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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

315 HARI wherever we can trace the affinities of the menial castes we find them to have been largely recruited, if not entirely drawn, from the ranks of the aboriginal races. The internal structure of the Hari caste throws no hght upon its origin, as at the Internal structure. ,-, ,, ° •"■ , • _ j •__ present day there are no sections, ana marriage is regulated solely by counting prohibited degrees. The sub-castes are the following :— Bara-bhagiya or Kaora-paik, Madhya bhagiya or Madhaukul, Khore or Khoriya, Siuli, Mihtar, Bangali, Maghaya, Karaiya, Purandwar. Of these, the Mihtar sub-caste alone are employed in removing night-soil ; the Bara bhagiya serve as chaukidars, musicians, and palki-bearers ; the Khore keep pigs ; the Siuli tap date-palms for their juice ; and the rest cultivate. Some authorities include Ghasi among the sub-castes of Hari, but I have preferred to treat them as a separate caste. Haris admit both infant and adult-marriage, but the former practice is deemed the more respectable, and all parents endeavour to get their daughters married before the age of puberty. Adult-marriage, however, still holds its ground, and sexual intercourse before marriage is said to be more or less tolerated. Their marriage ceremony presents some curious features, which seem to be survivals of non-Aryan usage. After the bride-price has been settled and a lucky day fixed for the marriage, the parties meet in the bride's house. The bride and bridegroom are seated opposite to each other, each on the thigh of the father or nearest male relative of a full age. They then change places, the bride sitting on the lap of the bride groom's father and the bridegroom on that of the bride's father. This is repeated five times. After that the right hand little finger of the bridegroom's sister's husband is pricked, and a drop or two of blood allowed to fall on a few threads of jute, which are rolled up into a tiny pellet. This the bridegroom holds in his hand, while the bride attempts to snatch it from him. Her success in the attempt is deemed to be of good omen for the happiness of the marriage. Last of all, the bridegroom smears vermilion on the forehead of the bride. Polygamy is permitted, but is rarely resorted to in practice, as few Hdris can afford to maintain more than one wife. There seems to be no definite rule on the subject, and the caste inclines rather to the practice of the aboriginal races than to the more civilised restriction which allows a second wife to be taken only in the event of the first being barren. Some, however, favour this latter view, and hold that even if offspring fail, a man may in no case have more than three wives. A widow may marry again by the ceremony called chumaund or nikdh, of which the binding portion is the exchange of garlands of flowers, but she is not permitted to marry her husband's younger brother. No reason is assigned for thus prohibiting an alliance which is usually regarded with special favour by the castes which permit widow-marriage. But it may represent an advance towards the entire abolition of widow marriage — a step which has already been taken by the Bhuinmali- Haris of Eastern Bengal. Divorce is permitted with the sanction of the punchdyat of the caste. In some districts a leaf is torn in two

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

316 HARI to symbolise separation. Divorced wives may marry again by the nikdh form. Although Haris profess to be Hindus and worship Kali and other of the standard gods in a more or less meagre fashion, it seems probable that they have embraced Hinduism at a comparatively recent date. In Hughli, indeed, they employ Brahmans for religious and ceremonial purposes, but these Brahmans are looked down upon by other members of the sacred order, and are generally regarded as only a little less degraded than Haris themselves. In other districts they have priests of their own caste, who bear the pretentious title of Pandit. The dead are usually burnt, and the ashes thrown into the nearest river. A pig is sacrificed on the tenth day after death to appease the spirit of the departed, the flesh being eaten by the relatives. On this occasion the nephew (sister's son) of the deceased person officiates as priest. Their social rank is of the lowest. No one will eat with a Hari or take water from his hands, and members of PaUonalStatUS and °CCU' the caste are not permitted to enter the court- yard of the great temples. Some of them hold land as occupancy or non-occupancy raiyats, and many find employment as agricultural day-labourers. Tapping date-trees. making bamboo combs, playing musical instruments at weddings and festivals, carrying palanquins, serving as syces, and scavenging, are among their characteristic occupations; but the removal of night soil is confined to the Mihtar sub-caste. Their women often act as midwives. They are troubled by few scruples regarding diet. Fowls, pork, field-rats, scaly or scaleless fish, and the leavings of other castes, are freely eaten ; while in districts where the aboriginal races are numerous, Haris will even indulge in beef. Their partiality for strong drink is notorious. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the Hari caste in 1872 and 1881 : — IISTBICT. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Khulna Jessore M urshedabaa Dinajpur .. Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigon Kuch Behar ... Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh ... Tipperah 81,418 2,636 22,262 29,915 ] 44,700 70,637 6,859 "2,'981 18,954 36,661 3,998 8,511 6,839 3,141 988 4,866 23,996 6,770 24,097 82,954 f 22,610 I 16,763 52,283 6,585 8,020 4,380 9,176 32,883 4,723 7,872 7,618 2,859 1,664 8,410 2,(109 2,789 2,886 674 6,396 1,651 4,554 1,828 6,4(16 6,021 760 USTRICT. m. Chittagong Noakhali Hill Tracts Patna Gya Shahabad Tirbnt i Mnzutferpur lirhut JDarbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States ... Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ... 6,589 671 1,934 1,246 3,303 ] 8,063 3,385 8,065 2,325 3,197 88,339 14,679 6,853 8,914 6,749 8,360 15,075 1,871 2,502 1,269 11,110 13 6,520 499 29 1,549 1.171- 2,967 f 6,034 I 4,8.33 8,993 8,401 3,010 6,822 29,950 12,466 10,784 4,208 7,784 4,467, 12,007 6,169 1,149 1,357 13,314 27

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

317 HASTWAR. HARI. Harkar, Barhai, a sub-caste of Haris in Bengal. Hari or Bangali, a sub-caste of Doms in Behar who are probably immigrants from Bengal. Harnatar, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Hariamba, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Haroha, a thar or sept of Sarkis in Darjiling. Hariame Rakhwari, a mul of the Bdtsya section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Harpatti, ' plough-owner/ a group of Maghaiya Telis in Behar. Hariame-Siba, a mul of tbe Bdtsa section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Harra, myrabolam, a totem istic sept of Korwas in Chota Nagpur. Hariame-Balirajpur, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Har-Santdn, a synonym for Hari. Hariame-Katma, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Harsaria, a section of Lohars in Behar. Hartakia, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Hariame-Ahil, a mul of the Bdtsa section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Hasa, earth, a sept of Godlds in Chota Nagpur. Harichandan Khandait, a sub-caste of Khandaits in Puri. Hasada, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur, see Hansda. Harihobans, a sept of the Suryabansi Rajputs in Behar. Hasanpuria, a section of Lo hars in Behar. Hari Majumdari, a mel or hypergamous sub-group of Edrhi Brahmans in Bengal. Hasara, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Harin, deer, a totemistic sept of Chiks and Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hasdajia, a synonym for Hansda, q.v. Hassa ara, a kind of vege table, a totemistic sept of Mun das in Chota Nagpur. Harita, an eponymous section of Babhans in Behar ; a section of the Srotriya sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans. Hastadda, a totemistic section of Turis in Chota Nagpur, signi fying an eel. Hariyan or Jehariya, a sub caste of Mauliks in Chota Nagpur. Hastgame, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Hariyana, a sub-caste of Gau* ra Brahmans. Hastuar, a sept of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Harkar, a sub-caste of Doms in South Behar who are scaven gers. Hast war, a totemistic section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

318 HASTWAR. HEMBOWAR. J and Orissa who will not touch a tortoise. Hatuwali, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Hat, a section of Godlds in Behar; a sub-sept of the Saren sept of Santals. Hatwal, a title of Bagdis and Haris in Bengal. Hausakar, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hath, a pangat or section of Bansphor Doms and of Dosadhs in Behar. Hawaigar, a maker of fire works, always a Mahomedau, often called Golsdz, and in Behar Atash-baz. In Bengal the Hindu malakdr makes a few simple fire-works for weddings, but this is never his exclusive business. Hathi, elephant, a totemistic sept of Kharias and Kharwars and a section of Kumhars in Chota Nagpur ; a title of Ban gaja Kayasths ; a section of Sunris in Behar. Hazara, a title of Kayasth, Kaibartta, Sadgop, Chasadhoba, Kapali, and Hari castes in Bengal ; of Dosadhs in Behar ; a section of Kewats. Hathi or Hatti, elephant, a totemistic sept of Lohars in Chota Nagpur. Hathiakan, a section of the Satmulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Hazara-Samaj, a sub-caste of Dhobas in Central Bengal. Hathia Kandha, a section of Kordnoh Kandus in Behar. Hazari, a, pangat or section of Dosadhs and Kadars in Behar. Hathi an, a territorial section of Barhis in Behar. Hazari panre, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars iu Behar. Hathsukha, a section of Mad hesia Kandus in Behar. Hed ing, a bird, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hati, elephant, a title of Khan daits in Orissa. Hatia, a sub-caste of Bhuin malis found in Noakhali. Hej, a hypergamous group of the Barendra Kayasths in Bengal. Hatisalaba, elephant, a totem istic sept of Judugs in Orissa. Hekoria, tomato, a totemistio sept of Pans in Chota Nagpur. Hatser, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Hele-Kaibartta, or Helo, a sub-caste of Kaibarttas in Bengal. Hatua, a sub-caste of Bhan daris in Orissa. Hem, a title of Dakshin-Rarhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Haturi, a gain or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Hembaran, a sept of Hos in Singbhum. Haturia Baidya, a doctor who attends markets, or, according to Dr. Wise, a quack, a meddlesome Hembowar, ancester, a totem istic sept of Mundas iu Chota fellow. Nagpur.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HEMPHA. 319 HO. Hempha, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Heride, a bird, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hemram, a kind of fish, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hermania, a sub-caste of Telis in Behar. Hersiria, a mul or section of the Kamar Kalla sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Hemram i a, betel palm, a to temistic section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Herung, a bird, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hemremina, a sept of Khar wars in Chota Nagpur. Hes, a title of Dakshin-Rdrhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Hemriark, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Hesa, a sept of Hos in Sing bhum. Hemrom, a kind of fish, a totemistic sept of Birhors and Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Hiapela, a sub-caste of Telis in Chota Nagpur. Hisrd, eunuch, a person of equivocal malformation, supposed to be a hermaphrodite and usually wearing female attire and bear ing the name of a man. Hemrom, Hembaram, betel palm, a sept of Santals. Hemromi, ashes, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hemron, a totemistic sept of Bhumij, and Mahili, the mem bers of which may not eat the horse. Hindua, a section of Tantis in Behar. Hi nga, a section of the Oswal Baniyas in Bengal. Henduar, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa, the members of which do not observe the Jit a parab, and celebrate marriage in the open and not in a house. Hingu, an exogamous section of Baidyas in Bengal. H i rn i , a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Larka Kolh, a non-Aryan tribe of the district of Sino* bhum, classed for linguistic purposes as Kolarian. The name Ho seems to be merely a contracted form of the word horo, ' man,' which is used by the cognate tribes of Munda and Santal as their national designation.1 The two latter tribes, it should be noted, are not called horo by outsiders, and a Santal will as often as not describe himself by the title of Manjhi. In the case of the Hos, the tribal name of the original stock whence Hos, Mundas, and Santals are sprung has obtained popular recognition, in a slightly altered form as the distinctive name of the branch which inhabits Singbhum, and which may now be regarded as a separate tribe. For intermarriage between Hos and Mundas or Santals, though not absolutely forbidden 1 Nottrott, Grammatik der Kolh-Sprache, Giiterslob, 1883, Jellinghaus Sagcn, Sitten und Gebrauche der Munda-Kolhs in Chota Nagpur. Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, iii, 828.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO 320 by custom, is certainly uncommon, and may be expected soon to fall into disuse. The internal structure of the tribe internal structure. is shown in Appendix I. They have no sub tribes, but the septs are very numerous, and many of them appear to be totemistic. Six of the sept names are common to them and to the Santals. The role of exogamy is strictly observed, and a man may on no account marry a woman of his sept. With this exception their views on the subject of prohibited degrees appear to be lax, and I understand that marriages with near relatives on the mother's side are tolerated provided that a man does not marry his aunt, his first cousin, or his niece. For the rest I have nothing to add to the passages quoted below from Colonel Dalton's classical account of the Ho tribe, which, so far as I can ascertain, is substantially correct at the present day. Owing to the use in the Census returns of the general name Kol to denote Mundas, Hos, and Oraons, it has been found impossible to draw up any statistical table showing the number of Hos in 1872 and 1881. In the former year 150,925 Kols were registered in Singbhum, while in 1881 the number of Kols in that district is given as 187,721, to which may be added 589 returned under various sept names. If, then, we might assume that all persons registered in Singbhum as Kols were really Hos, the figures would stand thus: 1872, 150,925; 1881, 188,260. But Oraons and Mundas are also found in Singbhum, and it is impossible to separate them from the total set down for Kols. I have there fore thought it best not to attempt to construct any statistical table showing the distribution of the tribe. It is the less necessary to do so as there are probably not many Hos outside of Singbhum. The tribe are fairly fortunate in their relations to the land, and presumably for this reason are not accustomed, like the Mundas and Oraons. to leave their homes during the cold weather to assist in gathering in the rice harvest of Bengal Proper. " The Hos appear to have no traditions of origin or migrations that throw much light on their history. They generally admit that they are of the same family as the Mundas, and that they came from Chota Nagpur. The Oraons sometimes say that the exodus of the Hos was caused by their invasion, but I cannot believe that the Hos could ever have given way to so inferior a race ; and the tradition usually received is that the Oraons made friends with the Mundas and were allowed to occupy peaceably the north-western corner of tbe plateau, where the latter apparently have never taken root. The Hos are the only branch of the Kols that have preserved a national appellation. The Mundas of Chutid Ndgpur are sometimes called Kokpdt or Konkpdt Mundas, and that may be a national word ; but Ho, Hore, or Horo means in their own language ' man,' and they are not the only people that apply to themselves exclusively the word used in their language to distinguish human beings from brutes. They probably left Chutid Nagpur before their brethren there had assumed the Sanskrit word 'Munda' as their distinctive name, taking with them their old constitution of confederate village communities under hereditary headmen, which system they have

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO 321 retained to the present day. But they did not find in Singbhum an unoccupied country. It is admitted on all sides that one part of it was in possession of the Bhuiyas, and another held by the people who have left many monuments of their ingenuity and piety in the adjoining district of Manbhum, and who were certainly the earliest Aryan settlers in this part of India, — the Sardwaks or Jains. The former were driven from their possessions in what is now the Kolhdn, and fell back into Pardhdt. What became of the Jains we know not. They have left their marks in Dhalbhum and the eastern and north eastern quarters of the district; and it is not improbable that the Sudras, Godlds, and Kurmis, now settled in Pardhdt, Kharsawan, Sdraikald, and Dhalbhum, may be remnants of the colonies they founded. But it is also probable that many were absorbed into the family that conquered them; and this may account for the greater beauty of the Hos as compared with other Kols, and for their having in use a number of common vocables of Sanskrit origin, though. they insulated themselves as much as possible, despised the Hindus, and for a long time had little or no intercourse with them. "I propose to select the Hos as the branch of the people who, from their jealous isolation for so many years, their independence, their long occupation of one territory, and their contempt for all other classes that came in contact with them, especially the Hindus, probably furnish the best illustration, not of the Muuddris in their wildest state, but of what, if left to themselves and permanently located, they were likely to become. Even at the present day the exclusiveness of the old Hos is remarkable. They will not allow aliens to hold lands near their villages ; and indeed if it were left to them no strangers would be permitted to settle in the Kolhdn. Now there are settlements of Godlds, Kurmis, and others ; but though such settlements are under the authority of the Kol mdnki of the pir, the Kols hold little communication with them, and jealously watch and circumscribe the spread of their cultivation. They argue that they are themselves rapidly increasing, and the waste lands should all be reserved for their progeny. The only persons of alien race they tolerate, and, so far as suits their own convenience, associate with, are the few Tantis (weavers), Godlds (herdsmen) , potters, and blacksmiths who ply their respective trades for the benefit of the community ; but these people, who are in all probability remnants of the Aryan colonies that the Hos subjugated, must learn their language and generally conform to their customs. The old Hos will not conform to theirs. It is only the rising generation that takes kindly to the acquisition of another language. The Hos have a tradition concerning the creation of tbe world and the origin of the human race, which is given in Colonel Tickell's account of the tribe, published in volume ix of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, p. 797. Ote Boram and Sing Bonga were self created ; they made the earth with rocks and water, and they clothed it with grass and trees, aud then created animals, — first, those that man domesticates, and afterwards wild beasts. When all was thus prepared for the abode of man, a boy and girl were created, and Sing Bonga placed them in a cave at the bottom of a great ravine ; x

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO, 322 and finding them to be too innocent to give hope of progeny, he instructed them in the art of making Mi, rice-beer, which excites the passions, and thus the world became peopled. When the first parents had produced twelve boys and twelve girls, Sing Bonga prepared a feast of the flesh of buffaloes, bullocks, goats, sheep, pigs, fowls, and vegetables ; and making the brothers and sisters pair off, told each pair to take what they most relished and depart. Then the first and second pair took bullocks and buffaloes' flesh, and they originated the Kols (Hos) and the Bhumij (Matkum) ; the next took of the vegetables only, and are the progenitors of the Brahmans and Kshatriyas ; others took goats and fish, and from them are the Sudras. One pair took the shell-fish, and became Bhuiyas ; two pairs took pigs, and became Santals. One pair got nothing ; seeing which the first pairs gave them of their superfluity, and from the pair thus provided spring the Ghasis, who toil not, but live by preying on others. The Hos have now assigned to the English the honour of descent from one of the first two pairs — the elder. The only incident in the above tradition that reminds one of the more highly elaborated Santal account is the divine authority for the use of strong drinks. " The Hos of Singbhum and the Mundaris of the southern parganas of the Lohardaga district are physi- ysica ype. cally a much finer people than the Bhumij, the Santdls, or any other of the Kolarians. The males average five feet five or six inches in height ; the women five feet two. The average height of a number of the Juang tribe I found to be — for males, less than five feet ; and for women, four feet eight. In features the Hos exhibit much variety, and I think in a great many families there is considerable admixture of Aryan blood. Many have high noses and oval faces, and young girls are sometimes met with who have delicate and regular features, finely chiselled straight noses, and perfectly-formed mouths and chins. The eyes, however, are seldom so large, so bright, and gazelle-like as those of pure Hindu maidens ; but I have met strongly-marked Mongolian features, and 6ome are dark and coarse like the Santals. In colour they vary greatly, — 28, 29, and 30 of Brossac's table; the copper tints are the commonest ones. Eyes dark brown (about 2 of Brossac) ; hair black, straight, or wavy, and rather fine ; worn long by males and females, but the former shave the fore head. Both men and women are noticeable for their fine erect carriage and long free stride. The hands and feet are large, but well formed. The men care little about their personal appearance. It requires a great deal of education to reconcile Dress and ornaments . , , , ,.a , „ , , , . , tnem to the encumbrance ot olothing; and even those who are wealthy move about all but naked, as proudly as if they were clad in purple and fine linen. The women in an unsophisticated state are equally averse to superfluity of clothing. In remote villages they may still be seen with only a rag between tho legs, fastened before and behind to a string round the waist. This is called a botoi. The national dress is, however, a long strip of cloth worn as a girdle round the loins, knotted behind,

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

323 HO and the ends brought between the legs and fastened to the girdle in front ; but in the principal group of villages about Chdibasa the young women dress themselves decently and gracefully. The style of wearing the hair is peculiar, collected in a knot artificially enlarged, not in the centre of the back of the head, but touching the back of the right ear. Flowers are much used in the coiffure. The neck ornaments most in vogue a year or two ago were very small black beads ; but in this one small item of their simple toilette fashion changes, and the beads most prized one year are looked on with repugnance the next. As with the Santals, very massive bracelets and armlets are worn, and anklets of bell-metal. It is a singular sight to see the young women at the markets subjecting themselves to the torture of being fitted with a pair of these anklets. They are made so that they can just, with great violence, be forced on. The operation is performed by the manufacturers, who put moistened leather on the heel and instep to prevent excori ation. The girl, clinging to and resting on one of her companions, cries bitterly at the violence inflicted on her, and tbe operation is a long one ; but when it is over, she admires her decorated foot aud instep, and smiles through her tears. The Ho women have adopted as their distinctive mark or godna an arrow, which they regard as their national emblem. A Ho unable to write, if asked to attach his mark or sign manual to a document, does so by making a rude representation of an arrow. The Munda women use the same godna marks as the Judngs and the Kharrias. The Larkas are lightly assessed, and, cultivating their own lands, never join any of the numerous bands of labourers emigrating to the tea districts. They care not to work for hire, and never, if they can avoid it, carry loads. The use of the block-wheeled dray is universal among them, and all the carrying necessary in their agricultural operations is done Child-birth the birth of a child both mother and father are considered unclean, bisi, for eight days, during which period the other members of the family are sent out of the house, and the husband has to cook, for his wife. If it be a difficult case of parturition, the malignancy of some spirit of evil is supposed to be at work, and after divination to ascertain his name a sacrifice is made to appease him. At the expiration of the eight days the banished members of the family return, friends are invited to a feast, and the child is ceremoni ously named. The name of the grandfather is usually given to the first-born son, but not without an ordeal to asoertain if it will prove fortunate. As the name is mentioned, a grain of urid (pulse) is thrown into a vessel with water ; the name is adopted if it floats, rejected if it sinks. " Owing to the high price placed on daughters by their fathers, . the large number of adult unmarried girls seen in every considerable village in the Kolhdn is a very peculiar feature in the social state of the community. In no other country in India are spinsters found so advanced in years. In many of the best families grey-headed old maids may be seen, whose charms were insufficient to warrant the large x 2

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO 324 addition to the usual price, called pan, imposed in consideration of the high connection that the union would confer. The pan is calculated, and for the most part paid, in cattle, indicating that the custom dates from a time when there was no current coin ; and fathers of mdnki dignity demand from forty to fifty head of cattle for each of their girls. Dr. Hayes, finding that in consequence of this practice the number of marriages was annually diminishing and immoral intimacy between the sexes increasing, convened in 1868 a meeting of representative men for the express purpose of discussing this question ; and after a long debate it was unanimously agreed that a reduction should be made. It was resolved that in future a pan was not to exceed ten head of cattle ; and that if one pair of oxen, one cow, and seven rupees were given, it should be received as an equivalent for the ten head. For the poorer classes it was fixed at seven rupees. Even thus modified the pan in Singbhum is higher than it is in Chutid Nagpur for the multitude. The mdnkis and headmen of the latter country, conforming to the Hindu customs, have given up exacting it. In olden times young men counteracted the machinations of avaricious parents against the course of true love by forcibly carrying off the girl, and still at times evade extortion by running away with her. Then the parents have to submit to such terms as arbitrators think fair. This abduction it was necessary to put a stop to, and elopements are not considered respectable ; so, until the conference, prices had a tendency to rise rather than fall. The old generation of mdnkis vehemently opposed any reduction. The second generation, since the accession of the British, are now in the ascendant, and they entertained more enlightened views ; but, notwithstanding the compact, I have not yet heard of a marriage in high life in which the reduced pan has been accepted. It is certainly not from any yearning for celibacy that the marriage of Singbhum maidens is so long postponed. The girls will tell you frankly that they do all they can to please the young men, and I have often heard them pathetically bewailing their want of success. They make themselves as attractive as they can, flirt iu the most demonstrative manner, and are not too coy to receive in public attentions from those they admire. They may be often seen in well-assorted pairs returning from market with arms interlaced, and looking at each other as lovingly as if they were so many groups of Cupids and Psyches ; but with all this the ' men will not propose.' Tell a maiden you think her nice looking, she is sure to reply, ' Oh yes, I am ; but what is the use of it ? the young men of my acquaint ance don't see it.' Even when a youth has fully made up his mind to marry, it may happen that fate is against the happiness of the young couple : bad omens are seen that cause the match to be post poned or broken off; or papa cannot, or will not, pay the price demanded. When a young man has made his choice, he communi cates the fact to his parents ; and a deputation of the friends of the family is sent to the girl's house to ascertain all that should be known regarding her family, age, appearance, and means. If the information obtained and the result of the inspection be satisfactory, and the omens observed on the road have been propitious, an

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

Ho 325 offering is made on the part of the youug man ; and if it be received, the deputation are invited to stay, and are feasted. The report of the deputation being favourable, a day is fixed for a meeting between the parents, and the terrible question of the pan discussed. At this point many matches are broken off, in consequence of greed on one side or stinginess on the other. The amount agreed on has to be paid before the day can be fixed for the marriage ; and when delivery of the cattle is made, a pot of beer has to be given from the bride's side for each animal. At last if all this is got over, the appointed day arrives, and the bride is escorted to the village for her intended by all her young female friends, with music and dancing. The young men and girls of the village, and those invited from neighbouring villages, form a cortege for the bridegroom. They go out and meet the bride's party, and, after a dance in the grove, in which the bride and bridegroom take part, mounted on the hips of two of their female friends, they enter the village together, where there is a great feast, a great consumption of the rice-beer, and much more dancing and singing. Ceremony there is none ; but the turning point in the rite is when the bride and groom pledge each other. A cup of beer is given to each ; the groom pours some of the contents of his cup into the bride's cup, and she returns the compliment. Drinking the Hquor thus blended they become of one kili, that is, the bride is admitted into her husband's tribe, and they become one. This has, I believe, succeeded an older custom of drinking from the same cup. After remaining with her husband for three days only, it is the correct thing for the wife to run away from him and tell all her friends that she loves him not, and will see him no more. This is perhaps reparation to the dignity of the sex, injured by the bride's going to the bridegroom's house to be married, instead of being sought for and taken as a wife from her own. So it is correct for the husband to show great anxiety for the loss of his wife and diligently seek her ; and when he finds her, he carries her off by main force. I have seen a young wife thus found and claimed and borne away, screeching and struggling, in the arms of her husband from the midst of a crowded bazar. No one inter- feres on these occasions, and no one assists. If the husband cannot manage the business himself, he must leave her alone. After this httle escapade the wife at once settles down, assumes her place as the well-contented mistress of the household, and, as a rule, in no country in the world are wives better treated. Dr. Hayes says : — ' A Kol or Ho makes a regular companion of his wife. She is consulted in all difficulties, and receives the fullest consideration due to her sex.' Indeed, it is not uncommon in the Kolhdn to see husbands so subject to the influence of their wives that they may be regarded as henpecked. Instances of infidelity in wives are very rare. I never heard of one, but I suppose such things occur, as there is a regulated penalty. The unfaithful wife is discarded, and the seducer must pay to the husband the entire value of the pan. " The Hos are fair marksmen with the bow and arrow, and great sportsmen. From childhood they practise ccupa ion. archery ; every lad herding cattle or watchin°-

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

326 HO crops makes this his whole pastime, and skill is attained even in knocking over small birds with blunt arrows. They also keep hawks, and the country in the vicinity of their villages is generally destitute of game. In the months intervening between the harvest-home and the rains they frequently go in large parties to distant jungles ; and with them, as with the Santals, there is every year in May a great meet for sport, in which people of all classes of the neighbourhood and surrounding villages take part. From the setting in of the rains to the harvest the time of the people is fairly employed in cultivation, to which they pay great attention. The women have their full share of labour in the fields ; indeed, the only agricultural work they are exempted from is ploughing. They work from early morn till noon ; then comes the mid-day meal, after which their time is pretty much at their own disposal. The young people then make themselves tidy, stroll about the village, or visit neighbouring villages ; and the old people, sitting on the gravestones, indulge in deep potations of rice-beer, and smoke, or gossip, or sleep. Amongst the amusements of the Hos I must not omit to mention pegtops. They are roughly made of blocks of hard wood, but their mode of spinning and playing them, one on another, is the same as with us. Pegtopping has been noticed as an amusement of the Khasias of Assam. Their agricultural implements consist of the ordinary wooden plough tipped with iron ; a harrow ; the koddli or large hoe ; a sickle ; the tdng'i or battle-axe, which is used for all purposes ; the block-wheeled dray ; and an implement with which to remove earth in altering the levels of land to prepare it for irrigation and rice cultivation. The latter consists of a broad piece of board firmly attached to a pole and yoke, so that its edge touches the ground at an angle as it is drawn by oxen or buffaloes attached to it. The Hos make these agricultural implements themselves ; every man is to some extent a carpenter, handy with his adze and clever in simple contrivances. The Kols plough with cows as well as oxen ; but it is to be recollected that they make no other use of the animal, as they never touch milk. Buffaloes are preferred to bullocks as plough cattle. They have a rude kind of oil-press in every village. The Munddris and Larkas raise three crops of rice, —the early or gord, the autumnal or bad, and the late or berd crop. Indian corn and the millets, marud and gondli, are also cultivated as early crops. Wheat, gram, mustard seed, and sesamum they have also taken to as cold weather and spring crops. Tobacco and cotton they have long cultivated, but not in sufficient quantities even for their own consumption. They haye no notion of weaving, and if left to their own resources for clothing would probably resume their leaves ; but every village has one or two families of Tdntis, or weavers, who are now almost undistinguishable from the Hos. The villagers make over their cotton to the weavers, and pay for the loom labour in cotton or grain. " The Hos are a purely agricultural people, and their festivals are Festivals a11 connect(-!cl with that pursuit. In describing these festivals I avail myself of information on the subject kindly collated for me by W. Ritchie, Esq., District

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327 HO, Superintendent of Police, Singbhum. The chief requisite for festi- vities of all kinds is the preparation of an ample quantity of the home-made beer called illi. It is made from rice, which is boiled and allowed to ferment till it is sufficiently intoxicating ; its proper preparation is considered one of the most useful accomplishments that a young damsel can possess. The Hos keep seven festivals in the year. The first or principal is called the Magh parab or Desauli Bonga. This is held in the month of Mdgh, or January, when the granaries are full of grain, and the people, to use their own expression, full of devilry. They have a strange notion that at this period men and women are so overcharged with vicious propensities that it is absolutely necessary to let off steam by allowing for a time full vent to the passions. The festival, therefore, becomes a Saturnale, during which servants forget their duty to their masters, children their reverence for parents, men their respect for women, and women all notions of modesty, delicacy, and gentleness, — they become raging Bacchantes. It opens with a sacrifice to Desauli of three fowls, — a cock and two hens, one of which must be black, — offered with some flowers of the palas tree (Butea frondosa), bread made from rice-flour, and sesamum seeds. The sacrifice and offerings are made by the village priest, if there be one ; or if not, by any elder of the village who possesses the necessary legendary lore. He prays that during the year they are about to enter on they and their children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that they may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some places for the souls of the departed. At this period an evil spirit is supposed to infest the locality, and to get rid of it the men, women, and children go in procession round and through every part of the village, with sticks in their hands as if beating for game, singing a wild chant and vociferating violently till they feel assured that the bad spirit must have fled, — and they make noise enough to frighten a legion. These religious ceremonies over, the people give themselves up to feasting, drinking immoderately of rice-beer till they are in the state of wild ebriety most suitable for the process of letting off steam. The Ho population of the villages forming the environs of Chdibdsd are at other seasons quiet and reserved in manner, and in their demeanour towards women gentle and decorous. Even in the flirtations I have spoken of they never transcend the bounds of decency. The girls, though full of spirits and somewhat saucy, have innate notions of propriety that make them modest in demeanour, though devoid of all prudery ; and of the obscene abuse so frequently heard from the Hps of common women in Bengal, they appear to have no know- ledge. They are delicately sensitive under harsh language of any kind, and never use it to others ; and since their adoption of cloth- ing, they are careful to drape themselves decently as well as grace- fully. But they throw all this aside during the Mdgh feast. Their natures appear to undergo a temporary change. Sons and daughters revile their parents in gross language, and parents their children ; men and women become almost like animals in the indulgence of their amorous propensities. They enact all that was ever portrayed

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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HO 328 by prurient artists in a Bacchanalian festival or Pandean orgy ; and as the light of the sun they adore, and the presence of numerous spectators seem to be no restraint on their indulgence, it cannot be expected that chastity is preserved when the shades of night fall on such a scene of licentiousness and debauchery. This festival is not kept at one period in all the villages. The time during which it is held in different villages of a circle extends over a period of a month or six weeks ; and, under a preconcerted arrangement, the festival commences at each village on a different date, and lasts three or four days, so the inhabitants of each may take part in a long succes sion of these orgies. As the utmost liberty is given to girls, the parents never attempting to exercise any restraint, the girls of one village sometimes pair off with the young men of another, and absent themselves for days. Liaisons thus prolonged generally end in marriages. The ordinary Ho dance is similar to the rasa dance of the Santals, — an amorous, but not a very rapid or lively movement ; but the Mdgh dance is hke a grande galope, — a very joyous, frisky, harum-scarum scamper of boys and girls through the village and from one village to another. The Mundaris keep this festival in much the same manner as the Hos, but one day is fixed for its com mencement everywhere, — the full of the moon in Mdgh, — and there is less commingling of the boys and girls from different villages. The resemblance to a Saturnale is very complete, as at this festival the farm-labourers are feasted by their masters and allowed the utmost freedom of speech in addressing them. It is the festival of the harvest-home, — the termination of one year's toil and a slight respite from it before they commence again. At this feast the Mundaris dance the jdditra, remarkable for tbe very pretty and peculiar manner in which the lines of performers interlace their arms behind their backs. The next in the order of festivals is what is called Bah Bonga by the Hos, corresponding to the Sarhul of the Mundaris. Bah means flower ; and the festival takes place when the sal tree is in full bloom in March or April, — a favourite season with many tribes, for it is then that the death of Gautama is commemorated. With the Hos and Munddris it is held in honour of the founders of the village and the tutelary deity or spirit, called Darhd by the Oraons. The boys and girls collect basketsful of the flowers, make garlands of them, weave them in their hair, and decorate their houses with them. Each house makes an offering of these flowers, and sacrifices a cock. The people dance for a couple of days and nights incessantly, and refresh themselves meanwhile with beer ; but in the Kolhdn it is the quiet style of dance, and there are no open breaches of decorum. The dance on this occasion of the Mundaris is called the bahni. The boys and girls poussette to each other, clapping their hands and pirouetting, so as to cause dos-d-dos concussions, which are the source of much mirth. The selection of the sal flowers as the offering to the founders of the village is appro priate, as there are few villages that do not occupy ground once covered by sal forest ; and at this period new ground, if there be any, is cleared for cultivation. Tbe third festival is the Damurai, which is celebrated in May, or at the time of the sowing of the first rice crop.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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329 HO It is held in honour of the ancestral shades and other spirits, who, if unpropitiated, would prevent the seed from germinating. A he-goat and a cock are sacrificed. The fourth festival is the Hira Bonga, in June ; the Mundaris call it Harihar. It is to propitiate Desauli and Jdhir Burhi for a blessing on the crops. In the Mundari villages every householder plants a branch of the bhelwa in his field and contributes to the general offering, which is made by the priest in the sacred grove, a fowl, a pitcher of beer, and a handful of rice. In Singbhum a he-goat is offered. This is followed by the Bah tauli Bonga, which takes place in July. Each cultivator sacrifices a fowl, and after some mysterious rites a wing is stripped off and inserted in the cleft of a bamboo and stuck up in the rice-field and dungheap. If this is omitted, it is supposed that the rice will not come to maturity. It appears more like a charm than a sacrifice. This corresponds with the karam in the Kol villages of Chutid Nagpur, where the hosa is danced. The women in this dance follow the men, and change their positions and attitudes in obedience to signals from them. When the movement called hoja is asked for, the women all kneel and pat the ground with their hands in time to the music, as if coaxing the earth to be fruitful. On the day appointed a branch of the karam tree is cut and planted in the dkhrd or dancing place. This festival is kept by Hindus in Chutid Nagpur as well as by Kols. The sixth festival is the offering of the first fruits of the harvest to Sing Bonga ; it is solemnized in August, when the gord rice ripens, and till the sacrifice is complete the new rice must not be eaten. The offering, in addition to the rice, is a white cock. This is a thanks- offering to the Creator and Preserver. It is called Jum-nama, and considered of great importance. To eat new rice without thus thanking God is regarded as impious. The seventh festival is the Kalam Bonga, when an offering of a fowl is made to Desauli on the removal of the rice straw from the threshing-floor, kalam, to be stacked. The pdhns or priests of the Kol villages in Chutid Nagpur have another festival, for the performance of which they are in possession of some rent-free land, called ddhkatdri. The sacrifices are, every second year a fowl, every third year a ram, every fourth year a buffalo, to Marang Buru ; and the main object is to induce him to send seasonable rain. The above are all general festivals ; but the Hos, on their individual account, make many sacrifices to the gods. In eases of sickness and calamity they commence by sacrificing what is small and of little value ; but if the desired change is retarded, they go on until the patient dies or their live-stock is entirely exhausted. " All disease in men or animals is attributed to one of two j ■<. s, ff causes,— the wrath of some evil spirit, who has Sorcery and witchcraft. , ., , , , n j>r .. , to be appeased, or to the spell ot some witch or sorcerer, who should be destroyed or driven out of the land. In the latter case a *okha, or witch-finder, is employed to divine who has cast the spell, and various modes of divination are resorted to. One of the most common is the test by the stone and paild. The latter is a large wooden cup. shaped like a half cocoanut, used as a measure for grain. It is placed under a flat stone as a pivot for the stone to turn oa. A

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HO 330 boy is then seated on the stone, supporting himself by his hands ; and the names of all the people in the neighbourhood are slowly pro nounced, and as each name is uttered a few grains of rice are thrown at the boy. When they come to the name of the witch or wizard, the stone turns and the boy rolls off. This, no doubt, is the effect of the boy's falling into a state of coma and losing the power of supporting himself with his hands. In former times the person denounced and all his family were put to death, in the belief that witches breed witches and sorcerers. The taint is in the blood. When, during the Mutiny, Singbhum district was left for a short time without officers, a terrible raid was made against all who for years had been suspected of dealings with the evil one, and the most atrocious murders were committed. Young men were told off for the duty by the elders ; neither sex nor age were spared. When order was restored, these crimes were brought to light, aud the actual perpetrators condignly punished; and since then we have not only had no recurrence of witch murders, but the superstition itself is dying out in the Kolhdn. In other districts accusations of witchcraft are still frequently made, and the persons denounced are subjected to much ill-usage if they escape with their lives. Some of the sokhas, instead of divining the name of the person who has cast the evil eye on the suffering patient, profess to summon their own familiar spirits, who impart to them the needed information. The sokha throws some rice on a winnowing sieve, and places a hght in front of it. He then mutters incantations and rubs the rice, watching the flame, and when this flickers it is owing to the presence of the familiar ; and the sokha, to whom alone the spirit is visible, pretends to receive from it the revelation, which he communicates to the inquirer, to the effect that the sufferer is afflicted by the familiar of some rival sokha, or sorcerer, or witch, whom he names. The villagers then cause the attendance of the person denounced, who is brought into the presence of the sufferer and ordered to haul out his evil spirit. It is useless for him to plead that he has no such spirit : this only leads to his being unmercifully beaten. His best line of defence is to admit what is laid to his charge, and to act as if he really were master of the situation. Some change for the better in the patient may take place, which is ascribed to his delivery from the familiar, andt he sorcerer is allowed to depart. But if there is no amelioration in the condition of the sick person, the chastisement of the sorcerer is continued till he can bear no more, and not unfrequently he dies under the ill-treatment he is subjected to, or from its effects. A milder method is when the person denounced is required to offer sacrifices of animals to appease or drive away the possessing devil ; this he dare not refuse to do. And if the sickness thereupon ceases, it is of course concluded that the devil has departed ; but if it continue, the sorcerer is turned out of his home and driven from the village, if nothing worse is done to him. It must not be supposed that these super stitions are confined to the Kols ; they are common to all classes of the population of this province. I have elsewhere noticed their prevalence in the Southern Tributary Mahals, and the alleged existence of secret witch-schools, where damsels of true Aryan blood

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331 HO are instructed in the black art and perfected in it by practice on forest trees. Even Brahmans are sometimes accused. I find in a report by Major Roughsedge, written in 1818, an account of a Brahman lady who was denounced as a witch and tried ; and having escaped in the ordeal by water, she was found to be a witch and deprived of her nose. The sokha does not always denounce a fellow being; he sometimes gives out that the family bind is displeased and has caused the sickness. And in such cases a most extensive propitiatory offering is demanded, which the master of the house provides, and of which the sokha gets the lion's share. I find an instance of the oracle giving out that Desauli, the village bind, had caused the trouble ; but on further inquiry it was averred that a spiteful old woman had on this occasion demoralised the honourable and respectable guardian of the village. And though he was propi tiated, the hag was made to suffer very severely for her malignancy. It will be seen that it is not only women that are accused of having dealings with the imps of darkness. Persons of the opposite sex are as frequently denounced ; nor are the female victims invariably of the orthodox old hag type. In a recent case eight women were denounced by a sokha as witches who had introduced epidemic cholera into the village and caused a terrible mortality, and among these were some very young girls. They were ill-treated until they admitted all that was imputed to them and agreed to point out and remove the spell they had prepared. They pretended to search for dead birds, which, it was said, they had deposited as charms, but nothing was produced ; and one of the poor creatures, fearing further ill-usage, destroyed herself by jumping into a well. In Singbhum the wild Kharrias are looked upon as the most expert sorcerers ; and the people, though they not unfrequently seek their aid, hold them in great awe. " The funeral ceremonies of the Hos are deserving of special _. . , ,, , , notice, as they show great reverence for the Disposal of the dead. , , ' .J . & . dead ; and the variety and singularity of the rites performed may materially aid us in tracing the connection of the people we are describing. In my account of the Khasias I have already drawn attention to the similarity bet ween their funeral ceremonies and those of the Hos. The funeral rites of the Hos and Garos have also many points of resemblance. On the death of a respectable Ho a very substantial coffin is constructed and placed on faggots of firewood. The body, carefully washed and anointed with oil and turmeric, is re- verently laid in the coffin ; all the clothes, ornaments, and agricultural implements that the deceased was in the habit of using are placed with it and also any money that he had about him when he died. Then the lid of the coffin is put on, and faggots placed around and above it, and the whole is burned. The cremation takes place in front of the house of the deceased. Next morning water is thrown on the ashes, search made for bones, and a few of the larger fragments are carefully preserved, whilst the remainder, with the ashes, are buried. The selected bones are placed in a vessel of earthenware, — we may call it an urn, — and hung up in the apartment of the chief mourner, generally the mother or widow, that she may have them

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332 HO continually in view, and occasionally weep over them. Thus they remain till the very extensive arrangements necessary for their fiual disposal are effected. A large tombstone has to be procured, and it is sometimes so ponderous that the men of several villages are employed to move it. Some wealthy men, knowing that their successors may not have the same influence that they possess, select during their lifetime a suitable monument to commemorate their worth, and have it moved to a handy position to be used when they die. When required for use it is brought to the family burial place, which with the Hos is close to the houses, and near it a deep round hole is dug for the reception of the cinerary urn. When all is ready a funeral party collect in front of the deceased's house — three or four men with very deep-toned drums, and a group of about eight young girls. The chief mourner comes forth, carrying the bones exposed on a decorated tray, and a procession is formed. The chief mourner, with the tray, leads ; the girls form in two rows, those in front carrying empty and partly broken pitchers and battered brass vessels ; and the men, with drums, bring up the rear. The proces- sion advances with a very ghostly dancing movement, slow and solemn as a minuet, in time to the beat of the deep-toned drums, not straightforward, but mysteriously gliding, — now right, now left, now marking time, all in the same mournful cadence — a sad dead march. The chief mourner carries the tray, generally on her head ; but at regular intervals she slowly lowers it, and as she does so the girls also gently lower and mournfully reverse the pitchers and brass vessels, and, looking up for the moment with eyes full of tears, seem to say, 'Ah! see ! they are empty.' In this manner the remains are taken to the house of every friend and relative of the deceased within a circle of a few miles, and to every house in the village. As the procession approaches each habitation, in the weird- like manner described, the inmates all come out, and the tray having been placed on the ground at their door, they kneel over it and mourn, shedding tears on the remains as their last tribute of affection to their deceased friend. The bones are also thus conveyed to all his favourite haunts, — to the fields he cultivated, to the grove he planted, to the tank he excavated, to the threshing-floor where he worked with his people, to the dkhrd or danciug arena where he made merry with them, — and each spot which is hallowed with reminiscences of the deceased draws forth fresh tears from the mourners. In truth, there is a reality in their sadness that would put to shame the efforts of our undertakers and the purchased gravity of the best mutes ; and it is far less noisy and more sincere than the Irish 'keening.' When this part of the ceremony is completed the procession returns to the village, and, slowly gyrating round the great slab, gradually approaches its goal. At last it stops ; a quantity of rice, cooked and uncooked, and other food is now cast into the grave, and the charred fragments of bone transferred from tbe tray to a new earthen vessel placed over it. The hole is then filled up and covered with the large slab, which effectually closes it against desecration. The slab, however, does not rest on the ground, but on smaller stones, which raise it a little. With the

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO 333 Mundas, as among the Khdsias, these slabs may cover the graves of several members of a family ; but the ghost of a Ho likes to have his grave all to himself. A collection of these massive gravestones indelibly marks the site of every Ho or Mundari village ; and they may now be found so marking sites in parts of the country where there have been no Kols for ages. But in addition to the slab on the tomb, a megalithic monument is set up to the memory of the deceased in some conspicuous spot outside the village. The pillars vary in height from five or six to fifteen feet, and apparently frag ments of rock of the most fantastic shape are most favoured. Close to the station of Chdibasd, on the road to Keunjhar, may be seen a group of cenotaphs of unusual size, — one eleven feet two inches, another thirteen feet, and a third fourteen feet above the earth ; and many others of smaller dimensions. The groups of such stones that have come under my observation in the Munda and Ho country are always in line. The circular arrangement, so common elsewhere, I have not seen. " I do not find that the present generation of Kols have any con- R „ . ception of a heaven or a hell that may not be traced to Brahmanical or Christian teaching. They have some vague idea that the ghosts of the dead hover about, and they make offerings to them ; and some have, like the Chinese, an altar in the house, on which a portion of the ' daily bread ' is offered to them. But unless under a system of prompting, often inadvertently adopted, they will not tell you that this after-existence is one of reward or punishment. When a Ho swears, the oath has no reference whatever to a future state. He prays that if he speak not the truth, he may be afflicted with as many calamities as befell Job, — that he may suffer the loss of all his worldly wealth, his health, his wife, his children ; that he may sow without reaping, or reap without gather ing; and finally, that he may be devoured by a tiger. It is a tremendous oath, and it is a shame to impose the obligation of making it on so generally truthful a people ; but they swear not by any hope of happiness beyond the grave, and the miserable wandering life they assign to the shades can only be looked forward to with dread. They fear the ghosts and propitiate them as spirits of a somewhat malignant nature, but can have no possible desire to pass into such a state of existence themselves. The funeral ceremonies I have described are what I myself witnessed. Colonel Tickell tells us that on the evening of the burning of the corpse certain preparations are made in the house in anticipation of a visit from the ghost. A portion of the boiled rice is set apart for it, — the commencement, we may presume, of the daily act of family devotion above noticed, — and ashes are sprinkled on the floor, in order that, should it come, its footprints may be detected. The inmates then leave the house, and circumambulating the pyre, invoke the spirit. Returning, they carefully scrutinise the ashes and rice, and if there is the faintest indication of these having been disturbed, it is at once attributed to the return of the spirit ; and they sit down apart, shivering with horror, and crying bitterly, as if they were by no means pleased with the visit, though made at their earnest solicitation. I bave often

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO 334 asked the Kols if their custom of casting money, food, and raiment on the funeral pyre is at all connected with the idea of the resurrec- tion of the body, or if they thought the dead would benefit by the gifts bestowed. They have always answered in the negative, and gave me the same explanation of the origin and object of the custom that I received from the Chulikata Mishmis of Upper Assam, namely, that they are unwilling to derive any immediate benefit from the death of a member of their family ; they wish for no such consolation in their grief. So they commit to the flames all his personal effects, the clothes and vessels he had used, the weapons he carried, and the money he had about him. But new things that have not been used are not treated as things that he appropriated, and they are not destroyed ; and it often happens that respectable old Hos abstain from wearing new garments that they become possessed of to save them from being wasted at the funeral. When the interment of the bones is accomplished, the event is made known far and wide by explosions that sound like discharges from heavy guns. This is sometimes done through the agency of gunpowder, but more frequently by the appli- cation of heat and cold to fragments of schistose rock, causing them to split with loud noises. " In summing up the character of the people I have been describ- _ . , . ing it is necessary to separate the Hos from their Social status. D, mi- ± *i -i • i . i cognates, ihe circumstances under which the character of the former has been developed are different, and they are in my opinion physically and morally superior to the Mundas, Bhumij, and Santals. They appear to me to possess a susceptibility of improve- ment not found in the other tribes. They have been directly under our government for about thirty-seven years ; and, coming to us as unsophisticated savages, we have endeavoured to civilise them without allowing them to be contaminated. Whilst they still retain those traits which favourably distinguish the aborigines of India from Asiatics of higher civilisation, — a manner free from servility, but never rude ; a love, or at least the practice, of truth ; a feeling of self-respect, rendering them keenly sensitive under rebuke, — they have become less suspicious, less revengeful, less bloodthirsty, less contumacious, and in all respects more amenable to the laws and the advice of their officers. They are still very impulsive, easily excited to rash, headstrong action, and apt to resent imposition or oppression without reflection ; but the retaliation, which often extends to a death-blow, is done on the spur of the moment and openly, secret assassination being a crime almost unthought of by them. As a fair illustration of their mode of action when violently incensed, I give the following : — A Bengali trader, accustomed to carry matters with a very high hand among his compatriots in the Jungle Mahals, demanded payment of a sum of money due to him by a Ho, and not receiving it, proceeded to sequestrate and drive off a pair of bullocks, the property of his debtor. The Ho on this took to his arms, let fly an arrow which brought down the money-lender, whose head he then cut off, went with it in his hand straight to the Deputy Commissioner, and explaining to that officer exaotly what had occurred, requested that he might be oondemned for the crime

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HO HONTI 335 without more ado ! Murders are not now more frequent in the Kolhan than in other districts, latterly less so ; but when one does take place, the perpetrator is seldom at any trouble to conceal him self or his crime. The pluck of the Hos, displayed in their first encounter with our troops in former wars, I have often seen exem plified on minor occasions. In competitive games they go to work with a will and a strenuous exertion of their full force, unusual in natives of India. Once at the Ranchi Fair there was a race of carriages, often used by travellers in Chutia Nagpur, drawn and propelled by men. One of these came from Singbtium and had a team of Hos ; a collision took place early in the race, and the arm of one of the Ho team was badly fractured. It fell broken by his 6ide, but he still held on to the shaft of the carriage, and, cheering and yelling like the rest, went round the course. The extreme sensitiveness of both men and women is sometimes very painfully exhibited in the analysis of the numerous cases of suicide that every year occur. A harsh word to a woman never provokes a retort, but it causes in the person offensively addressed a sudden depres sion of spirits or vehement outbreak of grief, which few persons would a second time care to provoke. If a girl appears mortified by anything that has been said, it is not safe to let her go away till she is soothed. A reflection on a man's honesty or veracity may be sufficient to send him to self-destruction. In a recent case a young woman attempted to poison herself because her uncle would not partake of the food she had cooked for him. The police returns of Singbhum show that in nine years, from 1860 to 1869, both inclusive, 186 men and women committed suicide in that district. I have already spoken of them as good husbands and wives, but in all the relations of life their manner to each other is gentle and kind. I never saw girls quarrelling, and never heard them abuse or say unkind things of each other ; and they never coarsely abuse, and seldom speak harshly to women. The only exception I know is when they believe a woman to be a witch. For such a one they have no consideration. They have no terms in their own language to express the higher emotions, but they feel them all the same." Hoduar, a bird, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Homyagain, a thar of the Dhanjaya gotra of Nepali Brah mans. Holongwar, a sub-caste of Sunris in Manbhum. Hondagia, a section of the Dhusia sub-caste of Chamars in Behar. Horn, a title of Bangaja Kay- asths. Hone-hoga, a sept of Hos in Singbhum. Homjah, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hong, a bird with long tail, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Homodimchha, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Horn war, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Honti, a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

HUTAR. 336 HOPTHEN. Hui, a title of Dakshin-Rdrhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Hopthen, a section of Murmis in Darjiling. Hukpah, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Hor, a title of Dakshin-Rdrhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Hularbaha, a flower, a totem istio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Horia, a bush, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Horo, red tree-ant, a totemis tic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Hundar, wolf, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Huni, mouse, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Horo-hon, a synonym for Munda in Chota Nagpur. Hunjar, a section of Tantis and Pans in Chota Nagpur. Horongpachh£, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Hunri, a synonym for Sunri. Hosainpuria, a section of the Banodhia and Jaiswar Kalwars in Behar. Hupachongbang, he who was blessed and prospered, a sept of the Phedab sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Hota, a section of Utkal or Orissa Brahmans. Huru, paddy-bird, a totemistio sept of Binjhias in Chota Nag pur. Hrisi or Rishi, a synonym for Muchi in Bengal. Hroimajusa, a sept of Maghs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Huruj, a sept of Korwas in Chota Nagpur. Hudda, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Husoi, a sept of Tipperahs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Hudinwal, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces Hutar, a flower, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota and Behar. Nagpur.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

ICHA. 337 ITWAR I \chk, a sept of the Tungjainya sub-tribe of Chakmas in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Indri, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Induar, a kind of eel, a totem istic sept of Nageswars ; a section of Goraits, Mahilis, Turis, and a sept of Chiks, Lohars, and Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Ichapocha, a sept of Chakmas iu the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Ichbaria, a section of the Satmulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Indur-katea, house rat, a to temistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Ichommah, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Idri, a jungle fruit, a sept of Bairagis in Chota Nagpur. Ingaria, moonlight, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Ikahan, a section of the Karan Kayasths in Behar. Inglamphe, tbe liar, a sept of the Ahtharai sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Ikteh, a sept of Limbus in Dariiling. Ingmaba, he who kept fowls, a sept of the Panthar sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Ilamhang, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Imli, tamarind, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Ingyaromba, a sept of the Yangoiup sub- tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Imsong, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Isar, a pangat or section of Bansphor Doms and Dosadhs in Behar. Indi, a title of Khatris and Mayaras in Bengal. Isare, a sept of the Agnia sub- tribe of Meches in the Darjil ing Terai. Indra, a title of Dakshin- Rdrhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Indrabara, a dih or local section of the Maghaya sub caste of Telis in Behar. The system of exogamy among this sub-caste of Tehs seems, however, either to be dying out or to be of recent introduction, for some of the Maghayas say they have no dihs, but merely prohibit marri age within nine pirhis or degrees of relationship. Isbo, name of a village, a sept of the Phedab sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Iswajitauni, a sub-tribe of Tharus in Nepal. Itawa, a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Itbar or Ltbdl, a title and a seo tion of Tiyars in Behar. Indrapati, a sub-caste of Ras togis iu Behar. Indrawar, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Ithinku, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Itwar, a section of Kewats in Behar. y

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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JABAGRAMI. 338 JAIN AG ARIA. J Jabagrami, a gain or sub-sec tion of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. J agai, a gain or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Jagannathi or Uriya-Kum hkr, a sub-caste of Kumhdrs in Orissa. dabali, a section of Brahmans. Jcibalia, a section of Bhoj puria Halwais in Behar. Jagat, a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur. Jachandar, appraiser, a title of Jugis and Tantis in Bengal, dating back to the time when the East India Company traded in Indian woven goods. Jagatpur, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Jagda, Jagdar, a sept of Jadab-Madhab, a section of the Mahmudabdz sub-oaste of Napits in Bengal. Mundas. dagmanrd, a section of the Biydhut and Khariddhd Kalwars in Behar. Jadab-Ray, a hypergamous group of Kaibarttas in Bakarganj. dago, tamarind, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jadan, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Jagsaria, a sept of Birhors in Chota Nagpur. Jadu, a section ofthe Maga hiyd sub-caste of Doms in Behar ; of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Jahari, a title of Lohars, derived from their sharpening weapons, the gloss of which is called jahar. dadua, Jadwah (Jddu, 'magic '), a sub-caste of Kraunchdwipi Brahmans in Behar who practise fortune-telling. Jahnavi, a section of the Gan gota caste in Behar. Jahur, a sub-sept of the Hemrom sept of Santals. Jadubansi, a sub-tribe of Rajputs (Sher. i. p. 123). The Ahir Paiks of Chota Nagpur also call themselves Jadubansi Rajputs. A sub-caste of Goalas in Behar and the North-Western Provinces. Jaia, Pubia, a sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans in Orissa. J aibele, a sub-caste of Sunris in Western Bengal. Jadwal, a seotion of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Jailak, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut 6ub-caste of Godlds in Behar. J&dwar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Jai mini, a section of Brah mans. Jagaha, a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur. Jai nagar ia, a section of Awa dhid Hajjdms in Behar.

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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JAINTIMASI. 339 JALAIWAR-GANRAUL. Jaintim^si, a section of the Barui caste in Bengal. associate or identify them with the more respectable Kurmi. Jaintpur, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Jai tar, a sept ofthe Suryabansi sub-tribe of Rajputs in Behar. Jaitharia, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Jaipur, a mul or section of the Ayodhia sub-caste of Hajjdms in Behar. Jai war, a hypergamous group of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jaipuria, a section of Amashta Kdyasths and a mul or section of the Banodhia sub-caste of Kal wdrs in Behar ; a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur. Jajaki, a class of up-country Brahmans who come to Bengal in search of employment as priests. Jaji, a section of Babhans in Behar. Jaisi, (i) in Behar a synonym for Jyotisi, q.v. ; (ii) in Dar jiling and Nepal a sub-caste of Brahmans, some of whom are probably Jaisi Brahmans who have immigrated from the plains, while others are the illegitimate children of Upddhya Brahmans by women of their own caste, or of Upadhya or Jaisi Brah mans by slave women.. Jajim, a section of Babhans in Behar. Jajnabalkya, a section of Brah- mans. Jajpuria, a sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans in Orissa. Jajuware-Bharam, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jaisi, Jotkhi, or Jotsi, a sub caste of the Kraunchdwipi Brah mans in Behar. Jajuware-Udanpur, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jai Singh, a section of Tiyars in Behar. Jajuware-Jamuni, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jaiswar, Jaiswar a, Jessowdra, Jashar, Jaswara, Jeswar, a name of a sub-oaste or sept of Rajputs ; of Telis, Baniyas, Barais, Kur mis, Tdntis, Dhanuks, Kalwars, Chamars, etc. Sir H. Elliot thinks the name may imply that the people bearing it " came ori ginally from Jais, a large manu facturing town in Oudh." The name is very widely diffused, and it is impossible to say for certain to what main caste we should refer persons who described them selves in the Census schedule as Jaiswars by caste. Chamars are particularly fond of assuming this designation, which appears to Jajuware-Pachahi, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jakhalpuria, a section of Lohars and Sonars in Behar. Jalaiwar-Jale, a mul of the Batsya section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Jalaiwar-Maranchi, a mul of the Bdtsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jalaiwar-Ganraul, a mul of the Bdtsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. t 2

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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JALAIWAR-MALI. 340 JALIYA, Jalaiwar-Mali, a mul of the Bdtsa section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Jai Chhatri, a title of Sura- hiyas. Jalewar (holder of fishing nets), a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Jalalpur, a dih or local section of the Maghaya sub- caste of Koiris in Behar. Jaliasinghi, a section of Goria Gowar or Dahiar Goalas in Behar. dalbanuar, net, a totemistic section of the Kurmi caste in Chota Nagpur and Orissa, the members of which will not make or touch a net. Jalik, a sub-caste of Kaibarttas in Maldah. Jaliya, a title of Mdlos in Eastern Bengal. JaUpa, Jaliyd, Jele, J ah, Johvd, Jeliyd, a general name in use throughout Bengal Proper as the popular 0rlgin' designation of all classes of people who are engaged in boating or fishing. The etymology of the word is uncertain : some derive it from jdl, ' a net,' others from jai, ' water.' Strictly speaking it is not a caste name, but is applied indifferently to M&los, Tiyars, Kaibarttas, Bauris, Bagdis, Rajbansis, and Mahomedans. In Noakhali, however, the term seems to have developed into the designation of a caste divided into four endogamous groups — Chatgaon Jai iya, Bhulua Jai iya, Jhalo Jai iya, and Kaibartta Jai iya. The last-named group consists doubtless of fishing Kaibarttas as distinguished from the cultivating members of that caste ; while Jhalo may perhaps be a synonym for Malo. The other groups seem to be peculiar to Noakhali. Dr. Wise, who had special opportunities of observing the fishing castes, describes them as " remarkable for ype- strength, nerve, and independent bearing. The finest examples of Bengali manhood are found among them, and their muscular figures astouish those accustomed to the feeble and effeminate inhabitants of towns. The physique of the Dacca fisherman is more robust than that of the same class on the Hughli, a fact noticed by Bishop Heber fifty years ago." No one belonging to a fisher caste will fish with a rod and line, or use a harpoon, as the Shikaris do. ingappar Bengal fishermen use the seine, drift, trawl, bag, and cast nets. The Kaibarttas, however, will not employ an U thar or Ber net, which are favourites with the Tiyar and Malo. Nets are made of hemp, never of cotton, and they are steeped in gab (Diospyrut glutinosa) pounded and allowed to ferment, by which means the net is dyed of a dark brown colour, becoming after immersion in water almost black. Floats are either made of shola or pieces of bamboo, but dried gourds are occasionally preferred. Sinkers are made of baked clay or iron. The following are the common nets in use among Bengali fishermen : — 1. Jhaki or kshepla is the circular cast net1 met with in all Eastern countries. It is usually six or seven cubits in diameter, 1 II giacebio of Italian fishermen.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

341 JALIYA, and is either thrown from the bank of a stream or from a boat. The circumference is drawn up into loops, or rather puckered, and weighted with iron. It is folded on the left forearm, while the edge and the central string are held by the right hand. By a suddeu and forcible swing of the body the net is cast, and if properly thrown alights on the surface of the water, forming a complete circle. On its touching the bottom the fisher slowly draws it towards him by the string just mentioned, and as he does so the heavily-weighted edge comes together, and no fish can escape. The outcast Bagdi in Central Bengal swings the net round his head before casting it, but no respectable fisherman would dishonour his calling by so doing. 2. The uthdr and gulti are magnified cast nets, differ ing only in size and in the dimensions of the meshes. They are shot from a boat placed broadside to a stream, with the net folded on the edge. Oue man holds the centre rope, while two others gradually unfold and drop it overboard. As the boat drifts the net falls in a circle, and is then slowly drawn up. One of these nets is often forty feet in diameter, and a long boat like the jalka is required to shoot it from. 3. The sdngla is a small trawl net, used for catching hilsd. The lower edge of the bag is weighted, and after being shot the boat drifts with the stream. When a fish passing over the lower lip of the net, to which a rope held by the fisherman is attached, is felt to strike the back of the net, it is suddenly raised and the fish secured. 4. The baoti is a fixed bag net, worked on the same principle. 5. C handi is a large drift net, supported by gourds or bamboo floats, and in the water it hangs as a curtain, Hke the herring net, the fish being caught by the gills. 6. Ber is a large seine or sweep net, often thirty feet in depth and seven hundred and fifty in length. Several nets are usually joined together to form this " train fleet " or " drift of nets." The upper edge, or back, is buoyed by bamboos, while the lower, or foot, is weighted with iron. This is the favourite net with the Mdlos on the Meghna, but owing to its great length it has to be shot from two boats fastened together, and when drawn the two " wings," or ends, are slowly brought ashore. 7. Besdl or khdra is a fixed net, used either from the side of a boat, balanced by an outrigger, or fixed to posts on the banks of rivers. The net is attached to two bamboos, which meet at an acute angle in the boat, but branching off until separate about fifteen to twenty feet. One man stands at the angle and lowers the net into the water, while another sits at the stern working a paddle with bis leg until a certain distance has been passed over, when the net, which is somewhat bagged, is leisurely raised. This net is fancied by Tiyars and Malos, who at the first dawn of day may be seen fishing with it off bathing ghats and around steamers and vessels anchored in mid stream. Small fry are usually caught with it, but when fixed on the margin of a river, where there is a backwater or an eddy, large and weighty fish are often netted.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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342 JALIYA. 8. Kona is a large bag net used at the outlets of rivers and streams. The sides are fixed, and the mouth faces the current. The lower lip rests on the bottom, while the upper remains open, and at intervals the former is raised and the fish taken out. Bengali fishermen are familiar with the habits of fish, and much might be learned from them on a branch of natural history strangely neglected in India. Night is the favourite time for fishing, quiet being necessary for success ; and a full moon, or sunset and sunrise, are favourable times for shooting nets. The first of a spring tide is also a period when fish move. It is a curious coincidence that the English fisherman, when looking for a place to shoot his large drift, or herring net, raps with a piece of wood the planks of his boat, close to the water line. The Malo is equally aware of the fact that brisk undulation of water frightens fish, causing them to move ; and as the net is being drawn, a man beats the side of the boat with an oar, by which means the draught is increased. DuriDg the month of mourning for a parent, no fisherman can ply bis trade, or have any dealings in fish, unless he gets a special dispensation from the purohit. All fishermen object to sell the skate (sagus), and will not retail in any way but whole the pangas (Pimelodus pngasius), garua (Silurus garua), and gagar (Pimelodus gagora). Neither will they catch or sell crabs, nor touch the "putka" or bladder fish. 1 Many of the fisher castes of India have the Muhammadan aversion to fish without scales, and few will eat, or even handle, the " singi" (Silurus singeo). Eels, however, they sometimes cook, but owing to the rich and heating properties of the flesh it is not a favourite article of food. Muham madans of the Hanifi school never eat amphibious animals as the crab, consequently the only Bengali-Muhammadans who use them as food are the indigent residents of Chittagong. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Jdliyas in 1872 and 1881 : — Tlio Tetrodon patoca. It emits a sound when lifted out of the water nnd fills itself with air. Like the T. Fahaca of the Nile, it serves as a play. thing for fisher children. DlBTBICT. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya ... Khulna Jessore Murshedabad ... Dinajpur Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna 10,538 1,261 765 29,450 I 15,829 23,979 20,398 48,64a 3,014 10,296 16,692 16,301 5,162 26,045 5,874 3,310 4,059 20,068 ( 10,369 I 6,467 11,424 14.998 20,925 86,836 2,848 13,898 13,774 8,387 6,218 89,260 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Darjiling Jalpigon Kuch Behar ... Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh ... Tipperah Chittagong Noakhali ... Hill Tracts Balasore Hazaribagh Lohardaga Manbhum 44 1,370 82,269 20.460 12.602 86,399 7,105 9.284 9.823 13 3,870 2,640 40,7718 28.607 18,188 84,887 12,516 15.312 8,602 11 123 84 99 2,648 "i',205

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2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JANGLI. JALLAD. 343 Jalldd, an executioner, a hang man, a term which appears as a caste designation in the schedules of the Census of 1881. The per sons who so described themselves were probably Doms. Jdmrukhi, a gain of the Bdtsya gotra of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Jamtuti, a kind of grain or vegetable, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jalo, a title of Mdlos in East* ern Bengal. Jamu&on, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Jalua, a group of the Rajbansi sub-caste of Kochhs in Northern Bengal. Jamuar, a, pur or section of Sdkadwipi Brahmans and of the Amashta sub-caste of Kayasths in Behar. Jalwa, a title of Mdlos in Eastern Bengal. Jalwar, net, a sept of Lohars in Chota Nagpur. Jamulu, a sept of Hos in Singbhum. Jamadagni patra, a section of Utkal or Orissa Brahmans. <Jana, Jend, a sub-caste of Aguris in Bengal; a title of Chasas and Khanddits in Orissa, and of Godlds and Kaibarttas in Bengal. Jamadagnya, a section of Brahmans and Kayasths in Ben gal. Janagadhia, a section of Awadhia Hajams in Behar. Jamadar, a section of the Chaubhan sub-caste of Nunias in Behar. Janakpuri, a sub-caste of Telis and Chamdrs in Behar ; a section of Sondrs in Behar. Jamadar, sergeant in a native regiment, a police officer, a cashier, and sometimes a sweeper, who is so called by his fellow-servants in derision, he being the lowest servant in the household. Janam iar, a sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Janarashi, a section of Tantis in Bengal. J amai puri, a section of Sondrs in Behar. Jandar, a title of Kewats in Behar. J amar Katyal, a thar of the Bharadwaja gotra of Nepali Brahmans. Janeri (Janeo-ri), wearer of the janeo or sacred thread; a title of Brahmans and Baj puts. Jamatya, a sept of the Tip perah tribe in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Jangatras, cowbone, a totem istic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jambar, a section of the Oswal Baniyas. Jangli, Jangla, a native of the jungles. The word is used in a special sense in connexion with inland emigration to denote non-Aryan coolies from Chota Nagpur, whose immunity from Jamgot, a totemistic section of Nunias in Behar. Jamraian, a section of Bdb haas in Behar.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JANGLI. 344 JAUM. and Tehs in Behar, see Jais war. fever renders them the most valuable class of labourers for Assam. Jcit, a sub-caste of Goalas in Behar whose sections are Gadhu wal, Chitosia, etc. They hold the title of Chaudhri, Singh, and Marar. Janjdia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Janku Samrai, a sept of Hos in Singbhum. Jath, a class of Mahomedan herdsmen in Behar ; a religious group of Jugis in Bengal. J an war, a section of Bdb hans and Mahesris in Behar. Jatham, a sub-caste of Dhobis in Behar. Jarangait, a section of Lohdrs in Behar. Jathot, a division of the Parbatti-Kurin sub-caste of Gon rhis in Behar who are distinguish ed from the rest of the sub-castes by treating as exogamous groups the divisions which the others regard merely as titles having no bearing on marriage. J6rdar, a title of Hajams. Jarhuait, a territorial section of Binds in Behar. Jariar, a totemistic section of Turis in Chota Nagpur signify ing a lizard. J ar igamba, jan tree, a totem istic sept of Judngs in Orissa. ■J&thot, a sub-caste of Kewats in Behar. Jar-Kami, a section of Kamis in Darjiling. Jati-Karmakar, a sub-caste of Kamdrs in Noakhdli. Jaru, a section of Awadhid Haj jdms in Behar. Jati-Madak, a sub-caste of Madhundpits in Bengal. Jati-Mech, a sub-tribe of Meches in the Darjiling Terai. Jaru, a totemistic sept of the Bhumij tribe in Manbhum. Jaruhar, a sub-caste of Koiris in Behar who do permit widows to remarry. Jat-Patni, a sub-caste of Patnis in Bengal. Jatrama, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jas, a title of Dakshin-Rarhi and Bangaja Kayasths. Jatria, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jasatbar, a sept of Suraj bansi .Rajputs in Behar. Jasiam, a section of Lohdrs in Behar. Jattia, Jetti, a class of wan dering mendicants from the North-Western Provinces. Jatukama, a seotion of the Dakshindtya Baidik Brahmans in Bengal, and of Utkal Brahmans in Orissa. c^aS°S^mi' a 9im Of the hd barna gotra of Bdrendra Brah mans in Bengal. Jaswar, a sub-caste of Dha nuks, Kandus, Kahdrs, Kurmis, Jaum, a section of Awadhid Haj jdms in Behar.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

345 JHANGDI. JAUNPURI. Jethkar, a sub-caste of Gan gotas in Behar. Jaunpuri, a sub-caste of Telis in Behar who sell oil, but do not manufacture it ; also of Chamars. Jethman, a title of the Sang tarash sub-caste of Gonrhis in Behar. Jaunpuri Kamlapati, a sub caste of Banias in Behar. Jethuliar, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Jawalia, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Jethurhi, a section of Babhans in Behar. Jayi, a sub-section of the Bharadwdja section of Utkal Brahmans in Orissa. Jewal, a section of Madhesia Halwais in Behar. Jebel, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Jewni, a section of Chandals who catch and sell fish. J ha, Ujha, or Ojha, a title of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Jedhria, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Jhadadia, a section of Goalas in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Jeruhet, a section of Maghaya Kumhdrs in Behar. Jeseriet, a mul or section of the Satmulia or Kishnaut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. ■Jhagdolia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Jeshkucha, a thar or sept of Sunuwars in Darjiling. Jhagreb, a thar or sept of the Barah- Gurung sub-tribe of Gu rungs in Darjiling. J es i war, a section of Bab hans in Behar. J haj, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Jespucha-. a thar or sept of Sunuwars in Darjiling. Jesw&r, a sub-caste of Bani yas ; of Chamars in Behar who are said to have come from the North-West Provinces and work as servants, syces, and labourers. See Jaiswar. Jhamal, Jhampati, a gain of the Bharadwdja gotra of Baren dra Brahmans in Bengal. Jhandaha, a mul or section of the Banodhia sub-caste of Kal wars in Behar. Jethaut, a sub-caste of Kai barttas and Nagars in Behar. J hangar, a variant for Dhan- gar, q.v. Jethautia, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Goria sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. dhangdi, a thar or sept of Mangars in Darjiling.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

346 JHOEA. JHANKAI. Jharua, a sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans in Orissa. Jhankai or Jani. a title of Kandhs in Orissa. Jharukar, a broom-maker; a title applied roughly to several of the low castes. Jhankri, a quack doctor in Nepal. Jhapabasriar, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Jhatia or Jhetid, a sub-caste of Bauris, Kords and Lohars in Western Bengal. Jhcirii a thar or sept of Man gars in Darjiling. Jhatidekci, a section of Kur mis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Jhdrowd, a synonym for Mehtar or sweeper. Jhauait, a territorial section of Binds in Behar. Jharua, a sub-tribe of Savars in Orissa. Jhinia, a section of Pdtnis. Jkora, Khaki, a small caste of Chota Nagpur, believed by Colonel Dalton to be a sub-tribe of Gonds. Babu Rakhal Das Haidar thought they were Kaibarttas, who had made their way up the valley of the Brahmani and settled in Chota Nagpur. He mentions in support of this hypothesis the fact that the Jhora Malik of parganas Biru and Kesalpur in Lohardaga bears the title Behara, which is used by the Kaibarttas in Bengal. But the title Behara is common among the Dravidian tribes of Orissa, and there is no need to go so far as the Kaibarttas to explain it. The Malik in question calls himself a Gangabans Rajput, and all landholding Jhoras claim similar rank. The Beharas of Biru were bound to supply diamonds to the Maharaja of Chota Nagpur, and Beveral villages are said to have been granted to them on these terms. In the south of Lohardaga and in the Tributary States Jhoras earn a miserable and uncertain livelihood by washing gold in the beds of the streams. Their appliances are primitive to a degree — a scraper in the form of a flattened iron hook set in a wooden handle, and a shallow wooden dish about two feet long and eighteen inches wide. The scraper is used to collect what an Australian would call ' pay dirt ' from the chinks and corners of the rocks in the bed of the stream, and this dirt is then manipulated with water by dexterously rocking the dish this way and that, until the smallest partioles of foreign matter have been separated and there remains only a fine deposit of black sand in which tiny specks of gold are S6en to sparkle. The use of mercury being unknown, the very small and invisible gold is of course lost. As regards the earnings of the Jhoras, the evidence ia necessarily somewhat uncertain. Colonel Haughton was told in 1854 that a vigorous man often earned as much as twelve annas in a day, a sum enormously exceeding the daily wages of unskilled labour, which cannot then have been more than an anna. Mr. Robinson found that men whom he paid at the latter rate got

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

347 JIHHUL. JHOEA •y for him from three to four annas' worth of gold ; and it may be taken for granted that men working for themselves would earn more than this. Colonel Dalton, on the other hand, speaks of gold wash ing as a very poor business, at which a man could not expect to earn more than a bellyful (pet-bhar) as the Jhoras simply put it. Doubt less the amount varies considerably in different localities, and the Jhoras themselves would be disposed to underrate it for fear the local Raja might begin to take an interest in the subject. They are, moreover, a depressed and indolent class of people, and are believed to be not entirely free from a superstitious prejudice against trust ing too much to their own exertions. The Jhoras of Lohardaga have three sections — Kasyapa, Krishna treya and Nag, and they observe the rule that a man may not marry a woman of his own section. In the matter of prohibited degrees supplementing the rule of exogamy, their practice is un usually lax, for they allow a man to marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or his paternal aunt, a departure from the ordinary rules which strikes one as curious. By religion they are Hindus, employing Brahmans as priests and burning their dead in the usual way except in the case of lepers, women who die in childbed, per sons who die of small-pox or leprosy, and infants who die before the ceremony of Karnabedh or boring the ear has [been performed. The landholding Jhoras profess to marry their daughters as infants in accordance with orthodox Hindu usage ; the gold-washing class adhere to tbe adult marriage characteristic of the Dravidian tribes while untouched by Hindu influence. dhorS, a title of Kewats or fishermen in Behar. Jildgar, a book-binder, an occupation followed almost ex clusively by Mahomedans. Jhumurw&la, a class of Ma homedan musicians. J imba, a section of Murmis in Darjiling. Jimdar, a title and synonym for Khambu in Darjiling. Jhuri, dried bushes, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jimel, a thar or sept of Gurungs in Darjiling. Jia, a river fish, a sept of Mundas and Pans in Chota Nagpur. Jing-ba, a rui or sept of Sherpa Bhotias of Nepal. Jiarwar, a section of the Sat mulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Jir&basti, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub- caste of Halwais in Behar. Jirel, a thar or sept of Sunu wdrs in Darjiling. Jihu, a bird, a sub-sept of the Hansda sept of Santals. Jirhul, a kind of wild flower, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jijicha, a thar or sept of Sunuwdrs in Darjiling.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

348 JOLHA. JITIAPIPAE. Jogi, a section of Rautias; a sub-sept of the Saren sept of Santals; a synonym for Bairagi. Jitiapipar, a fruit, a totem istic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Jnanbar, a name of a family of Grihasth Jugis in Bengal. Jogidasi, a sub-caste of Sunris in Maldah. Jog, a hypergamous group of Maithil Brahmans iu Behar. Joldhd, a synonym for Jolha. Jsllh&, Joldhd, Juldhd, Momin, the Mahomedan weaver caste of Bengal and Behar. Dr. Wise thinks that ngiru they " belonged to a despised Hindu caste who in a body became converts to Muhammadanism." It would seem, however, that the formation of a weaving caste within the ranks of the Mahomedans may be accounted for without supposing that any compact, group was converted en masse. The structure of the large and heterogeneous aggregate known as the Tanti caste (see article Tanti) suggests, not that all Tantis derive their origin from a distinct tribe devoted to the weaving trade, but that separate weaving castes were formed in different parts of the country out of the materials which were at hand in each ease. The same thing may well have happened among the Mahomedans ; while the low esteem in which the profession of weaving is held would suffice to cut off those adopting it from intermarriage with their co religionists. The customs of the Jolahas, says Dr. Wise, are essentially Shiah, and are observed with the punctiliousness which Manners and customs. 2l i s_ l £ j i_* ■ l often characterises converts ot dubious social position. During the month of Muharram they do not comb their hair, chew betel, or eat from vessels in which fish has been dressed. Besides, on tbe fifth, sixth, and seventh days of that month they wear the baddhi and kafni badges of the martyred Imams. In former days the Jolahas were peculiar among Mahomedans in never having the Kdbin, or marriage settlement, drawn up in presence of the Qazi ; but of late years the practice has been introduced, and in addition a Mahr-Ndmah, or deed of settlement, is executed. The titles of Jolahas are Karigar, Malik, Mandal, and Shikddr. Their headman is called Muatabar. In Behar during the Muharram Joldhd women abstain from chewing betel, combing their hair, using oil or vermilion, and putting spangles (tikli) on the forehead. They assume, in short, the garb of widowhood and mourn for Hassan and Hossein as the Greeks mourned for Adonis, sleeping on the bare ground and avoiding intercourse with their husbands. They wear baddhi and kafni on the 8th of the month, and on the night of the 9th they break their bangles, attire themselves in green saris, and go forth with dishevelled hair, chanting dirges for the murdered Imams.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

349 JOLHA. The following extract from Behar Peasant Life shows how low a place the Joldhd occupies in popular estima- Social status. tion_ The gayings hj Mf Grier30n have very wide currency, and are by no means confined to Behar : — " The Musalman weaver or Jolha is the proverbial fool of Hindu stories and proverbs. He swims in the moonlight across fields of flowering linseed, thinking the blue colour to be caused by water. He hears his family priest reading the Quran, and bursts into tears to the gratification of the reader. When pressed to tell what part affected him most, he says it was not that, but the wagging beard of the old geutleman so much reminded him of a pet goat which had died. When forming one of a company of twelve he tries to count them, and finding himself missing wants to perform his own funeral obsequies. He finds the rear peg of a plough, and wants to set up farming on the strength of it. He gets into a boat at night, and forgets to pull up the anchor. After rowing till dawn he finds himself where he started, and concludes that the only explanation is that his native village could not bear to lose him, and had followed him. If there are eight weavers and nine hukkas, they fight for the odd one. Once on a time a crow carried off to the roof of the house some bread which a weaver had given his child. Before giving the child any more he took the precaution of removing the ladder. Like the English fool, he always gets unmerited blows. For instance, he once went to see a ram fight and got butted himself, as the saying runs : — Karigah chhdr tamdsa jay, Ndhak chut Joldha khdy. — ' He left his loom to see the fun, and for no reason got a brushing.' " Another story (told by Fallon) is, that being told by a soothsayer that it was written in his fate that his nose would be cut off with an axe, the weaver was incredulous, and taking up au axe kept flourishing it, saying, yon karba ta gor kdtbon, yon karba ta hath kdtbon, aur yon karba tah na-, — if I do so I cut my leg, and if I do so I cut my hand ; but unless I do so my no — , and his nose was off. A proverb — Jolha jdnathi jau kdtui ?— does a weaver know how to cut barley ?- res ers to a story (in Fallon) that a weaver, unable to pay his debt, was sent to cut barley hy his creditor, who thought to repay himself in this way. But instead of reaping, the stupid fellow kept trying to untwist the tangled barley stems. Other proverbs at his expense are — kaua chalal bds ken, Jolha ehalal ghas ken,— the weaver went out to cut grass (at sunset), when even tbe crows were going home; Jolhd bhutiaildh tisi khet,— the weaver lost his way in tbe linseed field, an allusion to the swimming exploit already recorded. His wife bears an equally bad character, as in the proverb — bahsali Jolhini bdpak ddnrhi noche, — a wilful weaver's wife will pull her own father's beard." The following statement shows the number and distribution of Jolhas in 1872 and 1881. It appears that some Jolhds are considered

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

350 JUANG JOLHA to be Hindus who are insignificant in number, and as such returned in the Census of the latter year as well as in certain districts ot tbe former year. Joncili, a pathi or hypergam ous sub-group of Barendra Brahmans in Bengal. Jonk Haper, leech, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Joriaha, a section of the Dhu sid sub-caste of Chamars in Behar. don&ri, an endogamous divi sion of Pdschatya Baidik Brah mans in Bengal. Joshi, a group of the Adi- Gaura sub-caste of Gaura Brah mans in Behar. Jongan, a section of Mur mis in Darjiling. Josiam, a section of Kamdr kalla Sonars in Behar. JUctttQ*. Patud, a non-Aryan tribe of Keunjhar and Dhenkanal in Orissa, classed by Colonel Dalton on linguistic grounds as Kolarian. Their language is said to approach more closely to the Kharid than to the other Kol dialects ; but it has borrowed largely from Uriya, and also contains a number of words of uncertain origin. They are, says Colonel Dalton, a small race like the Oraons, the males averaging less than five feet in ysica ype. height, and the women not more than four feet eight inches. Their predominating physical characteristics appear to be great lateral projection of the zygomatic arches and general flatness of feature; upright, but narrow and low, foreheads pro jecting over a very depressed nasal bone ; pug-noses with spreading nostrils ; large mouths, thick lips, receding lower jaw and chin. The hair is coarse and frizzly, the prevailing colour being a reddish brown. The opinion that the Juangs are closely related to the Mundas and the Kharias derives some support from the fact that the women tattoo their faoes with the same marks as are used by these tribes — three strokes on the forehead just above the nose, Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah ... 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Khulna Jessore ... Murshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye ... Rangpur Bogra Pabna Jalpigon Dacca 48 ""205 899 47 192 180 } 63 428 2,827 "9,432 766 74 6,023 280 632 7,793 17 10,464 { II19 6 898 267 925 199 1,159 163 40 2 709 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh Chittagong Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas ... Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ... 6.036 3,743 1,138 319 4 7 66 49 ""l44 } ■ { 381 851 2,184 21,716 6,275 189 2,356 77 22,085 ""'800 698 88,144 25.607 13 10 113 "i'.isao 250

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUANG. 351 and three on each temple. They swear on earth taken from an ant-hill and on a tiger skin. The Kharias hold the ant-hill sacred, and the oath on the tiger's skin is in common use among Hos and Santals. The Keunjhar Judngs claim to be the autochthones of the country, and trace their descent on the male of the eide to & race of celestial beings who danced in the Guptaganga hills with the leaf-clad daughters of men and took some of them to wife. The village of Gonasika, which is considered the head-quarters of the tribe, was visited by Colonel Dalton about twenty years ago. He found there twenty-five families of Judngs living in tiny huts measuring about six feet by eight, very low, and with very small doors. These were divided into two compartments — one used for stores, and the other being the living-room of the head of the house and his wife and daughters. The boys of each family slept in a large dormitory near the entrance of the village, which also served as a lodging for guests. All the habits of the tribe were then of the most primitive character. Ironsmiths and smelters of iron were unknown, and there was no word for iron in their language. The arts of spinning and weaving were equally strange to them, and, like the Australian aborigines, they had never attained to the simplest knowledge of pottery. " The females, " says Colonel Dalton, " had not amongst them a particle of clothing. Their sole covering* for Manners and customs. * r, , ° • , , . . , , purposes ot decency consisted in a girdle composed of several strings of beads, from which depended before and behind small curtains of leaves. Adam and Eve sewed fig leaves together and made themselves aprons. The Judngs are not so far advanced ; they take young shoots of the Asan (Terminalia tomentosa) or any tree with long soft leaves, and arranging them bo as to form a flat and scale-like surface of the required size, the sprigs are simply stuck in the girdle fore and aft and the toilet is complete. The girls were well- developed and finely-formed specimens of the race, and as the hght leafy costume left the out lines of the figure entirely nude, they would have made good studies for a sculptor. The beads that form the girdle are small tubes of burnt earthen ware made by the wearers. They also wore a profusion of neck laces of glass beads, and brass ornaments in their ears and on tbeir wrists, and it was not till they saw that I had a considerable stock of such articles to dispose of that they got over their shyness and ventured to approach us." The men of the Judcg tribe, though still preserving a tradition that they used to wear kopins or loin-cloths made from the bark of the tumba tree, use instead of leaves a small strip of cotton cloth. Up to a few years ago the women were deterred from following their example by the tradition that the goddess of the Baitarani river " emerging for the first time from the Gonasika rock came suddenly on a rollicking party of Judngs dancing naked, and ordering them to adopt leaves on the moment as a covering, laid on them the

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUANG 352 curse that they must adhere to that costume for ever or die." In 1870 the curse was removed by Captain F. J. Johnstone, Superintendent of the Keunjhar State, who had acquired great influence with the people, and induced the women to dress themselves in cotton clothes. The internal structure of the Judng tribe is shown in Appendix I. There are no sub-tribes, and the entire com- Internal structure. ., n • i j munity iorms a single endogamous group. The septs are totemistic, the totems comprising the names of animals, trees, and plants. A man may not marry a woman of his own section, and. must also obseive certain rules regarding prohibited degrees which do not seem to be very precisely defined. I gather, however, that marriage with the descendants of the paternal uncle is prohibited for a certain number of generations, but that the rule is less strict concerning the descendants of a maternal uncle. As a general rule Judngs give their daughters in marriage only after they are grown up ; and sexual license before marriage, though not expressly recog- nised, is nevertheless tolerated as a necessary incident of a system of free courtship. Of late years instances of infant-marriage have occurred in the tribe ; but these were exceptional cases, due to the desire of particular families to imitate Hindu usage. The marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom sends a party of his friends to propose for the girl, and if his offer is accepted the wedding day is fixed and a cart-load of unhusked rice delivered by way of bride- price. The bride is then brought to the bridegroom's house by his friends and hers, is dressed in new clothes, and has a set of brass ornaments put on. Consummation follows at once, and the night is spent in feasting. In the morning the bridegroom dismisses the bride's friends with a present of three measures of husked and three of unhusked rice. The presence of a priest is not ordinarily deemed essential, but in some cases the village dehari is called in to add a religious sanction by sprinkling rice and turmeric on the heads of the wedded pair. Polygamy is permitted, and there appears to be no rule limiting the number of wives a man may have. No Judng, however, says Colonel Dalton, has ventured on more than two at a time ; and even this indulgence is only resorted to when the first wife proves barren or faithless. A widow may marry again, and is expected, though not compelled, to marry her deceased husband's younger brother. In the event of her choice falling upon an outsider, she is not allowed to marry until a year after her husband's death. No special ritual appears to be ordained for the marriage of a widow : the bridegroom merely gives her a new cloth and some bracelets, and provides a feast for the elders of the caste. Divorce is permitted, with the sanction of tbe panchdynt, for adultery, dis- obedience, scolding, and barrenness. The woman is simply taken back to her father's house and left there. In cases of special hardship, where the wife is held not to have been in fauit, the husband is required to give a heifer or three or four rupees to the wife's family

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUANG. 353 as compensation for his action in divorcing her. Divorced wives may marry again by the same form as widows. " The Judngs appear to be free from the belief in witchcraft, Reii "ous b li which is the bane of the Kols, and perniciously influences nearly all other classes in the Jungle and Tributary Mahals. They have not, like the Kharias, the reputation of being deeply skilled in sorcery. They have in then own language no terms for ' god,' for ' heaven ' or ' hell,' and, so far as I can learn, no idea of a future state. They offer fowls to the sun when in distress, and to the earth to give them its fruits in due season. On these occasions an old man officiates as priest : he is called Ndgam. The even tenor of their lives is unbroken by any obligatory religious ceremonies." My own enquiries lead me to doubt the accuracy of this account. The Judngs of Keunjhar worship a forest deity called Baram, who stands at the head of their system and is regarded with great vener ation. Next to him come Thanpati, the patron of the village, also known to the Savars, Masimuli, Kalapat, Basuli, and Basumati or mother earth. Buffaloes, goats, fowls, milk, and sugar are offered to all of these, and are afterwards partaken of by the worshippers. No regular days seem to be set apart for sacrifice, but offerings are made at seed time and harvest, and the forest gods are cares ully propitiated when a plot of land is cleared from jungle and prepared for the plough. In addition to these elemental or animistic deities, the Hindu gods Siva, Durga, and Balabhadra are beginning to be recognised, in a scanty and infrequent fashion, by the tribe. Brahmans as yet have not been introduced, and all religious functions are discharged by the dehari or village priest. Juangs burn their dead, laying the corpse on the pyre with the ,_,„-,, head to tbe south. The ashes are left at the Disposal of the dead. i p ___■ , • _. place ot cremation or are cast into a running stream. A few days after death a meagre propitiatory ceremony is performed, at which the maternal uncle of the deceased officiates as priest. Offerings to departed ancestors are also made in October, when the autumn rice crop is harvested. Agriculture is believed to be the original occupation of the tribe. " They cultivate," says Colonel Dalton, " in the rudest way, destroying the forest trees by the deadly process of girdling them, burning all they can of the timber when it dries and sowing in the ashes. They thus raise a little early rice, Indian corn, pulses, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, ginger, and red pepper, — seed all thrown into the ground at once to come up as it can. They declare they subsist every year more on wild roots and fruits than on what they rear, but I doubt if they are so badly off as they pretend to be. The area of their cultivation appeared proportionate to their numbers. They pay no rent, being under obligation to serve the Raja, repair his house, and carry his burdens when required to do so in lieu of money payment, and they spend no money in clothes ; it is difficult to understand, therefore, their not having a sufficiency of wholesome food, unless it be that they spend all their substance in drink. z.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

354 JUANG, They are no doubt addicted to ardent spirits, and they are obliged to buy what they consume, as they have not acquired the art of distilling or even of brewing rice-beer, which every Kol understands." In regard to food they are not in the least particular, eating all kinds of flesh, including mice, rats, monkeys, Food' tigers, bears, snakes, frogs, and even offal, and for them the jungles abound in spontaneously-produced vegetables. In the quest of such food they possess all the instinct of the animal, discerning at a glance what is nutritive, and never mistaking a noxious for an edible fungus or root. The Judngs do not look a warlike people, but when urged to it by the Bhuiyas, whose lead they invariably follow, they are some times troublesome. They use the bow and arrow, but their favourite weapon is the primitive sling, made entirely of cord. They take " pebbles from the brook," or stones as they find them. They have no idea of fashioning them to produce more efficient projectiles." The tribal dances of the Judngs, which seem to be totemistio in character, are thus described by Colonel Tribal dance. T) lt • " In one figure the girls moved round in single file, keeping the right hand on the right shoulder of the girl in front ; in another, with bodies inclined they wreathed their arms and advanced and retreated in line. In this movement the performance bore a strong resem blance to one of the Kol dances. Then we had the bear dance. The girls, acting independently, advance with bodies so much inclined that their hands touch the ground ; thus they move not unlike bears, and by a motion from the knees the bodies -wriggle violently, and the broad tails of green leaves flap up and down in a most ludicrous manner. " The pigeon dance followed : the action of a love-making pigeon when he struts, pouts, sticks out his breast, and scrapes the ground with his wings was well imitated, the hands of the girls doing duty as wings. Then came a pig and tortoise dance, in which the motions of those animals were less felicitously rendered, and the quail dance, in which they squatted and pecked at the ground after the fashion of those birds. They concluded with the vulture dance, a highly dramatic finale. One of the men was made to lie on the ground and represent a dead body. The girls in approaching it imitated the hopping, sidling advance of the bird of prey, and, using their hands as beaks, nipped and pinched the pseudo-corpse in a manner that made him occasionally forget his character and yell with pain. This caused great amusement to his tormentors. " I had heard of a ' ballet ' called ' the Cocks and Hens,' but this they could not be induced to exhibit. It was admitted that it was impossible to keep the leaves in proper position whilst they danced it. It was too much of a romp, especially for a day perform ance." The social status of the tribe cannot be precisely defined. They _ . . . are bevond the pale of Hinduisin, and no Social status. , • „ r . , ' , , member oi any recognised caste will eat or drink with them. Judngs themselves will take cooked food, water

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUANG. 355 JUGI, and sweetmeats from the Bhuiyds, but a Bhuiya will not take even water from a Judng. In course of time no doubt they will attain a higher social position, and the first step in this direction has already been taken by their partial adoption of some of the Hindu gods. In 1872 the Judngs numbered 9,398 in the Tributary States, while in 1881 only 3 were returned in Cuttack and 606 in the Tributary States. Jubhingeh, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. - Jugi, a sub-caste of Tantis in Bengal. <3lttgi, Jogi, a weaving caste of Eastern Bengal, many of whose . . members have of recent years been driven by the competition of English piece-goods to betake themselves to agriculture, lime-burning, goldsmith's work, and the subordinate grades of Government service. The origin of the caste is extremely obscure. Buchanan thought it probable that they were either the priesthood of tbe country during the reign of the dynasty to whioh Gopi Chandra belonged, or Sudras dedicated to a religious life, but degraded by the great Saiva reformer Sankara Acharya, and that they came with the Pal Rajas from Western India. In Rang pur he found the Jogis living by singing an interminable cyclic song in honour of Gopi Chandra. This is all the information collected by that shrewd and trustworthy observer, and since the beginning of the century no fresh facts have been added. The Masya sub-caste of Jugis give the following account of their origin. In the Vrihad Yogini Tantra, their chief religious work, it is written that to Mahadeo were born eight passionless beings (Siddhas), who practised asceticism and passed their lives in religious meditation. Their arrogance and pride, however, offended Mahadeo, who, exercising his power of Maya or illusion, created eight female energies, or Toginis, and sent them to tempt the Siddhas. It was soon apparent that the virtue of the perfect ones was not so impregnable as they boasted, and the issue of their amours were the ancestors of the modern Masya Jugis. Another account is that a Sannyasi Avadbiita, or scholar, of Benares, who was an incarnation of Siva, had two sons : the elder, by a Brahman woman, becoming the progenitor of the Ekadasi Jugis — the younger, by a Vaisya woman, of the Masya ; but it is probable that this legend has been invented to account for the fact that these two sub-castes perform the obsequial rites at different periods. The Ekadasi Jugis, when questioned about their descent, refer to a Sanskrit work called Vriddha Sdtatapiya, in which the Muni Satatapa relates how the divine Rishi Narada was informed by Brahma that near Benares resided many Brahman and Vaisya widows, living by the manufacture of thread, who had given birth to sons and daughters the offspring of Avadhutas, or pupils of Nathas, or ascetics. The Rishi was further directed to proceed to Kasi, and in consultation with the Avadhutas, to decide what tho caste of these children should be. After much deliberation it was determined that the offspring of the Avadhutas and Brdhman widows should belong to the Siva gotra, while the issue of the z 2

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

356 JUGI Vaisya widows should form a class called Nath; the former, like the Brahmans, being impure for eleven days, the latter like the Vaisya for thirty days. Both classes were required to read four Vedas, to worship their Matris or female ancestors at weddings, to perform each household for itself the Nandi Sraddha in the name of their forefathers, and to wear the sacred cord, lt was further enacted that the dead should be buried, the lips of the corpse being touched with fire by the son or grandson. It is from these Brahman widows that the modern Ekadasi Jugis claim to be descended, and being of that lineage, mourn for ouly eleven days, although they have never assumed the Brahmanical cord. Turning from these mythical events to the history of the caste in more modern times, we find that most Jugis Modem history. in Eastem Bengal regard the family of Dalai Bazar, in the Noakhali district, as the head of their race, and recall with some pride tbe fact that in the middle of last century Braja Ballabh Rai, a Jugs, of this family was Dalai, or broker, his brother Radha Ballabh Rai being Jachandar, or appraiser, of the English factory of Char Pata, on the Meghna. The son of the former developed the trade in Bdftah cloth to so great an extent that the Company in 1765 bestowed on him the title and rank of a Raja, presenting him at the same time with a lakhiraj or rent-free estate, which is still held by one of his descendants. In the Presidency districts the Jugis are assuming the sacred thread en masse, and this pretension has given rise to numerous quarrels with the Brahmans, some of which have ended in protracted and vexatious litigation in the Criminal Courts. On the evidence now available it is difficult to arrive at any definite conclusion regarding the manner in which the caste arose. There is nothing beyond the fact that they are generally looked down upon by Hindus, and follow a despised occupation to indicate a difference of race, independent evidence of non-Aryan descent is wholly wanting. There remain the alternatives of degradation or mixed descent, both of which play a prominent part in the standard Indian theory of the formation of castes. But here, again, we have no data to form a basis for serious discussion. For the present, therefore, the problem must be abandoned as insoluble. The internal structure of the caste is stated in Appendix I, and may be briefly described here. In Eastern Internal structure. r> i n j ■ i s ,, Bengal we nnd two mam sub-castes — the Masya, who perform tbe sraddha thirty days (masa) after death, and the Ekadasf, who celebrate it after eleven (ekadasa) days. The former abound in the southern parts of Bikrampur, Tipperah, and Noakhali ; the latter in the north of Bikrampur and throughout the Dacca district generally. No intermarriages take place between them, and each refuses to taste food cooked by the other, although they drink from each other's water-vessels. Besides these divisions arising from the observance of different funeral ceremonies, there are others based upon differences of habitat and occupation. The cultivating members of the caste form a distinct group called Halwa 0 ugi, and it is alleged that, they were outcasted for abandoning the

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

357 JUGI traditional pursuit of weaving. The lime-burning Jugis of Tipperah are said to have incurred a similar condemnation. In Murshedabad, on the other hand, the Jugis who lived by weaving cotton cloth are said to have taken to agriculture without qualifying their original designation or forfeiting their position as the recognised main body of tbe caste ; while sub-castes have been formed corresponding to the special pursuits which particular groups have adopted. Among these are the Rangrej-Jugi, who dye cotton thread, the Kambule- Jugi, who make blankets, and the |iv1anihari-Jugi, who work in lac and weave ribands. Others again prefer a division into the three groups Rarhi, Baidik, and Barendra, which seem to have been bor rowed from the higher castes in the struggle for social precedence. In Bardwan a fourth division — Khelinda— is added to these. In Noakhali this larger territorial grouping appears to be unknown, aud the endogamous divisions are given as Sundip-Nath, comprising Jugis who live on the island of Sundip, andBhulua-Nath, or residents on the mainland. Even smaller local divisions occur in some districts. I am informed that in Murshedabad the Jugis of thand Kandi will not intermarry with the Jugis of thana Barawa, while in Tipperah the Jugis of pargana Sarail marry only among themselves. The Dharmaghare Jugis, who are found in Western Bengal, are looked down upon by the Jugis of other parts of the country. They worship Dharma, Sitala, Manasa, and other aboriginal deities, and their only sanskdr is the wearing copper in some form, such as that of a ring or bracelet. They beg from door to door, carrying the effigies of those deities in their hands, and singing songs in their honour. They say that their original progenitor, an ascetic, after obtaining siddhi, success in yog, married the daughter of Kasyap Rishi and had a son by her. When he died his sou went to his grand-father Siva (who is reckoned tbe father of all those that become ascetics) and asked his advice as regards the disposal of his father's dead body. Siva thought it should be buried after the manner of ascetics, but the widow wished it to be burned, because the deceased had been a grihastha or householder. So the son, wishing to please both, compromised matters by putting fire on the mouth of the corpse and then burying it. The more advanced among them affect to follow the Hindu system of the 10 sanskdrs or dasakarmas and to use the same books as the Brahmans, such as the work of Bhabadeb Bhatta, used by all Samvedi Brahmans. Some of them even attend tols or indigenous Sanskrit Colleges, but they have to sit in the courtyard, and are regarded more or less as intruders. They say that they have only one gotra, the Siva, and four pravaras — Siva, Sambhu, Sankara, and Apnabat ; but as marriage in the same gotra is prohibited, they have devised a fiction bv which the bride at the time of marriage becomes a member of the Kasyapa gotra. The sections of the caste are of a mixed character. Some have clearly been borrowed from the standard Brahmanical series, while others, such as Matsyendra, Goraksha, and Birbhairab, seem to lend support to the conjecture hazarded above that the caste is an offshoot from some sect of ascetics. In some districts the three hypergamous groups of Kulin, Madhyala, and Bangal appear to be

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

358 JUGI recognised; while elsewhere there are only two Brahman- J ugi and Dandi-Jugi. In both cases the rule is said to be observed that a man of a higher group may marry a woman of a lower group, but a certain loss of social position is entailed by doing so. Jugis marry their daughters as infants and follow the standard . Hindu ritual, a member of their own caste officiating as priest. Their practice as to exogamy and the reckoning of prohibited degrees is the same as that in vogue among the higher castes. A second wife may be taken if the first is barren or suffers from an incurable disease. Divorce is not formally recognized : a woman found guilty of unchastity is cast off by her husband and turned out of the community. Widows are not allowed to marry again. The great majority of the caste worship Mahadeo or Siva, but a few Vaishnavas are also found among them. The Masya Jugis have no Brahmans who minister to them, but a spiritual leader, Adhikari, elected by the Purohits referred to below, is invested with a cord and styled Brahman. In Tipperah and Noakhali the cord is still worn, but in Dacca of late years it has been discarded. The Adhikari of the Mdsya Jugis in Dacca is Mathurd Ramana, of Bidgaon, in Bikrampur, a very illiterate man, who can with difficulty read and write Bengali. The post has been hereditary in his family for eight generations, and now-a-days it is only in default of heirs that an election is held. It is a curious circumstance that the Adhikari bestows the mantra on the Brahmans of the Ekddasf, and occasionally on Sannyasi Jugis, although neither acknowledge any subjection to him. The Adhikari has no religious duties to perform, as each household employs a Purohit to minister at its religious ceremonies. The Purohit is always a Jugs, inducted by the Adhikari and subordinate to him. He is often a relative, or marries a daughter of his master. The Adhikari, again, has his Purohit, without whose ministration neither he nor any member of his family can marry or be buried. The great festival of the Mdsya Jugis is the Sivardtri, held on the four teenth of the waning moon in Magh (January-February) ; but they observe many of the other Hindu festivals, such as the Janmdshtami, and offer sacrifices beneath the bat tree to the village goddess Siddhesvari. In all religious services they use a twig of the Udumbara, or Jagyd dumiir (Ficus glomerata), and regard with special reverence the tulasi, bat, pipal, and tamdla (Diospyrus cordifolia). They have sthdns, or residencies, at Brinda ban, Mathura, and Gokula, but their chief places of pilgrimage are Benares, Gaya, and Sftakund in Chittagong. The Ekddasf have Brahmans of their own, called " Varna-Sarman," and addressed as Mahdtama, who trace their origin from the issue of a Srotriyd Brahman and a Jugi woman. In Bikrampur alone it is estimated there are at least a hundred of these Jugs Brahmans. The majority of this division of Jugfs are worshippers of Krishna, but a few who follow the Sakta ritual are to be met with. The Gosains, who are followers of Nityananda, admit Jugis into their communion, but those of Adwaita deoline to have anything to do with them.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

359 JUGI The Jugs Brahmans are, with few exceptions, illiterate, but a few gain a livelihood as Pdthaks, or readers of the epic poems. Jugs s are the Mahants of the Kapila Muni shrine in the Sunderbuns, and officiate at the Varuni festival in Phalgun. In the burial of their dead all Jugis observe the same ceremonies. The grave (samddhi or ahsan) is circular, about eight feet deep, and at the bottom a niche is cut for tbe reception of the corpse. The body, after being washed with water from seven earthen jars, is wrapped in new cloth, the lips being touched with fire to distinguish the funeral from that of a sannyasi or ascetic and a Mahomedan. A necklace made of the Tulasi plant is placed around the neck, and in the right hand a rosary (japa maid). The right forearm, with the thumb inverted, is placed across the chest, while the left, with the thumb in a similar position, rests on the lap, the legs being crossed as in statues of Budha. Over the left shoulder is hung a cloth bag with four strings, in which four cowries are put. Tbe body being lowered into the grave, and placed in tbe niche with the face towards the north-east, the grave is filled in, and the relatives deposit on the top an earthen platter with balls of rice (pinda), plantains, sugar, ghi, and areca- nuts, as well as a huqqa with its chillam (bowl), a small quantity of tobacco, and a charcoal ball. Finally, from three to seven cowries are scattered on the ground as compensation to Vasumati or mother earth for the piece of earth occupied by the oorpse. Women are interred in the same way as men. The bag with its four cowries, and the position of the body, are noteworthy. With the cowries the spirit pays the Charan, who ferries it across the Vaitarani river, the Hindu Styx; while the body is made to face the north-east, because in that corner of the world lies Kailasa, the Paradise of Siva. The mourning dress of the Jugis is a cotton garment, called "Jala Kacha," literally netted end, manufactured by them, and identical with that worn by other Hindus between the death of a relative and the sraddha. In a corner of this raiment the Jugi ties a piece of iron, suspending it over his shoulder. On the eleventh day, when the funeral obsequies are about to be performed, the barber cutting off the iron, gives it to the wearer, who throws it into the water, then bathes, offers the pinda to the manes of the deceased and returns home. All Jugfs believe that the spirits of good men are at death absorbed into the Deity, while the bad reappear on earth in the form of some unclean animal ; but women, however exemplary their conduct may have been in this world, are not cheered by any assur ance of a future state, and in their case death involves annihilation. The social status of the caste is very low, and they are every- where reviled by the Hindus without any intelligible reason being given for the treat ment to which they are subjected. If questioned on the subject of the low position accorded to the Jugfs, some Hindus will reply that it is because they bury their dead, while all orthodox people practise cremation. Others, again, will explain that the starch of

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUGI 360 size they use in weaving is made of boiled rice (mar), while the Tantis use parched rice (khai) for this purpose. Whatever may be the reason, there can be no doubt as to the existence of a very strong prejudice against the caste, although the Jugis themselves, whom Dr. Wise describes as " a contented people," affect to laugh at it. The belief in their impurity is carried to such a length that the Jugs has peculiar difficulties in having his children educated, as no other boy -mil live with his son, who is consequently obliged to hire lodgings for himself and engage servants of his own. If men of this caste enter the house of any of the clean castes, all cooked food, and any drinking-water in the room, are regarded as polluted and are thrown away. In spite of this the barber and washerman who serve the Sudras work also for them. Jugis them selves, moreover, are not free from intolerance, but they can hardly tie blamed for this in a society where a nice sense of ceremonial impurity in other people is a faculty essential to social advancement. They will, for example, eat food cooked by a Srotriya Brahman, but not that prepared by any Barna Brahman, or by a Siidra, however pure. The Sannydsi Jugs eats with the weaving Jugs, but a Bairagi will only touch food given by the Adhikari. Further more, the Ekadasi Jugs will eat with the Sannyasi if he is a Brahman observing the sraddha on the eleventh day. Until the last few years the Bengali Jugis were all weavers, _ but now the cloth (dhoti and gamcha) manu- factured by them is gradually being displaced by English piece-goods, and the Jugs finds it difficult to earn a livelihood by weaving. The Jugi uses a much more cumbrous loom than either the Tdntf or Julaha, but employs the same comb, or shdnah, while his shuttle (nali) is peculiar to himself. The women are as expert weavers as the men, the preparation of the warp being exclusively done by them. The following table shows the number and distribution of Jugis in 1872 and 1881 :— District. 1872. 1881. District. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum ... Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Khulna Jessore Murshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye ... Rangpur Bogra Pabna ... Darjibng Jalpigori Knch Behar ... Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh ... Tipperah 7,461 439 2,982 4,576 ] 8,060 20,903 15,368 18,931 5,855 7,741 8,881 6,819 4,689 11,738 100 813 5,364 795 2,272 6,889 f 2,808 (. 4,284 12,966 12,374 11,085 18,211 5,240 5,844 2,527 4,707 8,650 1,262 209 2,111 4,431 17,080 6,312 21,615 44,601 56,848 Chittagong Noakhali Hill Tracts Patna Gya Shahabad Tirhut. i Mozuflerpur ... nmut Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States 82,314 33,038 6,016 5,481 2,914 } 7,642 2,143 2,441 726 1,491 6,507 27,351 37,879 11 1,449 2,059 2,167 s 616 I 1,115 1,047 494 363 1,623 2,098 779 1,889 5,861 1,167 1,403 1,606 1,553 999 285 2,069 815 16,410 1,698 28,198 39,844 66,812 3,493 14,514 4,728 6,422 6,483 2,067 8,718 1,015 2,667 893

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

JUGIDIA. 361 JYOTISHI. J ugidi&, a sub-caste of Dhobas in Noakhali. Juthibariar, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. J ugi Much i or Kord, a sub caste of Muchis in Bengal. Jutiwala, a dealer in boots and shoes. These articles are made by the Chamar and Rishi, and sold by all Sudras, and even by degraded Brahmans. The bulk of the trade, however, is in the hauds of Mahomedans. The business is reckoned highly respectable, and in Eastern Bengal the Mahomedan jutiwalas are strict Farazis, never opening their shops or selling a pair of shoes on a Friday. Juldhd, a synonym for Jolha. Jungi, a synonym for Jugi. Jurha, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Juruar, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Jurvaunt, a section of Awa dhia Hajjams in Behar. Jutaut-Bind, a sub-caste of Binds in Eastern Bengal. Jyotishi, Josi, an astronomer or astrologer. In Bengal the term usually denotes the Achdrji Brahman who prepares horo- Juthasankhwar, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. scopes.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

362 EA.BIEAJ. KABAI. K Kabai, a section of Majraut Godlds in Behar. Kabi-bhusan, a title or popu lar designation of Baidyas practising medicine, used by themselves. Kabar, a section of Rautias in Chota Nagpur. Kabi-lndra, a title or popular designation of Baidyas practis ing medicine, used by them selves. Kabdri, a synonym for Kunjrd in Behar. Kabar Tantwa, a sub-caste of Tantwas or weavers in Behar. Kabi-ballabh, a title or popular designation of Baidyas practising medicine, used by themselves. Kabiji, a title of Bhats. Kabirdj, Kabi, a physician, a synonym for Baidya. Kabi raj, a medical practitioner according to the Hindu system. The most respected among them, says Dr. Wise, are generally Baidyas. Kabirajs usually assume bombastic titles, such as Kabi-ratna, Kabi ranjan, Kabi-chandra, Kabi-lndra, Kabi-bhiishana, Kabi-ballabha, and Baidya-nidhi ; but the popular nickname for all doctors is Nari-tepa, or pulse-feeler. Uneducated practitioners and quacks are known as Hdthuria,1 or meddlesome fellows, from hdth, the hand ; while a still more objectionable and dangerous character is the TaTiqa Kabiraj, who goes about with a list (ta'liq) of prescriptions, selling them at random, and vaunting their virtues in curing all diseases. He is often a plucked student of the Calcutta College, or a young man too poor to prosecute his studies until qualified for graduation. Formerly medicine was taught in pathsalas, or schools, the most famous being those of Bikrampur and Kanchrapara, on the Hughli ; but at the present day each practitioner of any reputation has a toi, or class, of pupils to whom he translates and expounds the Sastras, if the youths understand Sanskrit, but if they do not he merely lectures on the principles and practice of Hindu medicine. A class generally consists of from ten to twelve young men of various Siidra castes, and it is computed that about 12 per cent, of the Dacca Kabirajs are sufficiently versed in Sanskrit to interpret it. The two principal text-books of the Bengal physicians are the Madhava Nidana, or commentary on the Ayur-veda, and the Chakra-vani. The former, written by a celebrated doctor, Madhava- Kara, chiefly treats of the diagnosis of diseases, while the latter, named after the writer, who was physician and steward of the court of Gaur, is a later and less valued work. Each Kabiraj has a particular master and system, but the greatest teacher, Dhanvantari, the physician of the gods, is obeyed by all. In the Brahma- 1 Buchanan, iii, 112, derives this sobriquet from hat, a market.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

363 KABIEAJ. Vaivartta Purana the names of fifteen great physicians are pre served, but only the following are invoked by the modern doctor, namely : — Dhanwantari. Divodasa. Kasi Raja. Nakula. Sahadeva. The first three are often identified with one person ; the fourth and fifth are the twin sons of Surya, the physicians of Svarga, or heaven. On all occasions of anxiety Mahadeva, or Vaidyanatha, " lord of physicians," is also addressed in prayer. The chief causes of the stagnation of Hindu medicine, which has lasted from prehistoric times, appear to be the discontinuance of the study of anatomy ; the belief that the medical Sastras, being of divine origin, are infallible; and the selfishness of successive generations of physicians in concealing the results of their experience and observation. Kabirajs of the present day often blindly follow the teaching of the Ayur-veda, notwithstanding the opinion that the habits and constitution of the human race and the prevailing type of diseases, have altered since the archaic days of their teachers. The candid physician confesses that his brethren have not the magnanimity to divulge the merits of a drug which chance or experience has taught them to value ; and although it is revealed to a son or favourite pupil, the secret is kept from the profession at large, and consequently is often lost at the death of the discoverer. The real Baidya always dispenses his owm prescriptions ; but as this consumes much time and necessitates his limiting the number of his patients, apprentices are employed in pounding and triturating drugs, while the minute subdivision into powders is done by himself in a private recess of the house. Before beginning his work, the Baidya observes a custom, peculiar to physicians of his caste, namely, the worship of Vaidya-natha, after which the medicine is divided into four parts, one being offered to the Elements, a second to a Brahman, a third being retained by the physician, and a fourth sent to the patient. As a rule drugs are procured from the shop of the Gandh a-banik, or Pansari, but in olden days the physician had to go himself to the forest and collect whatever herb he wanted. Consultations are usually held in difficult cases, but the physi cian who can quote the Sastras most fluently and interminably is too often deemed the most learned and skilful doctor. Although the Sastras declare that physic given by the hands of a Baidya has an intrinsic virtue not possessed when it is administered by any other caste, the populace have no such conviction, and as soon as the treatment of a Baidya fails the patient has no hesitation in placing himself under any other doctor, whatever his caste or colour, who has acquired the reputation of curing his particular ailment. The present state of Hindu medicine in Bengal is sketched in the following particulars, obtained from the Kabirajs themselves. Kabirajs believe that the human race has degenerated, and that the constitutions of the present generation have changed, and they cite as an instance the type of fever now prevalent, which is more

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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364 KABIEAJ. acute and less tractable than the fevers described in the Sastras. In these works it is enjoined that for seven days no medicines are to be given to a patient, and that he is to fast, or only take liquid food; but now, as soon as a diagnosis is formed, and a propitious hour found, the first dose is given. The examination of the pulse is regarded of primary importance, and many doctors are credited with being able to distinguish a disease by its character. The inspection of the urine is not considered, as it is by the Hakim, of much value, for should a drop touch the physician he becomes unclean, and must at once bathe. When it is inspected the sample is always mixed with mustard oil, and the density of the water estimated by the buoyancy of the oil. Venesection is never performed at the present day, as the type of the ordinary diseases contra-indicates its use ; but cupping or leeches are occasionally ordered. In apoplexy and some forms of hysteria the actual cautery is still employed, and the potential cautery (kshara) is used for destroying piles, and, in a fine state of division, is made into an embrocation and applied over the enlarged spleen and liver. In the Sastras enemata are recommended, but, whether owing to the clumsy syringes employed, or to the strange aversion of all Eastern nations to their use, Hindu physicians ceased to order them. Kabirajs, however, are beginning to follow the example of EngUsh doctors, but much latent opposition is encountered. Hindu physicians have arrived at the following conclusions regarding the most valued European drugs. Quinine, in extensive use throughout Bengal, is popularly regarded as a heating remedy, and as causing, when injudiciously used, the fever to take a perma nent hold, or to return after a short interval. The masses further believe that it drives the fever into the bones, and that if once taken it prevents all other febrifuges from being of the slightest benefit. As a tonic, however, during convalescence from fever, it is admitted by all to be invaluable and unequalled. In extreme cases of fever, after violent delirium has set in, a pill containing a small quantity of cobra poison (bish bari), mixed with other ingredients is administered by the Kabiraj. When a man is at the point of death and all other medicines have been tried, bits of all the other pills are pounded together and mixed with honey or juice of the betel leaf and given as the last resource. With educated practitioners the use of mercury has quite gone out of fashion, and iodide of potassium taken its place; but the victims of its abuse are still lamentably common, and scarcely a hospital in Bengal is ever without several poor creatures perma nently maimed or disfigured by it. English or American sarsaparilla is not much esteemed, as a pat or pdchan of from nine to sixty ingredients is considered a better alterative. The patient being given twenty-one powders, made of a jumble of herbs, takes one daily and boils it in a seer of water until only a quarter remains ; then straining and putting aside the sediment, he drinks the decoction. After the twenty-one days have expired, all the sediments are taken, reboiled, and the decoc tion drunk for eleven days longer. Finally, the sediment is put

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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365 KABIEAJ. into boiling water, and with it the patient takes a vapour bath (bhapra). Cod-liver oil is considered inferior as a nutrient tonic to divers pills and powders prepared by Kabirajs, and in consumption an oil, called sdrchandanadi, made of til oil and numerous herbs, is pronounced more beneficial. Chicken broth, prohibited in health, is often prescribed in linger ing diseases, while the good effects of port wine and brandy in the treatment of low types of fever are acknowledged. Pills prepared at English druggists are objected to, as the magnesia sprinkled over them interferes, it is thought, with the action of the medicine : consequently the Hindu pills, rolled with the fingers and mixed with honey or tbe juice of the bela, or pan leaf, are preferred. Such are the condition and opinions of the better class of native physicians, but the description would be incomplete if it omitted all allusion to the uneducated practitioner met with in every village of Bengal, who secures an extensive, and by no means unprofitable, practice among classes unable to pay for better medical advice. He is often a superannuated barber, or fisherman, who has obtained from some strolling " bairagi " or " faqir " a recipe to cure all diseases. There is perhaps no single complaint which so often awakens the inventive faculty of such men as enlargement of the spleen, and he who acquires notoriety as the possessor of a remedy is courted by all classes. A very nutritious diet of milk, fish, and vegetables is always ordered by these shrewd observers, and is generally assigned by sceptics as the explanation of cures which they undoubtedly some times effect. An amateur doctor, residing in the outskrits of Dacca, earned a lasting reputation by using a vesicatory made with the root of the " Kala-chitra," and applied over the spleen. He, however, assigned much of its efficacy to a secret invocation, addressed, in the act of applying the paste, to Lakshi Narayana. The Hindu, moreover, relies as much on the virtues of a cup of water over which a mantra has been mumbled as any Muhammadan peasant, and the water of the Ganges, water taken from a tidal river at the turn of the tide, or water in which the Gosain has bathed, have each their crowd of admirers. In Bengal, as in ancient Egypt and Greece, certain shrines are still celebrated for the cure of intractable diseases. The most famous are those of Tarakesvara, in Hughli, sacred to Mahadeva ; of Vaidyanatha, in the Santal Parganas ; and of Gondalpara, in Hughli, famous in cases of hydrophobia. The device followed at the last place is for the bitten person, after fasting, to defray the expense of a special service, aud to receive a piece of red broadcloth (Sultani banat), impregnated with the snuff of a lamp wick and secreted in the heart of a plantain called kath ali kaid. As long as this charm is preserved, and the patient abstains from eating this variety of plantain, the effects of the bite are warded off. Another plan is for the patient to take a secret medicine, probably cantharides, pounded with 21 pepper-corns, before the 21st day. The effect of

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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KACHHGOT. 366 EABIKAJ. this is to make the patient pass urine and mucus— the latter, believed to be kukur ka bacha, ' the dog's whelp,' leading to cure. Kabir (1488-1512), who taught a monotheistic and tolerant form of Vaishnavism. Kabiraj, a title of the head men of the Dom caste in Behar, who have under them servants called Chharidars to execute or communicate their orders. Kablear, a section of Kayasths in Behar. Kabra, a section of Mahesris. Kabiranjan, a title or popular designation of Baidyas practising medicine, used by themselves. Kach, tortoise, a totemistio sept of Bhuiyas in Chota Nag pur. Kabi-ratna, a title or popular designation of Baidyas practising medicine, used by themselves. Kach , crab, a totemistic section of the Paripdl sub-caste of Sunris in Manbhum. Kabirdas, Kabirpanthi, Kabri, a follower of the religious reformer Kachaisa, a sub-caste of Kur mis in Behar. HiadiarU:, a small caste of Eastern Bengal, who claim to be an offshoot of the Kayasths, and tell the following story to explain the separation : — A rich and aspiring Kayasth determined on celebrating the worship of Kali in his own house, contrary to the wishes of his brethren, and performed the ceremony, but was punished by being excommunicated. This is a most improbable story, as the Kacharu caste is dispersed throughout Eastern Bengal, being very numerous at Madaripur in Faridpur, and it has a Purohit of its own. The Sudra barber and washerman work for them, although their water vessels are unclean. It is far more probable that, if they ever were Kayasths, which is unlikely, they were expelled, like the Chhota bhagiya Tantis, for adopting a new trade. The caste has three gotras — Alim an, Kasyapa, and Parasara. Their patronymics are Datta, Das, and De. The principal festival kept is in honour of Viswa-Karma in Bhadra (August-September). In Dacca the Kacharu are gradually relinquishing their caste trade, the manufacture of lac bracelets (kdcha), in which Muham madans also engage, and are acting as traders, grocers, and shop keepers. Kacha Si mar, a mul or section of the Satmulia or Kishnaut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Kachgawai, a section of the Amashta sub-caste of Kayasths in Behar. Kachchhap (the tortoise), a to temistic section of Bagdis, Bhars and Mais in Western Bengal. Kach Gotra, a section of the Banwar sub-caste of Baniyas in Behar. Kachchhua, a section of Cheros in Chota Nagpur. Kachhati, a gain of the Bha radwaja gotra of Bdrendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kachera, a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Kachhgot, a totemistic seotion of Nunias in Behar.

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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367 KADAE. KACHHEA. Gonds, Ghasis, Oraons, Mun das, Turis, Tantis, Telis, and of Doms in Chota Nagpur ; a sub-sept of the Kisku sept of Santdls, Asuras, Binjhias, Goalas, Bedias, Bhuiyas, Chamars, and Kharwars in Chota Nagpur ; also of Khandaits in Orissa, and of Kdmdrs in Singbhum and the Santal Parganas. Kach h rai a section of the Karan sub-caste of Kayasths in Behar. Kachhriya, a sept of the Rautar sub-tribe of Tharus in Behar. Kachiari, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Kachim, tortoise, a totemistic section of Kumhdrs in the Santal Parganas ; a section of Telis in Bengal. Kachui, a sept of the Tung jainya sub-tribe of Chakmas in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kachwa, a tortoise ; the totem of a section of Oraon-Dhangars settled for several generations in Behar ; a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kachi mar, a section of Kur mis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Kach naria, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kachwaha, a sept of the Suryabansi sub-tribe of Rajputs in Behar. Kach oar, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kada, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kachra-Mech, a sub-tribe of Meches in the Darjiling Terai. Kadachasi, a title of Kaibart tas in Bengal. Kachu, a title of Bangaja Kayasths in Bengal. Kadal, a gain of the Sdndilya gotra of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kach ua, Kach h ua, or Kachchh , tortoise, a section of Kanaujia Halwais in Behar. The use of the word to distinguish an exogamous group may perhaps be regarded as a survival of totemism ; a gotra or section of Hindu Jolahas and Goalas in Behar. A sept or section of Chiks, Lohars, Goraits, Kadam, nauclea grandifolia, a totemistic section of Khan daits in Orissa. Kadar, a sub-caste of Ka dars. Ulaftar, Bhuiyd, a non- Aryan caste of cultivators, fishermen, and day-labourers in Bhagalpur and the Santal Parganas, probably a degraded offshoot from the Bhuiya tribe. They are divided into two sub-castes — Kadar and Naiya — the latter of which may possibly have been developed from among the priests of the forest gods, who are usually called Laya or Naya in Western Bengal. There is also a separate caste bearing the name Naiya, the members of which disown all connexion with the Kadar. The sections of the Kadar are shown in Appendix I. Among them we find Rikhiasan, the characteristic eponym of the Musahars and the Northern Bhuiyas. Most of the others have names familiar as titles

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

368 KADAE of the lower castes in Behar. These have become exogamous groups among the Kddars, while at the same time the system has been greatly complicated by the fact that owing to supposed differences of descent and social standing some of the groups only intermarry with certain other groups. In all cases the rule of exogamy is one-sided, and alliances with near relatives not excluded by that rule are barred by the standard formula mamerd, chacherd, etc., calculated in the descending line to seven generations on the father's side and three on that of the mother. The conclusion suggested by a careful examination of the list is that the Kadar caste was originally a branch of the Bhuiyas, but has since been recruited from other sources. The vagueness of the word Bhuiya would obviously rather lend itself to this process. Whatever may be the origin of the Kddars, they are certainly a group of considerable antiquity, for they are referred to in the account of the origin of the human race communicated to Lieutenant Shaw by the Mal Paharias in 1798. Kddars marry their daughters as infants or as adults, according . to their means, the former practice being deemed the more respectable. Their marriage ceremony is of the type common among low-caste Hindus, sindurddn being the binding portion. The village barber officiates as priest. Polygamy is allowed in tbe sense that a man may take a second wife if he has no children by his first wife. Widows may marry again by the sagai form, and are subject to no restrictions in their choice of a second husband except those arising from the prohibited degrees. The ceremony consists simply of the application of vermilion to the woman's forehead in the presence of her relatives. It deserves notice that the Kadar custom requires a sagai marriage to be performed in the open air, and will not permit it to take place within the house, thus reversing the ordinary practice under which the marriage of a virgin is celebrated in the courtyard, while the less reputable sagai ritual is relegated to the women's apartments at the back of the house. Divorce is freely permitted, and divorced women may marry again. Special interest attaches to the religion of the Kadar as represent- ing a comparatively early stage in the process e lgion. o£ conYersion to Brahmanism, which the abori- ginal races of Bengal are now undergoing. The real working religion of the caste is in fact pure animism of the type which still survives, comparatively untouched by Hindu influences, among the Santals, Mundas, and Oraons of Chota Nagpur. Like these, the Kadars believe themselves to be compassed about by a host of invisible powers, 6ome of whom are thought to be the spirits of departed ancestors, while others seem to embody nothing more definite than the vague sense of the mysterious and uncanny with which hills, streams, and lonely forests inspire the savage imagination. Of these shadowy forms no images are made, nor are they con- ceived of as wearing any bodily shape. A roughly- moulded lump of clay set up in an open shed, a queer-shaped stone bedaubed with vermilion, — this is all the visible presentment that does duty for a god. Their names are legion, and their attributes barely

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369 KADAE. known. No one can say precisely what functions are allotted to Kdru Ddno, Hardiya Dano, Simra Dano, Pabar Dano, Mohandua, Lilu, Pardona, and the rest. But so much is certain that to neglect their worship brings disasters upon the offender, death or disease in his household, murrain among his cattle, and Wight on his crops. In order to avert these ills, but, so far as I can gather, without the hope of gaining any positive benefit from gods who are active only to do evil, the Kadar sacrifices pigs, fowls, goats, pigeons, and offers ghi, molasses, and heads of Indian corn in the sama or sacred grove where his deities are believed to dwell. The priest is a man of the caste who combines these sacred functions with those of barber to the Kddars of the village and neighbourhood. The offerings are eaten by the worshippers. For all this the Kddars, if questioned about their religion, -will reply that they are Hindus, and will talk vaguely about Parameswar, Mahadeo, and Vishnu, as if they lived in the very odour of orthodoxy instead of being, as in fact they are, wholly outside of the Brahmanical system. To talk about the Hindu gods is usually the first step towards that insensible adoption of the externals of Hinduism which takes the place of the formal and open conversion which sterner and less adaptive creeds demand. The next thing is to set up Brahmans whose influ ence, furthered by a variety of social forces, gradually deposes the tribal gods, transforms them into orthodox shapes, and gives them places iu the regular Pantheon as local manifestations of this or that well-known principle, or relegates them to a decent and inoffensive obscurity as household or village deities. Last of all, if the tribe is an influential one. and its leading men hold land, they give themselves brevet rank as Rajputs. Kddars burn their dead and bury the ashes at tbe place of , . • cremation on the second day after death. On Disposal of the dead. ,, ,, ■ , ,, -, ___ js •*_•!_ • r, the thirteenth day a sort oi propitiatory sacrifice is performed, which is repeated after an interval of six months. No periodical offerings are made for the benefit of ancestors in general. The social rank of the caste is very low if judged by the current _ . , , standard of food. Doms and Haris are the bocial status. i , -, • ■>, , . ... . -, only people who will take either food or water from the hands of a Kadar, and though he himself will eat with Knhars and Bhuiyas, neither of these will return the compliment. Kddars eat beef, pork, fowls, and field-rats, and indulge freely in strong drink. Concerning beef the Kddars, on whose statements this article is mainly based, were careful to explain that they only ate the flesh of cattle that had died a natural death. This they said with reference to the popular belief that Kddars kill and eat cattle while grazing in the jungle. Most of the caste are agricultural day-labourers, and comparatively few have got land of their own or acquired occupancy rights. cupa Fishing and wood-cutting are their other occupations. On certain occasions they worship the axe and sickle as symbols of their craft. In 1872 there were 7,120 Kddars in Bhagalpur, while in 1881 they numbered in Gya 13, Darbhanga 4, Sarau 5, Bhagalpur 11,470, aud Santal Parganas 6,952. 2 A

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

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Calcutta

370 EA.HAE. KADAEAI. Kadarai, Kadare, a section of Babhans in Behar. Kaethoar, curry vegetable, a totemistic sept of Lohar3. Kaghazi, a paper-maker, an occupation carried on exclusively by Mahomedans. Kadayan, Kadian, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kahdl, a synonym for Kahar. Kdet, a synonym for Kahar, a sub-caste of Tantis in Behar. Kayasth. |llakax, a large cultivating and palanquin-bearing caste of . Behar, many of whose members are employed as domestic servants by Natives and Euro peans. The Brahmanical genealogists represent the Kahar as a mixed caste descended from a Brahman father and a Nishada or Chandal mother ; but it seems more likely that they are a remnant of one of the primitive races who occupied the valley of the Ganges before the incursion of the Aryans. In one sense, indeed, the Kahars may perhaps be regarded as a mixed caste, since their ranks have probably been recruited by members of other castes who adopted the same profession, while their employment as domestic servants in high-caste families may well have led to some infusion of Aryan blood. Like the Bauris and Bagdis of Bengal, they admit into their community Brahmans, Rajputs, Kayasths, and Kurmis and children of Kahar women by men of those castes on condition of performing certain religious ceremonies and giving a feast to the heads of the caste. Instances of men born in a higher caste applying for enrolment as Kahars are probably rare, and occur only when the applicant has been turned out of his own caste for an intrigue with a Kahar woman. Still the mere existence of the rule seems to show that such things do happen sometimes ; and in any case tbe admission of the children of Kahar women by men of the higher castes must have had some effect on the type. The physical appearance of the caste rather bears out the view that they are of mixed descent. Their features often approach the Aryan type, but they generally have darker complexions than are met with among the higher castes. Mr. Nesfield renders the name Kahar as ' water-carrier,'1 and considers the caste to be sprung from fishing tribes, such as the Gondh, the Turaha or Dhuxia, and the Dhimar. He adds that Kahar is ambiguous as a caste designation, and is given specifically " to that caste which has entirely, and for many generations continuously, withdrawn from the occupation of fishing, boating, etc., and which now exclusively devotes itself to domestic service." Another, and I think more plausible, explanation is given by Sir Graves Haughton (Bengali-Sanskrit Dictionary, s.v. Kahar) , who suggests that the word may be a corruption of kandh + bhar, meaning a man who bears burdens on the shoulder. Kahars themselves claim descent from Jarasandha, king of Magadha, and tell an absurd story to account for their name. 1 Lassen says (see bis remarks quoted in article Kewatj that Ea is seldom used in this sense.

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

371 KAHAE, Bhagawdn, it is said, had a beautiful garden on the Giriyak hill near Rdjgir, in Gya, which in a year of unusual drought was nearly des troyed. He therefore promised the hand of his daughter and half his kingdom to any one who should water the garden plentifully with Ganges water in a single night. Chandrawat, the chief of the Kahars, undertook the task. He built the long embankment called the Asurabdndh to bring the waters of the Bawan Gangd to the foot of the hill, and from the reservoir thus formed his tribesmen watered the garden with a series of swing lifts (chdnr). When Bhagawdn saw the work was done, he repented of his promise to give his daughter to a man of low degree, and caused the cock to crow before dawn, at the same time taunting the Kahars with having failed in their undertaking. Deceived by this ruse, and fearing that Bhagawdn would slay them for attempting to win his daughter for their chief, the Kahars fled in haste, and when morning broke not a man was there to claim fulfilment of the promise. Their flight was so hurried that they carried with them the implements used for watering the garden. Those who took the bamboos were called Kahars, those who took the ropes were called Magahiyd Brahmans, while two other classes got the names of Dhanuk and Raj war, for some reason which the story does not disclose. It is added that Bhagawan afterwards took pity on the Kahars to the extent of paying them three and a half 6eers of food-grain (anas) per man, and this or its money value is the proper wage of a Kahar to this day. The following sub-castes of Kahars are found in Behar : — Rawani or Ramani, Dhuria, Dhimar, Internal structure. .,. ,,—.,, , Ali Kharwara, Turha, Jaswar, Garhuk or Garauwa, Bisaria, and Magahiya. The origin of these groups is obscure, and the distinctions between them seem to be very imperfectly understood. Some say that in former days there were no sub-castes at all, and that the entire caste had its head quarters at Ramanpur, near Gya. The chief, however, married two wives, who quarrelled so violently that he was compelled to remove one of them to Jaspur. Her descendants formed the Jaswar sub-caste, while the members of the family who remained at Ramanpur were known as Ramdnis or Rawdnis. The Dhuria are boatmen and fishermen, and also collect the singhdrd or water chestnut (Trapa Bispinosa, Roxb.) The Dhimar carry palanquins, catch fish, make nets, and are employed as field-labourers and coolies. The Kharwara say they came from Khairdgarh, and may possibly be Kharwars who have taken to carrying palanquins. The Turha believe dealing in fish and vegetables to be their original occupation, but they cultivate and carry palanquins hke the other sub-castes. Among tbe Rawani Kahars of the Santdl Parganas we find the totemistic sections Nag and Kasyapa, while the same sub-caste in Behar have a local section, called Rawanpur. For the most part, however, the caste appears to have lost its sections, and marriage is regulated by the standard formula for reckoning prohibited degrees calculated to seven generations in the descending Hne. Some, however, say that the prohibition extends as far as any relationship can be 2 a 2

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

372 KAHAE. traced. Girls are usually married in infancy, but this is not absolutely indispensable, and no disgrace attaches to a family which is unable on account of poverty to get its daughters married before the age of puberty. The marriage ceremony is of the standard type, and appears not to differ materially from that described by Mr. Grierson in Behar Peasant Life. Polygamy is allowed, but the number of wives a man may have is limited to three. A widow may marry again by the sagai form, and is not compelled to marry her deceased husband's younger brother, though it is considered very proper for her to do so. When a widow marries an outsider, he is expected to pay a bride-price of Rs. 2 to her relatives and a fee of Re. 1 to the headman of the caste. Divorce is permitted on the ground of adultery with the sanction of the panchayat, and divorced wives may marry again. If a woman is convicted of an intrigue with a man of a lower caste, who would not be eligible for admis sion into the Kahar community, she is at once excommunicated. But if her paramour is a Brahman, Rajput, Kayasth, or Kurmi, the offence may be condoned by giving a feast to the panchayat. This is a strong and well organised body, on which every head of a family is bound to serve when summoned. It is presided over by a sarddr, whose office is hereditary. Under him, again, is a chhariddr or staff-bearer, charged with the duty of calling the panchayat together and seeing its orders carried out. So far as the worship of the greater gods is concerned, the religion of the Kahars is much the same as that of other castes of similar social stand ing. Most of them are worshippers of Siva or the Saktis, and the proportion of Vaishnavas among them is very small. Members of the Rawani sub-caste observe a peculiar worship in honour of GaDesa on the seventh day of the waxing moon of Kartik (October- November), when, accompanied by Brahmans, they proceed to a wood and make offerings of vegetables, fruits, and sweetmeats under an amid tree (Phyllanthus emblica), but never sacrifice any animal. A feast is then given to the Brahmans, after which the Kabdrs dine and drink spirits to excess. The entertainmeut of Brahmans on this day is accounted as meritorious as the gift of five cows on any other ocoasion. In addition to Dak, Kartd, Bandi, Goraiya, Dharam Raj, Sokha, Sambhunath, and Ram Thakur, whose worship is common throughout Behar, the oaste pay special reverence to a deified Kahar called Ddmubir, before whose effigy, rudely daubed in red and black paint, goats are sacrificed and betel leaves, sweetmeats, and various kinds of cakes offered at marriages, during harvest time and when illness or disaster threatens tbe household. As a rule these rites are performed only by the members of the family, who share the offerings among themselves. In Bhagalpur, however, the Maithil or Kanaujia Brahmans, who serve the caste as priests of the greater gods, are called iu to saorifice to Damubir, and receive half of the offerings as their perquisite. Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays are the days set apart for the worship of Damubir. Throughout Behar the status of the Brahmans who work for Kahars as priests appears to be a comparatively

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

373 KAHAE, degraded one, and they are not received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order. The guru of the caste is often a Bairagi or Nanak-shahi ascetic. Kahars burn their dead and perform the ceremony of sraddh on the thirty-first day after death. The ashes are buried near the burning place under a small platform of mud, on the top of which a tulsi tree is planted. Agriculture, palanquin-bearing, and service in the houses of the 0c .. higher castes, are the chief occupations of Kahars at the present day. Mr. Nesfield, who regards the Kahar as an offshoot from one of the fishing castes, lays stress on the fact that " his primary function is that of drawing and bringing water for the bath or the table, and this has led to his being employed for various other uses, such as taking care of clothes, dusting the rooms, kneading the chapati preparatory to cooking it, carrying the palanquin, etc." It is, however, equally probable that the functions of the caste were developed in an order the reverse of that laid down by Mr. Nesfield. People who were qualified to perform the respectable duty of bringing driu king-water to men of the higher castes would hardly take to the comparatively menial occupation of carrying palanquins. Moreover, the fishing castes have always been regarded as specially unclean, and on the face of things would be the last people chosen for a duty so closely bound up with the caste system as that of giving water to their betters. Ou the other hand, when the members of a particular caste had once been established as palanquin-bearers, their employers would always be tempted on the ground of mere convenience to promote them to the higher duties of personal service. The faot of a man being on a journey has always been recognised as a ground for relaxing the strict letter of the rules regarding food and drink, and it would often happen that while travelling a man would have no one but bis Kahars to look after his personal wants. I have even heard it alleged against some of the landholders iu Chota Nagpur, where proper Kahars are scarce, that they had manufactured (bundyd) Kahars out of Bhuiyas, Raj wars, and the like in consequence of the trouble they were put to by having to travel with men from whose hands they could not take water without losing caste. Kahars engaged in personal service consider themselves superior _ . to those who merely carry pilanquins or till Social status. ,-, ., ,, j i_ ■ 1 *■_ • j • l the soil, and. demand a higher bride-price when they give their daughters to them in marriage. Cultivating Kahars are rarely found occupying any higher position than that of occu pancy raiyats, while many of them are landless day-labourers paid in cash or kind. Socially the caste ranks with Kurmis and Goalas, and Brahmans will take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats from their hands. Traces of their lowly origin may perhaps be discerned in the faot that many of them will eat fowls and even field-rats, and all except the Bhakat or ascetic members of the caste indulge freeiy in strong drink. Mr. Sherring says that some of them eat pork, but this does not appear to be the case in Behar or Chota Nagpur. In spite of this comparative laxity of diet, they observe some curious

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

374 KAHAE, prohibitions of their own. Thus a Kahar engaged in personal service with a Brahman, Rajput, Babhan, Kayasth, or Agarwdl, will only eat his master's leavings so long as he is himself unmarried. They are also particular to explain that their women may not wear nose-rings or have their foreheads tattooed. It was stated in the first paragraph of this article that the ' Members of the caste Kahfrs are properly a Behar caste A certain domiciled in Bengal pro- number ot them, however, regularly seek em- Per* ployment outside beyond that province, and some of them become regularly domiciled. The following particulars regarding these outlying branches of the caste are taken from Dr. Wise's notes : — The Kahar, being the most docile and industrious of workmen, is in much request throughout Bengal, and of late years he has been in great demand as a coolie for the tea gardens of Assam, Kachar, and Chittagong. A few also come yearly from Chaprah, being employed in the city of Dacca as coolies, porters, and domestic servants ; but they always return home as soon as a little money has been saved. Kahars domiciled in Bengal, and known as Doliya, are pro scribed by their Hindustani brethren, because, having ceased to observe the peculiar customs of the caste, they have adopted those of the despised Bengali Sudras. The Doliya are met with along the old post road between Dacca and Calcutta, and at Mansurdbad, on the Padma river, twenty-five houses are occupied by them, while in Faridpur still larger settlements occur. Palanquin travelling being no longer the custom in the country, the Doliyas have become cultivators, domestic servants, and palanquin-bearers in cities. The Rawani Kahar is an eager and indefatigable sportsman, but the Doliya is content to catch fish in traps, and has given up hunting and snaring game. In one respect the Doliya is unchanged. Spirit drinking is to him, as to the Rawani Kahar, the summum bonum of life, but he rejects pork, which is still a favourite article of food with his Hindustdni kinsmen. The Doliyas, rejected by the Kahars and by the Bengali Sudras, have a Brahman of their own, and all belong to a gotra called Aliman. The majority are Saiva worshippers, but a few are Vaishnavas. In Bengal the Hindi name, Mahard, is applied to any palan quin-bearers not Kahars, and in Dacca bearers either belong to the Mitra Seni subdivision of the Bhuinmdli caste or to the Kdndho branch of the Chandal. A few Muhammadan palanquin-bearers, called Doli-wdlas or Sawdri-wdlas, may occasionally be picked up, but their numbers are yearly diminishing. Last century the title Kahar was at Patna the distinctive appellation of a Hindu slave, as Mauldzadah was of a Muhammadan ; and the tradition in 1774 was that the Kahar slavery took its rise when the Muhammadans first invaded Northern India. ' So Bucha nan observes that the Rawdnis have been entirely reduced to slavery ; nor does any one of them pretend to a free birth, but many procure 1 Slavery in India, by James Peggs, p. ti.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KAHAE. 375 KAIBAETTA. their liberty by the inability of their masters to maintain them, and many more are allowed to do as they please for a subsistence. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the Kahars in 1872 and 1881 :— Kahhal, an oculist, a profes sion followed by both Hindus and Mahomedans. In Darbhanga there are schools of ophthalmic surgery, and Hindu oculists from that district travel about Behar in the cold season when opera tions can be most safely under taken. Many oculists belong to the Khatri caste. In Eastern Bengal similar schools exist, but they are in the hands of Maho medans. Kahraur, a sept of theChandra bansi division of Rajputs in Behar. Kah-tsho-bo, a rui or sept of Dejong Lhoris in Darjiling, the members of which are of a low mixed origin. Kahu, crow, a sub-sept of the Besrd sept of Santals. Kaiare, a mul of the Batsya section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Kahinoar, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kaibartta, a sub-caste of Ke wats in Bengal. §latbat'tta, Kaibartta-Dds, Chdsi-Dds, Hdlid-Dds, Pardsar-Dds, Dhivara, Khydn, a large fishing and cultivating caste of Bengal Proper, taking rank below the Nava-sakha, or group of nine castes, from whose hands a Brahman may take water. No serious attempt can be made to trace the origin of the „ .... , . . Kaibartta. The phvsical characters of the caste Traditions of origin. , . l • , , ,, are not marked enough to throw any certain light on their descent, while their exogamous divisions, having been obviously borrowed from the Brahmans, contribute in no way to the solution of the question. All that can be said is that they are one of Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Khulna Jessore Murshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar ... Dacca Faridpur ... Bakarganj Maimansinh ... Tipperah 1,156 124 938 1,198 } 917 10,491 2,583 "is,466 8,416 758 520 707 211 376 49 178 1,744 571 2,873 3,156 s 1,409 I 2,005 2,921 l,52e 1,352 4,707 4,769 3,661 1,209 3,986 864 2,656 964 1,577 187 1,898 3,842 361 4,278 125 1,436 1,910 557 199 217 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Chittagong Noakhali Hill Tracts Patna Gya Shahabad Tirhut sMozufferpur llrnut 1 Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ... 7 1,148 50 71,721 106,788 52,064 J 32,320 81,566 12,529 40,703 22,127 9,758 2,741 12,918 2,063 1,776 86,863 118,644 71,948 f 89,544 I 18,010 66,536 45,628 49,202 31,348 18,117 3,147 16,385 476 8 196 10 86,849 83,188 329 6,880 1,346 24,674 22,720 175 5,329 660

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

376 KAIBAETTA. the characteristic castes of the deltaic districts of Bengal, that the nucleus of the group was probably Dravidian, but that their original cast of feature may have been to some extent refined by a slight infusion of A ryan blood. The type as it stands at present is distinctly an intermediate one, equally removed from the extreme types of Aryan and Dravidian races found in Bengal. There seem to be good grounds for the belief that the Kaibarttas were among the earliest inhabitants of Bengal and occupied a com- manding position. Many centuries ago five separate princedoms — Tamralipta or Tamluk, Balisita, Turka, Sujamuta, and Kutabpur — are said to have been founded by them in the Midnapur district, and it is perhaps not unreasonable to infer from this tradition that that part of the country must have been one of the earliest seats of the tribe. The fact that none of them are now found occupying the position of large landholders is readily accounted for by the extinc- tion of some families and the transformation of others into pseudo- Rajputs. Concerning the etymology of the name Kaibartta there has been considerable difference of opinion. Some derive it from ka, water, and vartta, livelihood ; but Lassen says* that the use of ka in this sense is extremely unusual in early Sanskrit, and that the true derivation is Kivarta, a corruption of Kimrarta, meaning a person following a low or degrading occupation. This, he adds, would be in keeping with the pedigree assigned to the caste in Manu, where the Kaibarta, also known as Margava or Dasa, is said to have been begotten by a Nishada father and an Ayogavi mother, and to subsist by his labour in boats. On the other hand, the Brahma- Vaivartta Purdna gives the Kaibartta a Kshatriya father and a Vaisya mother, a far more distinguished parentage ; for the Ayogavi, being born from a Sudra father and a Vaisya mother, is classed as pratiloma, begotten against the hair, or in the inverse order of the precedence of the castes. In another placet Lassen mentions a story told by an obscure Greek writer, Orthagoras, in his book On Things Indian, how the people of the village Koythos fed their goats upon fish, and goes on to say " seeing that in popular speech the name of the mixed caste Kaibarta, to whom the business of boating and fishing has been allotted, must become Keratta, and the v would drop out in Greek, this village, doubtless situated on the sea or on a river, must have derived its name from the fact that it was inhabited by Kaibartas." Whatever may be thought of this as a speoimen of a kind of conjecture of which Indian antiquarian research furnishes too many examples, the passage seems to deserve quotation partly for the curious and characteristic story which it contnins, and partly for the opinion which it expresses that Kewat and Kaibartta are merely two names for the same tribe, or at any rate for the same occupation. Kaibartta, the Sanskrit or Prakrit form, has been preserved in Bengali, and is still in general use as the name of the caste in question, while the shorter form Kewat has become current in Behar. * Ind. Alt. i, 770. t Ind. Alt. iii, 342.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

377 KAIBAETTA. The simplest explanation of the relation between the Kaibartta and the Kewat appears then to be that both belonged to one and the same tribe, but that the branch which settled in Behar gradually became endogamous and adopted a Hindi name, so that the two groups are now virtually distinct castes and have been so treated in this book. Numerous instances could be cited in which endogamous groups originally formed within the body of an existing caste have in course of time severed their connexion with the parent group and come to be accepted as distinct castes. As is usual in such cases, the two groups stand, or affect to stand, on a different social level, and the group bearing a Sanskritised name arrogates to itself some sort of undefined superiority. In Orissa, on the other hand, the two names are current side by side ; but Kaibartta is used by members of the caste, while only outsiders have the bad taste to talk of Kewats. In the case of the Kewat and Kaibartta several legends have arisen to account for the separation of tho two branches, which deserve notice for the light they throw upon the growth of this sort of folklore. One of these tells how in Benual there was a powerful tribe called Kewat, whom Ballal Sen raised to the grade of pure Sudras, conferring on them the title of Kaibartta in return for their undertaking to abandon their original profession of fishing. The Kanaujia Brahmans, however, refused to officiate for them on their promotion, and the Vydsokta Brahmans were appointed to be their priests. Now these Brahmans are either the descendants of, or, as another story has it, were appointed hy Vyasa, himself the son of a fisher girl, Matsyagandhd, by Pardsara Muni. The Kaibarttas of Bengal claim the same parentage, and allege that at the great assemblage of the castes before Ballal Sen they urged their right, as the descendants of the Muni Vyasa, to be included among the Naba sakha. But Ballal Sen refused to listen to their plea, and allotted them one of the most degraded priests. At the present day the Brahmans who serve the Kaibartta are so generally despised that no clean Sudra will touch anything cooked by them, and in reality they rank beneath the Sudra. A variety of legends are current in the Midnapur district con cerning the origin of the Vydsokta Brahmans, who serve the Kaibart tas as priests. They are said to be descended from Barhu, a sage who composed heterodox Puranas and was cursed by Brahma with the curse that he and his descendants should be priests to men of the Sudra caste. In consequence of this curse the Vydsoktas were told off to serve the Kaibarttas, the children of Bidur, on the banks of the Sarjyu river. Another story tells how the Kaibarttas rendered a great service to Ballal Sen and were told to name their reward. They asked the King to compel the local Brahmans to serve them as priests ; but the Brahmans refused to obey, and the King, in order to keep his promise, vowed that the first man he saw in the morning should be made the Kaibarttas' priest. Next morning early when the King looked out the first man he saw was his own sweeper sweeping out the courtyard. This was not quite what the Kaibarttas meant, but the

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

378 KAIBAETTA. King's vow had to be kept, so the sweeper was invested with the sacred thread and sent to minister to the Kaibarttas. A third legend says that after the Kaibarttas had settled in Midnapur a certain Kaibartta merchant dug a big tank in Pargana Kasijora. To consecrate this tank a Brahman had to be got who could kindle the sacred fire by the breath of his mouth. The Vydsokta were unequal to this feat, but a Dravida Brahman per formed it. His caste brethren expelled him for having served a low caste, and he therefore settled in Midnapur. Like the Kaibarttas themselves, the Kaibartta Brahmans of Midnapur are divided into two sub-castes, Uttar Rarhi and Dakhin Rarhi, the names of which enable them to pose before the ignorant as Barhi Brahmaus. Members of the higher castes, however, who will take water from the hands of the Kaibarttas will not take it from Kaibartta Brahmans, and the Kaibarttas themselves will not eat food cooked by their own Brahmans. The internal divisions of the caste differ in different districts. Thev are shown in tabular form in Appen- Internal structure. ,.*'T n„ j* • • l dix 1. The exogamous divisions have been borrowed from the Brahmans and, as has been observed above, give no clue to the origin of the caste. The endogam ous divisions are based either upon occupation or upon habitat, but these distinctions are not everywhere recognised to the same extent : thus in Central Bengal and Maldah we find the culti vating and fishing groups, variously called Halik and dalik or Chasa and oalwah or Ualiya, clearly differentiated, while in Dacca there is no Chasa or Halwaha division, and the Das Kaibarttas have not yet separated into a distinct caste. In the latter district the Jalwah or fisher Kaibarttas are all members of one gotra, the Aliman, and have the common title of Das, but a few individuals who practise medicine have assumed the title of Baidya. In Hughli there are four sub-castes, two territorial — Uttar-rarhi and Dakhin-rarhi — and two occupational, Jeliya or Mala, who live by fishing, and Tutiya, who rear silkworms. The name of the last group is derived from tut, the mulberry tree, on the leaves of which silkworms are fed. The divisions of the caste in Bakarganj are curious and interest ing, and deserve somewhat fuller examination by reason of the light they throw upon the process by which endogamous classes are formed, and even upon the growth of the caste system itself. There the Kaibarttas are divided into two groups — a cultivating group, known as Halia Das, Parasara Das or ChSsi Kaibartta, and a fishing group, known simply as Kaibartta. Clearly the latter group represents the main body of the caste, while the former comprises those Kaibart tas who have abandoned their original occupation and betaken themselves to the more respectable profession of agriculture. But the separation has not been long enough in force, or has not gained sufficient acceptance to render the two groups completely endogamous. Intermarriage is permitted between them, but is restricted by certain conditions. Girls of the Hdlia-Das class can be given in marriage to Kaibarttas, but if a man of the former class marries a Kaibartta girl,

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

379 KAIBAETTA. his family is deemed to have been guilty of a mesalliance, and descends a step in social estimation. Such marriages frequently take place, but a substantial price is paid by the Kaibartta family for the privi lege of getting a bridegroom from the higher class. Similar relations exist in Jessore between the Hrlo, ploughing, and Mecho or fishing Kaibarttas. Among the Halia Das themselves the following families have the titular rank of Kulin: — Kaid Bay, Halia Balai, Jadab Bay, Bhuban Kuri, Manji, Samadddr, Charmandi Bay, and Majumdar. All the rest are classed as Bangdls. Kulins and Bangdls may intermarry, but the latter must pay to the former a bride or bride groom-price for the honour which an alliance with them confers. The Kaibartta in their turn are divided into Chandradwipi and Bara hazari, the former being the superior group and demanding a premium in case of intermarriage. The following titles denote Kulin families : — Kdwdr, Mandal, Manji, Pdthar and Sikdar, the rest are Bangdls. The subdivisions of the Dakhin-Earhi group — Lalchatai, Ekside, Doside, and Mdkunda — found in Midnapur are of an uncom mon type, and seem to have been originally hypergamous as regards the Lalchatai, the highest of the series. It is explained that they used to have a ' red mat ' to sit on, as a mark of social distinction, at the meetings of the Kaibartta caste. The next two names are based on a marriage custom. The Eksid£, when they go with a wedding procession to fetch the bride, will not eat in her father's house on the wedding night. He therefore sends them a present (side) of food, which they cook and eat in a neighbour's house. The Doside extend this to the night after the wedding, and therefore are described as two-present men. Mdkunda is said to be an eponymous group. They carry their own wedding presents to the bride's house, and they eat cooked food with any Kaibartta, whether he belongs to their class or not. The Halia Das have the following sections : — Alamyan, Kasyap, Bharadwaj, Pardsar, and Ghrita-Kausik, of which only the first two are recognised by Kaibarttas. But in both groups the rule prohibit- ing marriage within the section, though admitted to have been binding in former times, has fallen into disuse of late years. In Orissa, on the other hand, traces of totemism still survive among the caste, and the rule of exogamy is invariably enforced. I may remark here that in regard to the observance of this rule Eastern Bengal presents a remarkable contrast to Western Bengal and Behar. Not only is the number of sections recognised in any particular caste peculiarly small, but the law of sectional exogamy is often disregarded altogether. It may be conjectured that this is due in some measure to the example of the Mahomedans of the eastern districts. Islam knows nothing of exogamy, and enjoins the marriage of first cousins as a peculiarly suitable alliance. The large Mahomedan population of Eastern Bengal, coming of the same race as the Hindus and maintaining close social relations with them, could hardly fail to exercise considerable influence ou their matrimonial arrangements.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

380 KAIBAETTA. Like most orthodox Hindus, the Kaibarttas of Bengal perform the ceremonial marriage of their daughters before they attain puberty, and sometimes when they are only three years old. The girls, however, do not go to live with their husbands until they are fully grown up. Com plaints, indeed, are not uncommon of a girl being kept at home by her people to assist in household work long after the time when she was physically capable of entering upon married life. In the case of males marriage is often delayed by inability to pay the pan or bride-price for a suitable maiden, which runs rather high among respectable Kaibarttas, and may amount to as much as Rs. 200 or Ks. 300. Polygamy is permitted in this sense and to the extent in which it is permitted to orthodox Hindus; but in practice it is very rarely resorted to. Widows may not marry a second husband. Divorce is permitted on the ground of adultery, but divorced wives are not allowed to marry again. The Kaibarttas of Orissa depart in certain material points from the orthodox standard in matters concerning marriage. Infant marriage is allowed to be the more excellent way, and most parents endeavour to follow it ; but no disgrace attaches to the marriage of a girl after puberty. 'Ihe widow is allowed to marry again, and is expected to marry her late husband's younger brother. The ceremony is a simple one. A feast is given to the members of the caste, and a bracelet is put on the right wrist of the bride. Divorce may be effected by a chhadapatra or letter of divorce, written in the presence of the headman and a few of the leading members of the caste. Divorced wives are allowed to marry again. In connection with the recognition of widow-marriage in Orissa, I may mention the tradition current in the Contai subdivision of Midnapur that in the Amli year 1223 a famine occurred in those ports and some widows took to themselves second husbands. The chief Kaibartta Raja is said to have put a stop to tbe practice. Can we argue from this that widow-marriage, still current among the Kaibarttas of Orissa, survived among the Kaibarttas of Bengal down to 1223 ? In religion the Kaibarttas conform to the ceremonial observ- _ .. . ances of Hindus in general. With very few exceptions, the entire caste belongs to the Vaishnava sect, their guru being a Gossain and their purohits pat it or barna Brahmans. The period of mourning in Bengal Proper is thirty days, as is appointed for Sudras ; but in Midnapur this is reduced to fifteen, and in Orissa to ten. The characteristic festival of the caste is the Jdlpdlani, or laying by of the net, which begins on the 1st of Mdgh (January-February). From this date commences a close period, lasting from two and a half to seven days, during which no fishing operations are carried on. On the last day the river Gauges is worshipped, the net being spread on the bank aud smeared with red lead. Offerings are made to the river goddesses, prayers recited by the caste Brahman, and a live kid thrown into the water, which in Eastern Bengal becomes the perqui- site of the Bhuinmali or Bdtni.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

381 KAIBARTTA. So far as I can ascertain, there are no minor gods peculiar to the caste. It is said, however, that Sitald, the departmental goddess of small-pox, and Chandi, a form of Kali, are worshipped with especial devotion in Kaibartta villages. The offerings made to these two goddesses on ordinary occasions consist of rice, sweetmeats, fruits, and small coins. Goats are sacrificed and clothes and ornaments presented in fulfilment of vows made by persous suffering from illness or in recognition of some special stroke of good luck. Neither Sitald nor Chandi have as yet attained to the dignity of having regular temples and images or special pripsts set apart for their service. In Bengal the caste Brahman of the worshipper, in Behar a Chatiya or Bhakat, performs the simple ritual which custom prescribes. A rough block or slab of stone set up under a pipal, banyan, or seorhd1 tree, smeared with red lead and bathed in clarified butter or milk, represents to the mind of the villagers an ill-defined, but formidable power, which must be propitiated at regular intervals on pain of sickness or death. Another gram devatd or village deity of the same type commonly worshipped by Kaibarttas is Bura-Buri, literally old man and old woman, a well-known androgjnous divinity of Eastern Bengal, which is believed to have been adopted hy Hinduism from some more primitive system of belief. The annual festival of Bura-Buri falls on the Paush-Sankranti, or last day of the month of Paush, corresponding to December and January. In the occupation of the cultivating Kaibarttas there is as a rule nothing to distinguish them from other Hindu castes who are engaged in agricultural pursuits. It is said, however, that in former days all Kaibarttas used to allow their bull calves to be castrated. In course of time it came home to them that this practice was abhorrent to all good Hindus, and a few families bound themselves to give it up. Tneir descendants now call themselves Lakhi-Narayan, to denote their zeal in the cause of religion, and Tera-gharid, to keep in remem brance the fact that thirteen families took part in the original resolution. All cultivating Kaibarttas now abstain from the practice in question. Regarding tbe fishing Kaibarttas of Eastern Bengal, Dr. Wise has collected some interesting information. When a man of this class has saved some money his first idea is to give up fishin» aud become a fishmonger (nikdri), using in his leisure hours a cast net, but no other. Kaibarttas generally cultivate a field of hemp for their own use, or, if they hold no land, give an advance to a neigh bour and get a patch planted out. They themselves prepare the fibre; their wives spin it; and in this way nets, ropes, and twine are manufactured. Kaibarttas are the chief curers of fish in Eastern Bengal. They work during November and December, when fish are most abundant and the weather is cool. Early in November a piece of land is leased by the water side, and the fishermen of the neighbourhood are 1 Trophis aspera. The Sanskrit name is sakhota. It is also known as Pisacha-dru, Pisacha-briksha or Bbuta-briksha, the tree of ghosts or goblins.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

382 KAIJST. KAIBAETTA. engaged to bring in large quantities of the small poti or ponti fish. The fish is placed between mats and trodden under foot and then slowly dried in the sun. No salt is used. The product is exported to districts where fish cannot be got in the cold weather. In Maimansinh larger fish are gutted, dried in the sun, and buried in pits. When dug up at the beginning of the rains, it is known as suk/iti, and is exported to Sylhet and Kachar, where it is esteemed a great delicacy. The social status of the Kaibartta is not altogether easy to determine, as the fisher sub-castes would neces- Social status. •-, , -a* ai 1 sanly occupy a lower position than purely agricultural groups. The Halia Kaibarttas are usually allowed to smoke in the same hooka with members of the Nava-sakha, and this fairly marks their position as standing first below that group. The same privilege is not accorded to Jaliya Kaibarttas. At present Brahmans will not take water from the hands even of the Halia sub-caste, but it seems likely, as time goes on, that this sub-caste will rise in social estimation, and will altogether sink the Kaibartta, so that eventually it is possible that they may succeed in securing a place with the Nava-sakha, an elastic group, which has already been expanded beyond its original limits. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kaibarttas in 1872 and 1881 : — the number and distribution of Eaibartta-Dds, a synonym for Kaibartta. Ka i I war, a sept of the Chandra bansi division of Rajputs in Behar; a section of Majraut Godlds. Kaibtar, a section of the Dharkdr sub-caste of Doms in Behar. Kain, Kainya, Kaiya, a synonym for Sonar. In Darjiling and the Nepal Terai the word Kainya denotes a native of the plains who carries on business as Kaikyal, a thar or section of Nepali Brahmans. Kailia, a section of Bhats. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah ... 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Jessore ... Khulna M urshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar ... Dacca 56,702 12,644 11,081 692,140 ] 288,620 182,486 114,857 44,001 102,517 88,301 60,440 85,396 14,833 19,255 24 2,970 81,592 25,250 9,129 763,435 C 142,526 (.155,653 179,758 126,063 32,505 25,895 100,365 37,785 63,134 30,612 15,566 23,306 219 6,838 2,678 40,422 81,817 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh Chittagong Noakhali Tipperah Chittagong Hill Tracts ... Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack Balasore Tributary States Singbhum Manbhum 13,649 29.311 77,798 3,692 20,2173 63,866 24,010 18,080 94,217 4,543 16,151 50,290 7 379 484 6 471 55 311 56,321 27,566 2,994 207 44,221 23,566 10,749 6,129 861 819 S0O 5,140

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KALAL KAIN 383 Kakin, aunt, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. a trader and money-lender, and is more especially used as a title of Marwaris, and generally of traders and money-lenders from Upper India. Kakir, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kakkar, a section of theBara jati sub-caste of Khatris in Bengal. Kainrala, a thar of the Maut kaha gotra of Nepali Brahmans. Kaiobanuar, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Kak ka Rakmal, a section of Kalwars in Behar. Kakra, hyena, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kairala, a section of Kamis; a thar or sept of Mangars in Darjiling. Kakrolia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kairawar, illegitimate issue, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Kaksa, a section of Majraut Godlds in Behar. Kaisab, corruption of Kdsyapa, a section of the Ayodhia sub caste of Haj jdms and of the Bhojpurid sub-caste of Nunias in Behar. Kakulu, a sept of Tipperahs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kakusthi, a mel or hypergam ous sub-group of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kaisale, a sept of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Kal, a section of Bagdis in Bengal. Kaisar, a section of Ghasis in Chota Nagpur. Kal a, a sept of Chakmas in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kdit, a synonym for Kayasth. Kaita, Kaith, curry vegetable, a totemistic sept of Chiks, Oraons, and Ahirs or Godlds in Chota Nagpur. Kalaen, a section of Awadhia Haj jdms in Behar. Kalagachi, a section of Patnis in Bengal. Kaithar, a section of the Biya hut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kalai, a gain of the Batsya gotra of the Uttar-Bdrendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kaithawar, Kaithd, a sept of Asuras in Chota Nagpur. Kalaigar, a tinman, a profes sion followed mostly by Mahom edans. Occ. Kaiwar, a mul or section of the Ghosin sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Kalait, a section of Lohdrs in Behar. Kaji, a sept of Tharus in Behar. Kala Khati, a thar or sept of Damis in Darjiling, the members of which are drummers by pro fession. Kajol, a sub-caste of Godlds in Bengal. Kakan, a sept ofthe Surajbansi division of Rajputs in Behar. Kaldl, Kalwdr, (i) in Bengal Mahomedan distillers and liquor sellers, who are regarded as out eastes by reason of their profes sion, so that other Mahomedans Kakas, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

384 KALUPITA KALAL will not eat, drink, or intermarry with them. Synonyms : kdrigar, mistri, used by themselves ; shar abwdid, looked upon as derog atory : (ii) in Behar the term kaldl denotes a Mahomedan and kal tcdr a Hindu liquor-seller. A dis tiller is called bhatthiddr or dbkdr, and in Saran rdnki. Kalihai, a gain of the Batsya gotra of Bdrendra Brahmans in Bengal. Ka I i mba, tobacco flower, a tote mistic sept of Judngs in Orissa. Kalindi, a sub-caste of Doms in Bengal who are cultivators and basket-makers. Their chief occupation is basket-making, but they are employed to kill dogs, remove dead bodies, and some times as executioners. The name is said to refer to their being worshippers of the goddess Kali. A gain of the Batsya gotra of Barendra Brahmans in Bengal ; a title of Jaliyas. Kalalia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kalalohar, a thar or sept of Mangars in Darjiling. Kalalsunri, a sub-caste of Sunris in Behar. Kalanua, a section of the Bi yahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kalinwal, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kala Ray, a hypergamous group of Kaibarttas in Bakarganj. Kali pa, a religious group of Jugis. Kalasan, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Goria sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Kal it, a mul or section of the Kamarkalla sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Kalasdih, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesid sub caste of Halwais in Behar. Kallani, a section of Mahesris. Kalmi, a section of Telis in Bengal. Kalawat, a sub-caste of Brahmans in Behar. Kalmut, a section of Brahmans in Behar. Kalemnia, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Kal ot, a section of Godlds in the North- Western Provinces and Behar. Kalgania, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kalsarea, a man who works at a kalsar, the place where the juico of sugarcane is expressed. Kalhans, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kalu, a sub-caste of Telis in Bengal and Orissa; also a synonym for Teli, and a title of Mahomedan oil-pressers and sellers iu Northern Bengal. Kal hi a, a section of Ghasis in Chota Nagpur. Kali, a sept of Tipperahs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kalui, a gain or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Kalia, a title of Chasi Kai barttas and Sadgops in Bengal. Kalundia, a sept of Hos in Singbhum. Kaligrami, a gain of the Bdtsya gotra of Barendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kalupita, a term used in Western Bengal to deuote a

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

385 KALWAE KALUPITA. hardworking man of the aborig inal castes, such as Bauris, Bagdis, and the like. Kalwadia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kalvisha, a section of Brah mans and Kayasths in Bengal. Kalwar, a sub-caste of Baniyas and Sunris in Behar. flaltoO&t, a liquor-selling, distilling, and trading caste of Behar, _ . . probably a degraded offshoot of one of the numerous branches of the Baniyds. Mr. Nesfield regards the name as "a variant of Khairwdr or catechu-maker, a process which is very similar to that of drawing juice from the palm-tree and fermenting it into a spirit ;" and adds that this etymology " implies that the caste has sprung out of such tribes as Chain, Khairwdr, Musahar, etc., all of whom are skilled in making the intoxicating juice called catechu." It seems, however, more likely that Kalwdr is a corruption of Kalicdld, a man who works a kal or machine ; while there is no evidence whatever to connect the Kalwdr with the jungle races who collect catechu, an astringent extract from the wood of several species of acacia, which, so far as I am aware, has no intoxicating properties. The caste is divided into six sub-castes — Banodhia, Biyahut or Bhojpuri, Dsswar, oaiswaror Ajodhiabasi, Khalsa, and Kharidaha. Mahomedan liquor- sellers are called Ranki or Kalai. Of these the Banodhia say they came from the north-west of the Roy Bareilly district about a hundred years ago. The Biyahut pretend that in former years they did not permit widows to marry again, though they admit- tedly to do so now. Another story is that they are descended from the biydhi wife of the common ancestor of the caste, while the other sub-castes were the offspring of a sagai wife. They will not drink or sell alcoholio liquor, and will not milk cows with their own hands or allow bullocks to be castrated. The Kharidaha, who are said to derive their name from a village in Ghazipur, observe the two latter restrictions, but do not object to selling drink. The Jaiswar sub-caste are alleged to be the illegitimate descendants of a Kalwdr by a mistress called Jaisid. They them- selves derive their name from a village called Jaispur, the precise locality of which they are unable to state. Most of the sub-castes appear to have sections of the territorial type, and to observe the standard formula stating prohibited degrees. The Biyahut and Kharidaha forbid a man to marry a woman of his own section, or of the sections to which his mother, his paternal grandmother, and his paternal great-grandmother belonged. One of the sections of the Jais- war group is denoted by the curious formula Bawan gali, tirpan bazar, chhatis lahr, battis parkdr ; for a further notice of which see article Bawan. Jaiswars follow the same rule regarding excluded sections as the Biyahut and Kharidaha sub-castes, except that they substitute the maternal grandmother for the paternal great-grandmother. Members of the Biyahut and Kharidaha sub-castes marry . their daughters between the ages of five and twelve years ; Jaiswars from five to ten ; while 2 B

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KALWAE. 386 Banodbids regard from seven to fourteen as the marriageable age for a girl. Boys are married between eight and fourteen, but all sub-castes agree in holding it proper for the bridegroom to be a few years older than tbe bride. The marriage ceremony is of the standard type, sindurddn being the binding portion. Banodhia Kalwars omit the preliminary forms known as ghardekhi, bardekhi, and panbdti. The tilak paid to the parents of the bride groom never exceeds a maximum amount of Rs. 21. Polygamy is permitted up to a limit of three or, as some say, four wives. It is not very clear, however, whether the permission to take more than one wife is not in any case conditional on the first being barren, and the practice of the oaste on this point seems to vary in different districts. Widows are allowed to marry again by all sub-castes, and no restrictions are placed on their freedom of choice. Biyahut Kalwars, as has been stated above, say that they derived their name Biydhut, ' the married,' from their prohibiting widow marriage. But there is no independent evidence in support of their statement, and it is primd facie unlikely that they should have retraced their steps after having travelled so far in the path of orthodoxy. Divoroe is not generally recognised, a woman taken in adultery being simply turned out of the caste. In Champaran, however, the rule seems to be more lax, and divorced wives are allowed to marry again by the sagai form. Vaishnavism is the favourite religion of the oaste, but in addition to the regular Hindu gods the Biydhut and Kharidaha offer rice and milk to Sokha on Mondays during the light half of Sawan ; goats and sweetmeats to Kali and Bandi on Wednesdays and Thursdays ; and sucking pigs and wine to Goraiyd on Tuesdays. On Saturdays within the same period the Jaiswar sub-oaste present cakes and sweetmeats to the Panch Pir, while the Banodhia make similar offerings to Barham Deo on the eleventh or thirteenth day of the dark half of Bhadra and the light half of Mdgh. All these offerings are eaten by the members of the household except the sucking pigs, which are buried. In some families the articles of food presented to the Panch Pir are made over to the Mahomedans of the village. KalwdiB employ Brahmans for religious and ceremonial pur poses, but they are deemed to be of inferior rank. Only the Kanaujia Brahmans, who serve the Banodhia sub-caste, are received on equal terms by other members of the saored order. The dead are burned, and the ceremony of srdddh performed in accordance with orthodox usage on the thirteenth day after death. Banodhid Kalwars bury the bodies of children under seven years. The sooial rank of Kalwars is low. Brahmans and members Social status °^ higher castes will on no account take water from their hands, and they are ordinarily classed with Telis, Tatwds, and Chdins. On this poiut Mr. Nesfield remarks : — " The Kalwdr ranks a little higher than the Teli, because there is more skill and less dirt in the practioe of his art. His trade as a private occupation has been destroyed by the British Govern ment, which has taken the distilling and sale of liquors entirely into

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

387 KALWAE. its own hands. The Kalwdr still finds some opportunity, however, of following his old pursuit by working in the Government dis tilleries and taking out licenses for the sale of spirits. But the majority have taken to other kinds of trade or to agriculture, the common goal to which all the decayed industries of India are tending. The art of the Kalwdr, like that of the Teli, has been known to almost all the backward races of the world, and cannot by any means be counted among the higher types of industry. Hence the status of the Kalwdr has always been low." Distilling and selling liquor is believed to have been the original occupation of the entire caste ; but most of its members, with the exception of the Banodhia, Deswar, and Khalsd sub-castes, make their living by shop-keeping, money-lending, and various forms of trade. A few are engaged in the manufacture of sugar, and some have taken to agriculture in the capacity of tenure-holders and occu pancy raiyats. The trading and money-lending Kalwars have a reputation for squalid penury in the ordering of their household affairs, and for grasping extortion in their dealings with their poorer neighbours. Many of the Bhakats who infest Chota Nagpur and the Santal Parganas belong to this caste. They certainly have a remarkable talent for amassing money, while their standard of living is frequently no higher than that of an ordinary day-labourer. Their meanness in dress is almost proverbial, and I have heard them charged as a class with grudging the dhobi the trifle he gets for washing their clothes. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the caste in 1881, the figures for 1872 having been included with the table on Sunris : — 2 b 2 Distbict. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Howrah 24-Parganas .Nadiya Murshedabad ... Dinajpur Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Kuch Behar 15 5 21 47 100 1 108 27 60 6 5 6 104 19 7 2 13 Dacca Faridpur Maimansinh Distbict. 1881. Patna Gya Shahabad Mozufierpur ... Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah . . . Maldah SaDta.1 Parganas Cuttack Balasore Hazaribagh Lohardaga Manbhum Tributary States 8,747 2,359 20,126 29,0.39 11,949 23,979 30,357 12,002 26,576 9,822 229 4,577 25 4 1,116 5,660 1,617 2,406

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KALWAT MALLAH. 388 EAMAE. Kalwat Malldh, a synonym for Surahiyd. Kamani, a sub-caste of Pdsis in Behar. Kamai, lotus, a sept of Lohdrs, Mundas, and Ahirs or Godlds in Chota Nagpur. Kamar, a synonym for Kamar in Bengal and for Lohdr in Behar ; a sub-caste of Dosadhs peculiar to Behar. Kamalsar, a section of the Biydhut and Kharidahd Kalwdrs in Behar. Kamar, a sept of Rajputs in Kamdni, a synonym for Pdsi, q.v. Behar. |!iatn.*tr, Kamar, the metal- working caste of Bengal and Behar . . distinguished from the Lohar by not confining themselves to the fabrication of iron imple ments, and by having no scruples about working with any kind of metal. The Kamars or Karmakars of Bengal are popularly believed to be descended from an intrigue between a woman of the Sudra caste and the celestial artificer Viswa-karma. In the Midna pur district they have a legend curiously like the myth of the destruction of the A suras quoted in the article on the Munda. tribe. Once upon a time, they say, there was a demon called Lohasura (Lohd + asura), who obtained by his austerities the gift of immor tality, and warred successfully with the gods. Wearied with constant defeat, Indra at last appealed to Siva for help. As the demon was proof against all the weapons of the gods, a man was created to be their champion and armed by Siva with a set of blacksmith's tools. His hammer was formed from Siva's drum (damaru), a skull was converted into an anvil, pincers were made out of the snake girdle worn by the god, while the sacred bull parted with a piece of his skin to furnish the bellows. Thus equipped the first Kamar went forth to meet Lohasur, who laughed and declined to fight any one so small. On this the Kamar asked the Asura to give a proof that he was really immortal by getting into his furnace and letting him blow the bellows. With stupidity worthy of a giant in a fairy tale, the Asura complied ; but the Kamar worked the bellows so hard that before the demon could turn he had become red hot and had run out of the furnace as molten iron. From this were forged eight different kinds of iron, corresponding, it is said, to the eight classes of Kamar known in Midnapur, viz. (1) Lohar-Kamars, who work in iron ; (2) Pitule-Kamars, who make brass utensils; (3) Kansaris, who work in bell-metal; (4) Sarna-Kamars, or working goldsmiths; (5) Ghatra, Kamars, who make imitation fruits, iron figures of owls and other birds used in the worship of Lakshmi, and kajlautis or iron snuffer-shaped vessels for collecting lampblack ; (6) Chand-Kamars Internal structure. W^°S6 ***£& \ ** ™™£actuie °f mirrors; (7) Dhokras, and (8) Tamras, two lower classes of Kamars found in the Jungle Mahals in the west of the district, who eat fowls, are reckoned unclean, and are served by a degraded class of Brahman. Of these groups the first two intermarry, while all the rest are endogamous. It is impossible at the present

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

389 KAMAR. day to determine whether all of them are really derived from the Kamar caste ; and it seems probable that some of them may be separate castes, which have been classed a3 Kamars on account of some real or supposed resemblance in their occupations. It is, however, undoubtedly the case that in other districts besides Midna pur the internal divisions of the Kamar caste are unusually intricate and multifarious. Thus in the 24-Parganas three sub-castes are recognised — Uttar-Rarhi, Dakhin-Rarhi, and A'narpuri, the members of which do not intermarry ; while the first two are further subdivided into the hypergamous groups Kulin and Maulik. In Eastern Bengal we find Bhusnapati, Dhakai, and Paschima, the first being again broken up into Naldipati, Chaudda-Samaj, Panch-Samaj, between which intermarriage is permitted. The Kamars of Murshedabad again reckon four groups — Rarhi, Barendra, Dhakawal, and Khotta. The last two are composed respectively of emigrants from Dacca and Hindustan, who have settled in Central Bengal. The Rarhi and Barendra sub-castes are found also in Pabna under the names Das-Samaj and Panch- Samaj, while in Noakhali the caste is divided into dati-Kar makar and Sikhu-Karmakar, who do not intermarry. Belasi, Mahmudpuria, and Kamla-Kamar are met with in Bardwan. In Manbhum there are four sub-castes — Magahiya, Dhokra, Lohsa, and Basuna, and the same number in the Santal Parganas — Ashtalai, Churalai, Belalai, and Sankhalai. In Singbhum and throughout Behar no sub- castes seem to exist. An equal degree of diversity prevails among the exogamous divisions of the caste. The Kamars of Bengal have adopted the standard Brahmanical gotras ; in Singbhum and the Santal Parganas totemistic sections are in vogue; while in Behar the corresponding groups are of the local or territorial type. In Bengal the gotra is looked upon as a sort of ornamental appendage testifying the respectability of the caste, but persons of the same gotra are allowed to marry provided that they are not of kin within the fifth degree on the mother's and the seventh on the father's side. In Behar and Chota Nagpur the usual rule that a man may not marry a woman belonging to his own section is still observed. These facts, taken in connexion with the prevalence of several different types of section-names seem to point to the conclusion that many distinct castes of metal- workers have sprung up in different parts of the country to meet local wants; that each caste has been formed out of recruits from the surrounding population; and that the name Kamar, so far from indicating a common origin, is merely the functional designa- tion of an extremely heterogeneous group. In other words, the profession of metal-worker in its various branches has been adopted from time to time by Aryans, non-Aryans, and people of mixed race ; but the fact of their following the same occupation, though it has led to their being called by a common name, has not welded them into a uniform group, and the component elements of the caste still remain entirely distinct. The caste, in fact, is a caste only in the loose popular sense of the word, and its

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

390 KAMAR. multifarious internal divisions afford an exoellent illustration of the general rule that while diversity of occupation undoubtedly leads to differentiation, community of occupation does not necessarily or generally bring about integration. The Kamars of Bengal marry their daughters as infants, between the ages of five and ten years. The usual maximum limit of age in Behar is twelve for a girl and fifteen for a boy; but it is essential that the bridegroom should be taller than the bride, and this point is ascertained by actual measurement. In Bengal, however, the marriage of a son is sometimes delayed till he is twenty-five or so by reason of the necessity of paying a pan or bride-price in order to obtain a wife Among the Kamars of Chota Nagpur adult marriage still holds its ground even for girls, though it is considered more proper for them to be married before attaining puberty. The Kdmdrs of Midnapur, though regarding infant-marriage as essen tial, do not permit consummation to take place immediately after the ceremony, but keep their girls at home until they have reached puberty and may fairly be deemed aptæ viro. Another custom prevalent in that district is kdparpardna, or presenting a pieoe of cloth and certain spices to the bride elect before the marriage. The acceptance of this cloth is held finally to bind the bride's family to keep faith with the bridegroom, so that if the girl were afterwards given to another man her father would run the risk of being turned out of the caste. In Bengal the marriage ceremony is of the standard type, while in Behar it closely resembles that desoribed in the article on the Kewat caste. One curious practice, known as ghdskdti, or cutting grass, is peculiar to Kdmdrs. On the day after the marriage the wedded pair, followed by a number of women singing, are taken outside the house, and the bridegroom is given a sickle, with which he cuts a handful of grass. After this a maid-servant or one of the female members of the bride's household plants a stick in the ground at some distance off, and the bridegroom and his brother in-law race for the stiok, which the winner pulls up. In this contest it is an understood thing that the bridegroom must be allowed to win, and if the bride's brother seems to be getting the best of it he is headed back by the bridegroom's friends, so as to let the latter come iu first. Polygamy is permitted in Bengal and Chota Nagpur, but is strongly disapproved of iu Behar, where the rule is that a man may only take a second wife in the event of the first beiug barren or suffering from an inourable disease. Widow-marriage is forbidden in Bengal and Behar, but is still practised in Chota Nagpur by the Magahiyd Kdmdrs, who probably left Behar before the Kdmdrs of that province had taken to orthodox ways. Divorce is recognised only in Singbhum and the Santal Parganas, where a sal leaf is torn in two before the panchayat as a symbol of separation, and divorced wives are allowed to marry again. In other districts a faithless wife is turned out of the caste, and either becomes a regular prostitute or joins some religious soot of dubious morality. Such measures, however, are only resorted to in extreme oases,

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KAMAR. 391 and intrigues within the caste are usually condoned by the husband. The majority of the Kdmdrs in Bengal are Vaishnavas, but Religion. a few follow the Sakta ritual. Their favourite deity is Viswakarmd, who is worshipped on the last day of Bhadra with offerings of sweetmeats, parched rice, fruits, molasses, flowers, sandal-wood paste, Ganges water, cloth, silver ornaments, etc. At the same time they worship the hammer, anvil, and other tools used in their handicraft. In Behar they reverence as minor gods Hanuman, Bandi, Goraiyd, Kali, Jawdld Mukhi, Jalpd, Bhairab, and two Mahomedan saints — Miran or Shaikh Sadu and Saiyad. Cocks, khir, and puri are offered to the latter, and afterwards given away to poor Mahomedans. In Bengal the women perform tbe Ananta, Savitri, Sasthi, and Panchami bratas, and Nistdrini, and Mangal Chandi are worshipped by the women and children with offerings of sweetmeats, milk, fruit, etc. For the service of the greater gods and in the performance of bratas the caste employ Brahmans, who are received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order. The dead are burned, and a regular srdddh performed on the thirty-first day after death. Among the Kdmdrs of Dacca, says Dr. Wise, there exists a tradition that they were brought from Upper India by the Muhammadan Government. In the 'Ain-i-Akbari it is stated that there was an iron mine in Sarkar Buziiha, which included Dacca, and in later times jdgirs called dhangar were granted to the skilled workmen employed in smelting iron from the red lateritesoil of the Dacca district. At the present day, however, the Kdmdrs are unacquainted with the art of smelting iron, and they procure pig-iron from Calcutta when a local supply is not to be had. Iron-smelting, indeed, seems to be practised only by the aboriginal Lohars and Asuras of Chota Nagpur and Western Bengal. Kamars work in all metals, including gold and silver, and being themselves members of the Nava-Sakha group affect to despise the professional goldsmith or Sonarbanik, who is considered unclean. Most Sekras or working goldsmiths are Kdmdrs, and more than half of the caste are employed as blacksmiths. The regular village blacksmith, whether Kamar or Lohar, is usually paid in kind, receiving four drhis (about a maund) of paddy per plough. Some Kamars, again, are employed to slaughter the animals offered in sacrifice to Sakti. In Dacca, where the Kansari or brazier caste is no longer met with, the manufacture of the brass utensils solely used in Hindu households devolves on the Kamars, their only competitors being the Ghulam Kayasths, many of whom engage in this trade. They make an alloy (bharti) with three parts of copper and four of zinc, and with it manufacture cups, lotas, and other vessels. The Panni-wdla, or tin-foil maker, is always a Kamar. The tin is obtained in bars from Calcutta, and being run into moulds, is, while still soft, beaten out until thin enough to be cut into strips, which are then stained with lac and turmeric so as to counterfeit the colour of gold. The foil so produced is then sold to the Muhammadan Chiiri- wdla to ornament his glass bracelets, and to the Mala k dr to embellish

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KAMAR 392 chaplets, tiaras, images of gods and goddesses, and the platforms paraded on gala days. A small number of Kamars have taken to agriculture and trade, and among these a few hold the position of zemindars or tenure-holders, while the majority are occupancy raiyats. The caste has always been an illiterate one, and very few of its members have made their way into Government service, or the learned professions. It is, in fact, a common allegation that they only learn enough reading and writing to enable them to keep accounts. The social standing of Kam&rs is respectable. In Bengal they ' rank among the Navasakha, and in Behar they social status. , , , °, , __ , r, r belong to the group ot castes from whose hands a Brahman can take water. Except in Singbhum and the Santal Parganas, where fowls are deemed lawful food, they observe the same rules regarding diet as the higher castes, but do not con sider themselves bound to abstain from spirituous liquors. Like the Ekadas Telis, Kamars pride themselves upon not allowing their women to wear nose-rings. This prohibition is said to have been introduced by a Paramanik or headman of the caste because a Kamar woman dropped her nose-ring on his plate while serving him at a feast. In Midnapur the Paramaniks hold a very high position, and marriages with their families are eagerly sought after. All questions bearing on the usages of the caste are laid before them for decision, and disregard of their orders may in the last resort be punished by excommunication. Ordinarily, however, a fine is inflicted, of which the Paramanik himself gets the largest share, while the rest is spent in giving a feast to the Kamars who live within his jurisdiction. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kamdrs in 1872 and 1881. The figures of the former year include those of Loh&rs. lISTBICT. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas Nadiya Khulna Jessore Murshedabad ... Jjimi.jpur Rajshahye R»r,gpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Juluigori Kuch Behar Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj ... Maimansinh Tipperah } 82,851 22,750 10,365 32,348 11,949 21,439 16,005 14,384 7,450 3,659 4,508 4,237 1,475 6,740 456 611 { 20,399 82,328 9,709 38,474 11,318 4,373 12,890 15,516 7,218 18,759 8,962 6,624 6,109 5,714 1,768 8,109 819 1,619 619 16,747 9,548 9,475 14,859 7,482 12,072 4,768 11,418 9,019 6,403 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Chittagong Noakhali Hill Tracts Patna Gya Shahabad MozulTerpur Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purninh Santal Parganas Maldah Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum ... Manbhum Tributary States 2,749 1,850 1 a a s Ss "3 st' a ° œ I &■"•£ I TO A I 4,312 11,071 6,785 9,704 17,162 10,605 31,996 7,959 22,616 6,243 2,916 2,118 68 77 4,890 2,295 612 4,491 15 2,790 2,940 6,495 8,524 22,895 6,895 14,627 6,454 12,789 8,992 2,295 654 7,428 25,523 2,766

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KAMARHET. 393 KAMI. Kama rh et, a mul or section of the Kamarkalla sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Kambahang, a sept of Lim bus in Darjiling. Kambalia, a title of Gareris in Behar. Kamarkalla, a sub- caste of Barhis, Lohdrs, and of Sonars in Behar who do not permit the marriage of widows. Kambing, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Kambule, a functional group of Jugis in Bengal. Kamat, a title of Kewats in Behar. Kamendra, a gain of the San dilya gotra of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. KamatijKamta, Kamti, atitle of cultivating Dhanuks in Behar. |a.aiTli, Kdmid, the blacksmith caste of Nepal, some of whom ori 'n £ds0 wor^ ln Preeious metals. They claim descent from the mythical artificer Viswamitra, and profess to have entered Nepal from the plains of India. This indeed is probable enough, for their section-names, a list of which is given in the Appendix, Trare not of the type common among the Indo-Tibetan races, and seem to be of Indian origin. Their physical characteristics also appear to suggest the conclusion that they are immigrants from India, who have intermarried freely with some of the indigenous races of Nepal. A man may not marry a woman of his own thar or section, nor . of the section to which his mother belonged before her marriage. Girls marry after they are grown up, and courtship is more or less recognised. Sexual intercourse before marriage is said not to be tolerated ; but in fact the morals of the Kami girls are not stricter than those of the young women of other castes in the hills. The marriage ceremony appears to have been borrowed from the Hindu system. It takes place at night. The bride and bridegroom stand facing each other on either side of an earthen vessel containing what is supposed to be a sacred fire. Round this they walk seven times, keeping the fire always on the right hand. The bride then takes her stand by the bridegroom and places her hands on his, while her parents, who conduct the ceremony, lay on the joined hands of the couple some kusd grass, some leaves of the bel and tulsi, and a piece of copper, muttering at the same time some gibberish which purports to be Sanskrit sacred texts. The rite is completed by the bridegroom smearing some red lead on the bride's forehead and the parting of her hair and putting a necklace (poti) of white beads round her neck. Polygamy is permitted, and in theory at least a man may have as many wives as he can afford to maintain. Poverty, however, and the great liberty which is accorded to women in the hills, tend in practice to limit the number to two. Polyandry is unknown. A widow may marry again, and is restricted by no rules in her choice of a second husband, except that she may not marry her late

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

394 KAMI husband's elder brother or elder cousin, and must observe the prohibited degrees which were binding on her before she married. The ceremony is of a simpler character than at the marriage of a virgin. No fire is kindled, nor are texts recited: the bridegroom merely puts vermilion on the bride's forehead and gives her a necklace, the proceedings being completed by a feast, at which the relations of both parties are present. The utmost license of divorce prevails. A husband can get rid of his wife whenever he pleases by going through the symbolic form of cutting in two a kind of fruit (pang-ro) with a bit of wood called sinko. In reference to this ceremony, which prevails among several other castes, divorce is commonly spoken of in the hills as sinko pangro. Wives are supposed to have somewhat less extensive powers of divorce, and the theory is that they can only divorce their husbands on the ground of positive ill-treatment. In fact, however, a woman who is tired of her husband goes off with any man who will take her, and by the custom of the caste the husband has only the right to demand from his rival the bride-price originally paid for the woman. Divorced wives marry again by the same ceremony that is used at the marriage of a widow. Kamis admit into their caste members of any caste higher in rank than their own. No ceremony is performed on such occasions, and the consent of the panchdyat of the caste is all that is required to confer the privilege of membership. Instances of such changes of caste taking place do not, however, very frequently occur. The usual cause is that a man of a higher caste has taken a Kami girl as a mistress, and has got into trouble with his own people for eating with a woman of lower rank. The caste know nothing of Hindu law, and profess to be guided in matters of inheritance and succession by a tribal custom of their own. This, however, presents no features of special interest. Sons take equal shares in the property. Failing sons, brothers and brothers' sons inherit. If no male relatives survive, daughters and daughters' sons succeed. Kamis pose as orthodox Hindus, worshipping Kali and Reli ion regarding Viswakarmd as their tutelary deity. The bonds of Hinduism, however, lie very lightly upon them, and their real worship is directed to certain animistic powers, known as Kulain, Anardha, Khodai, and Daramast£, among whom the sections of the caste are parcelled out in a curious and uneven fashion. Of these ill-defined shapes, Kulain is the most popular. To him all the thirty-eight seotions sacrifice goats, sheep, and fowls twice in the year, besides burning incense at every full moon. The Gadaili, Sasankhar, and Darnal sections Blay pigs in honour of Khodai ; while Anardha and Ddramastd are worshipped by the Gajmdr and Kharka-Bayu sections, respectively, with the offering of a white cock. The offerings iu each case are eaten by the worshippers. Kdmis have no Brahmans, and any member of the oaste who chances to have a turn for religion officiates as priest.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KAMI, 395 KAMHAM The dead are burned, thrown into a river, or buried, as may ... . ... , . be found convenient at the time. The two Disposal of the dead. « ,, , . , , ,, , former methods are considered the most res- pectable. Persons who affect special orthodoxy take the ashes of their dead to the Ganges, but such cases are comparatively rare. The funeral ceremony is a curious one. After the corpse has been disposed of, the mourners have their heads and faces entirely shaved, including the eyebrows. They put off their ordinary clothes and dress themselves in a waisteloth and a blanket, a bit of white linen being tied over the forehead. In this dress they stay at home for ten days, during which time they take only one meal a day, abstain from meat, salt, and oil, do not receive or pay visits, and, as far as may be, avoid conversing with their fellows. On the eleventh day a feast is prepared for the relatives of the deceased ; but before they can partake of it a small portion of every dish must be put on a leaf-piate and taken out into the jungle for the spirit of the dead man, and care fully watched until a fly or other insect settles on it. The watcher then covers up the plate with a slab of stone, eats his own food, which he brings with him to the place, and returns to tell the rela tives that the dead man's spirit has received the offering 6et for him. The feast can then begin. The watcher is a member of the caste, who is paid for his services as if he were a Brahman. No ceremonies are performed for the benefit of ancestors in general, childless ancestors, or men who have died a violent death. Notwithstanding that they abstain from eating beef and have Social status adopted several Hindu usages, the social standing of Kamis among the hill castes is decidedly low, and Tibetans, Murmis. Mangars, and members of the Kiranti group will not eat, drink, or smoke with them. Their position is clearly marked by the fact that they eat with the Sarki caste. They regard pork and fowls as lawful food, and indulge freely in strong drink. In 1881 the Kamis numbered 3,723 in Darjiling, 107 in Champaran, 9 in Bhagalpur, and 580 in the Tributary States of Chota Nagpur, while none were separately returned for 1872. Kamlait, a section of the Kamdr sub-caste of Dosadhs in Behar. Kdmid, a synonym for Kami. Kamia, a sub-caste of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Kamla-Kamir, a sub-caste of Kdmdrs in Bardwan. Kami la, a title of Sonars in SiDgbhum. Kampti, a section of the Kddar caste in Behar which in termarries with the Barik, Kdpari, Marik, Darbe, Manjhi, and Bare sections, but not with the rest. Kamiya, an endogamous divi sion of Nepdli Brahmans. Kamkalii a gain of the Bdtsya gotra of Bdrendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kamr&m, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Godlds in Behar. Kamkar, a title of Kahdrs in Chota Nagpur.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

396 KAMRUPI. KANAUJIA. Kamrup i, a sub-caste of Brah mans from Assam who serve as cooks or priests in Northern Bengal. Kana i -Madan, a section of the Mahmuddbaz sub-caste of Napits. Kanaka, a section of Kumhars in Jessore. Kamsarke Mahto, a section of the Biydhut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kanakrishi, a section of Sutradhars in Bengal. Kamtaria, a section of Kan aujia Lohars in Behar. Kanakwar, a sept of Raj puts in Behar. Kamti, a section of the Kul sunri sub-caste of Sunris in Behar. Kana-Machhri, a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur. flatt, a very low caste of musicians akin to the Doms ; Musalman workers in steel, who repair umbrellas, make fish hooks, etc. Kanap, a section of the Sat mulia Maghaya sub- caste of Kandus in Behar. Kanaujia, a designation of numerous and widely-distributed sub-castes and sections of castes of very different social standing. In the case of the higher castes the name doubtless implies a notion of their having come originally from Kanauj or Kanya-Kubja, the famous old capital of Ajodhyd or Oudh, on the Kalindi, a tributary of the Ganges in the North-West Provinces. Its occurrence among the lower castes is accounted for by Mr. Beames in his edition of Sir Henry Elliot's Supplemental Glossary, by the remark that " whenever the lower castes begin to talk about their subdivisions, they always give them the grandest possible names, such as Chauhan, Kanaujia, and so on." This is true so far as it goes, but it hardly goes far enough. One would like to know why the grand names are selected. The clue is probably to be found in the fact that many of the lower castes are attached in various sorts of servile capacities to the landholding families of the higher castes. In such cases it is in accordance with the passion for imitation whioh runs through the caste system that the servants should adopt the tribal designations of the masters, just as the Rajputs themselves have borrowed the gotras of the Brahmans. A sub-caste of Barhis in Behar who are said to have come from Gorakhpur. They make boxes, desks, etc., and do joiner's work of all kinds, but consider themselves debarred by custom from making panels, doors, windows, and the larger class of woodwork used in houses ; a sub-caste of Ahirs or Godlds in Behar who bear the title Gop and belong to the Kasyap gotra. They make curds and serve the higher castes. A sub-caste of Halwais in Behar, who are confectioners hy occupation. A sub-caste of Hindu Jolahas (Tantwa or Tanti) in Behar; a sub-caste of Brahman, Dhanuk, Dhobi, Dosadh, Hajjam (barber), Kandu, Kumhar, Koiri, Lohdr, Sonar, Tambuli, Tanti, Teli, and Thathera castes in Behar.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KANDH 397 KANAULI Lohdrs, and Oraons in Chota Nagpur ; a section of Kahars in Behar. Kanauli, a section of the Pach ainya sub-caste of Doms in Behar. Kanbindha, pierced ears, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nag pur and Orissa. Kandar, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub caste of Halwdis in Behar. Kanchaba, dog, a totemistic sept of Judngs in Orissa. Kandare, a gain or sub-sec tion of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Kanchan, a section of Brah- mans. Kandaria, a thar or section of Nepali Brahmans. Kanchanbhar, a section of Babhans in Behar. Kandarpa, a sub-section of the Bharadwdja section of Utkal Brahmans. Kanchanpur, a section of the Karan Kayasths in Behar. Kand, a synonym for Kandh. Kandeil, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kanda, a kind of sweet potato, a totemistic sept of Mundas, HUtttbk, Kondh, Khond, Kui-loka, Kui-enju, a Dravidian tribe, inhabiting that part of the territory of the Raja of Boad, one of the tributary states of Orissa, known as the Kandhmals, a hilly tract of country 40 miles in length, and in extreme breadth 24 miles, with an area of about 800 square miles. These Kandhs call themselves Maliah Kandhs as distinguished from the Beniah Kandhs, who inhabit Gumsur in Madras. The general character of the country is wild and mountainous; it consists of a confused succession of ranges covered with dense sal forests. The Kandhs live in scattered villages surrounded with patches of cultivation. There are 677 villages with a population of -58,959 souls. It is calculated that two-thirds of the country is covered with jungle. The people are shy and timid, hating contact with the inhabitants of the plains. They love the wild mountain gorges, and prefer the stillness of jungle life, and fly to the most inaccessible parts on the least alarm. They live by hunting and rude agriculture. Like many other wild tribes, they are in the habit of clearing patches of land in the forest during the cold weather, and firing it in the hot weather. Seed is sown among the ashes after the commencement of the rains. After the second year the land is abandoned, and a fresh clearing made. The people produce barely sufficient food for half the year, and supply their wants for the remainder by bartering turmeric, of which they raise large quantities. The Kandhs regard themselves as proprietors of the land, and insist upon their rights with that curious pertinacity which distinguishes the cognate tribes of Santal, Munda and Ho. The Kandhs call themselves Kui-loka or Kui-enju. The . . derivation of the name Kandh is obscure, nor has the critical study of the Kandh dialects gone far enough to throw any light on the subject. Some seek to identify it with the Uriya word Khanda, denoting a measure

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

KANDH. 398 of land reckoned by the quantity of seed sown, and support this view by reference to the Kandh tradition that once upon a time they were a race of quiet cultivators dwelling in the plains of Orissa. But why should the fact of men having 'acres' to till lead them to call themselves by so obviously inappropriate a name, and that too in a language with which ex hypothesi they could have no acquaintance? Another theory refers to the mention in the Ramayana of a tribe of Asuras, called Skandh-Asuras, ruling over the forest of Dandaka, the hilly tract extending from the Vindhya hills to the river Krishna, and suggests that the Kandhs may be a remnant of these, the initial S having been dropped by phonetic corruption. A third and in some respects more plausible hypothesis derives the name from Khanda, the Uriya for a sword which is said to be the totem or distinguishing mark of the tribe. Where the data are so vague and uncertain, no opinion can be usefully put forward. I may, however, point out, arguing from analogous cases, that tribal names usually belong to one of two types. Either they consist simply of the word for ' man ' in the tribal language, or they are epithets bestowed by Hindu neighbours usually casting some aspersion on the usages of the tribe in the matter of food. Horo or Ho is an instance of the former type; Musahar and, according to some authorities, Kol or Kolh of the latter. These lines of inquiry, if followed up by persons adequately acquainted with the various dialects concerned, ought, one would think, to lead in course of time to a satisfactory solution of the question. The Kandhs of the Orissa Kandhmals, with whom alone we are now concerned, are supposed to have entered Internal structure. Kandhmala from the south about 250 years ago, driving out the feeble and unwailike Kurums or Kurmis who appear to have been the original occupants of these tracts. They ara divided into two classes — (1) Uriya Kandh, (2) Malua or Arria Kandh. The former are Kandhs who from social intercourse with the Uriyas have abandoned many Kandh usages and adopted Hindu customs in their place; while the Malua or hill Kandhs still adhere strictly to the original observances of the tribe. Within the limits of the Kandhmals these two groups have not yet become strictly endogamous, and owing perhaps to the sparseness of the population of these tracts, intermarriages still take place between them. But the Malua Kandhs already refuse to intermarry with the Uriya Kandhs of Bod Proper and Gumsur, whom they regard as having lowered themselves by taking to Hindu practices; and it seems probable that in course of time an equally complete separation will be brought about between the Uriya and Malua Kandhs of the Kandhmals. The fine physique of the Kandhs — a point on which all observers agree — may perhaps bo due in some measure to their custom of admitting into the tribe members of other stocks, always excepting the weaver Pans or Domnas and the sweeper Haris. The price paid for the privilege of admission into the Kandh community varies in different parts of the Kandhmals, but is invariably reckoned in buffaloes and strong drink. A great feast is made and the new member is formally induoted into the tribe.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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399 KANDH. In close contact with the Kandhs and dwelling in the same villages with them, we find three castes bearing names which seem to indicate some sort of connexion with the tribe. These are the Kui- Kumhdrenju or Kandh-Kumhars, the Kui-Lohdrenju or Kandh- Lohdrs, and the Kui-Gonrenju or Kandh-Gonds. Although these castes have adopted the religion, customs and dress of the Kandhs, they are still not recognised as members of the Kandh community, and Kandhs will not intermarry or eat with them. It is possible therefore that there may be no tie of blood between them and the Kandhs, and that their imitation of Kandh observances is due merely to their having been long settled in the Kandh country and having forgotten their own rites. On the other hand, if we compare these names with the similar combinations found among the Mundas, Oraons, and other tribes of Chota Nagpur, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the castes in question must have arisen from inter marriages between women of the Kandh tribe and Hindu artisans who had settled in Kandh villages. Ethnologists have long been aware that the custom of exogamy is rigorously observed among the Kandhs. In his Essay on Primitive Marriage, first pub lished in 1865, the late Mr. J. F. McLennan refers to Major Macpherson's Account of the Religion of the Khonds in Orissa for " the distinct statement that among the Khonds inter-marriage between persons of the same trilie, however large or scattered, is considered incestuous and punishable by death." Notwith standing the stringency of the rule, and although owing to the prevalence among them of human sacrifices and infanticide, the Kandhs have been under the close observation of British officers ever since 1837, I have had the greatest difficulty in ascertaining the precise form of exogamy practised by them, and indeed in getting any information at all on the subject. In reply to repeated inquiries addressed to several different correspondents well acquaint ed with the tribe and engaged in official work among them, I have been assured that the Kandhs have no exogamous subdivisions at all, and that their matrimonial arrangements are regulated, so far as the avoidance of consanguineous marriages is concerned, by the comparatively modern system of calculating prohibited degrees from a common ancestor. The facts now recorded, which I regret to say are still incomplete, reached me only a few days before the completion of these volumes. They were ascertained for me in a special inquiry conducted at my request by Mr. James Taylor, Tahsildar of the Kandhmals, whose intelligence in carrying out my instructions I am glad to have this opportunity of acknowledging. That the facts should have been ascertained with difficulty, and that they should have escaped the notice of so many observers, is quite in keeping with my experience in other parts of Bengal. The rules which govern the custom of exogamy, and the caste or tribal divisions by means of which that custom is worked, concern the inner life of the people, and leave no trace on their relations with the out side world. They are a sort of shibboleth, understood only by members of the tribe itself. Even among them this knowledge is

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400 KANDH, often confined to heads of families or villages, priests, genealogists, match-makers, and such-like persons whose business it is to look after the matrimonial arrangements of the tribe. For this reason they form not only the most archaic, but also the most durable portion of the body of custom which a given tribe or caste observes, and are the least liable to be modified or destroyed by the operation of fic- tion and of the inveterate tendency to imitate the institutions of groups supposed to be socially superior, which has done and is constantly doing so much to force all tribal observances into conform- ity with the standard Brahmanical pattern. The Kandhs of the Orissa Kandhmals are divided into fifty gochis or exogamous septs, each of which bears the name of a muta or village, believes all its members to be descended from a common ancestor, and as a rule dwells as a body of blood relations in the commune muta or group of villages after which it is called. The Kandh gochi appears therefore to represent the nearest approach that has yet been discovered to the " local exogamous tribe," supposed by Mr. McLennan to be the primary unit of human society. A list of the gochis is given in Appendix I. Each gochi is further split up into sub-septs called klambus. Each dwelling in one of the villages making up the muta or commune. Of these I have not yet been able to obtain a complete list. The sub-sept, like the sept, traces its origin to a single ancestor, but he is a personage of more recent date than the progenitor of the sept. The relations included in the former are comparatively near, while the connexion between members of the gochi is much more remote, and in the modern sense of the word they can hardly be called relations at all. The sub-sept seems in fact to be a sort of joint-family expanded to form a village community, the members of which are invited to marriages, festivals and similar domestic ceremonies to which it would be impossible to bring together the larger group. On occasions of special importance, when, for exam- ple, a casus belli is thought to have arisen between a sept and its neighbours, the whole gochi is summoned to meet in council and consider the question laid before it. A Kandh may not marry a woman of his own gochi, even though she belong to a different klambu from himself. Both gochi and klambu go by the father's side, and I can find no traces of female kinship having ever been recognised by the Kandhs. The use of the division into klambus can best be illustrated by au actual example. Let us suppose that a man of the Besringia guchi and Besera klambu marries a woman of the Kutrengia gochi and Bisunga klambu. Their son would belong to the same gochi and klambu as his father, and would be precluded from marrying a woman of the klambu to which his mother belonged, but might marry into any of the other four klambus of the Kutrengia gochi. This prohibition holds good for three generations in the descending line, and many Kandhs prefer to extend it to the fourth. They take, in fact, as Mr. Taylor pertinently remarks, much the same view of it as many Europeans take of inter marriage between first oousins. It will be seen from this that the

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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401 KANDH rule forbidding marriage within the mother's klambu serves for the Kandhs much the same purpose as is ordinarily effected by the standard formula for reckoning prohibited degrees: This formula is unknown to the Kandhs of the Kandhmals, and their arrangements for guarding against consanguineous marriages consist solely of the simple rules regarding the gochi and the klambu which have been explained above. A similar system exists among the Santals, but the septs and sub-septs are not localised as they are among the Kandhs, and the prohibition of marriage within the mother's sub sept is not so stringently enforced. Kandh girls are usually married when of full age in most cases to men of their own choice, and after a regular process of courtship considerable license is allowed to the young men and maidens of the tribe, and sexual intercourse before marriage is tacitly recognised. Infidelity after marriage is said to be rare ; the adulterer if found out atones for his fault by paying an indemnity to the husband. Until this has been done, the woman is excluded from social intercourse with her neighbours. Widows and divorced wives may marry again. Abride-priceispaid to the father. The widow's choice of a second husband is in theory unfettered ; but it is considered the right thing for her to marry her late husband's younger brother. In the event of her marrying an outsider, she retains the charge of her children until the girls attain puberty and the boys are old enough to hold the plough. In any case she has no rights over her late husband's property, which goes to his children, or failing them to his brother. When a Kandh youth is of an age to marry, his parents find out who he has fallen in love with, and send a go-between, usually a man of the Pdn caste, to ascertain the views of the girl's parents, and to approach the delicate question of the price to be paid for the bride. If these preliminary negotiations are successful, a deputatiou of the boy's relations go soon afterwards to the girl's house, and a general drinking bout is held, at which the amount of the bride-price is definitely fixed. The price is reckoned in pots or lives, a term of somewhat vague connotation, which includes buffaloes, cows, goats, brass plates and cooking vessels, ornaments and things iu general. Its amount varies with the wealth of the bride's father, to whom it is paid. It may extend to as many as forty pots, and the payment may be spread over two or three years. Soon after the relations have reported the result of their negotiations, the bridegroom pays a visit to his future father-in-law's house, bringing with him the first instalment of the bride-price. The formal betrothal is then effected by the bridegroom putting a necklace round the girl's neck, while she pours oil over his head. On the day before the wedding the bridegroom and his male relations go in procession to the bride's house, where they spend that evening and the next morning in feasting. The essential and binding portion of the marriage ceremony, in which the bride's father officiates as priest, is said to consist of his taking the right hands of the couple aud spitting on the palm of each. The effect of this in the case of the bride is to remove her from her 2 c

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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402 KANDH original sept, and to preclude her from re-entering her father's house. The married couple are carried off on the backs of the bridegroom's friends to his house, where the marriage is consummated. On the next day a feast is made, and the girl sits on a couch surrounded by the women of the village and pretends to weep. After this has gone on for some time she and her husband are seized by his friends and carried about in triumph. A short dance follows, and both are replaced on the couch. Then the bride's male relations take hold of the bride and run away with her, hotly pursued by the girls of the village who pummel the men soundly, recapture the bride, and bring her back to her husband. After this the bride's relations return to their own village. On the day after the marriage the bride and bridegroom, taking with them an old man to officiate as priest, go a little way outside the village and worship Dharma Pennu with offerings of fowls, eggs, rice and strong drink in order to secure a happy life and male offspring. A high standard of conjugal fidelity is observed among the Kandhs, and husbands usually treat their wives kindly. Polygamy as a practice is unknown. If a woman proves barren, the husband may take a second wife ; but in such cases the two wives have separate houses and enjoy equal privileges. About a month before her confinement is expected, the woman and her husband pay a visit to her parent's house and get from them some toys for the child, consisting usually of a small bow and arrow, a winnowing fan, and a small basket. These are hung up in the house till they are wanted. A few days before the confinement both husband and wife leave their house and take up their abode in an outside room set apart for this purpose. There the husband cooks and eats with the wife, and in the case of a first confinement he or his father sacrifices a pig with offering of cooked and uncooked rice and libations of strong drink to the spirits of their ancestors, in order that nothing may go wrong. No one can enter the room while labour is going on on pain of becoming ceremonially unclean, and the husband has to give whatever assistance is necessary. After the placenta has passed, the cooking pots hitherto in use are broken and visitors are admitted ; but they may not eat with the parents of the child until a further period of twelve days has elapsed, when a further breaking of pots takes place, and a feast is given to the neighbours. When the child is two or three years old, its head is shaved and a small ceremony is performed calling upon the dead ancestors to protect it from scald, itch, and similar diseases of the skin. From the age of ten or twelve the hair is allowed to grow again. No ceremonies are performed after birth or when a boy or girl attains puberty. As regards succession to property, the general rule is that the Succession. sons Se.t eclual shares, but the portion of the eldest is sometimes iarger than that of the others. The widow gets a share equal to that of a son. If a man dies without male issue, leaving a widow and a daughter, the widow takes his moveable property in full ownership, but has only a life interest in his land, which goes to his nearest male relatives on her

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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KANDH 403 death. Daughters never share in the inheritance, but are entitled to maintenance out of the estate until they are married. Adoption is unknown. A step-son has no rights in the estate of his step-father. Much has been written about the religion of the Kandhs, but _ j. . the subject can hardly be regarded as having yet been fully cleared up. Major Macpherson's account of the matter ascribes to the Kandhs religious conceptions of a very advanced character, quite out of keeping with their primitive social organization, and one is inclined to suspect that the persons from whom he derived his information must have described to him rather their ideal view of what the religion of the tribe ought to be than what it actually was. For this reason instead of entering upon a lengthy discussion of the subject as treated by him, and endeavour ing by analysis and comparison with the beliefs of cognate tribes to get at the actual facts underlying his account, I prefer to state very briefly what is known about the Kandhs of the Kandhmals, trusting to future research to work out the problem in fuller detail. The Kandhs of the Kandhmals recognise three principal gods — Dharma Pennu, Saru Pennu, and Tdru Pennu. The functions of Dharma Pennu appear to be of a somewhat more general character than those assigned to the other two. No regular times or seasons are fixed for his worship, and he is appealed to only in cases of illness or at the birth of a first child. His worship is performed by a guru who may be of any caste, but is usually either a Kandh or a Pan. The gurus usually have the power of throwing them selves or feigning to throw themselves into a state of hypnotic trance, and are supposed to be able to cure diseases by touching people, tying them up with bits of thread, and similar mummery. On the whole Dharma Pennu may best be described as the god of the family and of the tribe itself. Saru Pennu is the god of the hills, a divinity apparently of much the same type as the Marang Buru of the Santals and Mundas. He is a jealous god, and does not like people to trespass on his domain, and the chief object of the worship which is performed in his honour in April and May is to induce him to protect from the attacks of wild animals people whose business takes them among the forest-clad hills of the Kandhmals, and also to secure a full yield of the jungle products which the Kandhs, like most similar tribes, use so largely for food. The priests of Saru Pennu are called dehuri, and the appropriate offerings are a goat and a fowl with rice and strong drink. The offerings are partaken of by the worshippers. Taru Pennu, the earth god, takes the place among these Kandhs of Tdri Pennu, the earth goddess, familiar to students of the voluminous official literature which treats of the suppression of human sacrifice among the Kandhs. He is believed to be very vindictive, and to wreak his anger upon those who neglect his worship, afflicting them with various diseases, destroying their crops, and caus ing them to be devoured by tigers and leopards. In order to avoid these evils the Kandhs offer buffaloes and goats to the god at irregular intervals, apparently whenever they think that he stands in need of being appeased. His priests are called jhankar, and the person who actually sacrifices the animals is known as jam. The functions of the dehuri, ihe jhankar and the jani are hereditary. 2c2

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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404 KANDH. Although human sacrifice has now been abandoned by the . Kandhs, and the memory of it is believed to have almost died out in the Kandhmals of Orissa, an account of the tribe would be incomplete without some mention of the terrible practices which formerly prevailed. As I am not in a position to add any fresh facts to those already on record in the reports on the subject, I venture to quote the admir able description of this phase of Kandh superstition which is given by my friend, Mr. J. G. Frazer, of Trinity College, Cambridge, in volume 1, pages 384-90 of The Golden Bough1 : — " The best known case of human sacrifices systematically offered to ensure good crops is supplied by the Khonds or Kandhs, another Dravidian race in Bengal. Our knowledge of them is derived from the accounts written by British officers, who forty or fifty years ago were engaged in putting them down.2 The sacrifices were offered to the earth goddess, Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu, and were believed to ensure good crops and immunity from all disease and accidents. In particular, they were considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the Khonds argu ing that the turmeric could not have a deep red colour without the shedding of blood.3 The victim or Meriah was acceptable to the goddess only if he had been purchased, or had been born a victim, that is, the son of a victim father, or had been devoted as a child by his father or guardian. Khonds in distress often sold their chil dren for victims, ' considering the beatification of their souls certain, and their death, for the benefit of mankind, the most honourable pos sible.' A man of the Panua (Pan) tribe was once seen to load a Khond with curses, and finally to spit in his face, because the Khond had sold for a victim his own child, whom the Panua had wished to marry. A party of Khonds, who saw this, immediately pressed forward to com fort the seller of his child, saying — ' your child has died that all the world may live, and the earth goddess herself will wipe that spittle from your face.'4 The victims were often kept for years before they were sacrificed. Being regarded as consecrated beings, they were treated with extreme affection, mingled with deference, and were welcomed wherever they went. A Meriah youth, on attaining maturity, was generally given a wife, who was herself usually a Meriah or victim, and with her he received a portion of land and farm-stock. Their offspring were also victims. Human sacrifices were offered to the earth goddess by tribes, branches of tribes, or villages, both at periodical festivals and on extraordinary occasions. The periodical sacrifices were generally so arranged by tribes and divisions of tribes that each head of a family was enabled, at least once a year, to procure a shred of flesh for his fields, generally about the time when his chief crop was laid down.5 " The mode of performing these tribal sacrifices was as follows. Ten or twelve days before the saorifice, the victim was devoted by 1 The Golden Bough : a study in comparative Religion, London, 1890. ! Major S. C. Macpherson, Memorials of Service in India, p. 113 sq. ; Major-General John Campbell, Wild Tribes of Khondistan, pp. 52-58, etc. 3 J. Campbell, op. cit., p. 56. 4 S. C. Macpherson, op. cit., p. 115 sa. »iJ.,*p. 113.

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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405 KANDH cutting off his hair, which until then was kept unshorn. Crowds of men and women assembled to witness the sacrifice, none might be excluded, since the sacrifice was declared to be ' for all mankind.' It was preceded by several days of wild revelry and gross debau chery.1 On the day before the sacrifice the victim, dressed in a new garment, was led forth from the village in solemn procession, with music and dancing, to the Meriah grove, which was a clump of high forest trees standing a little way from the village and untouched by the axe. In this grove the victim was tied to a post, which was sometimes placed between two plants of the sankissar shrub. He was then anointed with oil, ghee, and turmeric, and adorned with flowers ; and ' a species of reverence, which it is not easy to distin guish from adoration,' was paid to him throughout the day.2 A great struggle now arose to obtain the smallest relic from his person ; a particle of the turmeric paste with which he was smeared, or a drop of his spittle, was esteemed of sovereign virtue, especially by the women. The crowd danced round the post to music, and addressing the earth, said, ' 0 God, we offer this sacrifice to you ; give us good crops, seasons, and health.' 3 "On the last morning the orgies, which had been scarcely interrupted during the night, were resumed, and continued till noon, when they ceased, and the assembly proceeded to consummate the sacrifice. The victim was again anointed with oil, and each person touched the anointed part, and wiped the oil on his own head. In some places the victim was then taken in procession round the village from door to door, where some plucked hair from his head, and others begged for a drop of his spittle, with which they anointed their heads.4 As the victim might not be bound nor make any show of resistance, the bones of his arms and, if necessary, his legs were broken ; but often this precaution was rendered unnecessary by stupefying him with opium.5 The mode of putting him to death varied in different places. One of the commonest modes seems to have been strangulation, or squeezing to death. The branch of a green tree was cleft several feet down the middle ; the victim's neck (in other places, his chestj was inserted in the cleft, which the priest, aided by his assistants, strove with all his force to close.6 Then he wounded the victim slightly with his axe, whereupon the crowd rushed at the victim and cut the flesh from the bones, leaving the head and bowels untouched. Sometimes he was cut up alive 7 In Chinna Kimedy he was dragged along the fields, surrounded by the crowd, who, avoiding his head and intestines, hacked the flesh from his body with their knives till he died.8 Another very common 1 S C. Macpherson, op. cit., p. 117 sq. ; J. Campbell, p. 112. 2 S. C. Macpherson, p. 118. 3 J. Campbell, p. 54. 4 J. Campbell, pp. 55, 112. 5 S. C. Macpherson, p. 119 ; J. Campbell, p. 113. 6 S. C. Macpherson, p. 127. " Instead of the branch of a green tree, Campbell mentions two strong planks or bamboos (p. 67) or a slit bamboo (p. 182)." ■ J. Campbell, pp. 56, 58, 120. 8 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 28**!, quoting Colonel Campbell's Eeport.

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

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406 KANDH mode of sacrifice in the same district was to fasten the victim to the proboscis of a wooden elephant, which revolved on a stout post, and, as it whirled round, the crowd cut the flesh from the victim while life remained. In some villages Major Campbell found as many as fourteen of these wooden elephants, which had been used at sacrifices.1 In one district the victim was put to death slowly by fire. A low stage was formed, sloping on either side like a roof ; upon it the victim was placed, his limbs wound round with cords to confine his struggles. Fires were then lighted and hot brands applied, to make him roll up and down the slopes of the stage as long as possible ; for the more tears he shed the more abundant would be the supply of rain. Next day the body was cut to pieces.2 " The flesh cut from the victim was instantly taken home by the persons who had been deputed by each village to bring it. To secure its rapid arrival, it was sometimes forwarded by relays of men, and conveyed with postal fleetness fifty or sixty miles.3 In each village all who stayed at home fasted rigidly until the flesh arrived. The bearer deposited it in the place of public assembly, where it was received by the priest and the heads of families. The priest divided it into two portions, one of which he offered to the earth goddess by burying it in a whole in the ground with his back turned, and without looking. Then each man added a little earth to bury it, and the priest poured water on the spot from a hill gourd. The other portion of flesh he divided into as many shares as there were heads of houses present. Each head of a house rolled his shred of flesh in leaves, and buried it in his favourite field, placing it in the earth behind his back without looking.4 In some places each man carried his portion of flesh to the stream which watered his fields, and there hung it on a pole.5 For three days thereafter no house was swept ; and in one district strict silence was observed, no fire might be given out, no wood cut, and no strangers received. The remains of the human victim (namely, the head, bowels, and bones) were watched by strong parties the night after the sacrifice ; and next morning they were burned, along with a whole sheep, on a funeral pile. The ashes were scattered over the fields, laid as paste over the houses and granaries, or mixed with the new corn to preserve it from insects.6 Sometimes, however, the head and bones were buried, not burnt.7 After the suppression of the human sacri fices, inferior victims were substituted in some places ; for instance, 1 J. Campbell, p. J 26. The elephant represented the earth goddess her self, who was here conceived in elephant-form ; Campbell, pp. 51, 126. In the hill tracts of Goomsur she was represented in peacock-form, and the post to which the victim was bound bore the effigy of a peacock, Campbell, p. 54. 2 S. C. Macpherson, p. 130. 3 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 288, referring to Colonel Campbell's .Report. 4 8. C. Macpherson, p. 129, cp., J. Campbell, pp. 55, 58, 113, 121, 187. 6 J. Campbell, p. 182. 6 8. C. Macpherson, p. 128; Dalton, I. c. 7 J. Campbell, pp. 65, 182.

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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

407 KANDH in the capital of Chinna Kimedy, a goat took the place of a human victim.1 " In these Khond sacrifices the Meriahs are represented by our authorities as victims offered to propitiate the earth goddess. But from the treatment of the victims, both before and after death, it appears that the custom cannot be explained as merely a propitiatory sacrifice. A part of the flesh certainly was offered to the earth goddess, but the rest of the flesh was buried by each householder in his fields, and the ashes of the other parts of the body were scattered over the fields, laid as paste on the granaries, or mixed with the new corn. These latter customs imply that to the body of the Meriah there were ascribed a direct or intrinsic power of making the crops to grow, quite independent of the indirect efficacy which it might have as an offering to secure the goodwill of the deity. In other words, the flesh and ashes of the victim were believed to be endowed with a magical or physical power of fertilising the land. The same intrinsic power was ascribed to the blood and tears of the Meriah, his blood causing the redness of the turmeric and his tears producing rain ; for it can hardly be doubted that, originally at least, the tears were supposed to produce rain, not merely to prognosticate it. Similarly, the custom of pouring water on the buried flesh of the Meriah was no doubt a rain-charm. Again, intrinsic supernatural power as an attribute of the Meriah appears in the sovereign virtue believed to reside in anything that came from his person, as his hair or spittle. The ascription of such power to the Meriah indicates that he was much more than a mere man sacrificed to propitiate a deity. Once more, the extreme reverence paid him points to the same conclusion. Major Campbell speaks of the Meriah as 'being regarded as something more than mortal,'2 and Major Macpherson says — ' A species of reverence, which it is not easy to distinguish from adoration, is paid to him. '3 In short, the Meriah appears to have been regarded as divine. As such, he may originally have represented the earth deity, or perhaps a deity of vegetation ; though in later times he came to be regarded rather as a victim offered to a deity than as himself an incarnate deity. This later view of the Meriah as a victim rather than a god may perhaps have received undue emphasis from the European writers who have described the Khond religion. Habituated to the later idea of sacrifice as an offering made to a god for the purpose of conciliating his favour, European observers are apt to interpret all religious slaughter in this sense, and to suppose that wherever such slaughter take place, there must necessarily be a deity to whom the slaughter is believed by the slayers to be acceptable. Thus their preconceived ideas unconsciously colour and warp their descriptions of savage rites." The dead are burned and the ashes left at the burning ground , , , , , until the next day. The relatives then g-o Disposal of the dead. , , , , j ■*■_"■ , , , , ■*?. to the spot and burn over the ashes a clotn 1 J. Campbell, p. 187. 2 J. Campbell, p. 112. 3 S. C. Macpherson, p. 118.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

408 KANDH and some rice, at the same time calling upon the dead man to keep quiet and employ his spare time in ploughing or in gather ing the leaves used for plates, and not to transform himself into a tiger and become a nuisance to his friends. A fowl is also killed and a portion of the flesh laid close to the ashes. Having thus done their best to provide for the comfort of the deceased in the next world, and to induce him to refrain from giving trouble to the living, the mourners return home and solace themselves with a drinking-bout. Relations who live in other villages are expected to pay visits of condolence to the dead man's house, and to bring with them a sufficient quantity of liquor. The Kandhs have a strong belief in witchcraft, particularly in that exercise of the art which enables witches to transform themselves into tigers, leopards, wolves, and so forth, and in this shape to attack human beings or their cattle. For the detection of such persons the following ordeals are appointed : — In the ordeal by iron a bar of iron is put into the blacksmith's furnace and the guru works the bellows. If no one in particular is suspected, the names of the villagers are called out one after the other, and the person at whose name the iron melts is held to be the guilty one. If suspicion has fallen on some one, and it is desired simply to test his guilt, a fowl is taken, its legs are plunged into boiling water and rapidly with drawn. If the skin peels off, the suspected person is held to be guilty, and he is turned out of the village unless he chooses to under go the ordeal by fire. For this purpose a trench is cut seven cubits long and one cubit broad, and filled with burning embers. The legs of the accused are then smeared with ghi, and he is made to walk twice through the trench lengthwise. If the ghi catches fire and he is burned, it is a proof of his guilt. The dress of the Kandhs is simple. The only garment of the men is a long cloth, a few inches wide, which is passed round the waist and twice through between the legs, the ends usually brightly coloured, hang down behind like a tad. The hair is worn in a tight chignon on the right side_ of the head, into which metal pins, a fine tooth-comb and flamingo feathers are usually stuck as ornaments. The women's dress consists of a short petticoat reaching from the waist to the knee ; on the upper part of the body they wear nothing but strings of beads. The face is tattooed on the cheeks and fore head with fine lines starting from the nose as a centre. Sometimes the legs are also decorated in this fashion. All observers agree in describing the men as a fine- looking, well-f ormed race of middle height, and great activity and fleetness of foot. The women, on the other hand, are ugly of feature, short and square of build, and exceedingly sturdy and robust. Similar differences of form and feature between the two sexes may be observed among the Rajbansi, the Tibetans, the M undas and Oraons of Chota Nagpur, and among many other primitive races. It is, iu fact, a general opinion among ethnologists that the tribal type is more sharply defined and more persistent among the women than among the men of a tribe.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

409 KANDH Like the Santdls and Hos, the Kandhs are keen sportsmen and show remarkable skill in the use of very primitive weapons. Armed only with axes and bows and arrows, they run down the bison, the nilgao and the wild boar, and their accuracy of aim in the case of smaller animals is described as surprising. Agriculture is their sole pursuit, and none of them have taken to any sort of trade. They claim full rights of property in the soil in virtue of having cleared the jungle and prepared the land for cultivation. In some villages individual ownership is unknown, and the land is cultivated on a system of temporary occupation subject to periodical redistribution under the orders of the headman or mdlik. Every village has its headman or mdlik, and the office is hereditary in the male Une. These officials have considerable influence, and act as arbitrators in petty disputes between the villagers. A group of villages supposed to be inhabited by the descendants of a single ancestor forms a muta or commune under a chief called the muta-mdlik, whose authority is invoked chiefly to settle social disputes. In addition to the muta-mdlik, each muta has a Hindu Superintendent, called bisai or muta-sarddr. These men are believed to have been appointed and endowed with grants of land by the Kandhs themselves in order to act as intermediaries between them and the Hindu Rajas of the neighbourhood. Their authority is said to be rapidly declining. The tables on the following pages show the names of relation ships in use among the Kandhs.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

410 KANDH, A. — Relations through the father, whether of man or woman.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

411 KANDH B. — Relations through the mother, whether of man or woman.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

412 KANDH D (1). — Relations through the wife, of a man.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

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003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

413 KANDH E (1).— Relations through the son, whether of man or woman.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English

003109315

1891

The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)

Calcutta

414 KANDU. KANDH PAKAK. sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kandh p&kar, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kal wars in Behar. Kandru, fish, a totemistic sept Kandir, a bird, a totemistic | of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Ipilibll, Kdnu, Bharbhunjd, Bhujdn, Gonr, the grain-parchin& caste of Behar and Bengal, supposed to be descended from a Kahar father and a Sudra mother, and ranking among the mixed castes. According to Buchanan,1 indeed, the Kandus of Gorakhpur were reckoned as Vaisyas, but in this connexion the term Vaisya seems to have been used merely to mean merchant, and had no reference to the Vaisyas of early Indian tradition. The fact that the Kandus keep shops and often manufacture and sell sweetmeats has led to their being confounded with the Halwai or confectioners, who make sweetmeats, but do not usually parch grain themselves. This con- fusion has perhaps been more difficult to avoid owing to both castes being distributed over much the same area and having among their sub-castes groups bearing the same territorial names. The Kandus are divided into the following sub-castes: — Madhesia, Magahiya, Bantaria or Bharbhunja, Kanaujia, Gonr, Koranch, Dhuria, Rawani, Ballam- tiria, Thather or Thathera. Among these the Madhesia and Bantaria adhere strictly to their hereditary pro- fession of parching grain and selling sweetmeats ; the Kanaujia sub-caste are said to make saltpetre, while the Madhesia Guriya are cultivators, personal servants, and thatchers of houses ; the Gonr cut and dress stones, sell sweetmeats, or act as personal servants in the houses of zemindars. Grain-parching, building mud walls, brick-laying, and thatching are the characteristic occupations of the Koranch, while the Dhuria and Rawani carry palanquins and make sweetmeats. All the sub-castes, or at any rate their women, practise grain-parching more or less; and the separation of each group from the main body seems to have been due either to geographical position or to the circumstance of the males of the group adopting other occupations in addition to their hereditary profession. The Dhuria and Rawani rank lowest of all, owing either to their having taken up the comparatively menial profession of palanquin- bearing or to their being branches of the Kahar caste, who went in for grain-parching and thus came to be associated with the Kandus. These two intermarry with each other. All the other sub-castes are strictly endogamous. The majority of the Dacca Kandus, says Dr. Wise, belong to the Madhesia and Koranch sub-castes, and are usually called Bhar bhunjas, from their parching and grinding grain and preparing sattii or flour. Another equally common designation is Panch Piriya Kandus, from the religious sect to which they all belong. They originally came from Damdahii, in Purniah, but having resided for several generations in Bengal are known as Khonta, or degraded, and 1 Eastern India, ii, 465.

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e

Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]

2 volumes (8°)

English