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003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
415 KANDU. Deswall, or alien, Kandus by their Hindustani brethren, who decline all communication with them. The sections of the Magahiya sub-caste, which are very numerous, are shown in Appendix I. Authorities differ as to the precise form of exogamy which is practised. Some say that a man may not marry a woman who belongs to the same section as (a) himself, (b) his mother, (c) his paternal grandmother, (d) his maternal grand mother, (e) his paternal and maternal grandmothers. According to others the four sections of father, mother, and both grandmothers are excluded on the side of the bridegroom, and the three sections of father, mother, and maternal grandmother on the side of the bride, and in reckoning consanguinity both sets are taken into account ; so that if the bride's maternal grandmother should have belonged to the same section as the bridegroom's paternal grandmother, the marriage will be barred, even though the bride and bridegroom themselves belong to different sections. Probably both systems are in force in some part of the large area covered by the caste. As regards the other sub-castes, the information available is rather meagre. The Gonr, Kanaujia, and Madhesia have muls or sections, and exclude in marriage a man's own section and those to which his mother's and both his grandmother's belong. I have not been able to ascertain the names of the sections. Two of the Bantaria and five of the Koranch sections are given in Appendix I. The Dhuria and Rawani sub-castes regulate their marriages by the standard formula for calculating prohibited degrees. As a general rule Kandus marry their daughters as infants, but cases of adult-marriage are by no means uncommon. The marriage ceremony is of the common type, and sindurddn is regarded as the binding portion. A tilak of cloth and ornaments is usually exchanged, the first gift being presented by the parents of the bride. But where the bride's people are very poor, a bride-price of from Rs. 10 to Rs. 20 is sometimes paid, and in such cases the marriage is celebrated in the bridegroom's house. Among the Gonr sub-caste I have come across a very singular practice, which appears to have been introduced with the object of avoiding the stigma incurred by a family which has a daughter unmarried at the age of puberty. Where a girl is sickly or deformed, or where, owing to the poverty of the family, it is thought doubtful whether she will get married, all the relatives are assembled, and in their presence she is formally married to a drawn sword. The full marriage ceremony is performed, the caste Brahman officiates as priest, and red lead is smeared on the girl's forehead with the point of the sword. A girl so married wears ornaments, bedaubs the parting of her hair with red lead, and in every respect demeans herself as a married woman, though living in her father's house. In the event of her afterwards procuring a husband, the entire ceremony is performed afresh. In the case of adults sexual intercourse before marriage may be atoned for by pay ment of a fine to the panchayat ; and if the fine is duly paid, the Bocial position of the couple after marriage is not affected by their previous indiscretion.
523
0.702
0.164
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
null
null
2 volumes (8°)
English
null
null
null
false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
416 KANDU. Polygamy is permitted up to the customary limit of two wives ; but in some districts it seems to be held that before taking a second wife a man must obtain the permission either of his first wife or of the headman and panch&yat of the caste. A man may marry his wife's younger sister, whether virgin or widowed, but may in no case marry an elder sister after being married to the younger. A widow may marry again by the sagai ritual, which is less meagre than is usual among other widow-marrying castes. A Brahman is employed to recite mantras, and sindur is besmeared seven times on the forehead of the widow. She is not obliged to marry her late husband's younger brother, should such a relative exist, but in practice it is usual for her to do so. If she prefers to marry an outsider, the members of her late husband's family may claim the custody of her male children by him. Female children, however, follow the mother. Most Kandus appear to allow of divorce for adultery with a member of the caste, and permit divorced wives to marry again. Among the Gonr sub-caste, however, divorce in the European sense of the word is unknown. If a woman goes wrong with a member of the caste, the matter is brought before the panchayat, and is usually condoned. A second indiscretion is visited with expulsion from the caste, and this penalty is invariably inflicted when a woman has a liaison with an outsider. In matters of religion the caste seems to be pretty evenly divided . between Vaishnavism and Saktism. Maithil or Tirhutia Brahmans serve them as priests, and are received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order. Their minor gods are numerous and deserve special notice. In Behar the entire caste worship Goraiya in a fashion which seems hardly in keeping with their high social position, and which seems to be a survival of some non-Aryan rite. A lump of clay is set up outside the house to represent the deity, a Dosadh officiates as priest, and the victim is a pig which is bought for a price from the Dosadh, slain by him at the instance of the Kandu worship pers, and then eaten by the family of the priest. The Dosadh, in fact, performs exactly the same functions as the Pahan of Chota Nagpur, and is paid for them in exactly the same manner. The Bantaria or Bharbhunja sub-caste worship Govinda as a house hold god on the Krishnashtami (8th dark half of Bh&dra) with offer ings of parched paddy, plantain, curds, and sweetmeats, which are eaten by the members of the family and the deddi relations. The Gonr sub-caste perform puja once a month to a small silver image of Bandi Mcii ; and on the tenth day of the Dasahara festival they wash the chisel, hammer, and T-square which they use for stone-cutting, and worship these tools with libations of ghi. The Koranch also worship Bandi, but make her image of cloth, like a doll. The MagahiyA Kandus of Bhagalpur and Monghyr worship a deified member of the caste, one Kangali Sahu,1 to whom goats, sweetmeats, boiled rice, parched grain, and ganja are offered in the months of Sravan and Bh&dra. 1 Otherwise known as Kangali Makaraj, or Kangali Baba.
524
0.691
0.172
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
null
null
2 volumes (8°)
English
null
null
null
false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
417 KANDU. In the month of Mdgh all grain-parching Kandus, instead of worshipping Sarasvati, as most Hindus do, pay adoration to Sokha Siv Nath. At this festival a pot filled with ghi, flour, barley, and other articles of their trade, together with a large quantity of rosin (dhuna), is set fire to, and the dense smoke is regarded as the symbol or manifestation of their patron deity. Ram Th&kur, Ranga Dhari, and Nay k Gosain, are also mentioned among the minor gods of Behar, to whom goats are offered on Fridays in the month of Ashar. The Dacca Kandus, although employing a Brahman as purohit, follow the singular creed called Panch Piriya. Many observe the fast of Ramazan, wear the baddhi or sash, and the kafni or mendicant's garb, offer sweetmeats (shirni) at Dargahs and at the Shiah Husaini Dalan, and put their trust in amulets (tawiz) given by the Khwand- Kar. Like the Panch Piriya Binds and KuuiMrs, their Guru is the Mahant of the Nauak Shahi Akhara. Their funeral ceremonies present no features of special interest. The dead are burned, and srdddh is performed on the thirty-first day after death. Most Kandus believe the parching of grain to be their original and characteristic occupation, and the caste is spoken of by early English travellers under the quaint name of " the frymen." In Upper India they are often cultivators, but they also parch grain and use pack-bullocks, as the Banjaras do, for transporting merchandise and cereals. The Gonr sub-caste cut and dress stone for building, carve images of the gods, and prepare curry-stones and grain-mills for house- hold use. They also work as masons, and many of them are employed as domestic servants in the houses of wealthy landholders. In this capacity they fetch water and do all kinds of culinary work. No money wages are paid them, but they get their home- stead lands (bari) rent-free, and are also entitled to claim certain perquisites (indngan) when the crops are reaped. Their women parch grain, and sometimes make sweetmeats. Throughout the caste, indeed, the actual work of parching grain is usually left to the women. The process is a simple one. A clay oven is built, somewhat in the shape of a beehive, with ten or twelve round holes in the top. A fire is lighted inside and broken earthen pots containing sand are put on the holes. The grain to be parched is thrown in with the sand and stirred with a flat piece of wood (dabild) or a broom (j/tdru) until it is ready. The wages (bhag) of the parcher are a proportion of the grain, varying from one-eighth to one-fourth. In Dacca the Kandus are confectioners as well as watchmen, domestic servants, and coolies. Their lowly traditional origin does not prevent their providing the only food that strict Hindus can eat with unwashed hands. It should be explained that vegetable products, such as gur or molasses, and sweetmeats cooked without the addition of any other substance than sugar, are called jdtd or kdnchd, and may be eaten even by Brahmans without dishonour ; but if water or milk be added, it is pakka or dressed, and becomes impure. 2 D
525
0.71
0.161
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
null
null
2 volumes (8°)
English
null
null
null
false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
418 KANDU. This rule is observed everywhere, but in Upper India the terms in which it is expressed are exactly the reverse of those used in Bengal. A native of Behar, for instance, speaks of sweetmeats, parched grain, etc., as pakki food, while by kachchi he means boiled rice, chupatties, etc., and anything in the preparation of which water has been used. The convenience of the distinction is obvious. It lightens the burden of taboo, and enables a traveller or a man who is in a hurry to stay his hunger without either risking his caste or being obliged to inquire minutely into the ceremonial status of the person who supplies him with food. In point of social standing Kandus may be classed with Koiris, Goalas, Gangautas, and the entire group of castes from whose hands a Brahman will take water. On this point Buchanan, writing of Gorakhpur, observes :— " The Kandus are considered as on a par with the lower Baniyas. One-half of them have Brahman gurus, the others are of all the sects which the Baniyas follow. Their purohits are pure Brahmans. Their widows become concubines, but they abstain from drinking liquor in public, and Rajputs do not scruple to drink their water, although they eat the wild hog." Kandus themselves will eat cooked food only with members of their own sub-caste. Gonr Kandus, indeed, are said to be so particular as not to allow even a Brahman to cook for them ; but I am inclined to think that this statement may have been a piece of personal affect ation on the part of my informant, for in Champaran, where all Kandus permit themselves to eat fowls, the Gonr sub-caste add to this the further iniquity of indulging in strong drink. As agricul turists the caste does not hold a very high position. A few members of the Koranch sub-caste have risen to be zemindars and tenure-holders, but most Kandus are occupancy raiyats, while in Bhagalpur some have sunk to be Kamids or landless day-labourers. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kandus in 1872 and 1881 :— Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas .Nadiya Khulna ... Jessore ... Murshedabad ... Dinajpur ... Rajshah,e Rangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar Dacca Bakarganj Maimansinh Chittagong 817 192 70 828 } 574 1,847 2,268 487 2,384 1,082 23 16 9 144 81 640 747 721 492 2,111 f 183 I 1,106 1782 840 66 978 1,112 889 81 517 8 184 422 181 78 830 22 267 1,611 2 314 7 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Tipperah Patna Gya Shahabad Saran Champaran Monghyr Dhagalnur Purmsih Maldnh Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh Lohardiiga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States 407 80,430 22,758 60,145 ] 99,292 111,921 60,721 62,259 23,781 4,838 1,018 2,121 69,698 22,403 10,008 22,698 6,087 8,669 42 1,058 120 269 31.513 25,072 65,751 ■f 80,078 I 33,288 83,722 67,398 59,207 22,191 6,97)3 1,214 9,084 68,644 24,920 12,158 28,407 6.S69 7,169 156 678 1,700
526
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0.215
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
null
null
2 volumes (8°)
English
null
null
null
false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
KANDWAE. 419 KANSAKI Kandwar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar, Kankhojia, an ear-picker, generally a member of the barber caste. Kaneil, a section of the Biya hut and Kharidaha Kalwars, and of Magahiya Kandus in Behar. Kankol, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub caste of Halwais in Behar. Kankuli, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kangdl, Kangali, a beggar. Usually denotes the class of lepers, cripples, etc., who are maintained in ordinary years by the charity of their fellow-villagers. The obligation is held to cease when relief measures are undertaken by Government. Kannia, a gotra or section of Nepah Brahmans. Kano, a section of the Bana par sub- caste of Koiris in Behar. Kanp, a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Kangal i, a title of Goalas. Kanhaiwar, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Kanpakar, a mid or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kanigame-Kanigam, a,mul oi the Bharadwaja section of Mai thil Brahmans in Behar. Kanphat or Sannyasi, a reli gious group of Jugis, Iftitltjar, Khangor, a Dravidian gipsy caste of the North-West Provinces, who hunt jackals, catch and eat snakes, and make strings of hemp and cotton. In Behar they are chiefly rope-twisters. Kanphata, a sept of the Rau tar sub-tribe of Tharus in Behar. llauTt, a Hindu caste of Purniah allied to the Doms and intermarrying with them. Their profession is hunting, and they are supposed to be experts in kill ing tigers and other wild beasts with poisoned arrows. Kanji, a title of Jolahas. Kanji ari, a gain of the Batsya gotra of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kans, grass, a sept of Khar wars in Chota Nagpur. Kanji lal, a gain of the Batsya gotra of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kansabanik, a synonym for Kansari. Kansabanik, the brazier caste of Bengal, popularly supposed to be au offshoot of the Subarnabanik, degraded because its members took to working in Kansa or bell-metal. Another view is that they are merely a sub-caste of Kamars who have severed their connexion with the parent caste and set up as an independent group. Kansaris marry their daughters as infants by the orthodox Brahmaniral ritual, prohibit the remarriage of widows, and do not recognise divorce. Their social rank is respectable. They employ the same Brahman, barber and waterman as the members of the Nabasakh group, and Brahmans take water from their hands In Eastern Bengal almost all Kansaris belong to the Saiva sect, 2 d2
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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2 volumes (8°)
English
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false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
420 KAORA. KANSAKI. but in Central and Western Bengal Saivas are found among their number. Like other artisan castes, they are very particular about observing the festival of Viswakarma, the mythical architect of the universe. Kansaris buy their material in the form of brass sheeting, which they hammer into the shapes required. In Eastern Bengal Chandals often take service with them, and become very skilful workmen. The utensils made are sold to dealers (paikdr) who retail them in villages inland. Kansari, a sub-caste of Ka mars in Midnapur. Kantitaha, a sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Kansaunghia, a section of Babhans in Behar. Kantithia, a section of Kanau jici Lohars in Behar. Kansi, field grass, a totemistic sept of Chiks, Kumhars, Pans, Telis, Goalas, and Bairagis in Chota Nagpur ; a section of Kah&rs in Behar. Kdnu, a synonym for Kandu. Kanungo, an honorary title of Kayasths in Bengal. Kanwa or Kanna, a section of Brahmans. Kant, a section of Awadhia Ha j jams in Behar. Kanwad, a jungle fruit, a sept of Kharwars in Chota Nag pur. Kantaha, Mahabrahman, or Mahapatra, a division of Brah mans in Behar, who officiate as priests at the cremation of the dead. Kanwar, a sept of the Suraj bansi division of Rajputs in Behar ; a title of Cheros in Palamau. Kantai, a group of the Raj bansi sub-caste of the Kochh caste, by profession palki-bearers. Kanwar, a sub-caste of Do sadhs in Behar. Kantaru, a sub-section of the Bharadwaja section of Utkal Brahmans. Kanwayan, a kshatra-peta gotra or section of Brahmans. Kanya, a gain or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Ben gal. Kante ke rakmal, a section of the Biydhut and Kharidaha Kalw&rs in Behar. Kanwakubja or Kanaujia, a territorial division of the Pancha Gaura Brahmans, deriving its name from the Kanauj coun try. Kante ke ras, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kanthara, a gain or sub-seotion of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Kaora, a sub-caste of Haris in Bengal. They rear pigs and prepare gur or molasses from the juice of date-trees. Many of them also act as cooks for Europeans. Kanthw&r, a territorial section of Rautias in Chota Nagpur. K&nti, Kantuar, a totemistic section of Mahilis in Manbhum, the members of which will not eat tho ear of any animal. Kaora, a synonym for Kora.
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
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2 volumes (8°)
English
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003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
KAPA. 421 KAPALI. Kapa, Chhagharia, a hyper gamous group of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Kapali, a gain oi the Sabarna gotra of Bdrendra Brahmans in Bengal. Iflajiali, a cultivating and weaving caste of Eastern Bengal, _ . . who claim to be the offspring of a Kamar father and a Teli mother; others say that the father of the caste was a Tiyar and the mother a Brahman. Both pedigrees are wholly imaginary, and only deserve mention here as illustrating the persistence and vitality of the theory that all castes except the four supposed to have been originally created have arisen by marriage between the members of these four and members of the so-called mixed castes thus produced. Like many Bengal castes, the Kapali have a vague tradition that their original home was in Upper India; but this tradition has never assumed a legendary form. Another theory is that up to the time of Adisura they were classed as the Sudras of Eastern Bengal, and that when he imported the ancestors of the Bengal Brahmans and Kayasths from Kanauj, he called upon the Kapalis to supply the newcomers with water. This they declined to do, and in punishment for their refusal were reduced to the comparatively low position which they now hold. The internal structure of the caste throws no light upon its origin. They have only two sections — Sib Internal structure. / o • \ j tt- t. i .it- j. (Siva) and Kasyapa — but these are not exogam ous, and marriage is regulated by counting prohibited degrees down to three, or, as some say, seven generations in the descending line. We may perhaps hazard the conjecture that the section-name Sib, by no means a common one, may indicate remote kinship with the Sib-bansi Kochh, a very numerous tribe, from which in all probability many of the castes of Eastern Bengal have been derived. Kapalis have no regular snb-castes, but a distinction seems to be drawn between those who make gunny-bags and those who only sell them. The latter consider themselves socially superior to the former and avoid intermarriage with them, though they have not yet reached the complete endogamy which is essential to the formation of a sub-caste properly so-called. Kapalis marry their daughters as infants by the standard Hindu . ritual, the essential portion of whioh is sampra- dan, or the presentation of the bride to the bridegroom and his acceptance of the gift. The bride's parents receive a bride-price (van), the amount of which is slightly higher when the bride comes from a family bearing the title of Mandal, Manjhi, or Shikdar. Polygamy is permitted when the first wife is barren, but is said to be rare in practice. Widows may not marry again. Divorce is not recognised. A woman taken in adultery is simply cast off by her husband and ceases to be a member of respectable society. She cannot marry her paramour, for sanga is not in force among Kapalis, but she may live with him as his mistress, though in that case both run some risk of being expelled from the caste.
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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2 volumes (8°)
English
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003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
false
422 KAPALI. The religion of the Kapali presents no features of special interest. Most of them are Vaishnavas, comparatively Eehgion. few fceing s^ag. Among the minor gods Kartikeya is held in special veneration. For religious and cere monial purposes they employ degraded Barna-Brahmans, who are looked down upon by all members of the sacred order, except those ■who serve castes of still lower social status than the Kapali. The dead are burned, and the srdddh ceremony is performed on the thirty-first day after death. In the case of persons who die a violent death, the srdddh takes place on the fourth day. In Rangpur Buchanan found the Kapali engaged in making umbrellas, but in Eastern Bengal at the ccupa ion. present day they are weavers and cultivators. According to Dr. Wise, they chiefly cultivate jute (koshtd), preparing the fibre themselves and manufacturing from it coarse canvas (tat) for bags. Both men and women weave, their loom being the ordinary native one, but clumsier than that used by the Tanti. Their shuttle is called vdya, and they dispense with the reed (shdna). They are careful to explain that the shuttle is shot with the hands, as among the Tantis, and not driven by pedals, as with the outcaste Jogis. The Kapali manufactures three kinds of canvas : the first (chhdld) being used for the carriage of rape seed ; the second (chat) for packing goods ; while the third (tdt) is in universal demand for floor matting, for boat sails, rice bags, and bags for country produce generally. In Bikrampur a finer kind of canvas, known as bdra-bastra, is woven for the carriage of areca nut. The trade of the Kapali has of late years suffered greatly by the importation of gunny-bags from Europe, but they always find a ready market for the sake of matting. Bamboo mats for floors are seldom used in Bengal, but canvas is laid down in every shop, and beneath bedding whenever people sleep on the ground. On the Vijaya Dasami day of the Durg& Puj& all Bengali shopkeepers, often including the Muhammadan, regard it as a duty to throw away the old matting of their shops and to replace it by new. The Kapalis generally reside in villages, where they can cultivate jute, never in large towns, and would lose caste if they worked with hemp or cotton. Their occupation being different from that of the Tanti, the two castes live in amity with one another. They are usuaUy poor, but in former days several of them are _ . , . said to have risen to be taluqdars. Some hold Social status. , i. ii 1 n* in , k'vuiu uuu, tenures, but tee bulk ot the caste are occupancy and non-occupancy raiyats. A few have relinquished their charac teristic trade and become boatmen and shop-keepers. Socially they rank between Jeliyas and Dhobas. They claim to be of higher rank than the Bhuinmali, Chandal, or Sunri, aud the washerman and barber admit them to be clean Sudras, and have no objection to working for them. Their practice in the matter of food is the same as that of other orthodox Hindus of Eastern Bengal. They assert that they never taste spirits, but it is generally believed they do. Ganja-smoking, however, is common among them.
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
null
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2 volumes (8°)
English
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null
false
003109315
"1891-01-01T00:00:00"
1891
The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
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KAPALI 423 KAEAIYA, The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kapalis in 1872 and 1881 :— Kapar, a section and a title of Kewats ; a title of the Dhusia sub-caste of Chamars and of Maghaya Kumhars in Behar. Kaparddr, the son of a wet nurse ; a title given by the Rdjds of Ramgarh to some of their servants. of Baidyas and Kayasths in Bengal ; a title of the Aut sub caste of Gandhabaniks, of San kharis, Tantis, and Sutradhars in Bengal. Kara, buffalo, a sub-sept of the Besra sept of Santals and a sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Kapar i, a section of the Kadar caste in Behar. Kara, a group of the Srotriya sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans ; a mul or section of the Tinmulia and ■ Chhamulia Madhesia and Bhojpuria sub-castes of Halwdis in Behar ; a title of Kaibarttas. Kaphalya, a thar or section of Nepali and Utkal Brahmans. Kapinjala, a section of Utkal Brahmans. K&radhanauta, a mul or sec tion of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kapri, a section of the Mag hayd sub-caste of Barhis ; a title of Arayiya Telis ; a section of the Banapar sub-caste of Koiris in Behar ; a title of Chamars and a section of Sunris in Behar. Karaf, a section of Awadhia Hajjams in Behar. Kara i ach or, a section of the Banodhia and Jaiswar Kalwars in Behar. Kapur, a section of Awadhia Hajjams in Behar. Karaiark, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Kapur, a sept of the Chandra bansi division of Rajputs and a section of the Charjati sub-caste of Khatris in Behar. Karaiya, a sub-caste of Haris. Karaiya, a title of Bangaja Kayasths. Kar, a section of Utkal or Orissa Brahmans ; a family name Distbict. 1872. 1881. D18IEICT. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhurn Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Kadiya Khulna Jessore Murshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye ... Rangpur Bogra 730 729 1 Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh Tipperah Chittagong Noakhali Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas ... 5,811 6,378 89 690 12 18,589 12,189 7,009 11,568 6,443 46 582 65 '""230 130 '""838 J 1,724 28.061 12,961 22,794 1,636 86 12 316 761 71 ( 337 I 1,698 9.534 6,728 14,719 27,679 100 248 213 265 810 17,017 9,369 8,378 11,393 8,197 ""5l7 17 10
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424 KAEAK KAEAN Karalai, a sub-caste of Kai barttas in Noakhali. K&rak, a section of Sunris and Telis in Behar and Chota Nagpur. Karakata Karwar, buffalo, a totemistic section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Karam, a tree, a sept of Goalas in Chota Nagpur. Karamati, a thar or sept of Gurungs in Darjiling. Karal, Kurdl, a sub-caste of Chandals who sell fish caught by others. Their women prepare and sell chird. Karamwar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Ulatatt, the indigenous writer-caste of Orissa. Karans recog- nise only two endogamous sub -castes — Karan Origin and internal pr0per and Sristi-Karan or Uriya Sristi- Karan. The former, like the Madhyasreni Brahmans and the Kasthas or Madhyasreni Kayasths, claim to have been originally Kayasths of Bengal who were driven to take refuge in Orissa, because they refused to accept the institution of Kulinism from Ballal Sen. The latter are supposed to be sprung from liaisons between Karans and members of the Nabasakha group. They are generally employed as menial servants by the Karans, and I am informed that even now they do not object to admit the illegi timate children of Karans into their caste. Karans and Sristi- Karans, however, do not intermarry, and a Karan cannot eat food that has been cooked by a Sristi-Karan. As with the Kayasths of Bengal, cases occur among the Karans of outsiders being admitted into the caste, and it is said that several families of well-to-do Khandaits have thus been transformed into Karans. The children borne by maid servants kept in the family are called Bhatuntara. They are recognised as Karans, but do not inherit the property of the head of the family. Another group, which is not strictly endogamous, deserves special notice here. This is the class known as Nauli Karan or Karan with the sacred thread. Concerning these a curious story is told. Once upon a time the King of Orissa while out walking found two male infants, apparently twins, lying at the roadside. He had them carried home, and gave one to a washerwoman and the other to a sweeper (Hari) woman to nurse. When they were grown up, the boys were brought to the king, and he was asked to determine their caste. Seeing that no low-caste woman would be at the trouble of exposing her infants, the king concluded that they must be either Brahmans or Karans. As it was impossible to say which, he decided, as it were, to split the difference by investing them with the sacred thread as if they were Brahmans, and then enrolling them in the Karan caste. Their descendants still go through the form of investing their sons with the thread, though they only wear it for two or three months. At the time of their assuming the thread they perform a ourious ceremony in memory of the vicissitudes of their ancestors. A post made of bel wood, and adorned with various kinds of devices in sola is set up at the plaoe where the ceremony of investiture is performed, and shell bracelets,
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425 KAEAN a piece of cloth, and other odds and ends are placed at the foot of it. On one side of the post stands a washerwoman, on the other a woman of the Hari caste, and when the initiate is taken inside the house, he is made to bow ostensibly to the bel post, but really, so it is explained, to the two women who represent the wet-nurses of the twin forefathers of the caste. The Nauli Karans intermarry with the Karans proper, but not with the Sristi-Karans. The exogamous divisions of the Karan caste are shown in Appendix I. Most of them are of the standard Brahmanical type, though it is possible that Nagesa and Sankha may be totemistic. Prohibited degrees are reckoned by the method in vogue among the higher Hindu castes, with the curious exception that a man is permitted to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, an alliance distinctly forbidden by the ordinary rules. Girls are usually married as infants, but instances not unfre- . quently occur where, owing to difficulties in procuring a suitable husband, a man will keep his daughters unmarried until they come to be eighteen or nineteen years old. In any case the Karans, like the Kasthas of Midnapur, are careful to guard against the physical objections to infant-marriage by forbidding the couple to cohabit until the bride attains sexual maturity. Contrary to the usual practice of Hindus, marriages in the Karan caste generally take place in the day-time. On the question what should be deemed the more binding portion of the ritual, there seems to be some difference of opinion. Some attach special importance to the offering of funeral cakes to the de ceased ancestors of the bridegroom, which takes place on the fourth day after the initial ceremony of giving away the bride. Others again hold that the essential rite is the laying of the bride's right hand in that of the bridegroom, and binding their two hands together with a piece of thread spun in a special way. The wedding usually takes place at the bride's house. On the next day the bride is taken to the bridegroom's house, where she spends eight days, called the ashta-mangald, or eight auspicious days. On the day and night im mediately following the marriage, known as the bish rdtri or ' poison night,' the bride and bridegroom are not allowed to see one another at all, nor in any case are they allowed to sleep together during the ashta-mangald unless the bride has attained puberty. Most Karans are Vaishnavas, and their favourite divinity is . Krishna. They employ Utkal Brahmans for religious and ceremonial purposes, and these are the only Brahmans from whose hands they will take food. The dead are burned ; a period of mourning is observed for ten days, and the srdddh is performed in the orthodox fashion on the eleventh day. In the matter of personal law they are governed by the Mitaksharci, as interpreted by the commentary of Sambhukar Bajpayi. Karans rank next to Brahmans in the scale of social pre- „ . , cedence commonly recognised in Orissa. Most Social status. .cat. v ji i j _____.-__• ot them have a sound knowledge of their own vernacular and are ready scribes, and within the last few years many
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426 KAEIONT. KAEAN. of them have taken to English education. Zemindars, patnidars, holders of lakhiraj tenures, and occupancy and non-occupancy ryots are found among the caste, and many are employed as clerks and gomashtas by the various grades of landholders. They are strict as to diet, abstaining entirely from wine and strong drink, taking cooked or uncooked food from no other caste, water only from mem bers of the Nabasakha group, and never smoking in the same hookah with men of another caste. Karan, a sub-caste of Kay asths and Tambulis in Behar. Karar, a section of the Kurmi caste in Manbhum, the members of which will not kill or eat a buffalo. Karan, Nauli-Karan, a sub caste of Karans in Orissa. Karariha, amul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Hatattga, Karga, Koranga, a small Dravidian caste of Western Bengal, who make baskets, dig tanks, and work as carpenters. Their special business is the mak ing of cart wheels and wooden articles, such as pailds or seers of standard measure. In Sing bhum they are also stone-cutters. They have two exogamous sub divisions, Salmach and Kachchap, and four endogamous sub-castes — Dhalua, Malua, Sikharia and Tunga. The word also denotes persons who castrate goats and bullocks. Karati, a title of Chandals who are employed as sawyers of wood. Karauche, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Karaunti, a section of Awa dhia Hajjams in Behar. Karbhaia, a section of Kan aujia Sonars in Behar. Karcholia, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kargaha, a section of the Maghaya sub-caste of Koiris in Behar. Karanga-Munda, a sub-tribe of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Karangarhya, a sept of Raj puts in Behar. Karhar, a jungle fruit hke bel, a totemistio sept of Kharwars, Chiks, and Lohars in Chota Nagpur ; a section of Raj wars in Western Bengal. Karania, kussum tree, a to temistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Karanja, a gain oi the K&syapa gotra of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Karian, a section of the Sat mulia Maghayd, sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Karanja, a sub-caste of Goalas in Bengal. Kariar, a sept of Kaurs in Chota Nagpur. Karanjea, an oil-seed, a sept of Bairagis in Chota Nagpur. Kdrikar, Kdrigar, iron-smiths and artificers generally. Karar, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub -caste of Halwais in Behar. Kariont, a section of the Kam&r sub-caste of Dos&dhs in Behar.
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KAEIEA 427 KAENI, Karira, a section of Goalas in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Karmahe-Majhiam, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Karjaha, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kal wars in Behar. Karmahe-Alanpur, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Karjhulia, a sept of Raj puts in Behar. Karmahe-Urai, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Karji, a title of Binjhias in Chota Nagpur. in Bengal a syn onym for Kamar ; in Hazaribagh a title of Kahars. Karkada, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub caste of Halwais in Behar. Karkosa, cow, a totemistic 6ept of Lohars in Chota Nagpur. Karmali, a title of black smiths in Chota Nagpur. Karkusa, a bird, a totemistic section of Lohars and Mahilis in Chota Nagpur. Karminia, a sept of the Suryabansi sub-tribe of Rajputs in Behar. Karma, a tree, a totemistic sept of Mundas and Gonds in Chota Nagpur. Karmot, a sub- caste of Nunias in Behar. Karmua, a section of Babhans in Behar. Karmahe-Majhaura, a mul of the Batsya section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Karnamasi, a section of Baruis in BeDgal. Karmahe Ahpur, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Karnati, a territorial division of the Pancha Dra vira Brah mans, who live in the south of the Vindhya range, in Karnatika, the country of the Canarese lan guage. Karmahe-Tarauni, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Karmahe-Naruar, a mul of the Batsa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Karnautia, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Karmahe-Behat, a mul of the Batsa section of Alaithil Brah mans in Behar. Karnavati, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Iflantt, a small and degraded caste of weavers in Eastern Bengal, whose claim to kinship with the Tantis is repudiated by the latter. Kamis are met with in the western thanas of the Dacca district, along the left bank of the Padma river, but are more numerous in Faridpur and Pabna. They have three gotras — Bharadwaja, Aliman, and Kasyapa — which appear to have been borrowed from the Brahmanical system. Vaishnavism is the religion of the majority ; Saivism of the minority. Their priests are Barna Brahmans, who serve them alone.
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428 KAENI KASAI The Kami are exclusively engaged in weaving, agriculture and fishing being strictly forbidden. They manufacture the dhoti or waist-cloth, the gdmchd, napkin or towel, as well as chequered bed curtains (chdrkhdn). In some eastern districts they sell betel-leaf. Napits, Dhobas, and other servants of the Nava-sakha work for the Karni, which would hardly be the case if their origin were wholly impure. Kami, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Karo, a section of Madhesia Halwais in Behar. Karpatne, a section of the Amashta Kayasths in Behar. Karnwar, a sept of the Su rajbansi division of Rajputs in Behar. Karpur, a sub-section of the Bharadwaja section of Utkal Brahmans. Karral, a sub-caste of Chandals, which has become degraded from carrying on the business of fishmongers. Their kinsmen neither intermarry nor hold any social intercourse with them, but the same Brahman and servants work for both. The Karral is to the Hindu population what the Mahifarosh or Panjari is to the Muhammadan, and men and women, though they never fish them selves, retail fish in the markets, and often make advances to fisher men. This sub-caste is more numerous in Faridpur than in Dacca, but all along the left, or Dacca, bank of the Padma small colonies are established, while inland individuals are employed as constables and messengers. The Karrals are all Vaishnavas in creed, and united in one gotra, the Kasyapa. They confess to a partiality for spirits, but allege that they abstain from flesh, including pork, unless when the animal ha3 been sacrificed. Karsa, a sept of Rajputs in Karuna, a title of Kamars in Behar. Behar. Karunjua, a big black bird, a totemistic section of Pans in Chota Nagpur. Karsal, a sept of Go&las in Chota Nagpur. Karsul, a section of Rautias in Chota Nagpur. Karwa, a section of Chamars in Behar. Karthia, a kind of ddl or grain, a section of Goalas in Chota Nagpur. Karwar, a section of Dhenuars in Chota Nagpur. Karwat, a sub-caste of Nunids in Behar. Kartik-rasi, a section of Ma los in Eastern Bengal. Kasa, a mul a section of the Ayodhia sub-caste of Hajjams in Behar. Kama, a sept of the Tung jainya sub-tribe of Chakmas in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kasdi, a butcher. Most butch ers are Mahomedans, but in Bengal low Brahmans, Kaoras, and Bdgdis slaughter goats and Karuah, a title of the Ghasi caste in Singbhum.
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KASAI 429 KASEKA. sheep, and are known as Hindu kasdis. In Eastern Bengal Ma homedan butchers are classed as Bakri-kasai or goat-killers and Goru-kasai or cow-killers. The latter were formerly looked upon as degraded, but of late years the two groups have united and intermarry freely. All are fol lowers of Moulavi Karamat Ali, and are very bigotted, eating with the Kuti, but declining to have anything to do with sweepers and Bediyas. Kasai Kulia, a sub-caste of Bagdis in Western Bengal, living on the banks of the Kasai river, who are boatmen and fishermen and are reckoned the highest in rank of the 14 sub-castes in which the Bagdis are divided. Kasai I, deer, a totemistic sept of Goalas in Chota Nagpur. Kasarbani, Kasarwdni, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kasarwani, a sub-caste of Baniyas in Behar, who profess to have no less than ninety-six sections, of which the following are specimens: — Sagela Bagela, Chanankat-Kathautia, Laungjha rajhari, Sonechanrupekedandi, Abkahila, Chalania, Chauso war, Malhatia, Sonaul, Tarsi, Tirusia. A man may not marry a woman belonging to his own section, and must also observe the standard formula of prohibited degrees reckoned to the fifth generation in the descending line. The Kasarwani marry their daughters as infants, and do not recognise divorce. Polygamy, however, is permitted, without any restriction on the number of wives a man may have. A widow is allowed to marry again, and is not compelled to marry her late husband's younger brother, though it is considered a very proper thing for her to do so. By religion most of them are Vaishnavas, and they also worship Banni and Sokha-Sambhunath as minor or household gods. Shop-keeping is their regular occupation, and only a few have taken to agriculture. Kasarwanis will not allow calves to be castrated, nor will they sell cattle to Muhammadans or to men of the Teli caste. Kasaudhan, Kasondhan, or Kasaunan, a sub-caste of Baniyiis in Behar, some of whom claim to be Bais Baniyas. The claim, however, is not generally ad mitted. Kasbak, the heron, a totem istic section of Bagdis. IfiitSCra, Kamara, Tamherd, the brass-founding caste of Behar, Tradition of origin. probably an offshoot from one of the higher mercantile castes, which was separated from the parent group by adopting this special profession. The fact that the Kasera have a well-defined set of exogamous sections and pride themselves on their purity of descent seems to indicate that the caste is a homogeneous one, and is not, like many of the functional castes, a collection of men from several different groups held together merely by the bond of a common occupation. On the distinction between the Kasera and the cognate, but distinct, caste of Thathera, Mr. Nesfield remarks1 :— "The Kasera 's 1 Brief View of the Caste System, p. 29.
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430 KASEEA. speciality lies in mixing the softer metals (zinc, copper, and tin) and moulding the alloy into various shapes, such as cups, bowls, plates, etc. The Thathera's art consists in polishing and engraving the utensils which the Kasera supplies.-" The sections of the Kaseras are shown in Appendix I. A . man may not marry a woman belonging to his own section, and must also observe the rules regarding prohibited degrees which are held binding by the Kayasths of Behar. All Kaseras who can afford to do so marry their daughters as infants, but they do not appear to regard this as an absolute necessity, and in poor families it often happens that girls do not find husbands until after they have attained the age of puberty. The marriage ceremony is of the standard type. Polygamy is permitted to the extent that a man may take a second wife if his first wife is barren. A widow is allowed to marry again by the sagai ritual, which consists of smearing vermilion on the bride's forehead. This must be done at night in a dark room. Only widows attend at the ceremony, married women deeming it unlucky to be present. No religious forms are gone through, nor is any entertainment given to the members of the caste. Divorce is not recognised. The religion of the Kaseras differs in no respect from that of . other members of the middle class in Behar. Eor religious and ceremonial purposes they employ Brahmans, who are received on terms of equality by other members of the sacred order. They burn their dead and perform srdddh in the orthodox fashion. Their social rank is respectable,1 and Brahmans will take water from their hands. The bulk of the caste are engaged in their characteristic occupation, and only a few have taken to agriculture. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kaseras in 1872 and 1881. The figures for Thathera are included in the former year : — 1 In describing the Kaseras of the North- Western Provinces, Mr. Sherring says: — "As artisans and traders, the Kasera caste occupies a high position. They are said to be above the Vaisya, or commercial caste, and to hold a place between this and the Kshatriya caste. The reasons assigned for this opinion are that the tribe in all its subdivisions is more punctilious on many matters considered to be of importance by Hindus than the Vaisya or Sudra castes usually are. and that they all wear the sacred thread." These remarks do not appear to be applicable to the Kaseras of Behar. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Patna Gya Shahabad Tirhut f Moznfferpur Jlrhut (.Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Dhaualpur Purniah 4,344 4,768 2,258 | 6,805 817 1,314 8,421 4.692 6,959 { 2,358 2,558 694 362 485 361 968 632 945 648 Santal Parganas ... Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States ... Hazaribagh LohardngtL Sintrhhum Manbhum Tributary States ... 402 7,559 4,774 1,980 6,130 765 2,016 692 595 4'J0 91 4,106 2.796 908 3,404 719 1,139 124 199 626
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KASHIB. 431 KASTHA. Kasi ar, a section of Ghasis in Chota Nagpur. Kashib, tortoise, a totemistic section of Rautias in Chota Nag pur. Kasibak, heron, a totemistic sept of Savars; a section of Koras in Chota Nagpur and Western Bengal. Kashmiri, a sub-caste of Brahmans. Kashta-Srotriya, a hyper gamous group of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kasi I, a gotra or section of Agarwals. Kasi, kind of grass, a totem istic section of Rautias, Binjhias, Kharias, and Lohars in Chota Nagpur; a section of Goalas and Sonars in Behar ; a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Kasipuriya, a sub-caste of Aguris in Western Bengal. Kasmal, a section of the Biya hut and Kharidahd Kalwars in Behar. Kasojan, a sub-caste of Baniyds in Behar. Kasi am, a section of the Sat mulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Kaspai, a section of Babhans in Behar. Kasiano, a mul or section of the Chhamulid Madhesia sub caste of Halwais in Behar. Kasta, a title of Tantis or weavers. passim, a cultivating and landholding caste peculiar to the . . districts of Midnapur and Balasore. It is divided into two sub-castes — Madhyasreni- Kayasth and Kastha. The former, who are as a rule wealthier and more highly esteemed than the latter, claim to be the descendants of certain legendary Kayasths who settled in Midnapur before the time of Ballal Sen, and so completely lost touch with their brethren in Bengal that even the growth of Kulinism passed them by unnoticed, and there are no Kulins among them to this day. The same tradi tion represents the Kasthas as the offspring of these Madhyasreni- Kayasths by women of lower castes. The theory derives some support from the analogous case of Rajput families who have settled iu outlying parts of the country, lost connexion with their own people, and intermarried with the women of the land. It is, however, equally possible, and in my opinion rather more probable, that both Madhyasreni-Kayatths and Kasthas may be the descendants of an indigenous writer-tribe like the Karans of Orissa, the wealthier members of which disowned their humbler tribesmen and sought kinship with the well-known Kayasth caste of Bengal. The fact that both Kasthas and Madhyasreni-Kayasths are in posses sion of very old estates seems to tell in favour of this view. Kasthas marry their daughters as infants, condemn the remar- riage of widows, and do not recognise divorce. In one point, however, both divisions of the caste, and even the despised Karans of Orissa, are greatly in advance of the Kayasths of Bengal. While they accept and act up to the sacerdotal view that untold spiritual evils will befall the man who does not get his daughters married before the age of puberty, they
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KASTHA. 432 KASYAPA. carefully guard against the physical dangers of the practice by for bidding the married couple to cohabit until the bride has arrived at sexual maturity. In matters of religious and ceremonial observance they are at all points orthodox Hindus. Most of them belong to the Vaishnava sect. Madhyasreni-Brahmans officiate as their priests. Mad hyasreni-Kayasths occupy much the same position in Mid- Sociai status and occupa- napur as the Kayasths in Bengal Proper and tion- the Karans in Orissa. Their social rank is high, and Brahmans take water from their hands. Some of them hold zemindaris and substantial tenures, while the majority are engaged in clerical pursuits Of late years, however, they have had to compete with true Kayasths who have immigrated from Bengal and become domiciled in Midnapur. The Kasthas are for the most part cultivators, tilling their own lands, but in Balasore and the west of Midnapur a few of them are found holding estates. Kastha, a sub-caste of Kasthas in Midnapur. Kastogiri, a title of Baidyas in Bengal. the Kanaujia sub-caste of Lohars in Behar, the Subarnabanik, Sunri, Khatri, Kayasth, Karan, Rajput, Goala, Kaibartta, Kochh, Kamar, Dhanuk, Barhi, Beldar, Chain, Nunia, Bauri, Bagdi, Barui, Chasadhoba, Bind, Dhobi, Gandhabanik, Jugi, Kapali, Khatwe, Khatik, Pod, Madhu napit, Mali, Mayara, Muchi, Napit, Babhan, Bhat, Kurmi, Sonar, Tanti, Chasa, Kewat, Sankhari, Sukli, Tambuli, Pachim Kuliya Sadgop, Sura hiya, Sutradhar, Tiyar, Nagar, Pasi, Chero, and Kahar. The Kumhars and Kurmis of Be har appear to have borrowed this section from the Brahmans in comparatively recent times, but as it is used indiscriminately by all Kumhars and Kurmis of that province, it does not operate as a bar to intermarriage. In the case of Maghaya Kurmis, indeed, it has been superadded to an existing series of exogamous groups (muls) based on actual descent. Some of the Maghaya Kumhsirs, however, have no muls, and reckon prohibited degrees by the formula referred to in the article on Kayasth. The same remark holds good of the Behar Kurmis, with the possible excep tion of the Ghamela sub-caste. Kastuar, a section of Sonars in Behar. Kastu Rishi, a section of Kai barttas in Central Bengal. Kastwar, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Kaswar, a sub-caste of Bais Baniyas in Behar. Kasya, a gotra or section of Nep&li Brahmans. Kasyab, Kasyap, a totemistic section of Bhars and of the Raj war, Kumhar and Koiri castes in Chota Nagpur, the members of which will not touch, kill, or eat a tortoise ; a section of Koras denoting a tortoise; a sept of Bhumij ; a section of Sonars and Tantis in Behar. Kasyapa, a gotra or epony mous section of Brahmans denot ing descent from the Vedic sage Kasyapa. It has been adopted by the following castes :— Kumhdr, Tanti, Toli, Baidya, the Kasau dhan sub-caste of Baniyas and
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KATADI. 433 KATHAE. Katadi, a gam or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Katea, field-mouse, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Katear, a section of the Sat mulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Kata it, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Kataiwar-Andhra, a mul of the Kasyapa section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Kateka Rakmal, a mul or section of the Biyahut sub-caste of Kalwars in Behar. Kataiwar-Phet, a mul of the Kasyap section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Kates, a section of the Biya hut and Kharid&ha Kalw&rs in Behar. Kataiwar-Malangiya, amuloi the Kasyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Kateswar, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidahd Kal wars in Behar. Kataiwar-Loam, a mul oi the Kasyap section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Katewar, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Katha, a sub-caste of Godlds in the North-Western Prov inces and Behar. Kataiwar-Marachi, a mul of the Kasyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Kathadularpur, a mul or sec tion of the Naomulia or Majraut sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Kataiya, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Kathak, a sub-caste of Brah mans in Behar who rank very low, the male members of which sing and dance on ceremonial occasions in the houses of res pectable people. The name Ka thak, properly denoting a reciter of the Hindu sacred books, is also applied to musicians of any creed or caste who play on the violin. Dr. Wise mentions an instance of a Chhatri Kathak who went about in Dacca with a troop of Mahomedan dancing boys (Bhagtiya), and adds that none of his class would condescend to accompany Mahomedan bais op dancing girls. Kataki or Ashtn.grdmi, a sub caste of Tambulis in Bengal. Katalpurl, a section of Sonars in Behar. Katani, a gdin or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Ben gal. Katar, kafdr, a title of basket making Doms in Behar. Katari, a title of Telis in Behar. Katari, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kath a I ma let, a section of Maghaiya Kumhars in Behar. Katari yar, a section of Kay* asths in Behar. Kataunia, a section of Bab* hans in Behar. Kathar, a section of Kanaujia Lohars in Behar. 2 E
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KATHAEGACH. 434 KATKI PHULBAEIA. Kath aut i a, a section of Bab hans and of Kanaujia Lohars in Behar. Kathargach, a section of Mahilis in Western Bengal. Katharia, a sept of the Rau tar sub-tribe of Tharus ; a sec tion of the Biydhut and Khari daha Kalwars in Behar. Kath a ut i a, Kathdwd, a sub caste of Beldars in Western Bengal. Kathautia, a sub-caste of Dhanuks and Nagars in Behar. Kathautiar, a section of Kayasths in Behar. Kathbaniya, a sub-caste of Baniyas in Behar, who have no sections and regulate their marriages by the standard formula for reckoning prohibited degrees calculated to seven generations in the descending line. They practise infant-marriage and allow a man to take a second wife during the lifetime of the first. A widow may marry again, but is not compelled to marry her late husband's younger brother or younger cousin. In certain exceptional cases husbands are permitted to divorce their wives with the concurrence of the panchdyat, but women so divorced may not marry again. Most Kathbaniyas belong to the Vaishnava sect. Maithil Brahmans serve them as priests, and are received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order. Sokha Sambhunath and Satnarayan are among the minor gods to whom their domestio worship is directed. They burn their dead and perform srdddh on the thirty-first day. Shop-keeping and money-lending on a small scale are believed to be their characteristic occupations, but many of them have taken to agriculture and hold land as non-occupancy raiyats or work as landless day-labourers. Instances, however, are known of Kathbaniyas having risen to be zamindars. Kathej, a mul or seotion of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub- caste of Halwais in Behar. „ , pierce the ears of their boys at the Dharma puja. They have the further peculiarity that they will not use cloth made of tasar Kathera, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. silk. Katicha, a thar or sept of Sunuwars in Darjiling. Kathuria, a sub-caste of Bauris in Western Bengal. Kati -chi ore, a section of Ka mis in Darjiling. Kathwait, a kui or section of Babhans in Behar. Katigrami, a gain of the Kasyapa gotra of Barendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kati a, a class of Hindu weavers in Western Bengal. Katki-kdet, a synonym for Karan in Orissa. Katiain, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Katki Phulbaria, a mul or section of the Satmulia or Kish naut sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Kati ar, a totemistic section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Oriasa, the members of which
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KATJE. KATNIA. 435 Katnia, a section of Goalas in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. members of one of the Dravidian races. Katwa!, an honorific title of Kotals, who are chaukidars or simdnddrs. Katosia, a section of Lohars in Behar. Katwar, a section of Raj wars in Western Bengal. Katras, a sub-tribe of Bhu iyas in Manbhum. Katyayan, a seotion of Brah mans. Katri, subject to fits, a sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Kaua, crow, a totemistic sept of Lohdrs, Mundas, Oraons, Parhaiyas, and Pans in Chota Nagpur. Katri ar, a sub-caste of Kur mis in Behar. Katsaia, a mul or section of the Kamarkalla sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Kaiyd, an up-country trader. See Kain. Katsarwa, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kal wars in Behar. Kaukdaintsa, a sept of Maghs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kaulika, a synonym for Sdkta, q.v. Kattahwa, a section of Bab hans in Behar. Katun, a sept of Pators in Chota Nagpur. Kaundil or Kaundin, a gotra or section of Babhails in Behar, borrowed from the Brahmanical system and superadded to the original exogamous groups (kuls) characteristic of the caste. A section of Nepdli Brahmans. Katur, a section of Awadhia Hajjams in Behar. Kature, a sub-caste of Tantis in Bengal. Katuri, a gain or sub-section of Saptasati Brahmans in Bengal. Kaundilya, a section of Brah mans ; an eponymous section of Khandaits in Orissa. Katuria, a wood-cutter, a sub caste of Sutradhars in Dacca. The name usually denotes an occupation, not a caste. In Bengal Katurias are mostly Kaibarttas or Bagdis, and in Chota Nagpur they are generally Dhdngars or Kaundilya-Kausik, a section of the Uttar- Barendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kaundinya, tiger, a totemistic section of Jagannathi Kumhars in Orissa. Ifiaur, a caste of Jashpur, Udaipur, Sarguja, and other Tribu- tary States of Chota Nagpur, who claim to structSe. aQd intemal be descended from the Kauravas or sons of Kuru, whose war with the Pandavas is described in the Mahabharata. Colonel Dalton speaks of them as a dark, coarse featured, broad-nosed, wide-mouthed and thick-lipped race, and the fact that some of their sections are totemistic seems to lend support to the view that they are of Dravidian origin. Kaurs are divided into five sub-castes — Chauti, Charwa, Dudh-Kaur, PaiKara aud Rathiya. The Dudh-Kaur follow Hindu doctrine and have Brahman priests The Paikara are also orthodox, but rank slightly below the Dudh 2e2
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436 KAWAL KAUE. Kaur. The Rathiyd rear and eat fowls, have no Brahmans, and employ the village barber as their priest, while some of them also keep a Baiga to propitiate the forest gods. Kaurs forbid marriage within the section, and observe much the same prohibited degrees as the Hindus, ex- Mamage. cep^. allow a man to marry his maternal uncle's daughter. Infant-marriage is in vogue, sindurdan is reckoned the essential portion of the marriage ceremony, and those sub-castes who have Brahmans as priests employ them at marriages. A. widow may marry again, and is expected to marry her late husband's younger brother if one survives. Failing a brother, she may marry an outsider. In the oase of a widow no priest is employed : the husband applies vermilion to her forehead with his own hand and the marriage is complete. Divorce is allowed with the sanction of the panchayat or caste council, and divorced women may marry again. Colonel Dalton mentions that the Kaurs of Sar guja at one time encouraged widows to become Satis, and describes the shrine of a Kaur Sati who was at the time of his visit the principal object of worship near Jilmilli in Sarguja. Every year a fowl was sacrificed to her, and very third year a blaok goat ; whereas Hindu offerings at Sati shrines are strictly confined to fruit and flowers. Probably the family of the Sati in question were land-hold ing Kaurs who affected to be orthodox Hindus, and aspired in course of time to transform themselves into Rajputs. Generally speaking, Kaurs regard themselves as Hindus and look upon Kali* Mai as the goddess whom they are more especially bound to worship. But, except for marriages, they do not employ Brahmans as priests. They bury the dead. On the third day the chief mourner gets himself shaved, and on the tenth and eleventh days funeral cakes are offered and a feast given to the relatives. Most Kaurs are common cultivators, a few hold farms of villages, . and some are in possession of the clearing Occupation. . , . , _„__. _„ o tenures known as Korkar and Kliunt-Katti. Kaur, a title of Karangas. Kausikark, a. pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Kaura., a sub-caste of Doms in Bengal who breed pigs and act as scavengers. Kausonjhia, a section of Bdb hans in Behar. Kausalya, a Brahmanical section of Khatris. Kaustav, a section of Brah mans. Kausar, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kautsasa, a section of the Bhatta Misra sub-caste of Utkal Brahmans and of Karans in Orissa. Kausika, a gotra or eponymous section of Brahmans, Baidyas, and Kayasths in Bengal, and of Babhans, and the Chandrabansi and Surajbansi divisions of Raj puts in Behar. Kauwa, a sept of Dhimals in the Darjiling Terai. Kavi raj, a title of Baidyas and some other Hindu families. Kawal, a title of Kaibarttas.
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KAWALI. 437 KAYAL. Hviltoalt*, Ralwah, Kdlwdli, a caste of musicians, who were originally Kapalis, but having adopted a different occupation were compelled to enrol themselves in a new caste. In Dacca they preserve a tradition that they are the offspring of a Kayasth father and a Dhobin, or washerwoman, and the Siidra servants work for them, as they also do for the Kapalis. The Kawalis all belong to one gotra, the Aliman. They have no surnames, but several honor ary titles, such as Dhali, Mala, Haidar, and Manjhi, and the most respectful term by which to address them is Vidyadhara, a name given to the dancers in Indra's heaven. The Kawali plays on any instrument taught him by his ustdd, sarddr, or teacher. When young he is apprenticed to a master, whose credit depends on the proficiency of his pupil. Youths are also taught to dance, and it is said that the purohit does not disdain to join in a dance or to take a part in a theatrical play. The Kawali will not play in the house of any caste who has not the services of the Sudra Napit and Dhoba, and refuses to attend at the homes of the Muhammadan Dai or Hajjam. They have no objec tions, however, to play in concert with the Nar, Rishi, or Hajjam. The dancing girls to whom they usually play are either Muham madans (bai), or Chandalnis ; but widows belonging to any caste, even to the Brahman, are often found with them. The great annual festival of the Kawalis is the Sri Panchamf, in honour of Sarasvati ; but its observance is not allowed to interfere with their professional engagements, and they as readily accept employment on that day as on any other. The Kawalis are all Vaishnavas, and are hired by Hindu villagers to sing the religious hymns called Hari San-kirtan. They observe the sraddha and sashthi ceremony on the same days as the Kapali and Sudras generally. Kawani, a class of Banias. local section distinguished by the shibboleth quoted above has formed itself within the original pangat. Any considerable in crease of these dihs would prob ably convert the pangat into an endogamous group. Kawar, a title of Chhatris in Nepal ; a hypergamous group of Kaibarttas in Bakarganj. Kawnria, a sort of newt, a totemistic sept of Mundas. _ Kawwdl, a class of Mahomedan singers and dancers. Kdivot, the Behar equivalent of Kewat, q.v. Kayal, a title of Pods in Bengal. Kawwa dardaha, janawwir pipra, a formula or shibboleth denoting a dih or local section of the Hazari pangat of the Magh aya sub-caste of Dosadhs in Behar. Properly speaking, the Hazari pangat is itself an exogamous section, but it would appear to have expanded ; so that a dih or Kaydl, Kedl, Koydl, a weigh man, a petty broker, a negociator of the prices of grain between sellers and buyers. In Patna and South-East Behar the word de notes the person who weighs the grain when produce rent is
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438 KAYASTHA. KAYAL. collected on the system of batai kharihdni or division on the thresh ing-floor. In Bengal rents are rarely paid in kind, and the Kay dis enumerated in the Census were probably weighmen in municipal markets and small village hats. llagitSiha, Kaet, Kait, Kdgath, Kdya, the writer-caste of Bengal Proper, a numerous and influential Traditions of origin. whoge traditionai origin has been the subject of much controversy. No mention of the caste occurs in Manu, and the Kayasths themselves reject the theory which gives them for an ancestor the Karan, the son of a Vaisya father by a Sudra mother. The earliest reference to the Kayasths as a distinct caste occurs in Yajnavalkya, who describes them as writers and village accountants, very exacting in their demands from the cultivators. In the Padma and Bhabishya Puranas the Kayasths are made out to be the children of Chitragupta, the supreme recorder of men's virtues and vices, who sprang from the body (kdya) of Brahma, and this was the first Kayastha. The Skanda Purana gives them a more distinguished ancestry. It tells how Parasu Rama's efforts to exterminate the Kshatriya race were time after time defeated by the birth of sons to the Kshatriya women whom be spared when their husbands were killed. Determined to clear the earth of the obnoxious tribe, he resolved to show mercy no longer, even to women in their pregnancy. In fulfilment of this vow he pursued the widow of the Kshatriya Raja Chandra Sen into the hermitage of Dalabhya Rishi, where she had taken refuge, and demanded that she should be given up to him. But Dalabhya begged the life of the child in the Rani's womb, and his request was granted by Parasu Rama on the condition that the child should be called Kayastha and should be brought up to follow the ritual of the Sudras, and not that of the twice- born castes. On this showing the Kayaathas are by birth Kshatriyas of full blood, but by reason of their following the ceremonies of the Sudras they are called Vratya or incomplete Kshatriyas. The faint suggestion of inferiority which this term implies seems on the whole to be borne out by the position assigned in the Mrichhakatika to the Kay- astha who sits with the Judge as assessor in the trial described in the ninth act of the play. He is charged with the ministerial duty of recording evidence under the orders of the Judge, and he, like the other assessor, Sreshthi, speaks Prakrit, while the Judge and the prin- cipal defendant use the more dignified Sanskrit. From the Mrichha- katika we pass on to the more recent and more popular opinion that the forefathers of the Bengal Kayasths came from Kanauj with the five Brahmans whom King Adisura summoned to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies. Around this tradition a bitter contro- versy has raged between the Kayasths, who sought to exalt their social status, and members of other castes who refused to admit their claims. Une party alleged that the five Kayasths — Makaranda Ohosh, Dasaratha Vasu, Kaliddsa Mitra, Dasnratha Guha, and Puru- shottama Datta — came to Bengal as the menial servants of the five Brahmans. Their social standing therefore could have been no higher than that of the Kahdrs, who in Upper India at the present
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439 KAYASTHA. day discharge personal services for members of the higher castes The Kayasths for their part repudiated this view as derogatory to their dignity, and some of them went so far as to argue that the five Kay asths of the tradition were political officers in charge as Kshatriyas. of a mission from Kanauj to the King of Bengal, and that the five Brahmans played quite a subordinate part in the transaction, if indeed they were anything more than the cooks of the five Kayasths. An ingenious grammatical argument, based on the names of the two sets of immigrants, is brought forward in support of this view. Putting tradition aside, and looking on the one hand to the physical type of the Kayasths and on the other to their remarkable intellectual attainments, it would seem that their claim to Aryan descent cannot be wholly rejected, though all attempts to lay down their genealogy precisely must necessarily be futile. It appears to be at least a plausible conjecture that they were a functional group, developed within the Aryan community, in res ponse to the demand for an official and literary class, which must in course of time have arisen. This class would naturally have been recruited more largely from the peaceful Vaisyas and Sudras than from the warlike Kshatriyas, while the Brahmans would pro bably have held aloof from it altogether. It is possible, though 1 put forward the suggestion with much diffidence, that the tradi tion describing the Kayasths as the offspring of a Vaisya and a Sudrani may be merely an archaic method of saying that the writer caste was composed of elements drawn from the two lower grades of Aryan society. This view of the origin of the Kayasths is en titled to whatever support it may derive from the statement of some of my correspondents, that even in recent times instances have occurred of members of other castes gaining admission into the Kayasth community. Some of these statements are curiously precise and specific. It is said, for example, that a few years ago many Magh families of Chittagong settled in the western districts of Bengal assumed the designation of Kayasth, and were allowed to intermarry with true Kayasth families. An extreme case is cited in which the descendants of a Tibetan missionary have somehow found their way into the caste, and are now recognised as high class Kayasthas. Another story tells how a certain Uriya Goala, bearing the name Datta, which is one of the distinctive hypergamous titles of the Kayasthas, took service with a Kayasth family in Calcutta, where his principal duty was to boil the milk to be offered to certain idols. This man's sons grew up and were educated with the sous of the house, and were recently admitted as Kayasthas of the Datta grov.p and of the Kasyapa gotra. Alongside of these instances, derived from inquiries in Western Bengal, we may set the statement of Dr. Wise that in the eastern districts of Bengal there exist a very numerous body called Ghulam, or slave, Kayasths, and also known as Shikdar, or Bhandari. The Ghulam Kayasths are descended from individuals belonging to clean Sudra castes who sold themselves, or were sold, as slaves to Kayasth masters. It is stoutly denied that any one belong ing to an unclean tribe was ever purchased as a slave, yet it is hard to believe that this never occurred. The physique of the low and
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440 KAYASTHA. impure races has always been better than that of the pure ; and on account of their poverty and low standing a slave could at any time be more easily purchased from amongst them. However this may be, it is an undoubted fact that any Ghulam Kayasth could, and can even at the present day, if rich and provident, raise himself by intermarriage as high as the Madhalya grade, and obtain admission among the Bhadra-lok, or gentry of his countrymen. Datta being a Madhalya title, it will be observed that this is precisely the position to which in the instance quoted above the descendants of an Uriya Godla are said to have attained. The Bengal Kayasths are divided into four sub-castes: (1) Uttar-Rarhi, (2) Dakhin-Rarhi, (3) Barendra, (4) Bangaja. These groups are in theory endogamous, but within the last few years marriages have occasionally taken place between members of the Dakhin-Rarhi and Bangaja sub-castes. The Uttar Rarhi T , . . are met with in the districts of Birbhum, Internal structure. *■*-.-, i <- 1 i i <■ j pt-> Bardwan, Murshedabad, parts ot Rangpur, Dinajpur, Hughli, and Jessore. The Dakhin-Rarhi are massed in Bardwan, Hughli, Midnapur, 24-Parganas, Jessore, Kishnagar, and parts of Bakarganj, while in Dacca only two families reside. The Bangaja are established in Bakarganj, Jessore, 24-Parganas, Dacca, Faridpur, western part of Maimansinh, eastern part of Pabna, and in several villages of the Bogra district. The Barendra are settled in Rajshahye, Pabna, Maldah, Bogra, Dinajpur, as well as here and there throughout Faridpur, Jessore, and Kishnagar. Within each of the sub-castes we find a series of three hyper- gamous groups, each comprising so many family names. These are given in tabular form in the Appendix. The rules governing the intermarriage of these groups differ in several material points from those in force among the Brahmans. Ballal Sen is said to have divided the Kdyasths into four sub-castes according to locality, thus: — Uttar-Rarhi, Dakshin- Rarhi, Bangaja and Barendra. He selected eight members from each kui of the Dakshin- Rarhis in order to create samajs or hyper- gamous groups, e.g., eight from each of the three families of Ghosh, ., , „ ,. . Basu and Mitra, out of which two were made Marriage and Kulinism. , „ 1.1/1 Kulin and six were made Bansaj. Rrabhakar of the Aknd group and Nisdpati of the Bdli group represented the mukhya of the Ghosh family ; Sukti of the Baganda group and Mukti of the Mahinagar group represented the Basu family ; while Dhuin of the Barisa group and Guin of the Tek group represented the Mitra family Thus according to the rules of Ballal Sen only these six men were made Kulin ; the rest were made Bansaj, i.e., born of the Kulin family. The following are the names of the Bansaj groups : — Amreswar, Dirghanga, Kardti, Seakhdla, Khania, and Sankrali of the Ghosh family ; Nim&rkd, Sathuli, Chitrapur, Dirghanga, Gohari and Panohamuli of the Basu family ; Dabarakupi, Chdndard, Dantia Ch&klai, Kumarhatta and Balia groups form the Mitra familv. The members ofthe Guha family lived in Eastern Bengal, where their ancestor, Dasaratha Guha, was ranked as a Kulin, but those
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441 KAYASTHA. who had been incorporated after Balldl's grouping into the Dakshin- Barhi sub-caste were reckoned as Mauliks. Those Kayasths who had been living at that time in Eastern Bengal, including Datta and Guha, were classed as Mauliks, out of which eight families — De, Datta, Kar, Palit, Sen, Sinha, Das, and Guha were Siddha Mauliks, and the remaining seventy-two families beginning with Hora were classed as Sadhya Mauliks. Formerly ten out of seventy-two families of Sadhya Mauliks used to intermarry with the KulinB, but afterwards 16 families became connected with the Kulins by intermarriage. The names of the sixteen families are — Pal, N&g, Arnab, Som, Rudra, Aditya, Aich, Raha, Bhanja, Hora, Teja, Brahma, Bishnu, Nandi, Rakshit and Chandra. The kuls of Kdyasths are of nine sorts, out of which five are known as mul or original and four as sdkhd or branch. Following the order of social estimation, the mul Kuls are Mukhya, Kanishtha, Sharabhrata or Chhabhayd, Madhyansa and Turjyak or Teyaj. The sdkhds or branches are — Dwitiya-Po (the second son of Kanishtha), Chhabhaya's Dwitiya-Po (second son of Chhabhaya) Dwitiya-Po (second son of Madhyansa), aud Dojo-Po (second son of Teyaj). Kulins belong to one or other of these nine varieties. They are further sub-divided into different grades, and they rise or fall in social estimation according to the marriage made by the eldest son and eldest daughter. If they marry into Kulin families, the reputation of their own family is secured, and the younger members may marry as they please. Mukhya Kulins are of three kinds — Prakrita, Sahaj and Komal. Only the eldest son of each has the right to hold that title. Their other sons will descend a step or rise in social estimation in accord ance with their observance of the marriage law. It is a great distinction for a Mukhya to observe the " Nava ranga" or nine-grade kui, the rules regarding which are — The dgchhei, or eldest daughter of a Mukhya, should be given in marriage to a Mukhya ; the dochhei, or second, to a Kanishtha ; the techhei or third, to a Chhabhdya ; the chauchhei, or fourth, to a Madhyansa; and the panchumi, or fifth, to a Teyaj Kulin. Conversely, the eldest son of a Mukhya should be given in marriage to a Mukhya girl, the second to a Kanishtha girl, the third to a Madhyansa girl, and the fourth to a Teyaj girl. The Mukhya who observes these rules of marrying and giving in marriage earns the title of Navarangi. " Paneharanga" kui is observed in the following manner :— The first son of a Kanishtha Kulin ought to marry the dochhei or second daughter of a Mukhya ; the second son that of a Madhyansa girl ; the third son that of a Teyaj girl. The Kanishtha Kulin who observes these rules is held iu honour by his fellows and is called Pan charangi. The following general rules are to be observed by all Kulin Kayasths, though some of them apply to other castes as well: — A Kulin loses his kui by marrying or giving in marriage outside the parjyd or generation to which he himself belongs, counting from
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442 KAYASTHA- the first advent of Kayasths in Bengal. Whoever does so becomes a Maulik. A Kulin loses his kui by marrying a randa or daughter of a man having no male issue, or if he should by accident marry a swagotra or swapinda. An adopted son of a Kulin is not a Kulin. Though he has the privileges of a son in other respects, he has no such privilege as regards kui. He will simply remain a Bansaj. A. Kulin by marrying the daughter of a Kulin oi a lower degree descends to the level of the latter. For instance, if a Mukhya man marries a Madhydnsa girl, he becomes a Madhyansa. Again, if a Teyaj man marries a girl of Madhyansa's Dwitiya-Po, he becomes Dwitiya-Po of Madhyansa. A man should not give in marriage his daughters one after another to Kulins of the same degree. For instance, if the first daughter is given to a Mukhya, it is not proper that the dochhei or second daughter be given to another Mukhya. In that case both the giver and taker become degraded. Subject to the exceptions noted above, the religious practice of the Kayasths does not differ materially from that of the highest Hindu castes in Bengal. It is a singular fact that while the teaching of Chaitanya has united almost all the artisan and agricultural castes in a common faith, the three highest and most intelligent castes in Bengal adhere as a rule to the Sakta ritual. In Eastern Bengal all Kulin Kayasths, and something like three-fourths of the other divisions, are believed to practise Saktism. and it is said that a large proportion of these celebrate the Bamachari A'char or Chakra ceremonies. For the fulfilment of domestic religious duties every Kulin family has a private temple, or sacred nook, where a tSiva-linga is erected and daily worship performed by the head of the household. All Kayasths observe the Sri Panchami, or " Dawat Puja," on the fifth of the waxing moon in Magh (January-February). This festival is held in honour of Saraswati, the goddess of learning, who is regarded by the Kayasths as their patron deity. On this day the courts and all offices are closed, as no Hindu penman will use pen and ink, or any writing instrument, except a pencil, on that day. When work is resumed a new inkstand and pen must be used, and the pen man must write nothing until he has several times transcribed the name of the goddess Durga, with which all letters should begin. Kayasths are expected to spend the holiday in meditating on the goddess Saraswati after they have observed certain religious rites ; but the extent to which this obligation is observed depends largely upon the inclinations of the individual. On this day, says Dr. Wise, the Kayasth must taste of a hilsa fish, whatever its price, while from the Sri Panchami festival iu January to the Vijaya Dasami in September or Ootober fish must be eaten daily ; but from the last to the first month it must not be touched. This curious custom, probably founded on somo hygienic superstition, is often reversed by Bengali Kayasths.
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KAYASTHA. 443 KAYASTH The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kayasths in 1872 and 1881 :— The statement includes the Kayasths of Behar and the Karans of Orissa which form the subject of separate articles. It would be impossible to distinguish the statistics relating to these three groups. lELajiasth, Kaeth, Lala, the writer-caste of Behar, who trace their mythical parentage to Chitragupta, the scribe stmcSre. and intemal °s recorder of Yama, the recent of the dead, and pique themselves on being wholly distinct from the Kayasths of Bengal. The physical characters of the Behar Kayasths afford some ground for the belief that they may be of tolerably pure Aryan descent, though the group is doubtless a functional one recruited from all grades of the Aryan community. Kayasths themselves hand down a tradition that their progenitor Chitragupta was produced from the inner consciousness of Brahma for the purpose of managing the business affairs and keeping the accounts of the other castes, and each of the twelve sub-castes traces its pedigree back to some member of his family. Chitragupta himself and all his sons and grandsons are said to have been invested with the sacred thread marking the twice- born castes, and Kayasths claim to have, and occasionally to exercise, the right to wear this sacred symbol. The sub-castes are the following:— (1) Aithana, (2) Amashta, (3) Balmik, (4) Bhatnagar, (5) Gaur, (6) Karan, (7) Kulsrashta, (8) Mathur, (9) Nigam, (IO) Saksena, (11) Sribastab, (12) Surajdwaj. Of these the Aithana are supposed to come from Jaunpur in the North- Western Provinces. Tbe Amashta may possibly, as Mr. Crooke suggests1, be the modern representatives of the Ambastha tribe said 1 Ethnographical Handbook, p. 105. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Biinkura Birbhum Midnapur Hugbh Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Jessore Khulna Murshedabad liinajpur Rajshahye kangpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar ... Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Mnimansinh ... Chittasong ... 53,398 11,676 8,319 101,663 ] 38,722 82,803 39,719 90,640 17,077 4,523 8,727 10,387 5,483 35,359 44 587 33,069 20,575 8,902 92,178 f 25,484 I 15,849 82,364 40,780 62.611 36,985 15,655 6,n24 8,378 11,449 3,759 84,602 406 8,782 2,522 92,909 84,193 87.831 108,409 72,370 Noakhali Tipperah Chittagong Hill Tracts ... Patna Gya Sbaliabad Moznfferpur Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldnh Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manhhum Trihutary States 20,878 72,804 93 28,289 40,222 42,407 ] 70,992 47,686 24,517 20,452 17,170 11,833 4,601 5,940 5,329 1,194 2,371 386 6,300 4,061 611 7,991 210 37,565 69,')73 588 29,864 43,965 46,994 f 42,552 I 45,121 51,065 28,411 23,044 21,810 12,761 4,656 7,820 4,441 2,335 1,757 1,517 9,232 6,690 993 6,5»6 689 102,084 57,026 125,164 105,537 68,916
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444 KAYASTH. to be descended from a Brahman father and Vaisya mother. They, like the Karans, also in theory a mixed group, born of a Sudra woman by a Vaisya father, are found in large numbers in Gya, Patna and Tirhut. The Balmik or Valmiki sub-caste are supposed to have come from Guzerat. Mr. Crooke thinks they may perhaps have taken their name from the author of the Ramayana. Karans, Amashtas and Sribastabs will smoke in the same hooka, but will not eat kachchi food together. The two former, however, will eat kachchi that has been cooked by a Babhan. Nigam (derived by the same authority from the Sanskrit nigama, meaning the veda, a town, road, traffic) are not met with in Behar. The Surajdwaj group — the word means having the sun for emblem— are said to be descended from the Brahman Madhava Nai and Kam Kandia, a dancing girl of Vikramaditya's Court. The Mathur, Saksena, Bhatnagar and Sribastab sub-castes claim descent from the first wife of Chitragupta, said to have been a daughter of the Suraj bansi race of Kshatriyas. The names appear to have reference to localities— the first to Mathura, Saksena to the ruined town of Sankisa in Farukhabad, Bhatnagar to Bhatner, and Sribastab either to Srinagar, the traditional place of origin of the sub-caste or to Srivatsa, an epithet of Vishnu, who is their favourite object of worship.1 The Khare and Dusre subdivisions of the Sribastab sub caste trace their origin to the grandsons of Chitragupta. According to Buchanan,2 the Khare Sribastabs claim to be higher than the ordin ary Sribastabs, and call themselves Paure. The two subdivisions do not intermarry or eat and drink together. Similar subdivisions are found in the Saksena sub-caste. Contrary to the common usage of Hindus, Kayasths of the M&thur, Bhatnagar and Saksena groups eat even kachchi meals fully dressed. The Gaur Kayasths believe that they derive their name from Gaur, the ancient capital of Bengal, and allege that the Sen kings of Bengal were really Gaur Kayasths. A curious story is told about the Gaur and Bhat nagar sub-castes which is worth quoting as an illustration of the growth of mythical traditions of that type. The Bhatnagar Kayasths, it is said, came to Bengal at the time of the Mahomedan conquest, and finding the Gaur Kayasths settled there, asked to be admitted to eat and drink with them. The Gaur Kayasths agreed to invite the Bhatnagars to their houses for food, but declined to accept their hospitality in return. After a time the Bhatnagars, who had friends at court, began to put pressure on the Gaurs in order to compel them to accept their invitations, and the latter fled to Delhi to lay their case before the Emperor Balban. Meanwhile Balban died, and the Bhatnagars prevailed upon his successor to order some of the Gaur K&yasths to be arrested and compelled to eat with their rivals. To avoid this dishonour the rest of the sub-caste took refuge with the Brahmans of Badaon, who passed them off as members of their own caste, and went so far as to eat with them in support of their allegation. For doing this the Brahmans were turned out of their caste, and became the family priests of the Gaur 1 Crooke op. cit. p. 105. 2 Eastern India, ii, 466.
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445 KAYASTH. Kayasths. After a time the Gaur Kdyasths who had been forced to eat with the Bhatnagar were admitted on the intercession of the Badaon Brahmans to communion of food with their brethren. For the purpose of marriage, however, they were formed into a separate group under the name of Shamali or Northern Gaur. Traditions of this sort are not uncommon, and it is to be regretted that no means exist of testing their historical value. Their most singular feature is the conspicuous part alleged to have been played by the ruling power, whether Hindu or Mahomedan, in determining purely social questions. A caste is now regarded as an autocratic body, whose decisions on questions concerning its own members no one would dream of questioning. This does not seem to have been the view taken by the earlier rulers of Bengal, and the further back we go, the more frequent and pronounced do such instances of interference become. Besides the regular Lala-Kayasths included in the twelve sub castes enumerated above, people calling themselves Kayasths are found working as tailors in the Sewan subdivision of Saran, and some of the vermilion-selling Sindurias, who formerly acted as inoculators and now have turned vaccinators, claim to belong to this caste. The Lala-Kayasths disown all connexion with these groups. There is, however, nothing prima facie improbable in the hypothesis that a certain number of Kayasths may have adopted the profession of tailors or vaccinators, and may thus have become separated from the main body of the caste. Nothing is more common than to find even a slight departure from the traditional occupation of a caste becom ing the occasion for the formation of a new endogamous group. Signs of a tendency in this direction may be traced in the fact that many Kayasths object to marry their daughters in the family of those who have served as hereditary patwdris or village accountants. "Patwaris, " says one of my correspondents, "however rich, are regarded as socially lower than other Kayasths, e.g., Kanungo, Akhauri, Pande, or Bakshi." The system of exogamy practised by the Kayasths of Behar is shown in detail in Appendix I, and needs ouly brief explanation here. An examination of the names of the sections will show that intermar- riage is really regulated by a number of kuls or exogamous sections, mostly of the territorial or titular type, and that the Brahmanical gotras, though recognised in theory, are really ineffective. Thus the Sribastab Kayasths reckon among their sections the Brahmanical gotra Kasyapa ; but this is the only section of the Brahmanical type that they possess. All Sribastabs belong to the Kasyapa gotra and thus of necessity violate the primary rule of exogamy upon which the gotra system depends. Although the Brahmanical gotra is disregarded, the rule of exogamy is carefully observed in relation to the kui. Thus members of the Akhauri kui believe themselves to be descended from an ancestor holding the title of Akhauri, conferred many generations ago. Their original habitat was Churamanpur in Shahabad, and the full designation of the kui is Churamanpur ke Akhauri. The meaning of the term Akhauri is uncertain. Some say it is a corruption of Lakhauri, owner of a lakh of rupees. In further illustration of this system of using titles as the designations of exogamous groups and
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446 KAYASTH. expanding or eking them out by prefixing the name of a village, the following kulu of the Sribastabs may be mentioned : — Amaundha ke Panre ; Dihia Koth ke Panre ; Mithabel ke Tewari ; Morar ke Bakshi, Rai or Thakur; Bataha ke Misir ; Hargaon ke Singh; Fatar ke Tewari ; Parsarma ke Thakur ; Sahuli ke Sahuliar. The last appears to be of the local or territorial type. All kuls are strictly exogamous. Only the father's kui is excluded in marriage. The system is supple mented by a table of prohibited degrees calculated in the manner described in the article on Brahman. All Kayasths who can afford to do so marry their daughters as infants, but the scarcity of husbands is greatly complained of, and daughters of poor Kayasth families frequently remain unmarried up to the age of eighteen or nineteen. When a girl is married before puberty, she lives with her own people apart from her husband until she has attained sexual maturity. Connubial relations cannot commence until the cere mony of dura gaman, or bringing the bride home, has been per formed. This may take place one, three, five or seven years {numero Deus impare gaudet) after the marriage according to the age of the bride. When a girl is married after puberty, this cere mony is added to the regular ritual, and the girl goes to live with her husband at once or at latest after a year. Widows may not marry again; nor is divorce recognised. Among the Kayasths, as among the other high castes of Behur, the balance of the sexes seems to be uneven, and the number of girls marriageable at a given time is usually in excess of the number of possible husbands available for them. The first step therefore towards initiating proposals for marriage is taken by the parents or guardians of the bride who depute a Brahman (generally the purohit, or priest of the family) and the family barber to find out a suitable bridegroom. These emissaries select several suitable boys and report accordingly. Among Kayasths no marriage can take place unless the horoscopes of both the bride and bridegroom 'agree,' as the phrase goes, that is to say, unless from the dates of the births of both the girl and the boy it can be calculated by astrological methods that the bride will not become a widow, and that the marriage will prove fruitful and happy in every respect. If the two horoscopes do not 'agree,' the negotiations are broken off. In order to comply with these conditions, the Brahman who acts as go-between carries with him a copy of the bride's horoscope, takes copies of those of all the eligible boys, and reports to his employer on the prospects of each possible combination. Here it is that difficulties begin. Highly educated as the Kayasths are, they have not yet shaken off the trammels of astrology, and the custom of insisting on the 'agreement' of the horoscopes has such a strong hold upon their minds that it often proves the chief obstacle to a marriage desirable in other respects. Owing to this cause the marriage of the girls is delayed in many cases till long after they attain puberty, and the consequence is that the bride is often oldur than the bridegroom. In order to get their daughters married, parents are obliged to give them to bridegrooms of unequal age, doubtful education and character, and
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447 KAYASTH. of unequal position and wealth. This practice, though often pre venting the marriage of the girl in her infancy, turns out undesirable in many respects. Other difficulties arise from the exorbitant demand of tilak and jahez (dowry) by the parents of the bridegroom, which leads to unequal marriages and brings about the ruin of families unfortunate enough to have a number of girls to be married. After the ganand has been made out to the satisfaction of both parties, and it has been ascertained that there are no objections to the marriage ou the ground of consanguinity, etc., the question of bridegroom price and dowry ( tilak, jahez or dan pan) is settled. This is too often exorbitant. If the terms are agreeable to the bride's parents, the marriage is at once agreed upon. In many cases the bride's parents depend wholly on the discretion of the Brahman and Hajjam in the selection of the bridegroom, and these either to save themselves trouble or in collusion with the parents of undesirable bridegrooms are said to make selections which the bride'-s family would not approve if they knew all the facts. The bridegroom's relations on the other hand are equally in the dark regarding the qualifications of the bride, and it thus happens that girls suffering from actual physical defects are enabled to obtain husbands by the collusion of tlie match-makers. The following observances make up the marriage ceremony as celebrated by orthodox Kayasths of Behar : — (1) When the marriage is agreed upon, a day is fixed for the betrothal or the taking of sagun. On that day the Brahman and Hajjam go to the bridegroom's house, where the latter's friends assemble at an auspicious time. His parents put rupees, rice, haldi and supari in a thali before them, and the Brahman takes from this his fee at the rate of five per cent, on the amount of tilak and jahez agreed upon. If therefore the dowry be settled at Rs. -500, he will take out Rs. 25. Sometimes the bride's party pay cash as earnest money instead of taking the sagun. This is called bardekhi, literally meaning the seeing of the bridegroom. It is also called barchheka, as a retaining fee is paid in advance in order to secure the bridegroom. (2) After this the date for the tilak or the payment of the first instalment of the dowry is fixed. On that day a party, consisting of Brahmans and others and often a relative of the bride, about seven in all, proceed to the house of the bridegroom. He is adorned and made to sit in the angan or inner courtyard, where the gods are worshipped, after which the bride's party put a tilak or patch of curd on his forehead, and make a present to him of money, plates and clothes, amounting in all to the sum agreed upon to be paid at this time. This ceremony is called tilak. The bride's parents make a prosit over the plates aud cloth, which they estimate sometimes at double their value, thus reducing the actual cash payment agreed upon. It is for this reason that some astute guardians insist upon the payment of a certain amount in cash before giving the sagun, and if the money is not paid at the time of tilak, disagreements between the parties continue till after the celebration of the marriage. After the ceremony the bride's party, together with the friends of the bridegroom's family, receive pakkt food. Before the tilak neither
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448 KAYASTH. the Brahman nor the Hajj&m would even drink water at the bride groom's house. (3) On the following day the tilak party returns, being presented with dresses and money by the bridegroom's father accord ing to his means. The latter at the same time addresses a letter to the bride's father, fixing an auspicious date for the marriage. This is called lagnapatri. If convenient to him, he agrees to it, otherwise some other date agreeable to both parties is fixed. After the tilak the betrothal becomes complete, and an engagement thus ratified is rarely broken off. (4) On the eighth, fifth, and in some families on the third day before the marriage the ceremony variously known according to its date as dthmangrd, panchmangrd or tinmangrd, is performed. On that day the women troop out singing to fetch earth from some field outside the village, and put it in the courtyard where all the family gods and dead ancestors are invited to attend. This ceremony is performed at the houses of both parties. On an auspicious day the mandap, a sort of thatched canopy supported on nine new bamboos, is erected at the house of the bride's father. In the centre is placed an earthen vessel (kalsa) supposed to contain water from all Hindu places of pilgrimage. Under this mandap and near the kalsa, where all the family gods and ancestors are invited by mantras to be present and wituess the marriage, the marriage ceremonies are subsequently performed. No mandap is erected at the bridegroom's house, but only a haris or plough shaft is set up in the angan, courtyard, and a kalsa similar to the bride's is placed beside it. (5) Then the ceremony of hardikahandan takes place. Tur meric with oil is applied to the persons of the bride and bridegroom at their respective houses at stated times daily up to the day of marriage. This ceremony is not performed at the bridegroom's house when he is married a second time. (6) Matrik Pujah — Is the ceremony of worshipping the wives of all the gods, i.e., Sakti in all her forms. The gods are also invited to be present and worshipped. The women of the family invoke the spirits of departed ancestors, and pindas are offered to them. (7) Ceremonies in propitiation of dead ancestors (abhyuddik srdddh) are also performed by the parents of the bride and the bridegroom at their respective houses on the day of the marriage. (8) Dwar Pujah. — After performing the matrik pujah the women bathe the bridegroom and smear him with turmeric, and he eats with some unmarried boys his last meal as a bachelor. He is then dressed and made to sit on the lap of his mother, who drinks water which he has tasted. His brother also assists in this ceremony. After some other observances the bridegroom's party go in pro cession to the bride's house with as much show and noise as the meaus of the family permit, timing their journey so as to arrive after dark. On arrival, and after their formal reception, the bridegroom is presented with money. This is called dwar pujah, the homage done to the bridegroom at the door of his father-in-law's house. After it the bridegroom's party proceed to the plaoe (jauwdsa) prepared for their temporary reception.
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449 KAYASTH. (9). Ashuch parichhalan. — After the procession has gone to the janwdsa, the ceremony of cutting the nails of the bride takes place. At the same time a drop of blood is drawn from her Httle finger, and preserved in ma ha war (cotton soaked in red dye). Her feet are also marked with mahawar. (10) Bar Newatran or Dhurchhak. — A party of the bride's relatives, Brahmans and others taking some sherbet, eatables, tobacco. etc., go to the janwdsa and present them to the bridegroom's party, The bridegroom is formally invited to dinner with a present of money, which his father accepts. But owing to the exorbitant demands of money and grain generally made by the bridegroom's father, which the bride's father cannot always meet, this dinner seldom comes off before noon on the following day. Thus the food prepared is wasted, and the bridegroom's party remain unfed. (Sometimes the bride's father in order to make up for the high tilak he had to pay in order to secure the bridegroom tries to cut down the amount of jahez agreed upon, and also doles out the rassad or supplies to the bridegroom's party very sparingly. The bridegroom's father, on the other hand, tries to get as much as he can out of the arrangement. (11) Kanya Nirechhan, seeing the bride. — After the invitation to dinner has been accepted, the elder brother or some other elder relative of the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride's father ; the bride is made to sit under the mandap, and the bride groom's brother going there presents to her jewels and clothes, after which she returns to the inner apartments and is dressed in those clothes and ornaments. By this time the bridegroom is also brought to the place. (12) The bridegroom's feet are washed by the bride's father, and (13) he is given a wooden seat (Pidha) and a Kusdsau or pad oiKusa grass to sit on. All these ceremonies are performed according to Vedic prescription. (14) His feet are again washed after taking his seat (Padanjali and Hast Argha). (15) Then dahi, honey and ghi and sugar (madhuparka) are given him to eat by the bride's father. The bride also is brought and made to sit on his right side on a similar wooden seat. (16) Agnisthdpan, or the placing of the fire before them, is duly performed. (17) Gotranchara, or the ceremony of transferring the bride into the family of bridegroom by reciting the names of the father and grandfather of each with vedic mantras, is performed, and the bride and bridegroom's clothes are knotted together. By this ceremony the bride gives up all claims on her father's family and is transferred to that of the bridegroom. (18) Kanyddan or pdnigrahan, by which the bride's father puts her hand into that of the bridegroom and entrusts her to his care, while he in his turn accepts the offer. (19) Then the bridegroom changes his dress (bastra bandhan), and puts on a dhoti given by the bride's father. (20) Next in order horn is performed by throwing ghi and sugar on the sacred fire in homage to all the Hindu gods. 2 F
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450 KAYASTH. (21) Ldjdhuti or Ldwd Merdwan. — Unhusked and parched paddy brought by both parties is mixed together. _ The bride and bridegroom go seven times round the sacred fire, which stands in the centre of the mandap, taking care to keep it always on their right hand. The bride puts her hands into those of the bridegroom, holding at the same time a small supli or basket for cleaning grain. Into this supli the bride's brother pours out the ldwd, which the bride and the bridegroom jointly pour on to the fire. This offering is said to be made to a toothless god, named Pukha. (22) Silarohan (Hapta Bedi). — The bride puts her foot on a sil, the stone used for grinding spices, and the bridegroom removes it. Both parties call the gods to witness that they have accepted each other as husband and wife. (23) Sumangli Karan or Sendur bandhan. — The bridegroom smears vermilion on the bride's forehead. This form is now regarded merely as a token and memorial of the married state. Clearly, how ever, as has been pointed out in the article on Kurmi and elsewhere in these volumes, it is a survival of mixing the blood of the parties or drinking each other's blood whioh is found among the marriage customs of more primitive races. (24) Dachhina shankalp. — The bride's father promises in a form authorised by the scriptures to pay a price for the bridegroom. The tilak and jahez, it appears, are not sanctioned by the Shastras. (25) Kuddt mantra pathan. — The bridegroom formally confers his blessing on the bride's father for the presents he has made to him. (26) Ashuch Karan. — It has been mentioned above (No. 9, ashuch parichhalan) that a piece of coloured cotton containing a little of the bride's blood is kept. With this the bridegroom's neck is touched, and the bride's neck is also touched with a piece of simple coloured cotton brought by the bridegroom. The pieces of cotton are tied on their wrists (kangan bandhan). It is believed that this practice generates mutual affection. Clearly it is a survival of the earlier rite already referred to. (27) Pith Paritechan. The couple exchange seats, and the bridegroom swears to protect and love his wife, and the bride swears to obey, respect and love her husband. (28) After this the priest tells them that they have become girhasta and should live like married people, and explains to them their duties. (29) Ashirbdd. — The Brahmans and all present bless the bride and the bridegroom, and throw rice (achhat) over them. This ends the Vedic rites necessary to make a marriage binding. Neither the bridegroom nor the bride understand what is said, and in most cases the Brahmans recite even those parts which the parties to the marriage ought to pronounce themselves. After the final blessing all the men present retire, leaving the bride and bridegroom under the mandap. Then the women come and do chumawan, i.e., touch the feet, knee, and shoulders of the bridegroom with, their fingers, at the same time holding rice in their hands. They are then taken into the kohbar, or the room prepared
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451 KAYASTH for their reception. There the women perform their own peculiar ceremonies, playing at the same time various tricks on the bridegroom till daybreak when he returns to the janwdsa. Then the marriage party is invited to dinner, or rather breakfast, which, as stated above, seldom comes before noon. At this time a present of plates, etc., is made to the bridegroom, and his relatives, all of which counts towards the amount oi jahez agreed upon. At night, or rather next morning, comes a repast of kachchi food, after which the bridegroom's party prepare for return. Before leaving, each of the relatives of the bridegroom makes presents of money and ornaments to the bride. This is called madwa or mnhdekhai, and at the same time all the relatives of the bride meet those of the bridegroom, and each of the former makes a present of money when embracing the latter. Attar, pan, etc., are distributed. The party returns to the janwdsa followed by the bride's people, who supply them with provisions for return journey. Thus ends the marriage. On the fourth day the ceremony of chauthari is performed. In some districts, especially in Patna, the bride accompanies the bridegroom to his house, where they jointly perform this ceremony. The bridegroom visits all the places of family worship. The family gods and all Hindu gods are worshipped, who having been invited to be present during the marriage are supposed then to take their departure to their respective abodes. After this the bride returns to her father's house. In such cases the ceremony of duragawan is performed just after the performance of the marriage rites. To complete the ceremony of duragawan, which means the going of the bride to the house of the bridegroom, only the nails of the bride are cut. Conjugal life cannot begin until this rite has been performed. In Shahabad aud other places the bride does not accompany the bridegroom to his house after the marriage, and chowthari is performed by each at their respective fathers' houses. In these cases the ceremony of durgaawan is per formed after one, three or five years according to the age of the bride and the convenience of the parties. The ritual observed is simple. The bridegroom goes with his friends to the bride's house. No mandap is constructed : only a kalsa is placed as in marriage. The bride and bridegroom are seated together, the gods and ancestors are worshipped, and the bride's nails are cut. Chumatvan, etc., as in marriage, is performed by the women, and the bride sent to the bridegroom's house. On this occasion the bride's father gives her dresses, jewels, bed, bed-clothes, and presents to the bridegroom. Henceforth she lives with her husband and visits her parents when ever she likes. Votaries may be found among the Kayasths of nearly aU the main Hindu sects — Vaishnava, Saiva, Sakta, Kabirpanthi, Nanak-shahi, and the like. The worship of Durga and the Saktis is believed, however, to be their favourite cult. Chitragupta, the mythical ancestor of the caste, is honoured once a year on the 17th Kartik, the fostival of the dawdt puja, with offerings of sweetmeats and money, and the symbolical worship of pen and ink, the tools of the Kayasth's trade. For the worship of the greater gods an 2 f 2
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452 KAYASTH. generally for religious and ceremonial purposes, the K&yasths employ Brahmans, who are received on equal terms by other members of the priestly caste. As regards the ceremony of srdddh, the practice of the caste appears to vary. Some Kayasths observe it on the 13th, some on the 16th, and some on the 29th day after death. The final funeral ceremony, known as barki srdddh, is performed at the end of a year in the case of a father, mother, or other ascendant, but after three months for the death of a wife. Clerical work is believed to be the original and character- 0 u ation *s^c occuPati°*a of the caste, and an illiterate Kayasth is looked upon as a creature with no proper reason for existing. Kayasth tradition, however, puts a very liberal construction on the expression clerical work, and includes in it not merely clerkly pursuits of a subordinate character, but the entire business of managing the affairs of the country in the capacity of dewan, sarbarahkar, etc., to the ruling power. It is doubtless owing in some measure to this connexion with former governors that Kayasths are now in possession of considerable zemindaris and tenures of substantial value, while comparatively few of them are to be found among the lower grades of cultivators. In the course of the cadastral survey undertaken in 1886-87 of 235 villages in chakla Nai, pargana Bissarrah, Mozuffer pur, a statement was drawn up at my suggestion showing the caste of the various grades of landholders. The following table shows the number of Kayasths in these villages possessing rights in connexion with the land and the proportion that number bears in each ease to the total of the class of landholders concerned : — Number of Percentage on Kayasths. total of class. Proprietors ... ... 673 133 Lakher&jdars ... ... 2 4'8 Thikadars ... ... 2 2'9 Tenants at fixed rents ... 63 3'9 Settled ryots ... ... 372 22 Occupancy but not settled ryots 8 6-2 •Tson-occupancy ryots ... 48 3'0 These figures cannot of course be taken to represent precisely the relations of Kayasths to the land in all districts of Behar, but they are of interest as showing the strong position that a caste, having in theory no connection whatever with agriculture and affecting to despise those of its own members who serve as village accountants, has managed to win for itself in the land system of the country. There could be no better comment on the numerous proverbial sayings current in Behar which have for their subject the cunning and the acquisitiveness of the Kayasth caste. Notwithstanding the jealousy with which their less astute neigh bours regard them, the social position of the Behar Kayasths is un questionably a high one. Popular opinion ranks them next in order to the Babhans and Rajputs, and like these, when they hold land
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KAYASTH. 453 KEPHUK as ryots, they get their homestead free of rent. All Kayasths will eat kachchi food that has been cooked by a ' good ' Brahman, that is, by a Brah man who belongs to a respectable sub-caste, and whose ceremo nial purity has not been affected by serving low people. The Amasht and Karan sub-castes will eat kachchi cooked by a Babhan. None of the Kayasth sub-castes will eat kachchi food prepared by a member of another sub- caste. Sribastabs, Amashtas, and Karans will sometimes eat pakki off the same plate and smoke out of the same hookah. Ordinarily speaking, Kayasths take pakki food from any caste from whose hands water can be taken. The Vaishnava mem bers of the caste abstain from flesh and wine ; but Kayasths usually eat mutton and goat's flesh, hare, game birds, and are notorious for their indulgence in strong drink. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kayasths in 1872 and 1881:— Kaydt, a synonym for Darzi, Kendwar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. q.v. Kenu, fish, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kdyat, Kdyath, a synonym for Kayastha. Kechengia, a sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Keoli, a section of the Ba hannaj&ti sub-caste of Khat ris in Bengal. Kekra, crab, a sub-sept of the Marndi sept of Santals. Keond, fruit, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kelatoni, a thar or section of Nep&li Brahmans. Keophasa, a sept of Maghs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Keli, a thar or sept of Mangars in Darjiling. Keora, a flower, a totemistic sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Kei obo, bee, a totemistic sept of Juangs in Orissa. Keoya, a sept of Tipperahs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Kendi, a tree, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kephuk, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. DI8TRICT. 1872. 1881. District. 1872. 1881. Patna Gya Shahabad Mozufferpur ... Durbhanga ... Saran Champaran ... Monghyr Bhagalpur ... 28,289 40,222 42,407 } 70,992 47.686 24,547 20,452 17,170 29,864 43,965 46,994 f 42,552 (. 45,124 51,065 28,411 23,044 21,810 Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas ... Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum ... Tributary States ... 11,883 4,601 6,940 6,300 4,061 611 7,991 210 12,76 4,656 7,820 9,232 6,690 993 6,506 689
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454 KEWAT, KEKA Kera, plantain, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kesarkuni, a gain of the San dilya gotra of R&rhi Brahmans in Bengal, to which the R&ja of Nadiya belongs. Keralaba, pumpkin, a totemis tio sept of Juangs in Orissa. Kesaur, a mul or section ofthe Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Kerketa, a bird which makes a noise like ' ketket,' a totemistic sept or section of Oraons, Lohars, Korwas, Mundas, Doms, Asuras, Chamars. Goraits, Kharias, Ma hilis, Turis, and Kharwars in Chota Nagpur. Kesrk, a totemistic sept* of Pans in Chota Nagpur, who are forbidden to eat rahar ddl. Kerungma, a sept of the Panthar sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Keswcih a section of Goalas in the North- Western Prov inces and Behar. Kerwar, a sub-sept of the Hansda sept of Santals. Ket-Chhutar, a sub-caste of Sutradhars in the SanUl Par ganas. Kerw&ri, a sept of Pators in Chota Nagpur. Ketugrami, again of the Sa barna gotra of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Kesarari, a section of Pans in Chota Nagpur. Kesargia, a sept of Kharwars in Chota Nagpur. Kevala Gaura, a group of Gaura Brahmans. Kesaria, a totemistio section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa, the members of which will not cut or touch kesar grass. Kewat, a sub-caste of Mallaha in Behar, mostly boatmen and fishermen ; a section of Ghasis in Chota Nagpur. HUtoat, Kiot, a fishing and cultivating caste of Behar, also . . largely engaged in personal service among the higher classes of natives. Its origin is uncer tain. Buchanan1 thought it not improbable that the Kewats of Behar and the Kaibarttas of Bengal belonged in the earliest times to one aboriginal tribe bearing the name Kewat, and that the Sanskrit name Kaibartta might " have been adopted when Ball&l Ben raised the tribe to the rank of purity." Lassen's remarks on these two names have been quoted in the article on Kaibartta, at p. 376 above. It will be seen that he differs from the Indian gram marians in holding that Kaivarta has nothing to do with fishing, but denotes a person who follows a low occupation, and from Buchanan in thinking that Kewat or Kevat, so far from being the 4 barbarous ' name of an aboriginal tribe, is merely a popular cor ruption of Kaivarta. 1 Eastern India, iii, 530.
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455 KEWAT At the present day the Kewats of Behar are divided into five internal st ct sub-castes— Ajudhiabcisi ; Bahiawak, Bahiot or Ghibihar ; Garbhait, Gorw&it, or Saghar ; Jcithot; and Machhua. The Ajudhiabasi are believed to have immigrated in comparatively recent times from Oudh, and are engaged solely in cultivation. The Bahiawak sub-caste, called Ghibihar or ghi-eater, from a story that one of them once ate the leavings of his master, also believe that they came from Upper India, where they followed the occupation of boatmen and fisher men. In those days it is said the personal servants of the Dar bhanga Raj were Kurmis ; but one of them, named Biru Khawas, who had risen to be a tahsildar, dealt dishonestly with the R^Lja, and owing to his treachery all the Kurmis were turned out and Kewats from the North-West Provinces established in their places. Various titles were conferred upon the Kewats, according to the offices which they held. Thus the Khawas was the Raja's personal servant ; the Bhandari had charge of the bhanddr or granary, where rent paid in kind was stored ; the Deradar worked in the kitchen ; the Kapar looked after the Raja's clothes; and the Kamat saw to the cultivation of his zirdt or private lands. In course of time the distinction between agriculture and personal service became accen tuated: the cultivators drew together into the Garbhait sub-caste, and the serving class formed the Bahiawak group. The names Ghibihar, 'ghi-eater,' and Saghar, 'vegetable-eater,' appear to indicate that supposed divergences of practice in the matter of food gave rise to the separation. The Bahiawak Kewats living in and about their employers' houses would necessarily fall under the suspi cion of eating forbidden food, and this would of itself be sufficient to cut them off from their cultivating brethren. Those Kewats, on the other hand, who adhered to their original profession of boating and fishing, formed the nucleus of the Machhua sub-caste. Infant-marriage is in full force among the Kewats, the marriage- . able age for boys being ordinarily from five to ten, and for girls from three to ten years of age. Curiously, it is deemed less material that the bride groom should be older than the bride than that he should be taller. This point is of the first importance, and is ascertained by actual measurement. If the boy is shorter than the girl, or if his height is exactly the same as hers, it is believed that the union of the two would bring ill luck, and the match is at onoe broken off. The marriage ceremony corresponds in its main features with that described by Mr. Grierson at page 362 of Behar Peasant Life. Some points, however, seem to deserve special notioe, After the first proposal has been made, the bridegroom's people pay a visit to the bride's house (ghardekhi) for the purpose of seeing the bride. This is followed by a return visit on the part of the bride's people, known as bardekhi, seeing the bridegroom. Then come3 tilak, which consists in the bride's father or guardian going to the bride groom's house with a present of money, clothes, etc., proportionate to the respective rank of the two families. If, for example, a Bahiawak Kewat employed in the family of the Maharaja of
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KEWAT. 456 Darbhanga marries the daughter of a Kewat who serves a man of inferior rank, or marries into a family of Kewats who allow their women to do menial offices in the houses of their employers, the family of higher rank claims and receives a proportionately large tilak. Tilak having been paid, a Tirhutia Brahman is called in to fix a lucky day for the marriage. On the day before the wedding, not five or eight days before, as in the case described by Mr. Grierson, the ceremony called kumram or matkorwd is performed by the relatives of both bride and bridegroom. The women of each family with their female friends go forth singing to a tank outside the village. There, after bathing the bride or bridegroom as the case may be, the mother or female guardian digs up and brings home a clod of earth. From this clod a rude fireplace is made, on which ghi is burned and paddy parched in honour of the household god on the threshold of the kitchen, where he is supposed to dwell. A goat is sacrified at the same time. Some of the parched paddy is kept to be used in the ceremony of the following day. On the wedding day parchhan is performed in the manner described by Mr. Grierson. For the bukud urdi or dhurchhak ceremony, noticed in paragraph 1320 of Behar Peasant Life, the Kewats substitute sirhar. The females of the bride's household, one of them bearing on her head a ghard of water, go in a body to the ianwdnsd, where the bridegroom's party are lodged, and assail them with abusive songs and personal ridicule. This is kept up until one of the bridegroom's friends comes out and drops some prepared betel and some money. Then the women retire ; but one of them, usually the wife of one of the brothers of the bride, returns armed with a scarf, which she throws round the neck of the bridegroom and drags him away to the courtyard of the bride's house. On his arrival there he is made to walk round the marhwa, scattering on the ground the paddy parched in the matkorwa ceremony of the preceding day. Both parties are then seated under the marhwa. The family Brahman makes his appearance, and the religious portion of the ceremony begins, which need not be described in detail. Sin- durddn is believed to be its essential and binding portion. Before, however, sindurddn is performed the purohit writes the names of the bride and bridegroom and their ancestors up to the third degree on two mango leaves, and binds one of these on the wrist of each. After sindurddn again there follows a curious rite, called sonch, which looks as if it were a survival of the primitive form of sindur- ddn described in the article on Kurmi. The bridal pair are taken into one of the rooms, where two dishes of boiled rice and milk are standing ready. A tiny soratch is then made on the Uttle finger of the bridegroom's right hand and of the bride's left, and the drops of blood drawn from these are mixed with the food. Each then eats the food with which the other's blood has been mingled. Polygamy is permitted only in the event of the first wife being barren, and in no case can a man have more than two wives. A widow may marry again by the sagai form. She is not obliged to marry her late husband's younger brother, but she may do so if she pleases, and this arraDgemeut is usually favoured by the
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457 KEWAT. other members of the family. Divorce is not permitted. Adultery within the caste is atoned for by a penalty fixed by the manjan, while an intrigue with an outsider involves instant expulsion. In religion the Kewats are orthodox Hindus, who regard . , Bhagavati as their special goddess. They also worship the snake god Bisahari, and some members of the caste abstain altogether from killing snakes. Maithil Brahmans officiate as their priests, and their gurus are Sannyasi ascetics. Among the minor gods, so numerous in Behar, they worship Bandi Goraiya, Nar Singh, and Kali with offerings of goats, rice, milk, sweetmeats, and various kinds of cakes. Cocks are sacrificed to Bandi alone, but these may not be slain within the house, nor may they, like the other articles mentioned, be eaten by the worshippers. Sanai Maharaj and Baba Dayal Singh, both supposed to be deified Kewats, are also reckoned among their gods. In point of social standing Kewats occupy much the same _ . , . position as Kurmis, Koiris, Dhanuks, and Social status. , , i o , , _e s_ is other members ot the group ot castes from whom Brahmans can take water and certain kinds of sweet meats. Their own rules as to diet differ little from those of other orthodox Hindus, except that Bahiawak Kewats will eat the leav ings of the Brahmans, Rajputs, Babhans, and Kayasths whom they serve, while Machhua Kewats eat fowls and indulge freely in strong drink. They will take water and sweetmeats, etc., from Goalas, Koiris, and Dhanuks, but will eat kachchi food with no other caste except Amats of good family. Most cultivating Kewats hold the position of raiyats with or without occupancy rights in the land which they till. Some few have risen to hold small zemin daris, while the poorest members of the cultivating sub-caste work as agricultural labourers. It deserves mention that the Kewats, though properly a Behar Members of the caste cas]e' ?re ve7 wjdel7 distributed in Bengal domiciled in Eastern Ben- and (Jrissa. A colony ot them, says Dr. Wise, sal- has for centuries been settled in the city of Dacca, but no traces of them are to be found in the interior of the district. A tradition still survives that they were brought from Behar by the Mahomedan rulers of Eastern Bengal and employed as messengers and watchmen. They repudiate the idea of relation ship with the Kaibarttas, although they do not object to eat or smoke with them. The Dacca Kewats have three subdivisions— Seo Rami, Gauri or Gonrhi, and Dhun Kewat. These names, however, must be regarded rather as titles than as the designations of true sub-castes, for their members not only eat together, but intermarry just as Kewats who happen to bear different titles do in Behar. These Kewats are all included in one gotra, Kasyapa ; and though domiciled in Bengal, are not excluded from caste privileges when on a visit to Behar. Owing to association with more orthodox or more bigoted people, widow-marriage has been discontinued. In Dacca the caste have relinquished fishing, and have generally adopted the occupation of fishmongers, although a few are poddars or bankers.
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458 KEWAT. KHAIRA The Kewat fishmonger usually makes advances to the fishermen, and finds it more profitable to buy small fish by the basket and large ones by weight than to haggle for each day's catch. The Kewat generally brings the supply from the fishing ground himself if it is near, but a servant is sent if it is distant. Dr. Wise remarks on the strange fact that the Dacca Kewats have become followers of the Nanak Shahi faith. Their guru is the Mahant of the Akhara of that sect in the suburb of Shuj'aatpur; their purohit a Maithil Brahman. The Kantha Brahman performs their funeral service, and attends at the sraddha observed fifteen days after death ; but he is charged with being extortionate, and with demand ing more than poor Kewat families can afford. The great annual festival of the Kewats of Dacca is the Nauami, or ninth lunar day of Paush (Decem- ber-January), when every one visits the Akhara, and after prayers receives Mohan Bhog, a sweetmeat specially prepared for the occasion. The Chhath, on the sixth of Kartic, is a great bathing rite observed by Kewats and all Hindu stani castes ; while the Ganga Pujah, as well as the principal Hindu festivals, are kept. Sacrifices, too, are offered at the proper seasons to Bura-Buri, the androgynous village deity of Eastern Bengal, whose worship has been described at length in the artiole on the Chandals. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kewats in 1872 and 1881 :— Kh&dhnu, a section of the Satmulia Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Khadumia, a section of Goalas in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Godlds Khagaur, a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sonars in Behar. Khadohar, tattooers ; also em ployed as vaccinators. Khadolia, Khadotia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces aud Behar. liihaiv&, a small caste in Hazaribagh who grow vegetables DlBTBICT. 1872. 1881. Distbict. 1872. 1831. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hutthli Howrah Khulna Jessore Murshedabad Bajshahye ... Bogra Pabna Julpigori Dacca Tipperah Chittagong ... Patna Gya 681 1,747 1,162 2,678 1 1 39 68 841 2 12 288 1 26 7 1 684 22 Shahabad Tirl.s,t i Mozufferpur ... llrhut 1 Darbhanga ... Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Hazaribagh LohardaicA, Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States 706 } 62,977 46 2,279 8.101 64,594 20,057 1,212 67,373 27,188 34,442 31,384 632 678 1,529 692 2,660 f 3,447 { 42,064 "6,166 2,319 85,516 89,641 1,119 538 10,989 4,668 21,311 8,744 836 1,073 1,471 1,042 9,271 ""427 298
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KHAIRA. 459 KHAMBU. and other crops. They are believed to be akin to Kharwars. Khalkhoa, a totemistic sept of Oraons who may not eat fish that have been caught by baling water out of a tank or pool. Khaira, a cultivating sub caste of Bagdis in Bengal j also a synonym for Kord. Khalriha, a section of the Banodhia and Jaiswar Kalwars in Behar. Khairi, a sub- tribe of Khar wars in Palamau. Khairwal, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kh&lsa, a sub-caste of Kal wdrs in Behar. Kham, a synonym for Sherpa Bhotia of Nepal. Khajkalia, a sub-caste of Sunris in Behar. Khajurark, a, pur or section of Sdkadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Khamapong, the dweller under the bar (Ficus religiosa) tree, a sept of the Pheddb sub tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Khajuri, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Khdmaru, a synonym for Bhuinmali, q.v. Khalang, a section of Kham bus in Darjiling. Khamba, a sub-tribe of Lep chas in Darjiling. Khalhad, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Khambe, a sept of Chakmas in the Hill Tracts of Chit tagong. Kha I ing, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Khambha, fork of a tree, a totemistic sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. Kha I kho, a section of Goraits in Chota Nagpur. Uakaittbtf, Jimddr, Rai, one of the fighting tribes of Nepal, forming with the Limbu and Takha the Kiranti group who have their original home in the Kirant Des or mountainous country lying between the Dud-Kosi and Karki rivers. Like several other Nepalese tribes, the Khambu cherish a tradition that they came to Nepal from Kasi or Benares. A mythical ancestor, Parubang, is still worshipped as a household deity. Khambus marry their daughters as adults, and tolerate sexual license before marriage on the understanding, rarely set at defiance, that a man shall honourably marry a girl who is pregnant by him. Men usually marry between the ages of 15 and 20, and girls between . 12 and 15, but marriage is often deferred in the case of the former to 25, and of the latter to 20. The preliminary negotiations are entered upon by the bride groom's family, who 6end an emissaiy with two c/iunyas or bamboo
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460 KHAMBU. vessels of marwa beer and a piece of ham to the bride's house to ask for her hand. If her parents agree, the bridegroom follows on an auspicious day about a fortnight later, and pays the standard bride-price of Rs. 80. The wedding takes place at night. Its essential and binding portion is the payment of one rupee by the bridegroom as saimundi or earnest-money to the bride's father, the smearing of vermilion on the bride's forehead and putting a scarf round her neck. The bride-price may be paid in instal ments if the bridegroom's family cannot afford to pay in a lump. A widow is allowed to marry again, but her value is held to have declined by use, and only half the usual bride-price is paid for her if she is young, and only a quarter if she has passed her first youth. Divorce is permitted for adultery ; the adulterer must pay to the husband the full amount that the woman originally cost, and he can then marry her. In actual practice the marriage bond is very readily broken among the Khambus and among many other of the Nepalese tribes. Women are faithful to the men they live with while they live with them, and secret adultery is believed to be rare, but they think very little of running away with any man of their own or a cognate tribe who takes their fancy ; and the state of things which prevails approaches closely to the ideal regim4 of temporary unions advocated by would-be marriage reform ers in Europe. By religion Khambus are Hindus, but they have no Brahmans, and men of their own tribe, called Home\ corresponding closely to the Bijuas employed by the Tibetans, serve them as priests. Their special god is the ancestral deity Parubang, who is worshipped in the months of March and November with the sacrifice of a pig and offerings of incense and marwa beer. Him they regard as a ghardevatd or household deity, and he is held in greater honour than the unmistakeably Hindu divinity Devi to whom buffaloes, goats, fowls and pigeons are occasionally sacrificed. Another of their minor gods, Sidha, is honoured with offerings of dhuba grass and milk. His origin is uncertain ; but it seems to me possible that the name may be a survival of the stage of Buddhism through which the Khambus, like many other Nepalese castes, have probably passed. The practice of the Khambus in respect to disposing of the _ . dead varies greatly, and appears to depend mainly on the discretion of the Home called in to supervise the operation. Both burial and cremation are resorted to on occasion, and the mourners sometimes content themselves with simply throwing the body into the nearest river. A srdddh ceremony of a somewhat simple character is performed once for the benefit of the deceased in the next world, and to prevent him from coming back to trouble the living. Land-owning and cultivation are believed by the Khambus to be their original and characteristic Occupation occupation, but a oertain number of them adopt military service and enter Gurkha regiments under the title of Rai. A Khambu if asked to what oaste he belongs will usually reply Jimddr (a corruption of zaminddr) or
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KHAMBU. 461 KHANDAIT. Rai-Jimdar. A few Khambus have also taken to weaving. Their social status, so far as Nepal is concerned, is best marked by the statement that they belong to the Kiranti group, and are recognised as equals by the Limbus and Takhas. In the matter of food they are less particular than the Hindus of the plains, for they eat pork and the domestic fowl, and indulge freely iu strong drink. Khamid, a title of Mais. of the Biyahut and Kharidahd Kalwars ; a title of Tharus and Karangas. Khamta, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Prov inces and Behar. Khana, a title of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khamthak, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Khanal, a thar or section of Nepali Brahmans. Khan, a title of Rajputs and a section of Sunris in Behar ; a title of the Desa sub-caste of Gandhabaniks ; of Napits and of Bagdis in Bengal; a section Khandabati, a gain of the Sdbarna gotra of Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Ictllctlibait, Khanddyat, a swordsman, from TTriya khanda, ' a . sword,' the generic title of the feudal militia of Orissa, the leading members of which claim to be descended from a band of pure Kshatriyas who came in as conquerors from Northern India. A good observer writes of them as follows : — " Although a numerous and well-defined body, the Khanddits do not appear to be really a distinct caste. The ancient Rajds of Orissa kept up large armies, and partitioned the lands on strictly military tenures. These armies consisted of various castes and races, the upper ranks being officered by men of good Aryan descent, while the lower ones were recruited from the low castes alike of the hills and the plains. On the establishment of a well defined caste system such troops took their caste from their occupation, and correspond to the military class in the fourfold division in Northern India ; but with this difference, that in Northern India the military class consists of an ethnical entity, whereas in Orissa the Khanddits exhibit every variety of type, from the high Aryan of good social position to the semi-aboriginal mongrel taken from the dregs of the people." In this passage, taken from the Statistical Account of Balasore District, Mr. Beames appears to regard the Khanddits as a heterogeneous group, made up at the one end of Aryan immigrants from Upper India and at the other of recruits from a number of indigenous non-Aryan tribes. The data now available enable us to carry the analysis a step further, and to show that the Khandait caste is for the most part, if not entirely, composed of Bhuiyas of the southern tribe, whose true affinities have been disguised under a functional name, while their customs, their religion, and in some cases even their complexion and features, have been modified by long contact with Hindus of relatively pure Aryan descent. The evidence for this view consists
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KHANDAIT. 462 of the following facts :— first, that the Khanddits of the Chota Nagpur Division, who say that they immigrated from Orissa some twenty generations ago, and many of whom still speak Uriya, regulate their marriages by the totemistic sections characteristic of the Southern Bhuiyas, and call themselves Bhuiya-Paiks ; secondly, that among the numerous titles of the Khanddits in Orissa we find the very singular names Uttar, Dakhin, and Paschim-Kapat, which are assumed by the Bhuiyas of Singbhum ; thirdly, that as late as 1825 ' the term Bhuiya was current as a synonym for Khandait even in Orissa, where it now seems to have fallen into disuse. The sub-castes and sections of both Orissa and Chota Nagpur Khanddits, so far as I have been able to ascer- Internal structure. , • ,-, i_ • » j • *r mi tain them, are shown in Appendix 1. The relations of the subdivisions of the Bar-gohri sub-caste are rather intricate. Members of all four groups may intermarry, but the women of the Panchsaugharia and Pandrasaugharia subdivisions, if married to men of the Dasgharia or Panchgharia classes, are supposed to be to a certain extent degraded, and members of their own groups will not take food from their hands. So also the Das and Panch-gharia will eat food cooked by the Panchsau and Pandrasau-gharia, but the latter will not return the compli- ment. The Panchsau, again, will take boiled rice, etc., from the Pandrasau-gharia, but only the unmarried men of the former class are deemed pure enough to prepare food of this kind for members of the latter class. The whole of the Bar-gohri sub-caste profess to maintain a high standard of ceremonial propriety, and will on no account intermarry with the Chhot-ghori, who eat fowls and indulge in strong drink Hke their non- Aryan neighbours. The Orissa sub-castes seem to be based on the social difference between the Mahanaik or Sresta Khandaits holding large jagir tenures, who represent the officers of the ancient feudal militia, and the rank and file of that body who now bear the name of Chasa-Khandait, Orh-Khandait, or Khandait-Paik, and occupy the lower position of village chaukidars and ordinary cultivators. Intermarriage between the two groups, though not absolutely forbidden, occurs very rarely, and they may properly be regarded sub-castes. The latter class still retain totemistic sections of the same type as are found among the Khandaits of Chota Nagpur, while the former have borrowed the Brahmanical gotras. In all cases the rule of exogamy extends only to a man's own section, and is supplemented by a table of prohibited degrees closely corresponding to that given in the article on the Rautias. The Chasa or Orh-Khandait sub-caste admit into their own ranks members of the Chasa caste, but this appears to be effected 6imply by intermarriage, and not to form the occasion of any special ceremony. The main body of Khandaits marry their daughters after they . are grown up, and the practice of infant- marriage is confined to those landholding families who pretend to be Rajputs and affect strict conformity with orthodox usage. Even among these, however, speoial care is 1 Stirling, Account of Orissa, p. 60.
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463 KHAJ-TDAIT. taken to guard against premature consummation, and the husband is not allowed to take his wife home until she has attained the age of puberty. The ceremony is supposed to be in the Prajdpatya form, referred to by Manu. The essential portions of the ritual are hdtgaultri, or binding the hands of bride and bridegroom together with kusa grass, and ganthiydn, or knotting their clothes. Polygamy is permitted, and in theory at least there is no restriction on the number of wives a man may have. This luxury, however, is sparingly indulged in even by the wealthier members of the caste, and in practice few Khandaits take a second wife unless the first is barren or suffers from an incurable disease. In Chota Nagpur widows may marry again, and are bound by no conditions in their choice of a second husband, except that they must avoid the prohibited degrees binding upon them before marriage, and that they cannot marry elder brothers or elder cousins of their first husband. Marriage with the first husband's younger brother or younger cousin is allowed, and is deemed a very proper arrangement on the ground of family convenience. In Orissa the Sresta Khandaits forbid widow-marriage : in other sub-castes it is allowed on the same terms as in Chota Nagpur. Divorce may be decreed by the panchayat on the application of the husband if a woman is convicted of unchastity, persistent disobedience, or serious misconduct. In Buch cases the divorced wife generally gets alimony for a year ; but the more orthodox hold that she is only entitled to the jewels and property which she brought with her at marriage. All sub-castes except the Sresta Khandaits of Orissa allow a divorced wife to marry again by the sagai ritual. The majority of Khandaits follow the tenets of the Vaishnava . sect, and comparatively few Saktas or Saivas are met with among them. Their religious observances present no features of special interest. In Orissa the Sdsani Brahmans, who serve them as priests, are received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order, and are deemed socially superior to the Sebak or Panda Brahmans, who minister to the spiritual necessities of the Chasd caste. Among minor gods Gramdevati in Orissa, and in Chota Nagpur the unmistakeably aboriginal deity Bar Pahar, corresponding to the Marang-Buru or great mountain of the Mundas and Santals, are worshipped by the head of each household with offerings of goats, sweetmeats, and fruit, which are afterwards divided among the members of the family. The Orissa Khandaits profess great reverence for the sword as the symbol of their rank, and at the Dasahara festival the family weapons are solemnly cleaned and worshipped by laying flowers and fruit before them. This practice, however, seems to be merely a reflex of the common Hindu usage which leads every artificer to worship the tools of his craft, and cannot be regarded as of itself giving any clue to the tribal affinities of the caste. As a rule Khanddits burn their dead and perform a srdddh ceremony of the orthodox pattern on the eleventh day after death. In the social system of Orissa the Sresta Khandaits rank next to Social status. the who are comparatively few in number and nave not the intimate connexion
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464 KHANDAIT. with the land which has helped to raise the Khanddits to their present position. A Sresta Khanddit assumes the sacred thread at the time of his marriage, a practice not uncommon among castes of dubious origin, who are pressing to be counted among the number of the twice- born. The Chasa Khanddits do not wear the thread, but Brahmans will take water from their hands, and they occa- sionally intermarry with the Karan caste. Khanddits themselves will take cooked food only from their own Brahmans, whose leavings also they will eat. Sweetmeats and water may be given to them by Chasas, Gor-Goalds, and Karans. In Chota Nagpur Kanaujia Brahmans take water from Bar-Gohri Khandaits, but not from the Chhot-Gohri, who eat fowls, indulge freely in spirituous liquors, and generally order their lives in a fashion entirely inconsistent with the Hindu standard of ceremonial purity. Their traditions aver that shortly after their immigration from Orissa they were in possession of eight forts (dth garli) at Biru, Basia, Belsidn, Dimba, Gorra, Lachrd, Lodhma, and Sonpur, and it is certain that at one time entire parganas in Chota Nagpur were held by Khandaits on terms of military service. These, however, ccupa ion. passed out of their hands as the country settled down under British rule, and at the present day very few families retain tenures of any substantial value. The Orissa Khandaits seem to have held their ground more firmly ; and it may be that our settlement of the land revenue, by recording the rights of all persons connected with the land, has enabled them to resist the modern tendency towards the resumption of ancient service grants. However this may be, the leading families of the caste still hold estates and rent-free tenures directly under Government, while the rank and file are occupancy raiyats or have small tenures in pay ment for their services as headmen (sarbarahkdrs) or watchmen (chaukidars) of villages ; others, again, are occupancy or non-occu pancy raiyats and landless day-labourers. Khandaits who wear a sword and do not cultivate with their own hands consider themselves superior to those who are working agriculturists ; but this distinction does not seem to coincide exactly with the existing division into sub-castes. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the Khandaits in 1872 and 1881. In Bengal Proper the figures for Ghatwdls are included in the former year : — Distbict. 1872. 1881. District. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas Nadiya Khulna Jrssoro Murshedabad ... Dinajpur Rajshahye 831 3 184 797 23 9 Bogra Pabna Dacca Maimansinh Chittagong Maldah Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States Lohardaga Singbhum Tributary States 836 1,910 11 883 3 828 263,308 7,847 185,955 54,374 822 2,256 84 } 8 { 1,239 63 182 1,107 14 5 343,596 34,292 184,773 80,841 8,714 605 809 1,840 8 1,645 36 209 1
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465 KHARE. KHANDAIT-PAIK. Khandait-Paik, a sub-caste of, and a synonym for, Khanddits in the Orissa Tributary States. Khaptari, a thar or sept of Gur ungs and Mangars in Darjiling. Khapu, a bird, a totemistic sept of Kharwars in Chota Nagpur. Khandania, a sept of Mun das in Chota Nagpur. Khara, a hypergamous group of Karans in Orissa. Khanddyat, a synonym for Khanddit. fiharaM (EMrdd, a lathe), the caste of turners in Behar chiefly employed in making and painting legs of bedsteads and toys. Khandelvala, a group of the Sanadhya sub-caste of Gaura Brahmans in Behar. Khandi war, a sub-caste of Bais Baniyas in Behar. Khara it, a title of Sadgops in Bengal. Khandsap, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Khanduar, a section of Godlds in Behar. Kharait, a mul or section of the Maghaya sub-caste of Barhis in Behar. Khandwal, a sub-caste of Goalas in Singbhum. Kharak, sword, a totemistic sec tion of Rautias in Chota Nagpur. Khangar, a section of Mahilis in Westem Bengal. Kharakwar, a territorial sec tion of Hajwars and Rautias in Chota Nagpur. Khangar-Munda, a sub-tribe of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kharaont, a sub-caste of Nunias in Behar. Khangbha, a thar or sept of Gurungs in Darjiling. Kharaunre-Bhaur, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khangor, a synonym for Khan j ar. Khani Khor, a section of Murmis in Darjiling. Kharaunre-Khutti, a mul of the (Sandil seotion of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. a small caste in Be har whose women practise pros titution. Kharaunre-Gurdi, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khanna, a sept of Rajputs and a section of the Chdrjati sub caste of Khatris in Behar. Kharaunre-Ekma, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Kh&nrsimria, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Maj raut sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Khar bahia, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Khantwar, a, pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Kharchwar, a sub-caste of Kurmis in Behar. Khapangi, a thar or sept of Mangars in Darjiling. Khardaha, a mel or hyper gamous sub-group of Rarhi Brah mans in Bengal. Khapariya, a sub-caste of Dhanuks in Behar. Khapraha, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kal wars in Behar. Khare, an endogamous divi sion of the Sribastab sub-caste of Kayasths in Behar. 2 G
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KHAKOA. 466 KHAEIA. Kh&rga, a section of Sunris in Kharia, blade of grass, a totem- Behar. istic section of Rautias in Chota Khargpur, a group of Mag- Nagpur A sub-caste of Bhan haiya Telis in Behar. ddns in 0nssa- ithttria, a Dravidian cultivating tribe of Chota Nagpur, classed on linguistic grounds as Kolarian. In Traditions of origin. physique the gettled memberS of the tribe resemble the Mundas, but have rather coarser features and a figure not so well proportioned. One of their traditions alleges that they succeeded the Oraons as settlers in the country between Rohtas- garh and Patna, while another says that their original home was in Moharbhanj, of which State they and the Purans were the first inhabitants, being born there from a pea-fowl's egg, — the Purans from the white, the Kharias from the shell, and the family of the chief (Bhanj) from the yolk. Thence they made their way up the valley of the Koel into the south-western corner of the Lohardaga district, where we now find them massed in tolerably large communities. Colonel Dalton endeavours to reconcile these conflicting accounts, but with no great success. In truth, legends of this kind are for the most part a highly unprofitable study. As often as not they refer to some recent migration of a comparatively small section of the tribe, and it is hopeless to expect that they should contain the clue to any really ancient history. Barbarous people like the Kharias have no means of handing down a statement of fact for any length of time. Writing is unknown to them, their language is rapidly dying out, and they have no form of poetry or modulated prose suited to the preservation of the early traditions of their race. The Kharias of Lohardaga are divided into four sub-tribes : — Dhilki-Kharia, Dud-Kharia, Erenga-Kharia, and IV/unda-Kharia. The Dud-Kharia affect a leaning towards Hinduism, and do not eat beef. The Munda-Kharia are supposed to be the offspring of an intrigue with a Munda woman. This state- internal structure, x • • i .,i ii i ment is in accordance with the hypergamous relations which subsist between the two tribes. Kharias speak of the Mundas as their elder brethren, and Kharia women are sometimes taken as wives by the Mundas, who, however, will on no account give their girls in marriage to the Kharias. The septs of the tribe are shown in Appendix I. All of them are totemistic, but I am informed that the usual rule making the totem taboo is not now very generally observed. It must, however, at one time have been in force, for a sept of wild Kharias whom Mr. Ball observed on the Dalma range in Manbhum had the sheep for their totem, and were not allowed to eat mutton, or even to use a woollen rug. Exogamy is regularly practised, and a man may not marry a woman of his own sept. Beyond the circle defined by the sept name, the ideas of the Kharias on the subject of consanguineous marriages are said to be lax, and on the maternal side they appear to content themselves with forbidding a man to marry his aunts, his Marriage nieces, and his first cousins. Girls are usually married after they have attained puberty, and sexual intercourso bofore marriage is tacitly tolerated. Of late
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467 KHARIA years the richer members of the tribe have adopted the Hindu fashion of infant-marriage. The preliminary negotiations for a marriage are carried on by the parents, and a bride-price (sukmur) of from one to ten head of cattle must be paid before the day can be fixed. This must be some time in Mdgh (January- February), as Kharias can only marry during that month. On the day before the wedding the bride's family escort her to the bridegroom's house, great care being taken that she does not put her foot into a running stream on the way. The bridal party establish themselves under a tree, where a place has been prepared for them. There they are met by the bridegroom's party, each side being provided with an earthen jar of water wreathed round with ears of rice and crowned with a lighted lamp. The rest of the day is spent in feasting and in songs and dances, all bearing' "more directly than delicately on what is evidently considered the main object of the festivities — the public recognition of the consummation of the marriage." Early next morning the bride and bridegroom are anointed with oil and taken to bathe. Five bundles of straw are then spread on the ground, and the yoke (judr) of a plough laid upon them. The bride and bridegroom stand facing each other on the yoke, and the bridegroom smears vermilion on the bride's forehead and the parting of her hair, while she makes a small round spot of the same colour on his forehead. This completes the marriage, and the whole party sit down under a tree to feast at the expense of the bridegroom. While the feast is going on the bride is brought before the company and is made to wash a cloth in hot water, in token, apparently, of her willingness to do any form of household work. After this she is finally handed over to the bridegroom. If the full bride-price has been paid, the bride's father is expected to provide his daughter with a trousseau of seven pieces of cloth, and to give one ox to his son-in-law within a month after marriage. A widow may marry again by the sagai form, which consists of the bridegroom presenting her with a new cloth. If her husband leaves a brother younger than himself, the widow is expected to marry him, but is not compelled to do so. It may indeed be inferred, from the fact that one head of cattle is the customary bride-price for a widow, that she frequently does marry outside of her late husband's family. Divorce is permitted on the ground of adultery, in which case the wife's family are required to give back the cattle which they received as the bride-price. A divorced woman may marry again, and her customary market value is stated to be two head of cattle. The Dud-Kharias profess to be guided in matters of inheri- tance and succession by the principles of the Mitakshara. This, however, is mere pretence, for they, hke the rest of the tribe, follow a customary law of their own, administered by a panchayat or council of elders, at which the tribal priest usually presides. The chief features of Kharia custom, so far as I have been able to ascertain them, may be summarised 1 Daiton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 1CC. 2 g 2
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468 KHARIA as follows. Sons inherit to the exclusion of all other heirs ; but the eldest son gets two shares more than any of his brothers, and on him is supposed to rest the obligation of providing for the main- tenance of tbe daughters. In dividing property a distinction is drawn between sons by a bihdi wife, married by the full ceremony, and sons by a sagai wife, who may have been a widow or a divorced woman. Thus, supposing a man dies leaving two sons by a bihdi and two by a sagai wife, and the property to be divided consists of sixteen kanwas of rice land, the land would be divided into two lots, one containing twelve kanwas and the other four. The elder of the two bihdi sons would get seven kanwas, and the younger five kanwas ; while the sagai sons would get two kanwas apiece. Brothers and uncles exclude widows and daughters. The religion of the Kharids may be defined as a mixture of animism and nature-worship, in which the former element on the whole predominates. As the nominal head of their system we find Bar Pahar, to whom buffaloes, rams, and cocks are offered at uncertain intervals. He seems to be a faineant sort of deity, who brings neither good nor ill-fortune to men, and is not in charge of any special depart- ment of human affairs. He has no Kharia name, and it is possible that the practice of worshipping him may have been borrowed from the Mundas and Oraons. The working deities of the Kharia pantheon are the following : — (1) Dorho Dubo, who delights in muddy places and takes care of the ddrhis or springs of water, which are a notable feature in the Lohardaga district. Pigs, goats, and red fowls are the offerings set apart for him. (2) Nasan Dubo, the god of destruction, who scatters death and disease abroad, and must be propitiated with sacrifices of five chickens. (3) Giring Dubo, the sun, whom Colonel Dalton mentions under the name of Bero, adding that " every head of a family should during his life- time make not less than five sacrifices to this divinity ; the first of fowls, the second of a pig, third of a white goat, fourth of a ram, and fifth of a buffalo. He is then considered sufficiently propitiated for this generation, and regarded as an ungrateful god if he does not behave handsomely to his votary. In praying to Bero they address him as ' Parameswar, ' the Hindi word for God. The Ho term ' Sing bonga' they do not know. The sacrifices are always made in front of an ant hill, which is used as an altar. This peculiar mode of sacrificing has fallen into desuetude among the Hos and Mundas; but on my making some enquiries on the subject from old men of those tribes, I was informed that it was orthodox, though not now generally practised."' (i) Jyolo Dubo, the moon — offering, a blackcock. (5) Pat Dubo, a god who loves rocky places — offering, a grey goat or reddish-brown fowls. (6) Donga Darha, a hill god — offering, a white goat. (7) Mahadan, another hill god, to whom rams are sacrificed, (b) Gumi, the god who lives in the Sama or sacred grove, which serves as temple for most of the aboriginal deities — offering, a sow. (9) Agin Darha, the protector of the rice crop— offering, a 1 Ethnology of Bengal, p. 169.
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469 KHARTA white goat. (10) Kara Sama, the god of cattle- disease, to whom buffaloes are sacrificed on the occasion of an outbreak. Kharias have not yet attained to the dignity of employing Brahmans for religious and ceremonial purposes, but have priests of their own, called Kalo, whose office is usually hereditary. They also avail themselves of the services of the village Pahan, who is usually a Munda or an Oraon. In their funeral rites they observe a curious distinc tion: the bodies of married people are burned, while persons who die unmarried are buried. When cremation is resorted to, the bones and ashes of the dead are put into a new earthen vessel with some parched rice and thrown into the deepest pool of a river, or, should there be no river near, into a rocky chasm or a tank in the bhuinhdri village of the deceased, that is to say, the village in which he ranks among the descendants of the original clearers. If this village cannot be traced, the ashes may be thrown into any tank that is near, only in that case a feast must be given to the bhuinhdrs of the village, and a sidhd of rice presented to the landlord. The relations and friends of the deceased are entertained at a feast, and a tall slab of unhewn stone is set up near his house, before which daily obla tions are supposed to be offered in order to appease his spirit and avert the danger of his returning to trouble the living. The settled Kharias are fair cultivators, and in the south-west of Lohardaga, where they are fairly numerous, many of them claim to be bhuinhdrs, holders of korkar tenures, and occupancy raiyats. In other parts of the district they are mostly ten ants-at- will and farm-labourers. The wild Kharias who frequent the Dalmd range in Manbhum and the forest-clad hills of Gangpur and other Tributary States know no other mode of agriculture than the barbarous jhum or ddhd system, which consists in burning down a patch of jungle and sowing bajrd, biri, or kodo in the ashes between the stumps of the trees. They are said to be not over-fastidious feeders, eating monkeys and various kinds of small animals and cattle which have been killed by wild beasts or have died from disease. The settled Kharias have much the same notions as the Mundas on the subject, but the Dud-Kharia sub-tribe, as has been mentioned above, profess to abstain from beef, and eat kachchi only with men of their own tribe. " Some Kharias," says Colonel Dalton, " profess to be intensely exclusive in regard to cooking and eating. This characteristic I found most developed in villages of Chota Nagpur, where Kharias were associated with Oraons under Brahman proprietors ; and it is a common saying in that part of the country that every Kharia must have his hariah, i.e., cooking pot. He may not allow even his wife to cook for him, and if a stranger enters a house in which he keeps his earthen drinking and cooking vessels and water pots, every vessel is polluted, and the whole are destroyod or thrown away. This class of Kharias are specially filthy in their habits, and it is not improbable that Hindus may have been more than ordinarily harsh in excluding them from their kitchens and inner apartments, and that the Kharias retaliate by outcasting everybody."
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470 KHARIA. The foregoing paragraphs treat for the most part only of the settled agricultural Kharias of the Lohardaga Social status. district, a people who are respectably dressed, comfortably housed, and well supplied with wholesome food. Some of them hold landed tenures of appreciable value, and there are signs of a tendency among them towards the adoption of Hinduism — a step which, whenever taken, will speedily obliterate all traces of primitive usage. Even now there is little left to show that they come of the same stock as the wild Kharids who inhabit the crests of the highest ranges in Manbhum, Sing bhum, and the Tributary States of Chota Nagpur and Orissa, and are shunned even by the Hos and Bhumij on account of their reputation as wizards. These wandering savages, like the Birhors of Hazaribagh and Palamau, who Colonel Dalton supposes may belong to the same tribe, are now believed to be rapidly dying out, and very few Europeans have had the opportunity of seeing them in their homes. No apology therefore is needed for quoting Mr. V. Ball's description of the Kharias whom he met with on the Dalmd range in Manbhum during tbe cold weather of 1866-67 l : — " The Kharias show a marked dislike for civilization, constantly „ . . „ leaving places where they have any reason for Kharias of Manbhum. w ■*■,*, , ,-s 1 1 j mi. • supposing that they are overlooked. Iheir houses, generally not more than two or three together, are situated on the sides or tops of the highest hills ; they stand in small clear ances, a wretched crop of bajrd being sown between the fallen and charred trunks of trees. " Close to the south boundary of Manbhum there are a suc cession of hill ranges, of which Dalmd (3,407 feet), the rival of Paras nath, is the highest point. On this hill I saw three or four neat little Kharia cottages, made of wattled bamboo, which, together with the small standing crop, had for no apparent reason been deserted. Further west, just outside the boundary of Manbhum, on a plateau formed of trap, where there was a good water-supply, the small Kharia villages had assumed a somewhat permanent appearance. Occasionally Kharid cottages are to be seen on the outskirts of villages, but this is a departure from what is one of the most charac teristic customs of the race. " The first Kharias I met with were encamped in the jungle at the foot of some hills. The hut was rudely made of a few sal branches, its occupants being one man, an old and two young women, besides three or four children. At the time of my visit they were taking their morning meal ; and as they regarded my presence with the utmost indifference, without even turning round or ceasing from their occupations, I remained for some time watching them. They had evidently recently captured some small animal, but what it was, as they had already eaten tho skin, I could not ascertain. As I looked on, the old woman distributed to the others, on plates of sal leaves, what appeared to be the entrails of the animal, and, wrapping 1 Jungle Life in India, p. 89 fi.
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471 KHARIA up her own portion between a couple of leaves, threw it on the fire in order to give it a very primitive cooking. With regard to their ordinary food, the Kharias chiefly depend upon the jungle for a supply of fruits, leaves, and roots. I got them to collect for me specimens of the principal species they used." The list of edible plants will be found in full in the Statistical Account of Hazaribagh (vol. xvi) . " Besides these, however, the Kharias eat rice, which they obtain in the villages in exchange for several jungle products, such as honey, lac, dhuna, tasar cocoons, sal leaves, and bundles of bamboo slips, called khurki, wherewith the leaves are stitched into plates. That the rice which they thus obtain, though small in quantity, is an important element in their daily food, seems apparent from the fact that a large number of them are said to have died in tbe famine. I can only explain this by supposing that they lost heart on being deprived of what had been a regular source of supply, and failed to exert themselves in the collection of an extra quantity of roots. An explanation somewhat similar to this was given to me by a Santal, who said, speaking of his own race, that those who under went the labour of searching the jungles escaped, while those who sat in their houses wishing for better times died. The roots are dug up with considerable labour from the rocky ground, by means of an instrument called khunti — an iron spike firmly fixed in a wooden handle. The point of this, as it is natural it should be, frequently becomes blunted. To avoid the necessity of taking it to be sharpened, perhaps half a dozen miles to the nearest Kamar, the Kharias have invented for themselves a forge, the blast of which is produced by a pair of bellows of the most primitive construction. They consist of a pair of conical caps about eighteen inches high, which are made of leaves stitched together with grass. These are firmly fixed down upon the hollows in the ground, whence a pair of bamboo nozzles conveys the blast produced by alternate and sudden elevations and depressions of the caps to a heap of ignited charcoal. In this the iron spikes are heated until they become sufficiently soft to be hammered to a point by a stone used as a hammer on a stone anvil. " The Kharias never make iron themselves, but are altogether dependent on the neighbouring bazars for their supplies. Had they at any period possessed a knowledge of the art of making iron, conservative of their customs as such races are, it is scarcely likely that they would have forgotten it. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that there was a period anterior to the advent of the Hindus when iron was quite unknown to them, — when, owing to the absence of cultivation in tbe plains, they were even more dependent on the supply of jungle food than they are at present. In those times their axes and their implements for grubbing up roots were in all probability made of stone, and their arrows had tips made of the same material. " In their persons the Kharias are very dirty, seldom, if ever, washing themselves. Their features are decidedly of a low character, not unlike the Bhumij, but there seemed to me io be an absence of any strongly-marked type in their faces or build, such as enables one to know a Santal, and even a Kurmi, at a glance."
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472 KHARIA. KHARWAR. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kharias in 1872 and 1881 :— Kharia-Munda, a sub-tribe of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kharia-Oraon, a sub-tribe of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khariar, a section of Mahi lis in Western Bengal. Khariat, a sub-caste of Binds in Behar. Kharidaha, a sub-caste of Kalwars in Behar. Kharihi, a title of Goalas in Behar. Kharip&ra, a sub-caste of Su tradhars in Western Bengal. Kharnake ke raut, a section of the Biyahut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. Kharnia, a section of GoaMs in the North-Western Pro vinces and Behar. Kharpaik, a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Haj jams in Behar. Kharsan, a section of Goalas in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kharua, a section of Kumhars in Singbhum. Khaiura, makers of brass ornaments in Western Bengal. Kharkabayu, a section of Kamis in Darjiling. Kharwal, Kherwal, a sub-caste of Bhuiyas in Singbhum. UltaiTnar, Kherwdr, a Dravidian cultivating and landholding Traditions of origin. tribe ?.f Ch°ta Nagpur and Southern Behar, regarding whose origin there has been much discussion. Speaking of the Kharwars of Shahabad, Buchanan says that great confusion prevails concerning them, because in differ ent places they have adopted the precepts of Hinduism in different degrees. The social position of the tribe also varies greatly. Some are found amongst the labouring classes bearing burdens and carry ing palanquins, some have attained positions as land-owners, lording it over Brahmans and Rajputs, their raiyats, whilst others ocoupy the table-land unmixed with any other tribe, and there is little reason, no doubt, that they are its original inhabitants. These, he observes, have retained the features by which the aboriginal tribes of the Vindhyan mountains are distinguished, but no one has met with any of the tribe who retain a trace of their original language. Some Kharwars declare their original seat to have been the fort of Rohtas, so called as having been the chosen abode of Rohitaswa, son of Harischandra, of the family of the sun. From this ancient house they also claim descent, call themselves Surjabansis, and wear the janeo or caste thread distinguishing the Rajputs. A less flattering Distbict. 1872. 1861. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas Nadiya Murshedabad ... } 1,926 17,9.36 231 2,399 120 { 311 ""3,343 1 1,274 2 Rangpur Darjiling Tributary States, Orissa Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ""3i942 21,019 1,463 2,298 1,613 721 25 8,404 7S 4,616 884 2 431 28,074 7 1 4
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473 KHARWAR. tradition makes them out to be the offspring of a marriage between a Kshatriya man and a Bhar woman contracted in the days of King Ben, when distinctions of caste were set aside and men might marry whom they would. The difficulty experienced by Buchanan in arriving at any conclusions regarding the true affinities of the tribe in Shahabad is well illustrated by Colonel Dalton's account of their status in Chota Nagpur : — " The Rajas of Ramgarh and Jashpur are members of this family, who have nearly succeeded in obliterating their Turanian traits by successive intermarriages with Aryan families. The Jashpur Raja is wedded to a lady of pure Bajput blood, and, by liberal dowries, has succeeded in obtaining a similar union for three of his daughters. It is a costly ambition, but there is nc doubt| that the infusion of fresh blood greatly improves the Kharwar physique. The late Maharaja Sambhunath Sing, of Ramgarh, was a remarkably handsome man, sufficiently so to support his pretensions to be a true child of the sun; but according to the traditions and annals of his own family his ancestors must have been very low in the social scale when they first came to Ramgarh. They are descended from the younger of two brothers who, generations ago, came as adventurers and took service under the Maharaja of Chutia Nagpur. The elder obtained Ramgarh as a fief on his doing homage to the Maharaja and receiving the ' tilak,' or mark of investiture, from that potentate's great toe. Almost all the men of ancient standing with proprietary rights in the Ramgarh estate are Kharwars. The Thakurs of Husir Saram and Babu Dalgovind of Khoyra, of Rajput lineage, have become Kharwars by marrying into the Raja's family." In another place Colonel Dalton notices the traditional con nexion between the Kharwars and the Cheros, who are said to have invaded Palamau frcm Rohtas and driven the Rajput Chief of the country to retire and found a new kingdom in Sarguja. " It is said that the Palamau population then consisted of Kharwars, Gonds, Mars, Korwas, Parheya, and Kisans. Of these the Kharwars were the people of most consideration. The Cheros conciliated them, and allowed them to remain in peaceful possession of the hill tracts bordering on Sarguja; all the Cheros of note who assisted in the expedition obtained military service grants of land, which they still retain. It is popularly asserted that at the commencement of the Chero rule in Palamau, they numbered twelve thousand families, and the Kharwars eighteen thousand, and if an individual of one or the other is asked to what tribe he belongs, he will say, not that he is a Chero or a Kharwdr, but that he belongs to the twelve thousand or to the eighteen thousand, as the case may be. * * * * Intermarriages between Chero and Kharwar families have taken place. A relative of the Palamau Raja married a sister of Maninath Sing, Raja of Ramgarh, and this is amongst themselves an admission of identity of origin ; as both claiming to be Rajputs they could not intermarry till it was proved to the satisfaction of the family priests that the parties belonged to the same class."
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474 KHARWAR. Others, again, regard the Cheros as a sub-tribe of Kharwars, but this opinion appears to have been based on observations in Southern Lohardaga, where the Cheros have gone down in the world and ceased to be of any social importance. Colonel Dalton describes the low Kharwars as strongly resembling the Santals in feature. " They are," he says, " very dark, with pyramidal-shaped low noses, thick protuberant lips, and cheek-bones or zygomata that project so as to make the temples hollow." The landhold ing classes, on the other hand, have refined the type by intermarriages with higher castes, and are quite as high bred in appearance as most of the pseudo-Raj put families of Chota Nagpur and Western Bengal. An examination of the internal structure of the tribe, which is given in Appendix I, leaves little doubt as to internal structure. Dra,idian descent. Many of their septs are certainly totemistic ; although the animals associated by other tribes with septs bearing the same names appear not to be deemed sacred by the Kharwars. Further research among more primitive members of the tribe may, however, show that the older ideas have not altogether died out. Special interest attaches to the fact that the Kharwars of South Lohardaga regard the khar grass as the totem of their tribe, and will not cut or injure it while growing. The adoption of the khar as a totem may of course be due merely to the consonance of names — a factor which plays an important part in the speculations of savages regarding their own descent. If, on the other hand, the case is one of genuine survival, it goes far to suggest the inference that the Kharwar tribe of the present day may be merely an enlarged totem-sept which broke off from some larger group and in course of time developed a separate organization. Instances of septs splitting up into sub-septs are by no means uncommon, and it is obvious that circumstances favouring separation might easily lead to the transformation of the original sept into a distinct tribe. Among the endogamous divisions of the tribe the Bhogtas are tho most important. They are found, says Colonel Dalton, " in the hills of Palamau skirting Sarguja, in Tori and Bhanwar Pahar of Chutia Nagpur and other places. They have always had an indifferent reputation. The head of the clan in Palamau was a notorious free booter, who, after having been outlawed and successfully evading every attempt to capture him, obtained a jagir on his surrendering and promising to keep the peace. He kept to his engagement and died in fair repute, but his two sons could not resist the opportunity afforded by the disturbances of 1857-58. After giving much trouble they were captured : one was hanged, the other transported for life, and the estate was confiscated." Bhogtas do not intermarry with ordinary or Deswari Kharwars, and although living side by side with them, affect to repudiate the idea of tribal relationship between the two groups. There is, however, no reason to question the accuracy of the general opinion that the Bhogtas are a branch of Kharwars who have formed themselves into an independent group. Throughout the tribe the form of exogamy practised is the simple Marriage one a maa may not manT a woman of his own sept. Outside that cirole of relationship,
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475 KHARWAR. prohibited degrees are reckoned by the standard formula. All who can afford to do so arrange for the marriages of their children while they are still too young to choose for themselves, and adult marriage is looked upon as a sign of poverty and social insignificance. Deswari Kharwars profess to disapprove of the practice of taking money for a daughter, but among Bhogtas and Maujhias a bride price, ranging from Rs. 5 to Ks. 12, is regularly paid. Remnants of non- Aryan usage may be discerned in the marriage ceremony itself. Both parties must first go through the form of marriage to a mango tree, or at least to a branch of the tree ; and must exchange blood mixed with sindur, although in the final and binding act sinclur alone is smeared by the bridegroom upon the bride's forehead and the parting of her hair. Polygamy is permitted, but not generally practised, except in the event of failure of offspring by the first wife. The Bhogta and Manjhia sub-castes sanction the marriage of a widow, and deem it right for her to marry her late husband's younger brother. Deswari Kharwars, however, require widows to remain unmarried. Divorce is permitted if the wife is convicted of unchastity or if the couple cannot agree. Divorced women may marry again by the sagai form, which is the same as that in use among the Rautias. In matters of inheritance Kharwars follow tribal customs of . . .. their own, and cannot be described as formal Inheritance. __,, , n _____., • -, i *, -» adherents ot any ot the recognised schools of Hindu law. The eldest son of the senior wife, even if younger than one of the sons of a second wife, inherits the entire property subject to the obligation ot providing all other legitimate children. If the inheritance consists of land, the heir is expected to create separate maintenance grants in favour of his younger brothers. Daughters can never inherit, but are entitled to live in the ancestral house until they are married. " The Kharwars," says Colonel Dalton, " observe, like the Kols, triennial sacrifices. Every three years a buffalo and other animals are offered in the sacred grove, 'sarna,' or on a rock near the village. They also have like some of the Kols, a priest for each village, called pahn. He is always one of the impure tribes — a Bhuiya, or Kharwar, or a Parheya, and is also called baiga, and he only can offer this great sacrifice. No Brahmanical priests are allowed on these occa sions to interfere. The deity honored is the tutelary god of the village, sometimes called Duar Pahar, sometimes Dharti, sometimes Purgahaili or Daknai, a female, or Dura, a sylvan god, the same perhaps as the Darha of the Kols." In Sarguja a village of Kharwars was found employing a baiga of the wild Korwa tribe to offer sacrifices in the name of the village every second year to Chindol a male spirit, Chanda, a female spirit, and to Parvin. Buffaloes, sheep and goats were offered to all of these. These people made no prayers to any of the Hindu gods, but when in great trouble they appealed to the sun. The apparent anomaly of their having a Korwa for their priest was explained by the belief that " the hill people, being the oldest inhabitants, are best acquainted with the habits and peculiarities of the local spirits, and are in least peril from them •
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476 KHATADIA. KHARWAR. besides, they are wholly pagan, whilst the people in whose behalf they make offerings, having Hindu and Brahmanical tendencies, could only offer a divided allegiance to the sylvan gods, which it might not be safe to tender." The main body of the tribe, and particularly those who belong to the landholding class, profess the Hindu religion, and employ Sakadwipi Brahmans as priests. Mahadeo and Sitaram are the popular deities ; Gauri and Ganesh being worshipped during marriages. In addition to these, the miscellaneous host of spirits feared by the Mundas and Oraons are still held in more or less reverence by the Kharwars, and in Palamau members of the tribe sometimes perform the duties of pahan or village priest. Srdddh is performed ten days after death, and once a year in the month of Aswin regular oblations are made for the benefit of deceased ancestors in general. The social standing of the tribe varies greatly in different places, and seems to depend chiefly upon the hold they Social status. , . , , \ m*, •__.-__. , have on the land. 1ms appears to be strongest among the Deswari Kharwars. A landed proprietor of this sub-tribe will wear a janeo and pose as a kind of Rajput ; while Bhogtas, Manjhias, and the like aspire to no such distinction. Similar differ ences may be observed in matters of diet. Beef is forbidden to all members of the tribe ; but Bhogtas, Manjhias, and Rauts eat pigs and fowls, which the Deswari regard as unclean. Kharwars profess to take water and sweetmeats only from Brahmans, Rajputs, the higher classes of Banias, Jhoras, and Rautias. In Chota Nagpur they regard landholding as their traditional occupation ; Occupation. ° . . , . . , r ,, i some are zamindars, many hold substantial khuntkdtti and korkar tenures, and the rest of the tribe are raiyats with occupancy rights. Very few have sunk to the position of landless day labourers ; but many of the Bhogtas have taken up the comparatively degraded occupation of making baskets and working in bamboos. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kharwars in 1872 and 1881 : — Kharwara, a sub-caste of Kahars in Behar. Khat, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kh&tadia, a seotion of Goalas in the North-Western Prov inces and Behar. Distbict. 1872. 1881. District. 1872. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Murshedabad ... Dinajpur Rajshahye Kangpur Bogra Darjiling Dacca Maimansinh ... Chittagong Gya 266 14 80 u 141 11 82 455 87 693 94 188 269 10 247 16 243 60 63 84 1,243 Shahabad Tirhut s Mtmiflerpur limut | Daruhail(,a Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas ... Hazaribagh Lohardagd, Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ... } 6,888 185 26 47 21 6,019 4,088 6,005 431 28,669 67,496 8,872 26,978 11,691 6,959 f 457 I 817 1,315 801 8 9,048 3.776 4,095 3,866 88,010 74.982 2,233 18,152 17,959 "3,'538
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KHATAIA. 477 KHATIK. Khataia, a section of the Biya hut and Kharidaha Kalwars in Behar. virtue of being owners of landed estates, were enabled to claim a higher social position. Khatait, a sept of Tharus in Behar. Khati, a sept of the Surya bansi sub-tribe of Rajputs in Behar; a section of Kamis; a thar or sept of Gurungs and Mangars in Darjiling. llhatauri, a small cultivating and landholding caste of tbe Santal Parganas who claim to be Rajputs, but are believed by Mr. Oldham to be Mais, who, by Khatik, a sub-caste of Khatiks in Behar. Jlhattk, a cultivating and vegetable-selling caste of Behar, divided into two sub-castes — Khatik and Dharamdasi. They have only one section (Kasyapa), and regulate their marriages by the standard formula, calculated to five generations in the descending line. Khatiks marry their daughters as infants, between the ages of five and twelve years. When a marriage is under consideration, the headman and panchdyat- are consulted regarding the prohibited degrees. If their opinion is favourable, mutual visits of inspection (ghar-dekhi) follow, at which presents of betel-leaves, areca nut, and sweetmeats are exchanged. After this a tildk, consisting of new clothes, brass feeding utensils, and one rupee in cash, is given to the parents of the bridegroom, and a Tirhutia Brahman is called in to fix an auspicious date for the wedding. This is celebrated in the form usually followed by the lower castes, the place of the Brahman being taken by a Bairagi ascetic belonging to the Khatik caste. Poly gamy is not expressly recognised, but a man may take a second wife if the first is barren. Divorce is effected by the panchayat in the manner described in the article ou the Khatwe caste. Khatiks follow the Hindu law and profess the Hindu religion as usually understood in Behar. Their minor gods are Bandi and Mira, to whom sacrifices of kids, cakes, and sweetmeats are offered on Wednesdays and afterwards eaten by the worshippers. The latter, it should be observed, is common to them and to the Khatwes, and appears to be worshipped by no other castes. Khatiks do not employ Brahmans, and Bairagi members of their own caste serve them as priests. In point of social standing Khatiks rank httle higher than Musahars. Their rules as to food differ little from those of respect- able middle-class Hindus, but they make no secret of their partiality for spirituous liquors. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Khatiks in 1872 and 1881. The figures of 1872 include other vegetable-selling castes, hence the discrepancy : — District. 1872. 1881. Distbict. 1872. 1881. Murshedabad kajhhahye Patna Gya Shahabad tt . . ( Mnzufferpur Tirhut {.Darblianga Saran 1,746 2,124 8,472 •' } 19,694 !.. 17,102 3 1 623 284 238 2,394 1,827 1,289 I Champaran Monsrhyr Bhairalpur Purniah J Santal Parganas ... Hazaribagh Lohardaga 22,657 2,548 1,391 806 330 942 6715 1,191 275 69 61 150
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478 KHATRI KHATIMAHARA. Khatimahara, or pure Js«/(«ra, i a sub-caste of Chamars in Behar. Khatkala, a sub-tribe of Tha rus in Behar. Khatri, a sub-caste of Ba niyas in Behar. Khatiwara, a thar of the Atri gotra of Nepali Brahmans. HUtatri, a mercantile caste of the Panjab, described by Mr. Ibbetson as Superior in physique, in manliness, and in energy to the rest of the trading community of that province. Many of them have settled in Bengal and Behar, and the Maharaja of Bardwan is considered the head of the caste. The locus clnssicus for the Khatris is Sir George Campbell's paper on ' The Ethnology of India, ' published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1866, from which I quote the following passages : — " Trade is their main occupation, but in fact they have broader and more distinguishing features. Besides account.e°rge CampbeU's monopolising the trade of the Panjab and the greater part of Afghanistan and doing a good deal beyond those limits, they are in the Panjab the chief civil administrators, and have almost all literate work in their hands. So far as the Sikhs have a priesthood, they are, moreover, the priests or gurus of the Sikhs. Both Nanak and Govind were, and the Sodhis and Bedis of the present day are, Khatris. Thus, then, they are in fact in the Panjab, so far as a more energetic race will permit them, all that Mahratta Brahmans are in the Mahratta country, besides engrossing the trade, which the Mahratta Brahmans have not. They are not usually military in their character, but are quite capable of using the sword when necessary. Diwan Sawan Mal, governor of Multan, and his notorious successor, Mulraj, aud very many of Ranjit Singh's chief functionaries, were Khatris. Even under Mahomedan rulers in the west they have risen to high administrative posts. There is a record of a Khatri diwan of Badakshan or Kunduz, and, I believe, of a Khatri governor of Peshawar under the Afghans. The Emperor Akbar's famous minister, Toclur Mal, was a Khatri, and a relative of that man of undoubted energy, the great commissariat contractor of Agra, Joti Parshad, lately informed me that he also is a Khatri. Altogether there can be no doubt that these Khatris are one of the most acute, energetic, and remarkable races in India, though in fact, except locally in the Panjab, they are not much known to Europeans. The Khatris are staunch Hindus, and it is somewhat singular that while giving a religion and priests to the Sikhs, they themselves are comparatively seldom Sikhs. The Khatris are a very fine, fair, handsome race, and, as may be gathered from what I have already said, they are very generally educated. " There is a large subordinate class of Khatris, somewhat lower, but of equal mercantile energy, called Rors or Roras. The proper Khatris of higher grade will often deny all connexion with them, or at least only admit that they have some sort of bastard kindred with Khatris ; but I think there can be no doubt that they are ethnologically the same, and they are certainly mixed up with Khatris in their avocations. I shall treat tho whole kindred as gonerically Khatris.
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479 KHATRI. " Speaking of the Khatris then thus broadly, they have, as I have said, the whole trade of the Panjab and of most of Afghanistan. No village can get on without the Khatri, who keeps the accounts, does the banking business, and buys and sells the grain. They seem, too, to get on with the people better than most traders and usurers of this kind. In Afghanistan, among a rough and alien people, the Khatris are as a rule confined to the position of humble dealers, shopkeepers, and money-lenders ; but in that capacity the Pathans seem to look at them as a kind of valuable animal, and a Pathan will steal another man's Khatri, not only for the sake of ransom, as is frequently done on the Peshawar and Hazara frontier, but also as he might steal a milch-cow, or as Jews might, I dare say, be carried off in the middle ages with a view to render them profitable. "I do not know the exact limits of Khatri occupation to the west, but certainly in all Eastern Afghanistan they seem to be just as much a part of the established community as they are in the Panjab. They find their way far into Central Asia, but the further they get the more depressed and humiliating is their position. In Turkistan Yambery speaks of them with great contempt, as yellow- faced Hindus of a cowardly and sneaking character. Under Turcoman rule they could hardly be otherwise. They are the only Hindus known in Central Asia. In the Panjab they are so numerous that they cannot all be rich and mercantile, and many of them hold land, cultivate, take service, and follow various avocations. " The Khatris are altogether excluded from Brahman Kashmir. In the hills, however, the 'Kakkas,' on the east bank of the Jahlam, are said to have been originally Khatris (they are a curiously handsome race), and in the interior of the Kangra hills there is an interesting race of fine patriarchal-looking shepherds called Gaddis, most of whom are Khatris. Khatri traders are numerous in Dehli ; are found in Agra, Lucknow, and Patna ; and are well known in the Bara Bazar of Calcutta, though there they are principally connected with Panjab firms. " The Khatris do not seem, as a rule, to reach the western coast : in the Bombay market I cannot find that they have any considerable place. In Siudh, however, I find in Captain Burton's book an account of a race of pretended Kshatriyas, who are really Banias of the Nanak-Sahi (Sikh) faith, and who trade and have a large share of public offices. These are evidently Khatris. Ludhiana is a large and thriving town of mercantile Khatris, with a numerous colony of Kashmiri shawl-weavers." Khatris allege themselves to be the direct descendants of the . . Kshatriyas of early Indian tradition, and in support of this claim refer to the fact that they assume the sacred cord and commence the study of the Vedas at the age of eight years, as is enjoined in the sacred books, and that Saraswat Brahmans will eat kachchi food prepared by them. Mr. Nesfield thinks the claim a good one, adding that " the cause which detached the Khatri from the Chattri or Kshatriya and shut out all possibility of a return to the ancestral caste was
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KHATRI. 480 the establishment of a marriage union between fragments or clans drawn from several different sub-castes of Kshatriyas between whom no connubial rights had hitherto existed, or from sub-castes of Kshatriyas mixed with those of Brahmans. There is much reason to believe that Brahmans as well as Kshatriyas have contributed to form the new caste of Khatri ; for Brahmans of the Saraswat sub-caste will to this day eat food cooked by Khatris, but no Brahman of any sub-caste will eat food cooked by a Kshatriya." Mr. Ibbetson puts the question by with the remark that "the validity of the claim is as doubtful as are most other matters connected with the fourfold caste system." It seems to me that the internal organization of the caste furnishes almost conclusive proof that they are descended from neither Brahmans nor Kshatriyas, and that the theory connecting them with the latter tribe rests upon no firmer foundation than a resemblance of name, which for all we know may be wholly accidental. Their features and complexion, indeed, entitle them to be ranked as Aryans of comparatively pure lineage, but among their numerous sections we find none of those territorial names which are characteristic of the Rajput septs. The section-names of the Khatris belong to quite a different type, and rather resemble those in vogue among the Oswals and Agarwals. Were they descended from the same stock as the Rajputs, they must have had the same set of section-names, and it is difficult to see why they should have abandoned these for less distinguished patronymics. In addition to their own sections, they have also the standard Brahmanical gotras ; but these have no iufluence upon marriage, and have clearly been borrowed, honoris causa, from the Saraswat Brahmans who serve them as priests. If, then, it is at all necessary to connect the Khatris with the ancient fourfold system of castes, the only group to which we can affiliate them is the Vaisyas. This conjecture is at least in keeping with the present occupations of the caste, and gets us out of the difficulty which led Sir George Campbell to propound the doubtful theory that in the ordinary course of history the warlike conquerors of one age become the astute money-dealers of another. In truth, however, all speculations which profess to connect existing castes with the four traditional castes are on the face of thino-s futile and misleading. We do not know enough about these primitive groups to be able to apply to their internal structure that minute analysis which alone can determine their precise tribal affinities. The exogamous sections of the Khatris are shown in Appendix I. Internal structure. As. 1 haVG Stated ab°Ve> there is a double series, — one original and the other borrowed from the Brahmans. Only the original or tribal series is taken into account for the purposes of marriage. The rule is absolute that a man may not marry a woman of the same tribal section as himself ; but the fact that two persons belong to the same Brah manical gotra does not operate as a bar to intermarriage, pro vided that their tribal sections are different. Thus the ' three sections Kapur, Khannd, and Mehard all belong to the Kausalya gotra, but members of these groups intermarry freely. Apart
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481 KHATRI. from the section rule, prohibited degrees are reckoned on the system in vogue among the Brahmans ; marriage with sapindas, samdnodakas, pitribandhus, and mdtribandhus being forbidden. The endogamous divisions of the Khatris are exceedingly obscure and complicated. "Within recent times," says Mr. Ibbetson, "there has sprung up a system of social graduation, in accordance with whioh certain Khatri tribes refuse to intermarry with any save a certain specified number of their fellow tribes, and the distinctions thus created have been formulated in a set of names, such as Arhdighar, ' he who only marries into two and a half houses ; ' Chdrzdti, ' he who marries into four tribes ; ' Chhezdti, ' he who marries into six tribes ; ' and so on. This purely artificial and social classification has obscured the original tribal divisions of the caste ; for Khatris of the same tribe may be in one part of the province Charzatis, and in another Barazatis, and so forth." In describing the Khatris of the Panjab, Mr. Ibbetson gives the following abstract : — Bunjahi ... \ Sarin ... I m ., , Bahri Tnbal groups. Khokhran ... J Arhaighar ... \ Oharzati . .. f . ,.» . , ,. . . p • , , • / Artificial divisions. Chhezati ... J Sodhi ...*) Bedi ... | jttA ' Exogamous sections. Marhotra ... J Seth ...J " The origin of the division into the four sections called Bunjahi, Sarin, Bahri, and Khokhran is said to be that Ala-ul-din Khilji attempted to impose widow-marriage upon the Khatris. The Western Khatris resolved to resist the innovation, and sent a deputation of 52 bdwan of their members to represent their case at court ; but the Eastern Khatris were afraid to sign the memorial. They were therefore called followers of Shara Ay in or the Mahomedan customs — hence Sarin ; while the memorialists were called Bdwanjai, from the number of the deputation or of the clans respectively represented by the members of the deputation — hence Bunjahi. The Khokhran section is said to consist of the descendants of certain Khatris who joined the Khokhars in rebellion, and with whom the other Khatri families were afraid to intermarry ; and the Bahri section, of the lineage of Mahr Chand, Khan Chand, and Kapur Chand, three Khatris who went to Dehli in attendance upon one of Akbar's Rajput wives, and who, thus separated from the rest of the caste, married only within each other's families. But these are fables, 2 H
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482 KHATRI for the same division into Bdhri and Bunjdhi appears among the Brahmans of the Western plains. The number of clans is enormous. The most important in point of social rank are the Marhotra or Mahra, the Khanna, the Kapur, and the Seth, the first three of which are said to be called after the names of the three men just mentioned, while Seth is a term now used for any rich banker. These four clans belong to the Bdhri section of the caste, and constitute the Dhdighar and Charzati divisions, which stand highest of all in the social scale. The origin of the term Dhdighar lies in the fact that the families of that division exclude not only the father's clan, but also such families of the mother's clan as are closely connected with her, and thus reduce the clans available for intermarriage to two and a half. I should say that each division will take wives from the one below it, though it will not give its daughters to it in marriage. The Bedi and Sodhi clans belong to the Bunjdhi tribe, and owe most of their influence and importance to the fact that Bdba Ndnak belonged to the former, and Guru Ram Dds and Guru Hargovind to the latter. They are commonly said to be the descendants of these men, but this appears to be a mistake, the two clans dating from long before Bdba Nanak. The Sodhis played an important part during the Sikh rule. They claim descent from Sodhi Rai, son of Kal Rai, King of Lahore, and the Bedis from Kalpat Rai, brother of Kal Rai and King of Kasur, who being deprived of his kingdom by bis nephew, studied the Vedas at Benares and was known as Vedi. The modern head- quarters of the Bedis is at Dera Nanak, in Gurdaspur, where Baba Ndnak settled and died, and of the Sodhis at Anandpur, in Hushy- arpur, which is also the great centre of the Nihang devotees." The divisions recognised in Bengal are shown in Appendix I, where I have attempted by brief explanatory notes to clear up the confusion in which the subject is involved. The Khatris of Bengal trace their origin to the Panjab, and the main body of them is said to have emigrated from Lahore in the reign of Aurangzib. These eastern or Purbiyd Khatris are spoken of in a somewhat slighting fashion by the Pachhainya Khatris of Upper India, and are charged with having departed from the high standard of ceremonial purity supposed to be characteristic of the caste. I do not understand that any specific allegation is made against the Bengal Khatris, and the latter appear to pique them- selves on keeping the usages of their original home. But in most cases where a branch of a caste domiciled in Upper India has settled in Bengal Proper, we find that the settlers fall under the suspicion of infringing the customs of the caste and indulging in acts forbidden by the sacred texts. The Khatris are no exception to this general rule. _ Rightly or wrongly, the Bengal members of the caste are to a certain extent looked down upon by their brethren in Upper India, and intermarriage between the Purbiyd and Pachhai- nya groups is comparatively rare. The relative positions of the Khatris of Bengal and the Panjab are, I believe, stated in the last paragraph as precisely as the nature of the subject permits. So far as my knowledge extends, the bulk
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483 KHATRI. of the Bengal Khatris endeavour to conform on the whole to the traditional usages of the Panjab branch of the caste. They look on the Panjab as the original home of their race, and in theory at least Panjab custom is the standard by which then social and domestic affairs are regulated. On the other hand, at Paikpdra, in the Dacca distriot, and in villages around Barmi Hat on the Lakhya, Dr. Wise came across a class of Hindus calling themselves Randd or Randak Khatri, who gave a confused account of themselves, repeating the names of Ballal Sen and Raja Man Singh, as if connected in some mysterious way with their settlements in Bengal and their degraded position among Hindus. Kanaujia Brahmans officiate as their purohit, and they have a Bengali Brahman for their guru. Being naturalised Bengalis, they have relinquished the names of the characteristio Khatri sections and adopted the common Sudra gotra Alyaman along with Bengali titles such as Chakravarti, Prasad, and the hke. Sudras eat with them in private, but in public refuse to take water from their hands. They are employed as shopkeepers and cultivators, and some of them are talukddrs. Khatris marry their daughters as infants and make use of the „ . standard marriage ceremonv, the binding ele- ment in which is the giving away of the bride by her father or guardian and the acceptance of the gift by the bridegroom. Polygamy is permitted, nor is there any definite limit to the number of wives a man may have. Fashion, however, is on the whole adverse to his taking more than one. On the other hand, many Khatris keep concubines of their own and other castes. The chddren of these women form a separate class, bearing the name Piruwdl, and as a rule marry among themselves. Widows may not marry a second time, and divorce is not recognised. Most Khatris belong to the Vaishnava sect, and comparatively . few worshippers of Siva are found among them. Saraswat or Sarsut Brahmans serve them as priests. In Eastern Bengal, says Dr. Wise, Chandika, a form of Durga, is the patron deity of the caste ; but each gotra has its own peculiar idol. An interesting tradition connects the modern Khatris with the foundation of the Muhammadan city of Dacca. When the Khatri Raja Man Singh occupied Dacca in 1595 with the Mughal army, he encamped on a tract clear of jungle, ever since called Urdu. Here was found an image of Durga, believed to have been the property of Vedabati, the divorced wife of Adisura. The image was deposited in a shrine, and under the name of Dhakeswari is still regarded as the palladium of the city. At the pre sent day the revenue of this sanctuary is divided between several old Khatri families and the Brahmachari Mahant of the Ramna Akhara. The majority of the Bengal Khatris are engaged in some form of trade. A few of them are zemindars and sta?usUpati°n and SOdal tenure-holders, and a certain number are occu- pancy raiyats. They never touch the plough themselves, and employ hired labourers to cultivate their lands. The Maharaja of Bardwan is the head of the caste in Bengal. Their social rank is high. All Brahmans take water from their 2 h 2
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KHATWti KHATRI. 484 hands, and Saraswat Brahmans will eat kachchi food prepared by following statement shows the number and distribution of the Khatris in 1872 and 1881 :— ___=• They rank below both Rawani and Dhimar Kahars, and the higher castes will not take water from their hands. Khatwe, a sub-caste of Jolahas in Behar. Khatsopark, a pur or section of Sakadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Khatwah, Khatwe, a sub caste of Kahars in Behar who live by weaving and cultivation. i llhattoC, a small palanquin-bearing and cultivating caste of Behar, divided into two sub-castes, — Bahio 0ngm' and Goro, names which appear to have re ference to the original avocations of the members, though at the present day the Goro are not exclusively engaged in cultivation, nor the Bahio in carrying palanquins. They have only one section, Kasyapa, and regulate their marriage by the standard formula defining prohibited degrees, calculated to seven generations, in the descending line. Khatwes marry their daughters as infants, between the ages of five and twelve years. The marriage ceremony is of the standard Behar type. The headman of the caste (manjan) is consulted on the question of prohibited degrees, and tilak is paid to the bridegroom's parents in the form of a present of clothes. Tirhutia Brahmans are called in to fix au auspicious date for the wedding, but they take no part in it themselves. Polygamy is permitted to the extent that a man may take a second wife if the first is barren. Widows may marry again, and are bound by no conditions in their choice of a second husband, except that they must not infringe the rules regarding prohibited degrees. Divorce is supposed not to be recognised, but in actual practice I understand that when a woman has gone wrong 1881. 1872. 1881. 1872. District. Distbict. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughh Howrah 24-Varganaa ... Nadiya Khuina Jessore Murshid abad Dinajpur Rajshahye ... Rnngpur Bogra Pabna Darjiling Jalpigori Kuch Behar ... Dacca F'aridpur Bakarganj ... Maimansinh ... 13,680 497 528 1,268 } 701{ 863 1,314 '"378 9 1,258 224 118 717 737 145 1 6,237 4,132 614 3,807 3,937 906 930 697 196 274 670 18,934 238 1,950 6,401 896 249 1,786 1,481 2,769 260 266 2,058 Tipperah Chittagong Noakhali Patna Gya Shahabad „. . I Mfizufterpur lirhut Saran Champaran Monghyr Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas ... Cuttack Puri Balasore Tributary States ... Hazaribagh Lohardaga. Singbhum Manbhum Tributary Statra 143 68 1,938 850 852 ] 4,676 450 676 856 634 767 388 623 228 96 1,533 1,868 319 ( 8,009 (. 7,519 458 638 345 2,203 1,256 251 9,643 6,285 606 849 3,895 860 195 875 964 69 621 36 112 941
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KHATWE. 485 KHAWAS. with a member of the caste her husband may get rid of her by solemnly abjuring her society before the headman and the panchayat, while the woman may marry again by the sagai form, provided that her previous indiscretions are duly atoned for by a fine in the form of a feast to the caste brethren. Intrigues outside the caste admit of no atonement. In matters of religion Khatwes affect to be orthodox, and regard Bhagawati with especial reverence. They have, however, not attained to the dignity of having Brahmans of their own, and Bairagi members of their own caste serve them as priests. Their minor gods are Sasia, Kali, Dharam-raj, Nar-Singh, and Mira. Sheep, goats, pigeons, cakes, milk, rice, and sweetmeats are offered to these on Mondays, Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, and are afterwards eaten by the worshippers. The priests take no part in this worship, which is confined to the members of the household. The dead are burned, and the ashes buried near the burning place on the third day. Libations of water (tarpan) are poured forth for the propi tiation of ancestors in the month of Asin. Palauquiu-bearing and cultivation are believed by the Khatwes to be their original occupations. With the 8tata°sUpati0n and SOdal decline in the demand for bearers caused by the railway extensions of recent years, the caste tends more and more to fall back upon cultivation as a means of livelihood. In some districts they have taken to weaving and assumed the title Jolaha. Their social rank is low, being much the same as that of Tatwas and Musahars. Nevertheless they are oleaner feeders, according to Hindu ideas, than the latter, for they will eat neither fowls nor field-rats, both of which the Musahars freely indulge in. All of them, except those who call themselves Bhakats and profess to abstain from flesh and strong drink, make free use of fermented and spirituous liquors. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Khatwes in 1872 and 1881 : - Khatya, a sub-caste of Kum hars in Dacca and Orissa who are supposed to have immigrated from Upper India. Khawas, " servant," a title of those members of the Amat, Dhanuk, and Kewat castes in Behar who are employed as per sonal servants by the higher castes. A sub-casts of Ghartis in Darjiling. Khaunia, a section of Kaibart tas in Orissa. Khavur, a section of Awadhid Hajjams in Behar. Distbict. 1872. 1881. 5ya r,. u s. S Mozufferpur ... r'rhut | Darbhanga ... iarun „ .'humparan 24 } 40,017 1 478 f "2,010 I 44,356 Disttbict. 1872. 1881. Bhagalpur Purniah Santal Parganas Hazaribagh ... 10,875 41 8,909 328 140 4
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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KHAWASITA. 486 KHIRHERI. Khaw&siya, a sub-tribe of Thdrus in Behar. Kherho, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub-caste of Goalas in Behar. Khebangba, the native of Khebang, a sept of the Yangorup sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Kheri, a section of Maghaiyd Kumhars in Behar. Khecha Kesria, a section of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur and Orissa. Kheroar, a sept of Mundas ; a title of Parhaiyas in Chota Nagpur. Khechar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. Kherwdr, a synonym for Khar wdr. Khechinjia, a section of Pans in Chota Nagpur. Kherwar or Safa-Hor, a sub tribe of Santals in the Santal Parganas who affect a high degree of ceremonial purity. Kheksa, curry vegetable, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khes, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur who cannot eat corn that grows in ponds. Khelaut, a mul or section of the Sdtmulia or Kishnaut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Khelda, a class of hereditary prostitutes in Behar. Kheswcii a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Khelenda, a sub-caste of Jugis in Eastern Bengal. Khetta, cobra, a totemistio sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khelri, a woman retained for purposes of dancing and amuse ment, a prostitute. Khichengia, a totemistio sept of Kharwars in Chota Nagpur who cannot eat jengia, a fruit. Khema, a pheasant, apparently a totemistic sept of the Chhothar sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. This thar will not eat a pheasant or fowl or any bird of that class. The story is that the founder went out to shoot pheasants in a fir copse, but found none, and vowed never to eat a pheasant again. Khi I, a title of Dakshin-Rdrhi and BaDgaja Kayasths in Ben gal. Khili-wala, atitle of Tambulis in Behar. Khingba, a sept of the Yango rup sub-tribe of Limbus in Dar jiling. Khendro-Oraon, a sub-tribe of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khiongje, a sept of Chakmda in the Hill Tracts of Chitta gong. Khera, a sub-caste of Mais in Bankura. Kheresanchhci, a thar or sept of Khambus in Darjiling. Khi rah a, a section of the Kan aujia sub-caste of Godlds in Behar. Khereswar ke p&nre, a sec tion of the Biydhut and Khari ddhd Kalwdrs in Behar. Khirheri, a title of Godlds in Behar.
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KHIRKATORA. 487 KHOWARE-NAHAS. Khorici, a sub-caste of Kurmis in Chota Nagpur. Khirkatora, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub caste of Halwais in Behar. Khorj&r, a gain of the Bharad wdja gotra oi Barendra Brah mans in Bengal. Khobaipong, a sept of Lim bus in Darjiling. Khosd, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Khodai or Khandyal, a thar of the Dharta-Kausik gotra of Nepali Brahmans. Khosbedid, a synonym for Bediya, q.v. Khodia, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Khosle, a section of the Bahdn najati sub-caste of Khatris in Bengal. Khoepa, wild dog, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khotawa, a class of Beldars in Western Bengal. Khojom, he who ate his earn* ings, a sept of the Chhothar sub tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Khoti, a sept of the Surajbansi division of Rajputs in Behar. Khojwcir, a sept of Tharus in Behar. Khotta, (i) a generic name in Bengali for natives of the North- Western Provinces and Upper India. I cannot ascertain the derivation of the word, but the fact that the dialect of broken Hindi spoken in the north of Manbhum is known locally as Khattd bhdshd may perhaps warrant the conjecture that it has reference to the linguistic peculiarities of up-country men. (ii) A designation of up-country barbers who have settled in Bengal. Such persons practi cally form a separate sub-caste, as Bengali barbers will not inter marry with them, and they are regarded as impure by the bar bers of Upper India and Behar by reason of their having taken up their residence in Bengal. (iii) A sub-caste of Kdmdrs in Murshedabad and of Dhobds in Western Bengal. Khol, a rui or sept of the Ruichhung sub-tribe of Dejong Lhoris or Bhotias of the south of Tibet. Khon, a sept of the Rautdr Bub-tribe of Thdrus in Behar. Khond, a synonym for Kandh, q.v. Khond ua, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Khonra-rasi, a section of Mdlos in Eastern Bengal. Khonta, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Khoparia, a sub-caste of Dhanuks in Behar. Khcpcha, an owl, a sept of Bedids in Chota Nagpur. Khopriha, a mul or section of the Tinmulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwdis in Behar. Khotta or Ma una, a sub-caste of Pods. Khor, a title of Baruis in Bengal. Khoware-Nahas, a mul of the Kdsyap section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Khore or Khoriyl, a sub oaste of Haris in Bengal.
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KHWAND-KAR. 488 KHOWARE-MAHUA Khukri, a kind of mushroom, a totemistic sept of Chiks and Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Khow&re-Mahua, a mul of the Kdsyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khulal, a thar or sept of Gurungs and Mangars in Dar jiling. Khowdre-Mahnaurai a muloi the Kdsyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khowcire-Kokrahi, a mul of the Kdsyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khunaut or Khulaut, a sub caste of Gonrhis in Behar. Khungba, a section of Mur mis in Darjiling. Khoware-Khari, a mul of the Kasyap section of Maithil Brah mans in Behar. Khur, a title of Tambulis in Bengal. Khoware-Murajpur, a mul of the Kdsyap section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Khurda, a sub-caste of Bhan daris in Orissa. Khuskhelia, a sub-caste of Telis in Behar. Khoyea, a wild dog, a totem- Khuskhelia, a sub-caste ot istio sept of Mundas in Chota Telis in Behar- Nagpur. Khuth£ Bhagw&npur, a mul Khoyra, a title of Bagdis in or section of the Naomulia or Bengal. Majraut sub-caste of Goalas in Khuadang, a sept of Limbus in Darjiling. Khutibaran, a section of Pdns ,,...., ,. c-nr, , in Chota Nagpur. Khujina, a section of Kdmdrs in Singbhum and the Santdl Par- Khuturia, a sub-caste of Mais ganas. in Birbhum. |p.hto3u"b-|!l;"ix> a teacher or reader in Persian, who in Eastern Bengal performs for the lower classes several singular functions aris ing from the corrupt and Hinduised character of Muhammadanism in India. He is often styled the Murshid, or religious guide, and Akhiind or tutor. As a rule he is very illiterate and only able to read Arabic with difficulty, but he makes much of this smattering of knowledge Thirty years ago the Khwand-Kdrs were important persons, their services being in great demand, but the reformed teaching of modern times has been gradually undermining this influence, and they are now little respected and seldom consulted. During the early years of this century, when Islam in Bengal was still paralyzed by the revolution that had occurred, the Khwdnd- Kars educated boys, instructing them in the rudiments of their religion. At the present day, however, Munshis generally teach children, although a Khwand-Kar is often preferred by strict Muhammadans to instruct their children in the doctrines of the faith, and teach them the Kalma, or confession of faith. The Khwdnd-Kar, moreover, makes Murids or disciples, exorcises persons possessed of devils, and cures diseases by preparing charms (ta'wiz) ; while many families consult him on all occasions of sick ness ; and his ability to relieve suffering is never for a moment
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489 KHWAND-KAR. KINDA. questioned by women. Should a child be attacked by fever or convulsions, the father goes to the Khwand-Kar and obtains a charm, usually consisting of a sentence of the Koran scribbled on a piece of paper, which is fastened to the child's hair or arm ; or the Khwand-Kar mumbling a few sentences from the same book, blows into a cup of water and gives it to the father as a medicinal draught. Parents put implioit faith in the efficacy of these charms, and every Muhammadan can relate wonderful cures effected by them. It is said that if an aduit disabled by a neuralgic or rheumatic pain, drinks water in which the written charm of a Khwand-Kar has been dipped, immediate relief is procured, and no native will deny the possibility of this occurring. Ifihgatt, Kolita, a trading and cultivating caste of Northern Bengal and Assam, who claim to be descended from a Kayasth who was employed at the Court of the Raja of Kuch Behar to determine auspicious times and seasons for doing particular things. Colonel Dalton describes them as a good-looking race with " oval faces, well-shaped heads, high noses, large eyes, well-developed eye-lids and eye-lashes, and the light supple frame of the pure Hindu." In Assam they are called Kolita, in Northern Bengal they are known by the name of Khyan. The sections of the caste are shown in Appendix I. They are of the ordinary Brahmanical type, with slight modifications such as might easily arise from maladroit borrowing. A Khyan may not marry a girl belonging to his own section, nor may he marry within the usual formula of prohibited degrees reckoned to the seventh generation in the descending line. Girls are married as infants at ages varying from five to thirteen. The marriage ceremony is of the standard Brahmanical type, the gift of the bride to the bridegroom and his acceptance of her being reckoned the essential and binding portion. Widows are not allowed to marry again, nor is divorce permitted. As to their religion, Khyans are orthodox Hindus. Most of them belong to the ISakta sect, but Vaishnavas are also found among them. They employ Brahmans as priests, who are received on terms of equality by other members of the sacred order. Their social rank is respectable, and Brahmans, Kayasths and Baidyas take water, fruit and sweetmeats from their hands. Khyan, a synonym for Kai bartta. Dejong Lhoris or Bhotias of the south. Khyaurakar, a title of Napits in Bengal. Kidat, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Khyungpo, a rui or sept of Dejong Lhoris, whose ancestor is said to have emigrated from North Bhotan. Kilkhagaur, a mul or section of Sonars in Behar. Kinda, date palm, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Khyung-toipd, a rui or sept of the Bedtshan-gye sub-tribe of
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490 KOARI. KINTICHA. KintichS, a thar or sept of Sunuwars in Darjiling. Kisansinduria, a class of cultivators in Chota Nagpur said to have come from Gangpur. Kinwar, a sept of the Surya bansi Rajputs and a section of Babhans in Behar. Kisan Turi, a sub-caste of Turis in Chota Nagpur. Kiot, a synonym for Kewat. Kisauria, a section of Kan aujia Lohars in Behar. Kiral, a pain of the Kasyapa gotra of Barendra Brahmans in Bengal. Kishanpakshi, one born in the dark half (Krishna paksha) of the month; a title of the illegi timate offspring of members of two different castes in Behar. Kiranti, Kirati, a native of the Kirant-des or mountainous country lying between the Dud- Kosi and the Karki rivers in Nepal. The term includes the Khambu, Limbu, and Ydkha tribes ; and the Danuar, Hayu, and Thami also claim to be Kiranti. Their title, however, to be included in this category is not admitted by the three tribes first mentioned, who claim to be, and are generally recog nised as being, of superior social status. Kishnaut, a sub-caste of Ahirs or Goalas in Behar and Chota Nagpur whose title is Mandar. Their gotra is Prem Ghuno. They churn milk. Kisku, a sept of the Ho and Santal tribes. Kisnot, a sept of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Kispotta, pig's entrails, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kiri, weevils in rice, a totem istio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kissan, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur ; also a synonym for the Ndgeswar tribe. Kiro or Bagh, a section of Kharias in Chota Nagpur. Kissauria, a section of Kanaujia Lohdrs in Behar. Kirtolia, a mul or section of the Naomulia or Majraut sub caste of Goalas in Behar. Kissi, a sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kirttan, a title of Sunris in Bengal. Kistobagal, a sub-caste of Goalas, who eat fowls, drink wine, eto. Kirtti, a title of Dakshin- Rdrhi and Bangaja Kdyasths in Bengal. Kok, coooon, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kisan, a mul or section of the Bidhut sub-caste of Kalwars in Behar; a title of Kharias in Chota Nagpur. Ko&ljibha Thakur, a title of Bdbhans in Behar. Koari, a gain of the Kdsyapa gotra of Rarhi Brahmans in Bengal. Kisangir, a sect of religious mendicants who worship Krishna.
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491 KOCHH Kochh-Mandai, Rajbansi, Paliyd, Desi, a large Dravi dian tribe of North-Eastern and Eastern Bengal, among whom there are grounds for suspecting some admixture of Mongolian . . blood. At the present day the name Kochh, without doubt the original designation of the tribe, is so carefully tabooed in the districts where they are most numerous, and where there is every reason to believe them to represent the earliest permanent settlers, that in Kuch Behar itself at the Census of 1881 not a single Kochh was to be found. The transformation of the Kochh into the Rajbansi, the name by which they are now known in Rangpur, Jalpaiguri, and Kuch or Kochh Behar, is a singular illustration of the influence exercised by fiction in the making of caste. As described by Buchanan at the beginning of the century and by Hodgson some fifty years ago, the Kochh tribe was unquestionably non-Aryan and non-Hindu. Now the great majority of the Kochh inhabitants of Northern Bengal invariably describe themselves as Rajbansis or Bhanga- Kshatriyas — a designation which enables them to pose as an outlying branch of the Kshatriyas who fled to these remote districts in order to escape from the wrath of Parasu-Rdma. They claim descent from Rdja Dasarath, father of Rama ; they keep Brahmans, imitate the Brahmanical ritual in their marriage ceremony, and have begun to adopt the Brahmanical system of gotras. In respect of this last point they are now in a curious state of transition, as they have all hit upon the same gotra (Kasyapa), and thus habitually transgress the primary rule ofthe Brahmanical system which absolutely prohibits marriage within the gotra. But for this defect in their connubial arrangements — a defect which will probably be corrected in a genera tion or two as they and their purohits rise in intelligence — there would be nothing in their customs to distinguish them from Aryan Hindus, although there has been no mixture of blood and they remain thoroughly Kochh under the name of Rdjbansi. Although there is no historical foundation for the claim of the Rdjbansis to be a provincial variety of the Kshatriyas, it is a singular fact that the title Rdjbansi serves much the same purpose for the lower strata of the Hindu population of Northern Bengal as the title Rajput does for the landholding classes of dubious origin all over India. The one term, hke the other, serves as the sonorous designation of a large and heterogeneous group bound together by the common desire of social distinction. The original nucleus of the Rajput group may have been Aryan, as that of the Rajbansi was cer tainly Dravidian. Both, however, have been, and continue to be, recruited by very similar methods. Only tho recruits of the one are drawn from the landholders'; of the other from the cultivating classes. A good observer1 describes the Rdjbansi as "the most con spicuously Dravidian race in Bengal. Their men are tall and robust, and neither in feature nor dress strikingly Tamulian ; but at a market or village gathering thronged by their women one could imagine oneself transported to Kanara or Tamil land. The Rdjbansi women, whose cast of feature is singularly homely 1 Mr. W. B. Oldham, then Deputy Commissioner of Darjiling.
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492 KOCHH and rough-hewn, leave the head uncovered and wear a dress in which blue or purple invariably predominates, reaching only to the knee and bound over the bosom, leaving both shoulders bare in a fashion not seen among other people in Bengal ; while the ornaments of the head and limbs recall those worn in Southern India. Their language, however, is only Bengali, and they have no separate dialect or patois. That their adhesion to Hinduism is comparatively recent is shown by their own customs as regards burial, food and marriage, as well as by the existence of the Dhimal, who might be defined as a non-Hinduised Kochh or Rdjbansi among them and beside them." A medical officer, resident in Kochh Behar, whose opinion is quoted by Colonel Dalton, describes the Kochh of that country as having flat square faces ; eyes black and oblique ; hair black and straight, in some curling ; nose flat and short ; cheek bones promin ent ; beard and whiskers rather deficient ; colour of skin in most instances black. Colonel Dalton himself says that the Rajbansi are all very dark, and that the Kochh display the thick protuberant lips and maxillaries of the negro. A comparison of these opinions with my own observations and with the average cephalic, nasal and naso-malar indices of the caste ascertained by a large number of actual measurements seems to me to warrant the conclusion that the Kochh, Rdjbansi, Paliya, Desi and other varieties by whatever names they are called are descended from a Dravidian stock which may probably have occupied the valley of the Ganges at the time of the Aryan advance into Bengal. Driven forward by this incursion into the swamps and forests of Northern and North-Eastern Bengal, the tribe were here and there brought into contact with the Mongoloid races of the Lower Himalayas and of the Assam border, and their type may have been affected to a varying degree by intermixture with these people. But on the whole Dravidian characteristics predominate among them over Mongolian. The endogamous divisions of the caste differ slightly in different districts, but are based everywhere Internal structure. , , , ' „ . , J , . , upon tbe degree ot ceremonial purity which the members of particular groups are believed to have attained. In Northern Bengal the principal sub-caste is the Rajbansi, who also call themselves Sivbansi with reference to the legend which traces their origin to a liaison between the God Siva and Hira, the daughter of Haju, chief of the Kochh tribe, about the middle of the sixteenth century. Other synonyms— Bhanga-Ksbatriya, Patita- Kshatriya, Kshatri-Sankoch, aud Suraj-bansi — rest on the tradition which makes them out to be a remnant of the Kshatriyas scattered by Parasu Rama, who cast off their sacrificial threads, hid themselves in the swampy jungles of Northern Bengal, and thus for the time being abdicated the proud position which the Rajbansi are now anxi ously striving to reolaim. Alongside of the Rajbansi, but usually1 1 I have come across Rajbansis who said that members of the two groups intermarried, and that Rajbansi and Paliya were practically convertible terms.
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493 KOCHH. distinct in respect of intermarriage and the eating of cooked food, we find the large sub-caste of Paliya. The name Paliya is said by some to refer to the flight (paldyan) of the supposed Kshatriya ancestors of the tribe; but it is equally possible that it may be merely a variant of the first half of the name Pani-Kochh by which the people now calling themselves Paliyd were known at the begin ning of this century, when Dr. Buchanan made his survey of Dinajpur and Rangpur. They are further subdivided into two subordinate groups, known as Sadhu or pure and Babu Paliya. The latter name is regarded by the members of the sub-caste themselves as a title of distinction, or at least of respectability, connecting them with the Maharaja of Kuch Behar and the Raikat of Jalpaiguri, whom they regard as the heads of the large heterogeneous body known as Raj bansi or Paliya. By the Sadhu Paliyds, on the other hand, it is explained as a corruption of Byabahari from Bydbahdr usage, implying that the observances of the Babu group are not up to their own standard of ceremonial purity. It is by no means easy to say how far these imputations are justified in regard to the entire Babu sub-caste. Custom varies from district to district, and the tendency to imitate the usages of the higher castes is continually raising the ideal to which people endeavour to conform. Subject to this limita tion, I think it is true as a general rule that the main distinction between the Sadhu and Babu Paliya consists in the fact that the latter eat pork, fowls, crocodiles, lizards and the leavings of men of their own caste, and indulge freely in strong drink, while all these things are forbidden to the Sadhu Paliya. Another sub-caste known in Dinajpur is Desi, who regard themselves as somewhat superior to the Paliyds. A Desi can take rice, water, sweetmeats, etc., from a Paliya man, but not from a Paliya woman ; nor is there any inter marriage between the two groups. One is tempted to conjecture that this group, which is not a particularly large one, may be the modern representatives of the Deosi, a sort of rudimentary priests among the Pani-Kochh, who, according to Buchanan, were " supposed to know more than their neighbours of the manner in which the gods are to be pleased." The Desi claim to be better than the Paliyds, in that they do not plough with cows or use them to turn oil-mills. In Jalpaiguri the general name is Rajbansi, and three sub-castes are found — the Dobhasir, who eat pork and fowls and drink spirits; the Modasi, who eat pork and drink spirits, but abstain from fowls; and the jalua or ohalua, who catch and sell fish. It is curious to learn that within comparatively recent times the Rajbansis of the Darjiling Terai were divided into three endogamous sub-castes, bearing names having reference to the charaoter of their dwellings. The T ongi a lived in houses raised from the ground on piles, such as the Mongoloid races of the north-eastern border usually build • the Khopria contented themselves with low huts on the level of the ground; while the Gobria kept their cattle in the houses which they lived in themselves. These distinctions have now died out, and have been replaced by the divisions Paliya and Babu Kochh, and they are only mentioned here as showing how tribes which adopt Hinduism tend continually to get rid of their pre-Hindu methods of grouping and to remodel their internal structure
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494 KOCHH on lines which indicate the degree in whioh particular groups approach the orthodox standard of food and usage. The Kantai Rajbansi are a smaller group found scattered in several districts of Northern Bengal, who cultivate the soil, hold various kinds of tenures, serve as gomashtas, and sometimes practise medicine. The Tiar or Dalai are a fishing group mentioned by Buchanan, whose characteristic pursuit is fishing in the shallow drains or ditches connected with swamps and rice-fields. " In these they lay a long trap, called dhanggi, made of split bamboos. The mouth may be six or eight feet in length and one and a half to two feet wide. It slopes to an edge behind, being about two and a half or three feet broad. The fish that enter are prevented from return- ing by a row of bamboo splits placed as in a mouse trap, and they are shaken out by a hole at one corner which is plugged when the trap is set. Where there is any stream, the fish enter of their own accord ; but they are often collected from a whole marsh and driven to the trap by dragging through the water a rope made of twisted ribs of the plantain tree leaves, the sides of which hang down like a fringe and alarm the fish as the rope approaches." The Kochh-Mandai of the Bhowal forest tract in the north of Dacca appear to be a branch of the Kochh who have long been separ- ated from the main body of the tribe and have to some extent inter- mingled with the Garos. The latter half of the name Kochh-Mandai is said to be the Garo word for man, and the entire name may be taken to be analogous to those double names which occur among several Dravidian tribes and denote groups owing their origin to crossing. Mention has been made above of the singular fact that in seek- ing to copy the Brahmanical method of exogamy, the Rdjbansi have been content to borrow one gotra only. All Rajbansis in fact belong to the same gotra Kasyapa, and thus habitually disregard the leading principle of the system which they proudly profess to follow. In theory intermarriage is regulated by the standard formula calculated to seven generations in the descending line from the paternal and maternal uncles, and to three generations from the aunts. But great laxity is said to prevail on this point throughout the caste, and in one district I am informed that marriage with a uterine half-sister is not prohibited. Another circumstance which tends rather to encourage consanguineous marriages is the prejudice entertained against marrying any one who comes from a distance. The result of this is that for matrimonial purposes the Rajbansi are broken up into a number of small territorial groups which bear no distinctive names and the limits of which do not admit of being precisely defined. The Rajbansis profess to marry their daughters as infants, between the ages of four and ten years ; but this custom has only recently been adopted, and it is difficult to ascertain to what extent it is really followed even among those sub -castes which profess to be pure Hindus. In the more primitive groups adult-marriage still prevails, and a breach of chastity before marriage is readily condoned, though the tendenoy is continually towards the adoption of what is believed to be the more orthodox usage. The same remark applies
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KOCHH 495 to the remarriage of widows. The Rdjbansis in Rangpur if ques tioned on this point aver most positively that nothing ot the sort is permitted ; while their brethren in the Darjiling Terai make no secret at all of allowing a widow to remarry outside the degrees prohibited to her before her marriage, and subject to the further condition that she may not marry any of the elder relations of her late husband. Where a widow happens to be the head of the family, she enjoys the further privilege of choosing any man not within the prohibited degrees to live with her as her husband without going through any ceremony whatever. This looks like a survival, and may possibly furnish an explanation of the statement made by Buchanan1 about the Pani-Kochh that "women who happen to be unmarried after they have grown up select a husband according to their own discretion," which by itself seems rather unlikely. If, however, we suppose the privilege to have been limited to women who had control of the property of their family, it bears a different aspect, and falls into line with several points of primitive practice in matters affecting property. Curiously enough, the Rdjbansis, who prohibit widow-marriage, nevertheless recognise divorce, — a faot sufficient in itself to show, if further proof were wanting, that the former prohibition cannot have been long in force among them. Such divorces are effected before a panchayat. at which the purohit and the barber of the caste, — the former a Rajbansi-Brahman or Barna -Brahman, — are present. The husband states his case, the wife has or is supposed to have the right of reply, and the judgment of the panchayat is given by acclamation. If, as usually happens, it is adverse to the wife, her hair is shaved close to her head by the barber and the husband turns her out of the Rdjbansi community. Among the Rdjbansi of Rangpur the feeling against widow- „ marriage has given rise to a curious form of hypergamy. Not content with adopting from the higher castes an artificial and inconvenient restriction which causes special hardship in a country where girls are married as children, they have proceeded to manufacture for themselves an imitation of Kulinism based upon the extent to which particular families have kept themselves free from the sin of allowing their widows to marry. Just as Ballal Sen appraised the virtues of the Brahmans of his day and allotted them graded rank accordingly, so Rajbansi opinion has seized upon the one tangible quality of having refrained from countenancing widow-marriage, and has made this the test of social respectability. Families of whom it can be said that none of their widows have been allowed to take second husbands rank in Rdjbansi circles as Kulins ; their members are spoken of as mahat or " great ;" and people who wish to marry their daughters have to pay a substantial bride-price for the privilege. In point of stringency and completeness the copy falls far short of the model it professes to reproduce. Kulin women are not restricted in marriage to their own grade, and the alliances contracted by them have not, as among the Brahmans, the property of tainting the entire family to which they belong. 1 Eastern India, iii, 540.
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KOCHH 496 Professional match-makers (ghataks) are employed to arrange marriages. The initiative is taken by the father of the bridegroom, who sends the ghatak with two hundred leaves of the betel and eighty areca nuts to the bride's house. The ghatak stays there three days, which are spent in discussing the pros and cons of the match and haggling about the amount of the bride-price. If this time is disturbed by any unlucky event, such as the house catching fire, or a cloth being accidentally burned, or a cooking pot or water pot broken, the negotiations are abandoned and cannot be afterwards renewed, it being believed that grave misfortunes would follow if the omens were disregarded. Supposing all goes well, the ghatak returns to the bridegroom's house and reports the result of his mission, laying stress upon the attractions of the bride, and stating the bride-price that is asked for her. This of course depends mainly upon the circumstances of the families. When the bride's father is rich he may decline to accept money. Again, the amount sometimes varies in proportion to the age of the bridegroom. An elderly man may have to pay Rs. 80 or Rs. 90 for a wife, while in the case of a boy of fourteen to eighteen the sum would ordinarily range in tolerably well-to-do families from Rs. 20 to Rs. 25. After the ghatak's report has been duly considered, for nothing may be done in a hurry, a party of the boy's relatives go to the girl's house with the ghatak, bearing an offering of curds, which they distribute to the members of the bride's family. This is the right time to pay the bride-price, or at least half of it, should the bridegroom's father not be able to pay the whole at once. The offer made through the ghatak having thus been rati- „ . fied by the bridegroom's family, the weddinar Marriage ceremony. , ■__,_, ■__.!: __, ■_, / . ±i_ • • day is fixed with due regard to the auspicious days determined by the priests of the caste. On the appointed day the bridegroom is taken in procession to the bride's house, where four women (bardti) of the bride's family lift him out of his palanquin, place him on a seat, and offer him pan and tobacco after his journey. In the courtyard of the house a mania or wedding canopy has been erected, consisting of five plantain stems, about three feet high, arranged in the form of a quincunx, with an earthen pot (ghard) of water placed at the foot of each. The distance between the plantain stems is the distanoe from the bridegroom's foot to his ear. Outside the figure are a sieve and a winnowing fan with two extra pots of water. The following plan illustrates the arrangement : — * Plantain stems. O Water pots. % Winnow. § Sieve.
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497 KOCHH, The four bardti or processional women already referred to lead in first the bridegroom and then the bride, and put them in their places on either side of the mania, which they walk round five times, conducted by the bardti. As they reach their places after each complete turn, the bridal pair stand still and pelt each other with dtab, rice and imitation cowries made of pith (sold). While this goes on a cloth is held up across the centre of the mania and sudden ly raised when the bride throws, so that only a few of her missiles reach the bridegroom while it is dropped for the latter so as to give him a clear shot at the bride. Throughout the ceremony the couple wear high crowns or helmets made of sold pith. After the mania has been duly circled, a cloth is spread in front of the winnow and sieve, and the couple sit down on it, cross legged, the bride being on the right. Her left hand is then tied with kusa grass on the top of the right hand of the bridegroom ; the father of the bride puts a rupee or half a rupee into her hand, and she gives the coin to the bridegroom, while a priest sitting at one side recites mantras or mystical formulae supposed to be in Sanskrit. This completes the giving of the maiden (kanydddn) which the more orthodox Rdjbansi affect to regard as the binding and essential portion of the ceremony. The father of the bride then gives her a new cloth, a lota, a cow, jewellery, etc., according to his means, and presents are also made to the bridegroom. A basketful of cowries is now brought for the couple to fore tell the fortunes of their wedded life. The girl takes a handful and passes them to the boy, who in his turn picks them up and lays them down by the girl. The bardti women then count the shells and observe how many of them are lying with the hollow side upwards. If the greater number are in this position, the girl is said to have won the game, and this is an omen of her triumph in connubial disputes hereafter. If, however, most of the shells lie the other way, it is believed that the husband will get the best of it. After this the bride and bridegroom give one another curds and molasses to eat and afterwards betei, and the bardti women conduct the bride inside the house, while the bridegroom returns to his own party. The night is spent in feasting, and early next morning the bridegroom takes the bride to his own house. Here a sort of duplicate ceremony is gone through, under the name of bdsi bibdha, tho four bardti women accompanying the procession in order to lift the bride out of her palanquin and to attend upon her during the celebration. It is curious to observe that sinditrddn, the smearing of vermil- ion between the bride's eyebrows and on the parting of her hair, which ordinarily forms the binding portion of the marriage ceremony of the lower castes, is relegated by the Rajbansi to a position of com- parative obscurity. It is performed by two of the bardti women before the bridegroom arrives, at the time when the bride is washed with turmeric. The bridegroom merely puts a small black spot (kdjol) of oil and lamp-black between the bride's eyebrows. In Darjiling, on the other haud, sindurddn holds its ground a3 the binding portion ofthe marriage ceremony, and as soon as it has been completed grass, water and rice, symbolising happiness and fertility, are showered 2 i
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498 KOCHH, upon the couple from the sieve and winnowing fan which lie ready. The Rajbansis of Jalpaiguri vary in some particulars the ritual described above. They use four plantains instead of five, and wind cotton thread seven times round each. The place of the fifth plantain stem in the centre of the quincunx is taken by some glowing embers supposed to represent the sacred fire of orthodox tradition, across which the bride and bridegroom pelt each other with flowers. The fire is circled seven times, not five, and in marching round the couple keep the fire on their left hand, thus going counter to the path of the sun — a remarkable deviation from orthodox usage sufficient of itself to indicate that the Rdjbansis have borrowed a ritual which they understand very imperfectly. In giving the bride to the bridegroom, the father of the bride must touch the bridegroom's knee with the second and third fingers of his left hand, repeating at the same time certain mantras dictated by the priest. The precise form of Hinduism followed by the Rajbansis seems to vary in different parts of the country according to the influences to which they are subjected. In Rangpur they profess to be Vaishnavas, while in Darjiling, where Tantric ideas are perhaps more pre- valent, their favourite goddess is alleged to be Kali. Bisahari or Manasa, Grami, Tistu Buri, Hanuman, Bindur Tulsi, Rishi Kishtho, Pethani, Jogini, Hudum Deo, Bahastho or Bahustho, Balibhadra Thakur, and Kora-Kuri are mentioned as among their minor gods. Some curious particulars of their worship deserve mention here. When a drought has lasted long, the Rajbansi women make two images of Hudum Deo from mud or covvdung, and carry them away into the fields at night. There they strip themselves naked and dance round the images, singing obscene songs, in the belief that this will cause rain to fall. The house- hold god, Bahastho or Bahustho, is worshipped in Baisakh (April- May) twice daily and at other times whenever the family enters a new house. A round lump of clay made smooth by smearing it with cowdung is set up at the foot of a bamboo to represent the god, and to this offerings of rice are made which are eaten by the worshippers. If this duty is neglected, disease or some similar calamity is believed to come upon the family. To Satya-Narain, whom the Mahomedans revere under the name of Satya-Pir, fresh milk, wheat flour, plantains and sugar are offered by the Brahmans who serve the caste on an auspicious day in Jaishtha (May- June). For this god wheat flour is said to be essential, and no substitute is admitted. Balibhadra Thakur is propitiated at sowing time under the form of a yoked plough, before which the worshippers prostrate themselves and do homage as at the shiine of a regular divinity. The germination of the seed is deemed to depend on the due performance of this ceremony. Seven months after child-birth, when the child is given rice to eat for the first time, Shdti (prob ably a variant of Shashthi) is worshipped with offerings of kdntld plantain, atab rice, and the leaves of the btl and the tulsi. Rude image
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499 KOCHH of the goddess are made by the Mali caste in the form of cylinders of sold about seven inches high, roughly moulded into human form and mounted on the backs of sold ducks. The cult of Kora Kari is confined to women and children. During the month of Paush (December- January) a small earthen pot (ghat) is set up in the yard, offerings of duba grass, plantain and turmeric are laid on it, and it is smeared with vermilion and oil. Pethani and Jogini are worship- ped only by women, Sannyasi only by boys. In Rangpur, Kamakhya or Kamrup Brahmans superintend the religious observances of the Rajbansi caste. These rank as Barna- Brahmans, and are not received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order. In Darjiling and Jalpaiguri the caste seem hardly to have attained to the dignity of having Brahmans of their own, and any one among them who has acquired a reputation for sanctity may be called in to officiate as priest. Orthodox Rajbansis burn their dead : the less Hinduised Funeral. members of the caste resort to either burial or cremation as happens to be convenient. Children, lepers and persons who die of snake-bite are buried. Some set up over the grave a small white flag or canopy, usually of muslin, two or three feet square ; others put a pot of water and a tulsi tree there. The period of mourning seems to vary in different districts. Thus the Rajbansis of Darjiling perform srdddh on the thirteenth day after death, those of Jalpaiguri on the eleventh, and the Rajbansis of Rangpur on the thirty-first. During the thirty days following the funeral, these latter take their meals in wet clothes, changing afterwards to dry ones, sleep on jute, eat dtap rice, and abstain from fish, flesh, pan, masur ddl, condiments and salt. Every year on the eighth or ninth day of the new moon in the month of Bhadra (August-September) srdddh is performed for three generations of deceased ancestors by throwing into a river milk, wheat, dtap rice, sesamum, barley, plantains, bel leaves and sprays of the tulsi plant, and uttering at the same time the names of the three ancestors who are to be held in honour. In spite of their pretensions to be Kshatriyas, the social status of the Rajbansi is still extremely low, and no paWoT1 StatUS and °CCU" well-known caste will take cooked food from their hands or smoke in their hookahs. In the Darjiling Terai, where the caste is numerous, Hindus take water from them, but this is one of those concessions to circumstances of which caste custom offers many examples. The caste as a whole may be described as agricultural, though many, as has been mentioned above, make their living as fishermen, and carpenters, blacksmiths, jewellers, and money-lenders are also found among them. Most Rajbansis, however, are cultivating ryots with or without occupancy rights, some are landless day-labourers paid in cash or kind, and others hold their fields as ddhidrs or metayers, paying half the produce to their immediate landlord. There are said to be no zamindars among them, the fact probably being all the zamindars who were originally Rajbansis have long ago got themselves trans formed into Rajputs. Many of them in Darjiling and Jalpaiguri 2 i 2
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KOCHH. 500 KOIRI. hold the tenures known as jotddri, the incidents of which closely resemble those of a tdluk. The following statement shows the number and distribution of the Kochh tribe in 1872 and 1881 :— Kochh i BediS, a sub-caste of Kodrid, a synonym for Kadar or Kadarwa, who dig earth like Beldars and work as labourers. Bedias whose original home was in Kuch Behar; also called Kochh Bedia. Kodriwe or Kodarye, a mul of the Sandil section of Maithil Brahmans in Behar. Koch i la, a sub-tribe of Tharus in Nepal ; a sept of the Rautar sub-tribe of Tharus in Behar. Koea, a wild beast, a totem istic sept of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Kochohina, a sept of the Suryabansi sub-tribe of Rajputs in Behar. Koftgar, a craftsman who practises the art of inlaying gold and silver on iron, usually, though not invariably, a Mahom edan. Kodaria, worker with the spade, a section of Babhans in Behar. Kodbaria, a mul or section of the Maghaya sub-caste of Kandus in Behar. Kogdengsa, a sept of Maghs in the Hill Tracts of Chitta gong. Kodo Sag, a kind of water vegetable, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Kohli, a thar or sept of the Das-Gurung sub-tribe of Gur ungs in Darjiling. llom, Murdo, a very numerous cultivating caste of Behar and Origin. Cllota Nagpur, whom Dr. Wise believed to be " closely allied to the Kurmi, with whom they drink, but do not eat, while the Kurmi attend their marriages and partake of the feast." Mr. Nesfield again identifies the Koiri with the Kachhi, and adds that the name Koiri " shows that the wandering and semi-savage Kol, who is still to be found in the distriots south of USTBH IT. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli Howrah 24-Parganas ... Nadiya Jessore Khulna Murshedabad Dinajpur Rajshahye ... Rangpur Botra Pabna Darjiling Julpigori 3 1 17 ] 23 170 1,532 2,317 1,005 224 4,861 2,523 i 5 ( 95 1,757 15,335 4,758 2,012 17,582 407,923 10,459 432,498 19,056 4,875 30,801 208,322 17,646 446,641 11,850 427,671 15,649 3,078 23,124 139,647 •ISTBICT. Kuch Behar Dacca Faridpur Bakarganj Maimansinh Chittagong Noakhali Tipperah Chittagong Hill Tracts ... Gya Bhagalpur Purniah Maldah Santal Parganas Orissa Tributary States ... Hazaribagh Manbhum Tributary States 15,600 8,862 672 32,351 10,866 43 1,295 299,458 13,498 1,886 924 31,997 180 210 2,495 41 4 38 71,833 60,700 61 27 2 862 116 164 61,724 63,217 362
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501 KOIRI the Ganges," was the remote ancestor of the caste, " though every tradition of such descent appears now to have been forgotten." Both theories appear to me to go much farther tban the evidence justifies. There is nothing specially improbable in the suggestion that both Koiris and Kurmis may be descended from the same stock, nor even m the conjecture that the parent tribe was of non-Aryan origin ; but we can point to no definite facts tending to affiliate the Koiris to the group of tribes included in the general name Kolh, nor are the cases of social intercourse noticed by Dr. Wise sufficient to prove tribal affinity between the two castes. All that can be said is that the Koiri have too long been a distinct caste, and have been too much affected by Hindu influences for it to be possible to frame any plausible hypothesis regarding the elements of which they are made up. Their own tradition, that they were created by Siva to tend the radish (murdi) and to look after the sacred gardens of Benares, is of the common mythological type and gives no clue to their descent. We find among Koiris in different parts of the country the following thirteen sub-castes : — Barki-Dangi,1 Chhotki-Dangi, Banapar, Jaruhar, Kanaujia, T . „ , , . Magahiya, Tirhutia, Chirmait, Kumarh, Internal structure. _ °, '.', _ .., ' 0 ■ - a -*i i Goita, Dhar, Reutia, Pauria, Barakar, and Palmoha. The common story regarding the origin of these groups is that the first Koiri, the son of Mahadeva and Parvati, was placed by them in charge of a garden, and that the sub-castes are descended from girls of various castes who came to pick flowers in the garden and conferred their favours on the gardener. The sections are shown in Appendix I. In Behar they are territorial or titular ; while in Chota Nagpur and the Santal Parganas survivals of totemism may be traced in the Kdsyap and Nag gotras, the members of which will not kill or molest tortoises and snakes. The Kasyap Koiris, indeed, carry their reverence for the tortoise to such a length that if one is caught they smear its shell with oil and vermilion and put it back into the water. Some of the Behar section-names, again, are a kind of shibboleth, referring to the occupation of the caste or reciting at length the supposed habitat of the section. The usual rule is that a man may not marry a woman of his own section, but in Bhagalpur as many as nine sections are said to be excluded. The standard formula calculated to seven generations in the descending line is used for reckoning prohibited degrees not covered by the rule forbidding marriage within the section. Koiris usually marry their daughters as infants between the ages of seven and ten, but rich men sometimes have the ceremony performed whea the girl is only three or four years old: "after 6he has got her teeth," as the saying goes ; while both in Behar and Chota Nagpur a girl's marriage may be deferred for special reasons until she has passed the 1 The Barki-Dangi, who forbid widow-remarriage, are supposed to be the highest in rank ; then come the Chhotki-Dangi and the Jaruhar, followed by the territorial divisions Kanaujia, Magahiya, and Tirhutia. The Goita and Dhar groups found in Champaran, keep fowls, and are believed to be the illegitimate descendants of a Koiri woman by a Kunjra or vegetable-seller.
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502 KOIRI age of puberty without the family incurring serious reproach thereby. Colonel Dalton gives the following account of a Koiri marriage in Chota Nagpur, which does not appear to differ materially from the usage current in Behar : — "The preliminaries are first arranged by mutual friends, who meet at the house of the bride. If they come to an agreement, small sums of money are interchanged. The boy's friends give four annas and a half, and the girl's friends one and a half, and this is an engagement. " But as a betrothal it is incomplete till the ceremony called sugan bdndhnd is performed. Ten or more of the boy's friends with music and a Brahman go to the girl's house ; her friends are also invited, and the ceremony commences by the father of the girl and the father of the boy each spreading a new cloth on the ground. The Brahman then takes some dhdn from the store of the bride's father and places it in the hands of the maiden, who throws it on the cloth spread by her father-in-law that is to be. The Brahman next takes some grain that has been brought from the bridegroom's house, and this is thrown on the cloth spread by the father of the maiden. The cloths are then rolled up with the grain in them : the bride retains that which was brought from her betrothed's house. The friends of the latter take away the cloth produced by the bride's father. " Eight days after the above ceremony the marriage takes place. A Brahman priest presides, and the service is strictly Brah- manical. At the conclusion of the orthodox ritual the bride and var, their scarfs tied together, are made to perform seven times a circuit round a collection of vessels containing water, grain, oil, and a Hght. This is called the bhanwar. The girl goes first : she carries one of the cloths with grain, and the boy the other, and, allowing the grain to drop, they thus mark the circuits they make. " When all is over, the boy is taken into the women's apartments and invited to eat, but he will not touch food till a present is made to him. In the same manner, when the bride first appears amongst the females of her husband's house she obstinately declines all refreshments till bribed to eat. The jahdz is used by the Koiris as well as by the Kurmis." Polygamy is permitted, and there does not appear to be any positive rule limiting the number of wives a man may have. The caste, however, is not a wealthy one, and it is unusual to find a man with more than two wives, while a second wife is commonly taken only in the event of the first being barren. All the sub-castes except the Barki-Ddngi allow a widow to marry again by the sagai or sanga form, and impose no restrictions on her choice of a second husband. It is, however, deemed the right thing for her to marry her late husband's younger brother (dewar) if such a relative exists ; and the faot that a woman who marries an outsider must give up her male children to her late husband's family tends on the whole to make marriage with the dewar a very common arrangement. The sanga ritual as performed by the Koiris of Man bhum is a very simple one. Late in the evening the bridegroom accompanied by a few of his friends goes without any special display
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503 KOIRI to the bride's house, where he is received by her relations and given a seat in the courtyard. There he is joined by the bride, who is brought in by two widows, and takes her seat on a sd/ leaf in front of the bridegroom. The bridegroom presents to her a new sari, and touches with the little finger of his left hand some powdered vermil ion, which is brought to him in a sal leaf. A widow then smears some of this powder on the bride's forehead and the parting of her hair ; this act, which completes the ceremony, being greeted with a cry of " Haribol " by the lookers-on. The proceedings end with a feast provided by the bridegroom, who takes his wife home quietly the same night. In the north of Manbhum (thanas Jharia and Topchanchi) a different custom prevails, which may perhaps represent a state of transition towards the abandonment of widow-marriage. There no ceremony of any kind is performed; but if a man wishes to keep a widow as his mistress, he announces his intention to the head men. If they agree, he simply takes the woman to live with him. The practice of the caste in the matter of divorce appears to vary with the surroundings of the caste, and to depend on the extent to which they have been influenced by the example of the higher castes. In Chota Nagpur and parts of Behar considerable license of divorce is allowed. Reference is made to the caste panchayat ; and if it is found that the husband has just cause of complaint, he is permitted to put away his wife. Divorced wives may marry again. The Koiris of Bhagalpur and Patna, on the other hand, profess not to recognise divorce, and a woman who goes wrong is simply turned out of the caste. In Champaran the rule is said to be that a man may obtain from the panchayat authority to divorce his wife for adultery or for serious faults of temper. A woman so divorced may marry a man of a different (presumably lower) section, but may not marry within her own section without the express permission of the leading members of the group — the caste Brahmans and the local zamindar. For this permission certain fees have to be paid. This seems to imply the opinion that a woman having by marriage become a member of her husband's section does not revert to her own section when divorced, and thus is not precluded from marry ing a man who before her marriage would have been deemed a blood relation. Koiris profess to be orthodox Hindus belonging to the Saiva or Sakta sects, and Vaishnavism has hitherto made little progress among them. The quality of their orthodoxy, however, seems to vary with locality, and may perhaps be gauged by the degree of consideration accorded to their Brahmans and by the character of their minor gods. Thus in Chota Nagpur the Brahmans who serve the Koiris as priests are not received on equal terms by other members of the sacred order ; while among their minor gods we find the aboriginal Marang-Buru or Barpahari alongside of Sokhd, Parameswari, Mahavira, and Hanu mdn. Mounds of dried clay representing these are found in every house, and there is often a larger mound with a tulsi tree in the courtyard, which, according to Colonel Dalton, is sacred to tha entire group of deities. In addition to the Hindu festivals of
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KOIRI 504 Janmdshtami and Sivardt they observe the aboriginal feasts of Karma and Jittd parab, and invoke Marang-Buru at certain inter vals, specially when rain does not fall in due season. In Behar, on the other hand, the Kanaujia, Srotri, or Tirhutia Brahman, who is employed by the Koiri for religious and ceremonial pur poses, seems to hold a fairly high position and not to be looked down upon by his brethren. Their village gods are Bandi, Goraiya, Sokha, Hanuman, Ram Thakur, Kurlal, and Dharm-Raj, who are worshipped by the head of the household with the usual offerings of sheep, goats, and sweetmeats of various kinds. In Arrah the Koiris, like the Kandus, worship the Panch Pir and hold a festival in theis honour on the ninth and tenth days of the Dasahard in Aswin (September-October). A few are found following the tenets of Kabir, Nanak, and Darya Das. Koiri women are unclean for twelve days after child-birth, at the end of which time the mother bathes twice, and after each bath plasters the house floor with cowdung. She then marks with red lead five spots on the rim of the well, draws a jar of water, and her purification is complete. The dead are burned, the body being laid on the pyre with the head pointing to the north, and the ashes thrown into the Ganges or into any river that may happen to be handy. The ceremony of srdddh is performed in the regular method on the thirteenth day after death. Cakes and libations of water are offered every Aswin for the propitiation of ancestors in general. In Chota Nagpur a curious custom prevails, under which on the day of death the friends and relatives of the deceased, and even the members of other castes, give the family a few handfuls of rice and receive in return a small quantity of milk. The social position of Koiris is respectable. They rank with - . , , Kurmis and Godlds, and Brahmans will take bocial Btatus. . « ,-, ■ i* __• tj.i jj. <■ water from their hands. In the matter ot food the practice of the caste, in some districts at any rate, sesms to fall below the ordinary Hindu standard of purity. Thus the Koiris of Champaran eat fowls, and in North Bhagalpur field rats are mentioned as a legitimate article of diet. On the other hand, they will not touch the leavings of even the highest castes, nor will they take personal service — a point wherein they consider them selves to be raised above the Dhanuks, Kewats, and Amats. They will, however, eat pakki with, and take water from, men of these castes, and will smoke in the same hookah when on a journey. Their pursuits are purely agricultural, but they are distinguished from the Kurmis and other purely cultivating castes by their skill in rearing tobacco, opium, and other special produce requiring more careful cultivation than the staple crops. In the neighbourhood of large towns they „ ,. work as market-gardeners, growing and selling Occupation. n 1 ■ j _t ° i ■*.■_ »» ° tr • " ° ail kinds ot vegetables. Many Koiris are tenure-holders, and here and there members of the caste have risen to be petty zemindars. Most of them are prosperous culti vators holding occupancy rights, and comparatively few have sunk to the position of landless day-labourers. In fact, their skill and industry are so notorious that a Koiri, even if he has no land of his
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KOIRI. 505 KOLH-ASUR own, is usually rather in demand as a partner on the bhdg-jot system of cultivation. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Koiris in 1872 and 1881 :— Kol or Kolh, a generic name applied by Hindus to the Munda and Oraon tribes, and sometimes also to the Bhumij and Kharias. Herr Jellinghaus1 thinks that it means pig-killer ; but the ques- tion is a very obscure one, and it is at least equally likely that the word may be a variant, of hor or horo, the Mundari for ' man,' which is used by both Mundas and Santals in speaking of themselves. Kolandh, a section of the Pachainya sub-caste of Doms in Behar. Kola-Paramanik, a sub-caste of Napits in the 24-Parganas. Kolasa, a sept of Maghs in the Hill Tracts of Chittagong. Koleman or Kalu, a hyper gamous group of Telis in Bengal. Kolh-A'sur, a sub-tribe of Asuras in Chota Nagpur. Kokarsa, a section of Sonars in Behar. Kokas, a sub-caste of Barhis in Behar who are said to have come from Gorakhpur, and work only in wood ; a sub-caste of Lohars. Kokenamba, he who rises with the sun, a sept of the Panthar sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Koki, a thar or sept of Gurungs in Darjiling. Kokras, a section of the Satmulia Maghaya sub- caste of Kandus in Behar. Kol, a sub-caste of Gonrhis in Behar which, though endog- amous as regards the other sub- castes of Gonrhis, allows of intermarriage with the Parbatti Kurin sub-caste. The Kols say they are not Gonrhis, and dis tinguish themselves as Gonrh. i Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, iii, 326, Distbict. 1872. 1881. 3ardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Sughh Tiowrah !4-Parganas ... Nadiya ILhulna lessore H urshedabad Dinajpur Ttajshahye Rangpur 3ogra ... Pabna ... Harjiling salpigori ... iuch Behar ... lacca ?aridpur _ lakarganj ilaimansinh ... } 709 2,897 468 2,140 143 1,5.39 8,702 359 7,171 211 580 21,626 1,607 741 61 62 { 344 624 87 380 153 343 1,63.3 65 3 47 930 233 65 295 211 8 409 181 41 282 838 1,516 436 3 62 46 Distbict. 1872. 1881. Tipperah Chittagong Noakhali Patna siya Shahabad Tirhnt 5 Mozufferpur lirhut |Darbhanga Saran Champaran Monghyr Hhagulpur Purniah sValdah Santal Parganas Cuttack Puri Balasore Hazaribagh Lohardaga Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States ... 529 17 4C2 81,561 131,030 130,394 ] 227,046 141,209 82,074 77,741 81,117 24,025 482 9,341 232 18 86,738 142,068 152,846 f 141,551 I 129,027 160,354 103,893 92,650 82,388 26,238 226 11,304 31 4 997 41,495 23,538 62 2,404 3,661 27,821 24,232 42 4,528 1,820
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KOLITA. 506 KORA. "IlcItta, Kolita Tdsa Orh Tdsa, an agricultural caste of the Southern Tributary Mahals of Chota Nagpur, whose traditions say that they came originally from Mithila in the days of Rama. Colonel Dalton describes them as of fair complexion with good features and well-proportioned limbs, and pronounces them to be mainly Aryan in blood with " a slight deterioration arising from intermixture with the less comely aborigines." They generally allow their daughters to grow to maturity before giving them in marriage, and Colonel Dalton saw many full-grown girls in the villages that he visited. Nothing is known about the internal structure or the religion of the caste. They usually call themselves Tdsa, a corruption of Chasa, and I think it is an open question whether they are not merely Orh- Chasas who have settled in the Tributary Mahals and acquired the name Kolita. Kolita, an endogamous sub division of Kayasths in Assam. Kolkatari, a sept of Kaurs in Chota Nagpur. Kol-Munda, a sub-tribe of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Konari, an endogamous divi sion of Pdschdtya Baidik Brah mans in Bengal. Konark, a pur or section of Sdkadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Kondongwa, the vagabond, a sept of the Ahtharai sub-tribe of Limbus in Darjiling. Kongaddi, crow, a totemistic sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Konhar, a sept of the Rautdr sub-tribe of Tharus in Behar. Konkpat, a title of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Konkpat-Munda, a sub-tribe of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. Konr-Gop, a hypergamous division of the Purbba Kuliyd Sadgops in Murshedabad who take their wives from other Sadgops, but give their daughters only in their own group. Kons, grass, a totemistic sept of Lohdrs in Chota Nagpur. Kopetah, a section of Mag haya Dhobis in Behar. Kopinyar, a section of Awadhid Hajjams in Behar. Koput, a sept of Gonds in Chota Nagpur. Kora, a sub-caste of Tdntis in Bengal; a mul or section of the Kanaujia sub-caste of Sondrs in Behar ; a sept of Hos in Sing bhum. Kaora, Kliaird, Khayrd, a Dravidian caste of earth workers and cultivators in Chota Nagpur, Western and Central Bengal, probably an offshoot from the Munda tribe. The Koras or Khayras of Manbhum and Bankura have well-marked totemistio sections1 of the same type as the Mundas, and the latter admit that some sort of affinity may at one time have been recognised. The Kords of the Santal Parganas on the other hand claim to Tradition of origin. hf™ C0J?e fro,m Nagpur. The Barda section ot the Kords have a curious legend concerning their totem. They say that one of their ancestors went out hunting 1 See Appendix I, s.v. Sora.
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507 KORA, with his two brothers in the jungle, but found no game. While they were wandering about, they noticed a bundle wrapped in sal leaves hanging from the branch of a bdrdd or pithdli tree. The bundle contained meat, which, being very hungry, they cooked and ate with out further inquiry. Afterwards they found out that what they had eaten was a human placenta, and expressed their horror by making the fruit of the bdrdd tree taboo for themselves and their descendants. The Alu section, on the other hand, believe that their first ancestor was born under a Phal-alu tree, and for this reason they will not eat the bulb-like fruit of this tree, or any bulbs, such as potatoes, which bear a resemblance to it. Both stories seem to be attempts to find a rational explanation for a prohibition which seemed unreasonable to men who had got beyond the stage of believing in their actual descent from trees. Further east these characteristic section-names have been dropped, but the caste is divided into four sub-castes, bearing the names Dhalo, Molo, Sikharia, and Bada mia, of which the first three still preserve the memory of their original settlements. Thus the Dhalo sub-caste say that they came from Dhalbhum, the eastern pargana of Singbhum ; the Molo from Manbhum ; and the Sikharia from the tract of country between the Damodar and Barakar rivers bounded on the east by Samet Sikhar or Parasnath Hill. In Bankura, again, besides the Sikharia we find three other groups — Sonarekha, Jhetia, and Guri-Bawa, of which the first is associated with the Sondrekhd or Subarnarekha river, which rises in the Mundari country, while the second bears the same name as one of the sub-castes of the Bagdis. In Bankura all four sub-castes are strictly endogamous; in the districts further east Molos and Sikharids intermarry. In Manbhum no sub-castes appear to have been formed, and the caste is still more or less in the tribal stage. The Hinduised Khairas of Central Bengal have developed a legend of the common mythological type, to the effect that they were generated by the bellowing of the miraculous cow Kamadhenu when Viswamitra came to take her away from the sage Vasishtha, and that they with other soldiers born from the cow drove off the intruding Kshatriya. Another tradition current in the Santal Parganas says that the Khairas came from the west, and that their special function is to prepare catechu (khair) for use in conjunction with betel. There is nothing to show that the Kords ever followed this particular occupation, and the statement is referred to here merely as an instance of the striving after a meaning which meets us so frequently in the popular derivations of caste names. Where the exogamous groups have been preserved, the rule is that a man may not marry a woman of the same totem as himself • but on the mother's side the totem is not taken into account, and the rule of exogamy is supplemented by the standard formula mamerd, chacherd, etc., calculated to three generations in the descending line.
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508 KORA The Kords of Western Bengal marry their daughters both . as infants and as adults, and in Chota Nagpur sexual intercourse before marriage is regarded as a venial offence. This measure of toleration, so characteristic of the aboriginal races, is no longer recognised in Bankura, where sexual indiscretions are visited with severe social penalties, although adult-marriage still maintains its ground. In Bengal Proper the caste has fully adopted the more fashionable custom of infant marriage. The marriage ceremony of the Bankura Kords corresponds precisely with that described at length in the article on the Bagdis, with the curious difference that vermilion is applied to the bride's forehead with the handle of the cutter (chimta) used for slicing areca nut. In Manbhum the bride and bridegroom are made to stand one behind the other on a bundle of straw laid on the top of a bullock-yoke (jordn), and the bridegroom, whose place is in the rear, treading on the heels of the bride, reaches forward and smears vermilion three times on the bride's forehead. This, which is deemed to be the binding portion of the ritual, has clearly survived or been borrowed from the marriage ceremony of the Mundas. The Eastern Kords follow the regular Hindu ritual. Polygamy is everywhere permitted, and in theory there is no limit to the number of wives a man may have. Custom, however, and the standard of living imposed hy the comparative poverty of the caste, combine in actual life to bring about the result that hardly any one has more than two wives, and most men content themselves with one. Among the Kords of Manbhum and the Santal Parganas a widow is allowed to marry again, and her choice of a second husband is unfet tered, save that she must observe the prohibited degrees, and that she may not marry her deceased husband's elder brother. She may marry his younger brother, but she is under no special obligation to do so, though such marriages are deemed both respectable and convenient, and very commonly take place. The ceremony (sanga) is much the same as that described in the article on the Koiris. In the Kora ritual, however, the bridegroom does not himself apply the vermilion to the bride's forehead. He merely touches the powder, which is then smeared on the parting of the bride's hair by the widows who are present. In Bankura and the districts further east the example of the rest of the population has induced the Kords to abandon widow-marriage. The working of the same influence may be observed in the matter of divorce, which is prohibited in the eastern districts, while in Chota Nagpur and the Santal Parganas aboriginal usage still holds its ground and divorce is granted by the caste council on the application of either husband or wife. Persons so divorced, whether men or women, are allowed to marry again. Like the Bauris and Bagdis, Kords admit into their community members of any caste ranking above their own in sooial standing. The occasions on which this privilege is sought are doubtless rare,
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509 KORA, and usually occur only when the outsider has been turned out of his own caste for carrying on an intrigue with a Kora woman and eating food which she has prepared. A case of this kind, which has been reported to me from one of the districts of Central Bengal, throws a curious light upon the working of the caste system at the present day. A man of the highly respectable Aguri caste fell in love with a Kora girl, and after keeping the intrigue secret for some time was ejected from his caste and turned out of his household. He then went to live with his mistress, and at first thought of turning Vaishnava. Finally, however, at the girl's suggestion he decided to join the Kora community, and his case was laid before a meeting of the headmen (mandals) of the caste. These worthies the convert propitiated with a liberal feast, and was thereupon formally admitted to be a member of the Kora caste. Like most of the lower castes, the Kords settle the bulk of their civil disputes through the agency of their own panchdyats, and very seldom resort to the regular courts. In fact the value of the property in question is usually too small to bear the costs of a regular suit. In matters of inheritance and succession they affect to be governed by the standard codes recognised in the locality, by the Ddyabhaga in Bengal districts and by the Mitdkshara in Chota Nagpur. Their customs, however, imperfectly as it has been possible to ascertain them, show some curious deviations from the ordinary Hindu rules of law. In Bankura the custom of giving the eldest son an extra share (jeth-angs) is in full force, and even in the eastern districts traces of this practice still survive. The Kords of Manbhum, on the other hand, divide a man's property equally among his sons, but where he leaves sons by more than one wife, they follow the custom known in the Panjab as chitnddvand, under which the sons, however many, of one wife get no more than the sons, however few, of another wife. In matters of religion Kords affect to be orthodox Hindus, R .. . worshipping the regular gods and calling them- selves Saktas or Vaishnavas, according as they incline to the cult of Kali, Durga, and Manasa, or to that of Radha and Krishna. Manasa, the heavenly patroness of snakes, and Bhddu, the virgin daughter of the Pachete house, whose worship has been described in the article on the Bagdis, are their favourite deities. Their village and household deities are Bhairab Thakur, Grdm-Deoti, and Kudra, to whom goats, fowls, pigeons, rice, sugar, and plantain are offered on no fixed dates, and are divided between the worshippers and the Deogharid Brahmans, who serve them as priests and keep in order the shrines (Kudrasthdn and Bhairabsthdn) of the village gods. In Manbhum the Koras do not employ Brahmans, but a member of the caste, styled the Laya or IN dyd acts as priest, and is sometimes remunerated by a grant of rent free land held on the tenure known as Idydli. Further east they are served by Barna Brahmans, who are looked down upon by other members of the sacred order, and occupy about the same position as the Brahmans who look after the spiritual welfare of the Bauris and Bagdis.
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KORA 510 Like the Bauris, the Kords of Chota Nagpur admit both burial and cremation as modes of disposing of the dead ; and when burial is resorted to, the corpse is laid in the grave face downwards and with the head pointing north. In Bankura and further east the rule is to burn, burial being confined to the case of those who have died of cholera, small-pox, or any disease supposed to be infectious. Here also the fashion of placing the body face downwards is observed, the idea being apparently that this affords some security against the spirit of the dead man ' walking ' and giving trouble to the living— a danger which is always supposed to be greater in the case of those who have died by a comparatively sudden or violent death. A meagre imitation of the orthodox srdddh is performed on the eleventh day after death, and annual offerings of rice, ghi, and gur are made to deceased ancestors in the months of Kartik and Chait. The social position of Kords is very low, and they are usually „ . , . classed with Bagdis, Bauris, Bunas, and other Social status. , .. ___■___. n £ tt j • mi • dwellers on the confines ot Hinduism. Their own practice in the matter of diet varies in different parts of the country. In Chota Nagpur they eat beef, pork, and fowls, and all manner of fish, whether scaly or scaleless, but refrain from eating field-rats, snakes, lizards, and animals which have died a natural death. Further east they are more particular. No Kora will touch beef, and some members of the caste abstain from fowls and from strong drink, in the belief that by doing so they acquire some sort of social distinction. These comparatively ascetic Kords have not as yet formed themselves into a sub-caste, but there is no reason why this should not hereafter take place. In Bankura Kords will eat sweetmeats, etc., with members of the Bagdi caste, but will not take water from their hands or smoke in the same hookah. Boiled rice they will take only from members of the Nabasakha group. The caste believe tank-digging, road-making, and earthwork generally to be their characteristic profes- Occupation. ■**•*. j ■! v. • j j.i l j.i • sion, and it may be surmised that their adoption of a comparatively degraded occupation, necessarily involving a more or less wandering manner of life, may have been the cause which led to their separation from the Mundas, who are above all things settled agriculturists, conspicuous for their attachment to their original villages. As earth-workers they rank next to the Beldars, but, unlike these, they carry earth in a pair of triangular baskets slung on a shoulder- yoke (bahangi), and will on no account carry it on their head. Beldars, on the other hand, always use single baskets, borne on the head, and refuse to touch a bahangi, deeming it an indignity to carry anything on their shoulders. Within the last generation many Koras have taken to cultiva tion, holding land as occupancy or non-occupancy raiyats, and working as agricultural labourers. In Bankura, however, and in other districts of Western Bengal, their connexion with the land must be of very ancient date, for we find a certain number of them at the present day in possession of substantial ghatwdli tenures — a fact which indicates that they were among the earliest settlers in that part of the country.
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KORA 511 KORWA. The following statement shows the number and distribution of Kords in 1872 and 1881 :— Korabania, a synonym for Kora in Western Bengal. having derived its name from Koren, a place in Tibet. Korankark, apuror section of Sdkadwipi Brahmans in Behar. Korar, a sub-caste of Chamars in Behar. Koriar, a section of Koranch Kandus in Behar. Korait, a synonym for Gorait, Koranch, a title of Koiris and Kandus in Hazaribagh, said to refer to the mythical island Kraunchdwip ; a section of Bab hans and of Awadhia Hajjams in Behar ; also a sub-caste of Halwais and Kandus. Korisa, a mul or section of the Chhamulia Madhesia sub-caste of Halwais in Behar. Korangi, a thar or sept of the Das-Gurung sub-tribe of Gurungs, Koria, fig, a totemistic sept of Chiks in Chota Nagpur. ll0rlll&, a Dravidian tribe who claim to be the original inh and whose claim is in some me Sarguja, Jashpur and Palamau, ants of the country they occupy, -e borne out by the fact that the of inhabitants measure b( priests who propitiate the local spirits are always selected from this tribe. The hill Korwas of Sarguja have the singular legend that they are descended from the scare-crows set up to frighten wild animals by the first men who raised crops in Sarguja, which were animated by the great spirit to save his votaries the trouble of continually making new ones. The male Korwas are described by Colonel Dalton as short of stature, dark-brown in complexion, strongly built and active with good muscular development. Their foreheads are narrow, and the lateral projection Origin and appearance. „ ,, , . , l j a of the zygomatic arches very marked. Some of the wilder specimens have black skins, flat faces and project ing lower jaws, while their matted hair has acquired a tawny shade from constant neglect. " The women," says Colonel Dalton, " appear ground down by the hard work imposed on them, stunted in growth, black, ugly, and wretchedly clad, some having only a few dirty rags tied round their persons, and in other respects untidy and unclean. On them falls the double task of labour in the fields and of providing the daily bread for the miserable household. IISTEICT. 18' ■2. 1881. Bardwan Bankura Birbhum Midnapur Hughli 24-Parganas Nadiya Khulna Jessore Murshedabad ... Dinajpur Rajshahye Rangpur Bogra Pabna 726 1,216 3,776 6,181 11 3 ""312 606 3,211 5,054 6,079 3,608 8,117 330 15 217 967 28 143 183 219 701 ""664 USTBICT. Chittagong Patna Monghyr Bhagalpur Maldah Santal Parganas Cuttack ") Puri >... B alasore ) Hazaribagh ... Lohardaga, Singbhum Manbhum Tributary States 3 4 1 3,301 71 2,927 IS 232 3,760 " "2,"211 The figures are included with other " labour- ing castes." 315 828 156 103 1 '""654 334 474 11,121 891
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
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512 KORWA They have all the burdens, but none of the privileges, of women. The man may follow his instincts as a hunting animal, and bow and arrow in hand search the hills for the meat that his soul loveth ; but he, day after day, returns unsuccessful, and in the meantime the woman has been hunting for and digging up wild esculent roots, or cutting wild vegetables, hewing wood, aud drawing water, and woe betide her if she has not been more successful than her lord." The Korwas appear to be divided into four sub-tribes, the Agaria-Korwa, probably a cross with the internal structure. AgariaS; tlie Dand-Korwa, the Dih-Korwa, who are settled in regular villages, and the Paharia-Korwa, who live in the hills, and are the wildest branch of the tribe. Colonel Dalton mentions that he failed to find among them any tribal distinctions by which restrictions on intermarriage were imposed such as are observed by cognate stocks. I am indebted to Mr. W. H. P. Driver, of Ranchi, for the interesting list of septs given in Appendix I. Most of these, it will be seen, are totemistic. Among the totems we find the tiger, the snake, the parrot, the wild goose, two kinds of eel, a fish, the kerketa bird, the mango, inyra bolam, unhusked rice, ploughs and pestles used for pounding grain, also a curious group called Muri, alleged to derive its name from the fact of its ancestors having made a chulha, out of four skulls, and cooked their dinner on this uncanny sort of fireplace. This is clearly a sept of the nickname type such as are common among the Tibetans, Limbus and the people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. To what extent the totems mentioned above are taboo to the septs which bear their names is a point on which no certain information is as yet forthcoming. The general tendency is for such prohibitions to fall into disuse, and the only rule about the sept-name that really holds its ground is the rule forbidding marriage within the circle which it defines. Korwas, says Colonel Dalton, are considered formidable as bowmen, but he was not struck with the accuracy of their aim. Their bows are surprisingly strong, and they use arrows with barbed heads, nine inches long by an inch and a half wide. The feathers are arranged in a spiral, which is supposed to give great steadiness to the flight of the shaft. They make battle-axes from iron of their own smelting, and are very expert in the use of this weapon. Their system of agriculture is primitive. They cultivate Agriculture. ™l? virSin soi|' porting freely to fire for tne purpose ot clearing away the jungle, and changing their homesteads every two or three years as the land becomes exhausted. Rice, vetches, millets, pumpkins, yams, chillies and arrowroot are their standard crops, and they eke out the scanty yield of their fields with a variety of jungle products. Grain they store under ground done up in small packets of leaves, and thus packed they say it will keep for years. They also trade in honey, bees-wax, arrowroot, resins, gum, stick lac and iron. Of their religion little is known. According to Colonel Dalton Religion the Korwas of Sarguja sacrifice only to the spirits of their ancestors, and as this must
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
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KORWA. 513 KOSHTA be done by the head of each family, they have no priests. In Jashpur, on the other hand, Baigas serve them as priests, and the Khuria Rani, a bloodthirsty goddess, dwelling in a cave over hanging a stream, is worshipped with offerings of slain buffaloes and goats. The families of the Dewan of Jashpur and the Thakur of the Kallia estate— the only Korwas who now hold any considerable landed property — affect to have adopted Hinduism and " spurning alliances with the ordinary Korwas have continued inter-breeding for several generations," although " they dare not altogether disown the spirits of the hills and forests that their ancestors adored, and they have each at their head-quarters a Korwa Baiga or pagan priest to propitiate the gods of the race." Korwar, a sept of Rajputs in Behar. |p.0Shti£, Mdhdrd, a weaving and cultivating caste of Chota Nagpur, who believe their ancestors to have immigrated from Sam balpur, Raijah and Chattisgarh in the Central Provinces. The caste call themselves Mdhara, and the name Koshtd is used only by out siders. The exogamous sections of the Koshtds are shown in Appendix I. With three exceptions, they appear to be totemistic ; but there is nothing to show whether the members of the sections pay any reverence to the totems whose names they bear. As a rule Koshtds marry their daughters after they have attained maturity, and infant marriage is also resorted to occasionally by comparatively wealthy men, who believe that they perform au act of social merit by giving a daughter in marriage before puberty. The marriage ceremony differs little from that in force among the lower classes of Hindus. Sindurddn or the smearing of vermilion on the bride's forehead and the parting of her hair is deemed the essential and binding portion. A. widow may marry again by the sagai ritual, and is expected to marry her late husband's younger brother if one survives him. Divorce is permitted on various grounds. No special formalities are prescribed. A simple declaration before the panchayat that the parties propose to dissolve their marriage is ail that is necessary. As a rule the husband is the person who moves, and it is a doubtful poiut whether a woman is entitled to take steps to obtain a divorce from her husband. The principal god of the Koshtds is the Gond divinity Dulha Deo, a boy-bridegroom raised to divine honours by reason of his tragic death in the midst of his own bridal procession. There are also many Kavirpanthis, owing, it is said, to the activity of the mis sionaries of this sect among them of receut years. Koshtds have no Brahmans ; the village barber (ndwa) presides at marriages, and on all other occasions the heads of families are priests unto themselves. Both burial and cremation are in vogue. Members of the Kavir panthi sect are always buried. In respect of diet, Koshtds observe most of the rules held binding by middle class Hindus, but they do not consider themselves bound to abstain from strong drink. They eat pakki and drink with Brahmans, Rajputs, Khandaits, Kharwas, Jhoras, Ahirs, Kum hars. Kachchi they can take only from Gonds and Rantias, a fact 2 K
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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The Tribes and Castes of Bengal ... Ethnographic glossary. (Official edition, circulated for criticism.)
Calcutta
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514 KOSHTA. KOTAL. which, taken in connexion with their traditions of origin and their worship of Dulha Deo, seems to imply some affinity with the former tribe. It is curious to find that the children of Koshta men by women of any of the Jdldcharaniya castes from whom a Brahman may take water are readily admitted into the Koshta community. KoteL, a sub-caste of Baruis in Bengal; a section of Madhesia Kdndus in Behar. Kosii a, a section of Godlds in the North-Western Provinces and Behar. Kosuar, fish, a totemistic sept of Oraons in Chota Nagpur. Kotabandab, a totemistic sept of Judngs in Orissa. Kotah Kaisi, a small vulture, a totemistio sept of Mundas in Chota Nagpur. IfUrtsI, Kotwal, a small Dravidian cultivating caste of Central . . Bengal, frequently employed as village watch- men. They believe themselves to be descend ants of Guhak Muni, the traditional ancestor of the Chandals, and it is possible that they may be a branch of that caste separated from the main group by their adopting the profession of Kotwal or village policeman. In Murshedabad they are divided into four sub-castes— Atpara, Dhukursani, Kutabpur, and Manoharsahi. They have no seotions, and regulate their marriages by counting prohibited degrees down to the seventh generation in the descending line. Kotals marry their daughters by the regular ceremony followed by the lower castes of about their own standing. The binding portion of the rite is sdtpdk, the carrying of the bride seven times round the bride groom. Polygamy is permitted when a man's first wife is barren, but is rarely resorted to. Neither widow-marriage nor divorce is recognised. By religion the Kotals are Saiva Hindus, worshipping Kali in the month of Kartik and Dharmaraj in Jaishta. Sasthi and Lakshmi are held in special reverence by their women. Their priests are a low class of Brahmans, who are looked down upon by other members of the sacred order. Their original occupation they believe to be to perform the duties of village watchman, an office for which ccupa ion. sometimes hold small allotments of land rent free. Of late years, however, and especially since the intro duction of the Chaukidari Act, they have rather tended to abandon these functions, their place being taken by members of other low castes. As cultivators, they usually hold land as non-occupancy raiyats, or work as agricultural labourers. Their social rank is much the same as that of the Chanddls. Some of them drink spirits, but this practice is by no means universal. For the rest their practice in the matter of diet is very muoh that of orthodox Hindus in general, and they look down upon the Bagdis and Hdris as unclean feeders.
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Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e
Risley, Herbert Hope, Sir, k.c.i.e [person]
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