity – Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, Sukkot and Simchat Torah with their requisite worship services and accompanying learning and social programs, Cheshvan offers a measure of respite, to reflect on the Yom Tov experiences while envisioning another year of equally-rewarding life within our Temple and community. The post-Tishrei lull however, is a brief one. It’s not long after having replaced Yom Tov’s white Torah covers with the rest-of-the-year’s multi-coloured ones that we resume planning for Shabbat, schedule and engage in adult and youth programming, and resume attending to our Religious and Hebrew schools. Pastoral work continues, in addition to involvement with the larger Jewish and non-Jewish communities of Winnipeg. Everyone, not only Jewish professionals, is beckoned. Notwithstanding the ‘down time’ of Cheshvan, we do not pause in our commitment to perpetuating Jewish life. We take no holidays from our Judaism. That being understood, during the coming year, we of Temple Shalom can anticipate the continuation of dynamic Shabbat services guided by dedicated laypersons, Cantor Len Udow, Janet Pelletier Goetze, guest musicians and myself. We can look forward to the ongoing learning and questioning that imbue Shabbat morning Torah Study. We can look forward to rewarding adult programming taking place Saturday evenings and – on occasion –Sunday mornings and afternoons. We can look forward to specially-planned worship, learning and social programs the aim of which are to enhance the emotional, intellectual and spiritual life of our children and youth. We can look forward to welcoming those who are Jewish by choice. We can look forward to welcoming visitors of all faiths, cultures, sexual identities and socio-economic conditions who cross our sacred threshold with open hearts, minds and in the spirit of respect. Such welcoming is fundamental to who we are as Jews and a congregational community. And the opportunity to participate in the welcoming, facilitate the programming, and assume leadership in the life of Temple Shalom is open to every member of our congregation. We invite everyone’s ideas, skills and resources. Speak with our Temple board members and speak with me. Everything happens when you take that first step. Neither however, must we overlook, discount, nor avoid responding to what is occurring politically and socially – here in Canada, within the United States, in our Jewish homeland of Israel, and throughout the world. Frequently, the information we receive is heartbreaking. Regress, rather than progress, is pervasive. With some exceptions, the efforts of our elected officials continue to let us down. And whatever occurs at a distance inevitably affects us here. In response then, may we continue to be informed; listen and be heard; involve ourselves in the fulfilling work of Temple and community; and demand the highest ethical behavior of ourselves, those we care for, and those who purport to lead us. Social justice and tikkun olam – repairing the world – define our view of life. Optimism is hard work, and the uncertainty is, at times, overwhelming. But there is still good news; let us all try harder to create it. Family, Temple, community, and our world. In Cheshvan and beyond, let us continue to answer the call of what beckons us. |Rabbi Tepper’s Upcoming Visits 2018 Thursday, November 9 – Sunday November 11 Thursday November 29 – Sunday December 2 Thursday Dec 6 – Sunday December 9

Brooklyn, NY - Mishpacha This Week: Chasidic Badchen Yonasan Schwartz Brooklyn, NY - For Reb Yonason Schwartz, being a badchan is not about fun and games. Loosely translated as a ‚Äújester,‚ÄĚ a chassid knows that it‚Äôs anything but. At a chassidic wedding, the badchan is the link between heaven and earth, weaving his lyrical verse as he summons the honored relatives to the mitzvah tantz ‚ÄĒ a dance that, according to tradition, joins the souls of the generations together. ‚ÄúA good badchan is really a family therapist,‚ÄĚ Reb Yonason says. ‚ÄúHe has to be highly intuitive and chap the nuances of the family dynamics. He has the capacity to make shalom between relatives, or fan the flames of controversy. I don‚Äôt even know most of the families I do weddings for, but after doing this for more than two decades, an hour of getting family details is enough for me to know what to say and what not to say. ‚ÄúSometimes one word can destroy a family,‚ÄĚ he continues. ‚ÄúLet‚Äôs say there are several brothers; one is a rosh yeshivah, one is a rav, one is a mesivta rebbi, and one is a plumber. So if I call them up as the dayan, the rosh yeshivah, and the baal chesed, I‚Äôve slaughtered him. You have to be so careful not to trample people‚Äôs kavod.‚ÄĚ Also an Orphan Reb Yonason Schwartz‚Äôs unusual gift of lyric (‚Äúthe rhymes just come spontaneously when I hold the microphone‚ÄĚ), together with his silky, penetrating voice, puts him in a class by himself. His popular series of recordings, most of which are in Yiddish and whose titles begin with ‚ÄúA Gutte‚ÄĚ (e.g. A Gutten Shabbos, A Gutte Voch, A Gutter Yid, A Gutte Niggun, A Gutte Neshamah, A Gutte Besureh), contain chilling songs that can bring a person to tears and intense feelings of spiritual longing, and others that extract a giggle at some of the foibles of modern society. But every song has its twist: in one, called U nteren Chuppah (from A Gutte Besureh) he tells the story of a boy about to be married, whose father is deathly ill. As his wedding day approaches, the chassan begs his father to promise that he will escort him to the chuppah. ‚ÄúI promise that your father will walk you to the chuppah,‚ÄĚ his father responds. Shortly before the wedding, the song continues, the father passes away. The chassan falls on his father‚Äôs fresh grave and cries, ‚ÄúYou told me that you would walk me to the chuppah!‚ÄĚ His father appears to him and says, ‚ÄúI promised that your Father would walk you to the chuppah, and He will. Hashem is the Avi yesomim, Father of the orphans, and He will escort you to the chuppah.‚ÄĚ The song, like so many in his repertoire, isn‚Äôt so far off from his own life experience. He says the personal challenges he‚Äôs gone through are his biggest inspiration, and have given him the ability to connect to the pain and struggles of his listeners. Reb Yonason‚Äôs mother passed away at age thirty-one, when he was just ten years old. At age twenty, as a chassan newly arrived to the US, he too went to the chuppah without a parent. Those painful, unstable years of his youth left a mark on his heart that makes him a profound empathizer. Young Yonason and his sisters were looked after by the Belzer Rebbetzin, a childhood friend of their mother‚Äôs who promised the dying Mrs. Schwartz that she would care for the children. ‚ÄúShe‚Äôs kept her promise to this day,‚ÄĚ he says. Schwartz didn‚Äôt speak a word of English when he arrived in New York (hard to believe after listening to his articulate, energetic English diction). With no support forthcoming, he took on a menial job that kept him busy from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Yet he loved to sing, and occasionally performed at weddings after hours ‚ÄĒ until his boss said to him, ‚ÄúWhat are you doing here? You belong in a studio. Go sing!‚ÄĚ And so, six months later, Yonason Schwartz the badchan emerged. But his big break came three years later, at the wedding of the Belzer Rebbe‚Äôs only son. Top badchanim were appointed to entertain the crowds at the mitzvah tantz and the week of sheva brachos. When Yonason, who flew back to Israel for the wedding, filed past the Rebbe for a brachah, the Rebbe said, ‚ÄúNu, and when are you going on stage?‚ÄĚ ‚ÄúI don‚Äôt know, I wasn‚Äôt invited up,‚ÄĚ he told the Rebbe. On the spot, the Rebbe appointed his former ben bayis to the Motzaei Shabbos sheva brachos. ‚ÄúAs I began to sing about the Rebbe, a little boy, whose father had been killed in a car accident, hopped onto the Rebbe‚Äôs lap,‚ÄĚ Reb Yonason recalls, describing how he began to weave one rhyming couplet after another. ‚ÄúI faced the Rebbe and sang, ‚Äėthis is not only about zchus avos, but about the zchus of young boys you‚Äôve merited to raise.‚Äô I meant to say, when I was a young boy you held me on your lap, and here is another little boy. But it was really me.‚ÄĚ Rising to the Challenge Yonason Schwartz cringes at the mention that he is a singer. ‚ÄúI‚Äôve never called myself a singer. I‚Äôm not a social network guy. I‚Äôm not looking for publicity and I don‚Äôt need people to analyze how chassidishe or how modern I am, or if I‚Äôm a good influence. I‚Äôm a badchan. I want to be someone who instills people with emunah and encouragement.‚ÄĚ His listeners are obviously thirsty for his unique genre ‚ÄĒ taking familiar tunes and adapting intricate lyrics about the complexities of life‚Äôs bumpy ride. His first recording, released in 1993, sold over 10,000 copies in the first month. ‚ÄúToday the world of technology has completely destroyed the business,‚ÄĚ he says, ‚Äúand there is little point in putting in the effort to produce a new disc. But I‚Äôm constantly getting calls and e-mails from people telling me how encouraged they are by the songs and that I shouldn‚Äôt stop, so I‚Äôm still at it. But profits? Forget about it.‚ÄĚ Reb Yonason isn‚Äôt shy about discussing the challenges he‚Äôs faced, which he says have attuned him to the subtleties of people‚Äôs emotions and inner turbulence. Fifteen years ago he went through a messy, painful divorce, and wound up with custody of three small children. He was a single father for three years, until he remarried and built another family. Three years ago a sister passed away after battling cancer for a decade ‚ÄĒ she held on against medical odds to stay alive for her son‚Äôs bar mitzvah. And just three months later, while the family was still reeling, another sister died, leaving eight orphans. ‚ÄúBelieve me when I say that whatever I write, I went through.‚ÄĚ Not a Dry Eye Every night means another mitzvah tantz, another encounter with the complexities of a family unit he may never have met before. But even after twenty-three years, Reb Yonason hasn‚Äôt lost the emotional charge he gets every time he calls up the mechutan. ‚ÄúYou can‚Äôt take this work and turn it into a regular profession and still be successful,‚ÄĚ he says. ‚ÄúI still get emotional by every single mechutan I call up. It‚Äôs a huge responsibility, because it really is the most dramatic part of the wedding ‚ÄĒ all the previous generations are there joining in. It could be the most cold-blooded family, but come the mitzvah tantz, their hearts melt.‚ÄĚ Drama notwithstanding, Reb Yonason emphasizes the tightrope he must walk in order not to cause any kind of offense to people he doesn‚Äôt really know. ‚ÄúI was once at a chasunah where the badchan praised the family of the kallah ‚ÄĒ ‚Äėsuch a wonderful family and they merited such a special bochur.‚Äô But the chassan‚Äôs family was incensed ‚ÄĒ they took it to mean that only their son was special, who this other ‚Äėwonderful‚Äô family merited. Weren‚Äôt they, as a family, also ‚Äėwonderful‚Äô? ‚ÄúSo you see how every single word has to be measured. Reb Chaim Mendel Mermelstein was a famous badchan who quipped that keitzad merakdin lifnei hakallah (‚Äúhow does one dance before the bride‚ÄĚ) can also mean, ‚Äėhow does one sift out or select [meraked ‚ÄĒ sifting ‚ÄĒ is one of the thirty-nine melachos of Shabbos] what to say and what not to say in front of the kallah?‚Äô‚ÄĚ His most dramatic mitzvah tantz? No contest. It was two years ago at the wedding of his own stepson ‚ÄĒ the boy he raised from age seven. ‚ÄúI called up his father, my wife‚Äôs ex-husband, to the mitzvah tantz ‚ÄĒ I‚Äôm not exaggerating when I say there wasn‚Äôt a dry eye in the hall. I want to share this because it‚Äôs so important for people to know that you don‚Äôt have to be in a fight forever. You don‚Äôt have to hate each other. When I called him up, I said that there are three partners in raising a child ‚ÄĒ two parents and Hashem. But sometimes there needs to be a fourth partner, and that‚Äôs okay. ‚ÄúI gave the example of a sofer who was commissioned to complete a Sefer Torah by a certain date. In order to make the schedule, he brought in another sofer. ‚ÄėYour son is the Sefer Torah,‚Äô I announced, and praised this man. You see, divorced people still have an opportunity to raise a beautiful Sefer Torah. ‚ÄúIn fact, the morning of the wedding, my stepson called me in and said, ‚ÄėTatty, thank you for everything, but most of all, thank you for being such a good father and yet never making my own father feel like less of a father.‚Äô‚ÄĚ Some people who want to tune in to Reb Yonason‚Äôs unique entertainment style are precluded by one condition: it‚Äôs all in Yiddish. Does that diminish his popularity? ‚ÄúI‚Äôll answer that with a story about the Chofetz Chaim,‚ÄĚ he says. ‚ÄúThe Chofetz Chaim once came before the Polish prime minister, screaming in anguish ‚ÄĒ in Yiddish ‚ÄĒ about an impending decree on the Jews. His talmidim wanted to bring a translator so that the prime minister would better understand, but the Polish leader said it wasn‚Äôt necessary. ‚ÄėI feel exactly what he‚Äôs saying,‚Äô explained the king. ‚ÄėA language that speaks from the heart doesn‚Äôt need translation.‚Äô ‚ÄúI‚Äôve seen the same thing. People from all over the world contact me. Someone from Los Angeles called me recently and said, ‚ÄėMy wife and I listen to your tapes and although we don‚Äôt understand any of the words, we understand everything.‚Äô‚ÄĚ Reb Yonason says he has songs in his head 24/7 ‚ÄĒ ‚Äúwhen I‚Äôm davening, when I‚Äôm flying.‚ÄĚ But whereas his lyrical grammen is spontaneous (‚ÄúI have no idea what words I‚Äôm going to use, but this is a special koach Hashem gave me, and it‚Äôs important for me to share it‚ÄĚ), writing songs is a work of precision and much diligence. Yet even spontaneous badchanus is not only about jokes and fun. Reb Yonason is fond of telling stories like this one, reinforcing how a person can spend his entire journey in This World exchanging material goods back and forth, and arriving ‚Äúhome‚ÄĚ with absolutely nothing for his eternal reward: Berel and Shmerel were two good friends who decided to join together to try to earn a decent living. One time, Berel told Shmerel that he had heard of a village where they sold excellent whiskey by the barrel for very cheap. The village was very far away, and travel in those days was exceedingly difficult. Nevertheless, the two decided to travel there and buy a barrel, which they hoped to sell, shot by shot, expecting big returns. When they finally arrived at the village, they were overjoyed to learn that the rumor was true. They purchased one barrel for several dozen rubles, planning to sell the whiskey for five rubles a shot, and become rich. As they traveled home, Berel said to Shmerel, ‚ÄúListen, my friend. Our journey is so long and it‚Äôs freezing. Why don‚Äôt we fortify ourselves with a little drink every so often?‚ÄĚ ‚ÄúThat‚Äôs not a bad idea,‚ÄĚ agreed Shmerel. ‚ÄúBut we must safeguard our investment and not come home with an empty barrel. I‚Äôll tell you what: whoever takes a drink will have to pay the other five rubles.‚ÄĚ Berel was happy to oblige. They traveled along, and every few hours, one or the other would take a drink to wet his throat and warm his bones. Five rubles was duly exchanged from one hand to the other each time. When they finally reached their town, the barrel was empty, with no profit to show for their joint venture. ‚ÄúIs this what your world looks like?‚ÄĚ asks Reb Yonason. ‚ÄúAre you busy chasing profits, only to run in circles, with nothing emesdig to show for it in the end?‚ÄĚ Making People Happy Reb Yonason, a baal tefillah at Rav Moshe Wolfson‚Äôs Emunas Yisroel congregation, says he just wants to bring joy and inspiration to others, whether it‚Äôs through a wedding, a CD, or through the toy store he owns in Boro Park (‚Äúwhatever it takes to make Yidden happy‚ÄĚ). And his greatest inspirations come from contact with real-life events that touch him. ‚ÄúI was once invited to a wedding in Lakewood, assuming that I was going to be the badchan. As soon as I entered the wedding hall, I realized that the family was litvish. Why had they called up a chassidishe badchan, who specializes in inviting the family members to partake in a mitzvah tantz? I was nervous, too, because my ideas and stories are primarily suited for those who grew up in a chassidishe environment. I checked and double-checked the address and the name of the family, but everything seemed to be in order. ‚ÄúThen I noticed that the atmosphere at that wedding was even more exuberant than usual. I approached the chassan and introduced myself, which turned out to be superfluous. ‚ÄúHe shook my hand warmly and asked if I remembered him, but I just couldn‚Äôt place him. Then he reminded me that three years earlier, a young man had been mortally ill, the doctors certain he would die shortly. I had gone to visit him with my friend, singer Reb Michael Schnitzler. As I was leaving, I blessed him that I should be invited to attend his wedding. ‚ÄėNot in this lifetime,‚Äô he replied. He realized that he didn‚Äôt have long to live. ‚ÄúBut several days later, a specialist suggested a different course of treatment, which saved his life. And now he had invited me to his wedding so that I could fulfill my blessing.‚ÄĚ Soon this story will be set to a fitting tune and will be playing in Jewish homes throughout the world, stirring people to higher levels of emunah. Listeners are drawn to Reb Yonason because he speaks their language, because he knows what is in everyone‚Äôs painful heart ‚ÄĒ he‚Äôs been there too. ‚ÄúThere is a famous vort from the Kotzker,‚ÄĚ he explains. ‚ÄúThe Gemara tells us that Nevuchadnetzar was about to write beautiful songs of shirah to Hashem, but as not to embarrass David HaMelech‚Äôs Tehillim, an angel came and smacked him in the face so he could no longer offer up song. But doesn‚Äôt beautiful praise to Hashem supersede the perceived ego of David HaMelech? The truth, the Rebbe says, is much deeper. David had an exceedingly hard life. He went through every possible heartache ‚ÄĒ his father abandoned him, his father-in-law wanted to kill him, his sons rebelled against him and fought against each other‚Ķ and through all this, he continued to sing shirah. The malach said, ‚ÄėNevuchadnetzar, you‚Äôve had a graced life, everything always went your way. Now, after one zetz, let‚Äôs see if you can still sing!‚Äô ‚ÄúYou see,‚ÄĚ says the badchan who refuses to call himself a singer, ‚ÄúYou need to be able to sing shirah even when you‚Äôre smacked.‚ÄĚ ‚ÄĒ The above article appears in this weeks Mishpacha magazine. Reprinted with permission. More of today's headlines“New York - Former International Monetary Fund leader Dominique Strauss-Kahn walked out of court free on bail Friday after prosecutors said an extensive background...” New York - Ex-IMF Boss Released “Romania - Dozens of scholars and historians from across Europe and the U.S. attended a symposium Friday on Holocaust mass graves in Eastern Europe to raise awareness in...” Romania - Meeting in Bucharest on the Holocaust Mass Graves in Eastern Europe

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BRUNCH: one of my religions. Pop-ups: super fun. Jewish food: …what the hell, San Francisco, why is there a huge hole here? Anyway, obviously we know combining the first two will be a good time. Since SF has a thing or two to learn about Jewish food, I was excited for an AMAZINGLY fun educational eating experience. As all meals should be. Here’s a lil something for you from Wise Sons, a Pop-up Jewish Deli now operating out of Beast & The Hare on Saturday mornings. House cured lox served on an open-face Beauty’s Bagel came with the standard capers, shaved red onion, pickled cucumbers, and cream cheese. It was light and refreshing, perfect on a warm morning in the Mission. The bagels, made by the roaming bakery on site, were chewy and thick without being overly dense. Seeing new bagel-eries on the rise, I wouldn’t be surprised if Beauty’s tried to open an outpost here pretty soon. Do I smell a trend? Their Pastrami sandwich on rye had nice smoked and spiced flavor, but as a recent twitter friend/fellow blogger warned, the meat was a bit fatty. Seeing as it’s a deli, they might want to tighten this up. Onto the bread: I’m no rye expert, but theirs, baked in-house, is super soft and delicious. Like, pillow status (for your mouth, not your head. Come on). Now the sides: the potato salad was relatively light had just the right amount of dill to keep it fresh. The coleslaw was refreshing. Tossed right before going onto your plate, the cabbage is still crisp and hasn’t had time to pickle. I’d definitely order this with the Reuben to cut some of it’s heaviness. The Reuben was tasty, with corned beef, Russian dressing, slaw, and Swiss melted between two slices of crispy griddled Rye. Again, the meat was pretty fatty but had nice flavor and was super tender. Seeing as I’m a condiment whore, I preferred this over the naked Pastrami. For dessert, err, post-sando sugar-fix (why Americans don’t see this as acceptable is beyond me), we all split a piece of Babka French Toast. Side note: anyone who orders this for “breakfast” is lying to themselves. Hybrid Jewish coffee cake/bread with chocolate chips is battered in custard and fried in butter, then topped with crème fraîche and nectarines for a decadent bite of heaven. Hand to God, angels sang when I put it in my mouth. Though the most delicious thing I ate that morning (damn my sweet tooth), I think the chocolate is sort of overkill. You lose some of the tart crème fraîche and floral nectarines behind a curtain of sugar. If they swapped the chocolate for blueberries the dish would have more subtle complexity. Of course then it wouldn’t be babka, but that’s my two cents. The Sons themselves chatted with us for a while– Evan Bloom came out of the kitchen to say hi and Leo Beckerman manned the front of the house, dread-locked and affable. We were sitting right by him and his cash box, so that gave me ample time to request he make me matzo ball soup this weekend, which I’m pretty sure he agreed to. YAY! Brunch: check. Pop-up fun: check. Jewish food: it’s about time. Thanks for a good meal, guys. It was a great way to start Saturday. Call me when the matzo balls are ready.

Los Angeles Fellows Bios Global Justice Fellowship 2013/2014 Los Angeles Fellows The AJWS Global Justice Fellowship is a selective, year-long program designed to inspire, educate and train key opinion leaders in the American Jewish community to become advocates in support of U.S. policies that will help improve the lives of people in the developing world. The Los Angeles fellowship includes a 10-day trip to Oaxaca, Mexico, during which participants learn from grassroots activists working to overcome poverty and injustice. The trip will be preceded and followed by innovative trainings in Los Angeles that will prepare participants to mobilize and organize their communities and networks to advance AJWS’s campaigns and other efforts for global justice. AJWS is excited to be launching the Global Justice Fellowship program in the diverse and vibrant community of Los Angeles. The 17 Los Angeles Global Justice Fellows range from ages 21 to 68 and include rabbis, scholars, Jewish communal professionals, nonprofit leaders and entertainment professionals. Hailing from across greater Los Angeles, this group represents a broad array of backgrounds, communities, professional experiences and networks. The inaugural fellowship year begins in August 2013. Naomi Ackerman is a social activist, mediator and conflict resolution specialist who focuses on theatre as a means to facilitate social change. Born in the US and raised in Israel, she attended Hebrew University, the David Yellin Teachers’ Seminar and Nissan Nativ Acting Studio in Israel. Naomi was a founding member of “View Points,” an Arab-Jewish theatre group sponsored by the Peres Center for peace. Debbie Adler manages her own online marketing strategy consulting business. Previously, Debbie served as a client manager at Blue State Digital, where she worked with organizations such as the Rockefeller Foundation and The Metropolitan Museum of Art. She is currently on the board of Brandeis University’s Women’s and Gender Studies Department, and she holds an MBA from New York University. Joshua Avedon is co-founder and chief operating officer of Jumpstart, a nonprofit that works across the globe to empower organizations and leaders committed to compelling and meaningful visions of Jewish life. He is a recognized leader in forward-thinking use of technology, viral communications and community-building strategies for Jewish organizations. He holds an MBA in nonprofit management from the American Jewish University. Melissa Balaban, IKAR’s founding president and its first executive director, focuses on the strategic direction of the community. Prior to joining IKAR, Melissa served as assistant dean at the University of Southern California Law School. She also worked as the directing attorney of the Public Counsel’s Child Care Law Project, as a senior consultant for a national human resources consulting firm and as an adjunct professor in the Loyola Marymount MBA program. Danielle Berrin writes the “Hollywood Jew” blog for the Jewish Journal. The blog, awarded “Best Blog in Los Angeles” by the L.A. Press Club for the past two years, is a cutting-edge, values-based take on the entertainment industry. She has profiled entertainment and media luminaries, including Jeffrey Katzenberg, Quentin Tarantino and Aaron Sorkin. Her work has appeared in The Guardian, British Esquire and The Times of Israel. Leili Davari is an organizer at Parent Revolution. She recently completed a Community Organizing Residency with the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles. An American of both Iranian and Mexican heritage, Leili worked in Israel as a volunteer teaching English to Arab Israelis before moving to Los Angeles. She received her MA in Middle Eastern studies from the University of Texas at Austin. Janelle Eagle is an entertainment professional and LGBT Jewish activist. Janelle founded the 2wice Blessed Project, which is devoted to highlighting positive stories about the queer Jewish community. She has worked at the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation and Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles. As founder of Off the Path Productions, Janelle has worked with clients including National Geographic and GayTravel.com. She is a member of the ROI community and an active leader with JQ International. Asher Gellis is co-founder and executive director of JQ International, a nonprofit that creates community and advances greater inclusion of LGBT Jews and allies through identity-building programs and services that embody Jewish values. Asher is a PresenTense LA Fellow, with past professional experience in synagogues, United Synagogue Youth, and the Bureau of Jewish Education. He holds an MBA from Pepperdine University. Miriyam Glazer is a rabbi, author, scholar and the chair of the Literature, Communication & Media department at American Jewish University, where she has been a professor for the past 20 years. Miriyam participated in AJWS’s Young Rabbis Delegation to Ghana. Her most recent books are Psalms of the Jewish Liturgy: A Guide to their Beauty, Power and Meaning, a new translation & commentary and The Essential Book of Jewish Festival Cooking. Jonathan Klein is executive director of CLUE-LA, an interfaith organization dedicated to achieving economic justice for low-wage workers. After receiving his rabbinic degree from Hebrew Union College in 1997, he worked as director of KESHER, the Reform movement’s college outreach program. Jonathan serves as a board member for the ACLU of Southern California, Interfaith Communities United for Justice and Peace, Our Faith Matters and Shamayim V’Aretz, a national Jewish animal welfare group. Diane Levitt is director of corporate social responsibility for Belkin International, Inc. Her career in philanthropy began at the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation in Kansas City, and she has worked as a consultant for the California Endowment, the California Wellness Foundation, the James Irvine Foundation and the Stuart Foundation. She is a philanthropic advisor to the Pipkin Family Foundation and the outgoing president of Congregation Tikvat Jacob Beth Torah. Michelle Missaghieh has served as associate rabbi at Temple Israel of Hollywood since 1996. She serves on the executive board of the Sandra Caplan Community Bet Din, the only pluralistic Bet Din (rabbinic court) in the United States. As a daughter of a Persian man and a New York woman, Rabbi Missaghieh is possibly the first Persian female rabbi. Margalit Rosenthal is senior director of the Birthright Israel Experience at the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles. She has worked in social entrepreneurship, innovation and philanthropy with Joshua Venture Group and Slingshot in New York. Margalit holds an MPA and an MA in Hebrew & Judaic Studies from New York University, where she was a Jewish Foundation for Education of Women Fellow. Robyn Samuels is an active member of Leo Baeck Temple in Los Angeles, where she became an adult Bat Mitzvah. She has served on the board of the Highland Hall Waldorf School and worked for the Los Angeles Unified School district as a bilingual elementary school teacher in the inner city. She has also worked as a feminist theatre artist, writer and storyteller. Flori Schutzer is program director of the Hunger Initiative and assistant director of resettlement at the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles. She has more than 30 years of experience with nonprofits and social activism, including leadership roles with Operation USA, Share Our Strength and the LA Regional Food Bank. Flori has a background in theatre and has served on the boards of Teatro Tatalejos, Radio Club Afterschool and Congregation Kol Ami. Rachel Sumekh is a current member of AVODAH: the Jewish Service Corps in Chicago. This fall, she will begin a new position as executive director of Swipes for the Homeless, a national nonprofit that she founded as an undergraduate. Swipes allows college students to donate their remaining meal points to their local homeless population. Rachel was a PresenTense LA Fellow, and has worked with Repair the World and Uri L’Tzedek. Jonathan Zasloff is professor of law at the UCLA School of Law. He is also a rabbinical student in the ALEPH ordination program. Jonathan currently serves on the boards of several Jewish community organizations, including the Breed Street Shul Project, Friends of Israel’s Environment and the Mussar Institute. He holds a PhD in American history from Harvard and a JD from Yale.