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- Tripp, 252 - United Nations Security Council PV S-PV-3955 on 1998-12-16 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - "LETTER DATED 15 DECEMBER 1998 FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL". Un.org. Retrieved 2011-06-19. - United Nations Security Council S-1998-1172 on 1998-12-15 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - Julian Borger (17 December 1998). "Missile blitz on Iraq". The Guardian. - United Nations Security Council PV S-PV-3955 page
2 on 1998-12-16 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - United Nations Security Council PV S-PV-3955 page 3 on 1998-12-16 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - United Nations Security Council PV S-PV-3955 page 8 on 1998-12-16 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - United Nations Security Council PV S-PV-3955 page 5 on 1998-12-16 (retrieved 2007-04-04) - Tripp, 269 - Black, 68 - Graham-Brown, Sarah, “Sanctioning Iraq: A Failed Policy, Middle East Report, No. 215 (Summer,
2000), pp. 8-10 - Halliday, Denis J., “The Impact of the UN Sanctions on the People of Iraq,” Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Winter, 1999), pp. 29-33 - Mark Tran (7 January 1999). "UN 'spied on Iraq'". The Guardian. - Barton Gellman (2 March 1999). "U.S. Spied On Iraq Via U.N". Washington Post. - Julian Borger (3 March 1999). "UN 'kept
in dark' about US spying in Iraq". The Guardian. - "Unscom 'infiltrated by spies'". BBC News. March 23, 1999. Retrieved 2006-04-28. - "The Lessons and Legacy of UNSCOM, an Interview with Ambassador Richard Butler". Arms Control Today. June 1999. - Arons, Nicholas (June 24, 1999). "Interview with Scot Ritter". Federation of American Scientists, June 24, 1999. Retrieved 2008-09-06.
The significance of Alabama Unionists during the Civil War and Reconstruction has long been a subject of study among scholars. Largely centered in northern Alabama and to a lesser degree in the southeast region and in Montgomery and Mobile, Unionists were important both militarily and politically. Until recently, however, the
details of this phenomenon have remained less well known, largely because the term Unionist (both then and now) has been used to refer to a range of different individuals and positions. In the broadest sense, Unionist has meant any white person who opposed secession (including those who later supported the
Confederacy) and those who came to support the Union during the war despite having originally supported the Confederacy. This broad definition includes a very wide range of Alabamians—from the most well-to-do planters who ultimately become officers in the Confederate Army to the subsistence farmer who deserted the southern cause midway
through the war. It is also possible to define Unionism more narrowly, confining the label to those individuals who resisted both secession and the Confederacy during the war. Such unconditional loyalists probably represented no more than 15 percent of Alabama's adult white population. They were mostly nonslaveholding farmers (though a
small minority owned slaves) living in the northern third of the state. A few Unionists also lived in the piney woods and coastal plain further south. In many respects, these men and women were very much like their neighbors who supported the Confederate cause. The reasons they remained loyal to
the Union were also quite diverse. Many saw secession as illegal, whereas others felt that it would dishonor the American Revolution and their own ancestors. Still others were certain that secession would end in political or military disaster. Many were influenced by the respected figures in their families or neighborhoods.
Unionism in Alabama arose under the pressures of the presidential election of 1860. Nine months before, the state legislature had directed that, in the event of a Republican's election, a state secession convention would be called. By directly linking the presidential election to secession, the legislature fostered a political atmosphere
that was particularly hostile to Unionists. Newspaper editorials and participants at community meetings condemned as traitors those who canvassed for Illinois senator Stephen Douglas, the nominee of the regular Democratic Party, rather than the southern-rights Democratic nominee, John Breckinridge. In the election, fully 80 percent of Alabama's eligible voters participated,
giving Breckinridge a substantial victory, with 54 percent of the vote. John Bell, the Constitutional Union candidate who was supported by a number of Alabamians hostile to secession, received 31 percent of the vote. Douglas, the candidate most associated with a strongly Unionist position, polled slightly more than 15 percent.
Republican Abraham Lincoln was not even on the ballot in Alabama. As promised, Alabama secessionists called a convention in the wake of Lincoln's election. The campaign for convention delegates provoked heated and sometimes violent debates among neighbors, forcing many to defend their positions in public. Of the 100 delegates elected,
53 were secessionists and 47 were cooperationists, a term that refers to the delegates' desire to secede only in "cooperation" with other southern states. In fact, the men elected on this platform represented a wide range of ideas about if, when, and under what circumstances to cooperate with secession and
included a minority faction—probably less than one-third (the vast majority of them from the northern third of the state)—of unconditional Unionists who opposed secession outright. These delegates convened in Montgomery on January 7, 1861, and debated secession for four days. On January 11, 1861, the convention passed Alabama's Ordinance of
Secession by a vote of 61 to 39. Many of those who voted against the ordinance, however, ultimately did support secession, and four immediately reversed themselves and signed with the majority. Among the opposition, 33 delegates subsequently signed the "Address to the People of Alabama," in which they pledged to
consult with their supporters and then act on their wishes. Ten signatories of the address signed the ordinance to satisfy their constituents. Other delegates who rejected the ordinance eventually took active part in the war. Only three signers—Henry C. Sanford of Cherokee County, Elliot P. Jones of Fayette County, and
Robert Guttery of Walker County—never signed the ordinance and maintained their Unionism throughout the war. Only two wartime Unionists—R. S. Watkins of Franklin County and Christopher C. Sheats of Winston County—signed neither the "Address" nor the Ordinance of Secession. Most of the men and women who supported the Union after
Alabama's secession faced great difficulties. Many were ostracized and ridiculed by neighbors, called before community vigilance committees for questioning and intimidation, or actually harmed for endorsing the Union. Such treatment was most commonly meted out to those who publicly asserted their views; those who kept quiet and did not interfere
with volunteering were often left alone during the first year of the war. After Confederate conscription began in April 1862, however, community tolerance of Unionists waned. Individuals who resisted the draft, for whatever reason, were subject to arrest and imprisonment. Family members who supported resisters were frequently threatened with violence
or exile by conscript cavalry who hoped to pressure men to come in from the woods or mountains and surrender. In addition, it was not at all uncommon for the families of Unionists to be targeted for punitive foraging or arson by Confederate forces or local conscript cavalry. After the
Union Army invaded Alabama in early 1862, Unionists had more opportunities to flee behind Union lines for safety and the possibility of employment as soldiers, spies, or laborers. Most well known of Alabama's Union troops was the First Alabama Cavalry, U.S.A., organized in late 1862 by Brig. Gen. Grenville M.
Dodge, stationed at Corinth, Mississippi. The regiment served mostly in northern Alabama, western Tennessee, and northeastern Mississippi, though it marched with Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman to Savannah in 1864. Alabama Unionists also joined other federal regiments, particularly those from Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio. Those who remained at home, both
within Union-occupied territory and behind Confederate lines, also actively assisted Union forces as spies and guides. In some cases, they collaborated with local African Americans (most often their own slaves) to aid and abet the Union Army or pro-Union men in their neighborhoods. Moreover, African Americans from Alabama also crossed
the Union lines to serve as laborers and soldiers, and after the Emancipation Proclamation went into effect in 1863, many were inducted into United States Colored Troops regiments. Almost 5,000 African Americans, or 6 percent of Alabama's black male population between the ages of 18 and 45, volunteered in the
Union ranks. As was the case throughout the South, by the midpoint of the war Alabama's original Unionists were increasingly joined in their dissent by deserters from the Confederate Army, mostly men whose families were struggling at home without their labor. Disillusioned by the realities of warfare, angered by the
inequities of service under laws exempting slaveowners and selected professionals, such Alabamians generally wanted the war to end more than they desired Union victory, though some did cross lines and join the Union army rather than desert and avoid service altogether. A small peace movement also emerged at this time
among men who had originally opposed secession but later supported the state. After the war, Unionists continued to struggle politically and socially, for their wartime activities had alienated them from their now-defeated neighbors. Most eagerly joined the Union League and the Republican Party. Some wartime Unionists helped reintroduce the Methodist-Episcopal
Church (as contrasted with the Methodist-Episcopal Church, South) to northern Alabama, finding there a more hospitable environment for worship. Many campaigned strenuously to convince the president and Congress to limit the political rights of former Confederates. They also sought positions of local and state authority for others who had supported
the Union during the war. At this point, a number of men who had originally opposed secession but supported the state in 1861, as well as citizens who had become disillusioned with the war, also moved to the fore of political life in Alabama. These moderates were, in general, encouraged
by Pres. Andrew Johnson, who appointed such men to positions of political authority in the immediate post-war provisional governments he established. The Republican Party in Alabama was populated by such individuals, as well as core Unionists who had served in the Union Army or otherwise actively resisted the Confederacy. Both
groups were referred to by their Democratic opponents as sc alawags. Under Congressional Reconstruction (1867-74) wartime loyalists gained greater political power than they had under Presidential Reconstruction, taking leading roles in the constitutional convention of 1867, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Republican-dominated state legislature. Most also supported, though sometimes reluctantly,
voting rights for African Americans as a means to gain political power over former Confederates. For their continued association with northern Republicans and support for African American equality, white Unionists were targeted for intimidation and physical violence by the Ku Klux Klan and other anti-Reconstruction vigilantes. As elsewhere in the
South, Alabama Unionists and their Republican allies (white and black, northern and southern) received little in the way of federal assistance to defend against the onslaught of violence. As their party was overwhelmed by the Democratic opposition, Unionists retreated from the forefront of state politics, though those in communities with
substantial loyalist populations continued in positions of local political leadership well into the late nineteenth century. Barney, William L. The Secessionist Impulse: Alabama and Mississippi in 1860. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974. Fitzgerald, Michael W. The Union League Movement in the Deep South: Politics and Agri cultural Change During Reconstruction.
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989. Mills, Gary B. Southern Loyalists in the Civil War: The Southern Claims Commission. A Composite Directory of Case Files Created by the U.S. Commissioner of Claims, 1871-1880, including those appealed to the War Claims Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives and the
U.S. Court of Claims. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, Inc. 1994. Rogers, William Warren, Jr. The Confederate Home Front: Montgomery During the Civil War. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1999. Storey, Margaret M. Loyalty and Loss: Alabama's Unionists in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
The names chiseled onto city tenement building entrances are often pretty puzzling. The typical tenement is more than 100 years old. With the original builders long-gone, who can explain where some of these names come from, and why they were chosen? Like Novelty Court, on Driggs Avenue in Williamsburg. Actually, a little research turned up an explanation: this used to be the site of
the Novelty Theater, according to Cinema Treasures, which disappeared from city directories by the 1920s. A. Segal’s (Secal’s?) Apartments are also in Williamsburg. But who was A. Segal, and why did he put his first initial and last name on his building? Blennerhasset sounds like Manhasset, a town in Long Island. I’ve never seen the name anywhere else but on this tenement near Columbia
The Chinook Arch November 14, 2001 The above photo was taken at evening twilight in Calgary, Alberta by Jeff McIntosh. On the lee (eastern) side of the Rocky Mountains in Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, and the province of Alberta in Canada, chinook winds occasionally bring respite from cold weather. Chinook is an Indian name meaning "snow eater." These warm, westerly winds result from downslope winds
- air moving across the Rocky Mountains and down onto the prairies. During those cold, dull gray winter days, Albertans sometimes look toward the mountains for the Chinook Arch, a curved patch of blue sky (as shown above) that indicates that warm winds are approaching. Over this past weekend, a strong chinook was felt in Alberta and Montana. Chinooks typically occur from early November
Menezes, Pradeep L and Kishore, * and Kailas, Satish V (2006) Studies on friction and transfer layer using inclined scratch. In: Tribology International, 39 (2). pp. 175-183. Restricted to Registered users only Download (562Kb) \| Request a copy Friction influences
the nature of transfer layer formed at the interface between die and sheet during forming. In the present investigation, basic studies were conducted using 'Inclined Scratch Test' to understand the mechanism of transfer layer formation during sliding of pins made
of an Al-Mg alloy on EN8 steel flats of different surface roughness under dry and lubricated conditions. The surfaces produced can be categorized into three different types: (a) uni-directional (b) 8-ground and (c) random. Rubbing the EN8 flat in a
uni-directional manner and a criss-cross manner on emery sheets produced the uni-directional and 8 ground surfaces. The random surfaces were produced by polishing the EN8 flats using various abrasive powders. The influence of the 'nature of surface roughness' on material
transfer and coefficient of friction were investigated. Scanning Electron Microscopy studies were performed on the contact surfaces of the Al-Mg alloy pins and EN8 steel flats to reveal the morphology of the transfer layer obtained. It was seen that the
transfer layer is dependant on the coefficient of friction. The coefficient of friction, which has two components-the adhesion component and the plowing component, is controlled by the 'nature of surface'. A surface that promotes plane strain conditions near the surfaces
FAUZIAH, CATUR KHUROTUL (2007) HUBUNGAN ANTARA RELIGIUSITAS DENGAN KEPUASAN HIDUP PADA LANJUT USIA. Other thesis, University of Muhammadiyah Malang. Download (58Kb) \| Preview Religiosity is an appreciation, confidence, experience or individual conscience against religious teachings are realized in practice worship and religious rituals. Terbinanya religiosity properly, can raises life satisfaction
for the elderly. Where life satisfaction is a state which includes feelings of passion in it, have assertiveness and tough or resilient, the match between the desire to achievement of goals, have positive self concept, and mood calm. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between religiosity
to life satisfaction in elderly. This study uses a quantitative approach. The subject of this research is the elderly who followed the routine recitation in boarding school Nurul Ulum. The sampling technique used is total sampling. With number of study subjects 50 people. Data collection methods used there are 2
kinds of scales are scales of religiosity and life satisfaction scale. Data collected and then analyzed by using correlation product moment using the computer program SPSS for Windows version 10. Results obtained from this study indicate that there is a relationship positive and highly significant correlation between religiosity to life
satisfaction in advanced age (r = 0.419 p = 0.002). This means that the higher the religiosity which is owned the higher the person's life satisfaction, and vice versa the lower the religiosity of a person will get low life satisfaction. The effective contribution of religiosity to the satisfaction living
Rodrigues, A.S.L., Andelman, S.J., Bakarr, M.I., Boitani, L., Brooks, T.M., Cowling, R.M., Fishpool, L.D.C., da Fonseca, G.A.B., Gaston, K.J., Hoffmann, M., Long, J.S., Marquet, P.A., Pilgrim, J.D., Pressey, R.L., Schipper, J., Sechrest, W., Stuart, S.N., Underhill, L.G., Waller, R.W., Watts, M.E.J. and Yan, X. (2004) Effectiveness of the global protected area network in representing species diversity. Nature, 428 (6983). pp.
640-643. ISSN 0028-0836Full text available as: The Fifth World Parks Congress in Durban, South Africa, announced in September 2003 that the global network of protected areas now covers 11.5% of the planet's land surface. This surpasses the 10% target proposed a decade earlier, at the Caracas Congress, for 9 out of 14 major terrestrial biomes. Such uniform targets based on
percentage of area have become deeply embedded into national and international conservation planning. Although politically expedient, the scientific basis and conservation value of these targets have been questioned. In practice, however, little is known of how to set appropriate targets, or of the extent to which the current global protected area network fulfils its goal of protecting biodiversity. Here, we
- Year Published: 1866 - Language: English - Country of Origin: Russia - Source: Dostoyevsky, F. (1866). Crime and Punishment. Moscow, Russia: The Russian Messenger. - Flesch–Kincaid Level: 7.2 - Word Count: 7,803 Dostoyevsky, F. (1866). Part 3, Chapter 5.
Crime and Punishment (Lit2Go Edition). Retrieved May 18, 2013, from Dostoyevsky, Fyodor. "Part 3, Chapter 5." Crime and Punishment. Lit2Go Edition. 1866. Web. <>. May 18, 2013. Fyodor Dostoyevsky, "Part 3, Chapter 5," Crime and Punishment, Lit2Go Edition, (1866), accessed
May 18, 2013,. Raskolnikov was already entering the room. He came in looking as though he had the utmost difficulty not to burst out laughing again. Behind him Razumihin strode in gawky and awkward, shamefaced and red as a peony,
with an utterly crestfallen and ferocious expression. His face and whole figure really were ridiculous at that moment and amply justified Raskolnikov’s laughter. Raskolnikov, not waiting for an introduction, bowed to Porfiry Petrovitch, who stood in the middle of the
room looking inquiringly at them. He held out his hand and shook hands, still apparently making desperate efforts to subdue his mirth and utter a few words to introduce himself. But he had no sooner succeeded in assuming a serious
air and muttering something when he suddenly glanced again as though accidentally at Razumihin, and could no longer control himself: his stifled laughter broke out the more irresistibly the more he tried to restrain it. The extraordinary ferocity with which
Razumihin received this “spontaneous” mirth gave the whole scene the appearance of most genuine fun and naturalness. Razumihin strengthened this impression as though on purpose. “Fool! You fiend,” he roared, waving his arm which at once struck a little round
table with an empty tea-glass on it. Everything was sent flying and crashing. “But why break chairs, gentlemen? You know it’s a loss to the Crown,” Porfiry Petrovitch quoted gaily. Raskolnikov was still laughing, with his hand in Porfiry Petrovitch’s,
but anxious not to overdo it, awaited the right moment to put a natural end to it. Razumihin, completely put to confusion by upsetting the table and smashing the glass, gazed gloomily at the fragments, cursed and turned sharply to
the window where he stood looking out with his back to the company with a fiercely scowling countenance, seeing nothing. Porfiry Petrovitch laughed and was ready to go on laughing, but obviously looked for explanations. Zametov had been sitting in
the corner, but he rose at the visitors’ entrance and was standing in expectation with a smile on his lips, though he looked with surprise and even it seemed incredulity at the whole scene and at Raskolnikov with a certain
he even say good-morning?” Porfiry Petrovitch nodded at Razumihin. “Upon my honour I don’t know why he is in such a rage with me. I only told him as we came along that he was like Romeo… and proved it.
and suddenly bursting out laughing himself, he went up to Porfiry with a more cheerful face as though nothing had happened. “That’ll do! We are all fools. To come to business. This is my friend Rodion Romanovitch Raskolnikov; in the
first place he has heard of you and wants to make your acquaintance, and secondly, he has a little matter of business with you. Bah! Zametov, what brought you here? Have you met before? Have you known each other long?”
“What does this mean?” thought Raskolnikov uneasily. Zametov seemed taken aback, but not very much so. “Why, it was at your rooms we met yesterday,” he said easily. “Then I have been spared the trouble. All last week he was
begging me to introduce him to you. Porfiry and you have sniffed each other out without me. Where is your tobacco?” Porfiry Petrovitch was wearing a dressing-gown, very clean linen, and trodden-down slippers. He was a man of about five
and thirty, short, stout even to corpulence, and clean shaven. He wore his hair cut short and had a large round head, particularly prominent at the back. His soft, round, rather snub-nosed face was of a sickly yellowish colour, but
had a vigorous and rather ironical expression. It would have been good-natured except for a look in the eyes, which shone with a watery, mawkish light under almost white, blinking eyelashes. The expression of those eyes was strangely out of
keeping with his somewhat womanish figure, and gave it something far more serious than could be guessed at first sight. As soon as Porfiry Petrovitch heard that his visitor had a little matter of business with him, he begged him
to sit down on the sofa and sat down himself on the other end, waiting for him to explain his business, with that careful and over-serious attention which is at once oppressive and embarrassing, especially to a stranger, and especially
if what you are discussing is in your opinion of far too little importance for such exceptional solemnity. But in brief and coherent phrases Raskolnikov explained his business clearly and exactly, and was so well satisfied with himself that he
even succeeded in taking a good look at Porfiry. Porfiry Petrovitch did not once take his eyes off him. Razumihin, sitting opposite at the same table, listened warmly and impatiently, looking from one to the other every moment with rather
excessive interest. “Fool,” Raskolnikov swore to himself. “You have to give information to the police,” Porfiry replied, with a most businesslike air, “that having learnt of this incident, that is of the murder, you beg to inform the lawyer in
answered Porfiry Petrovitch, receiving his explanation of his pecuniary position coldly, “but you can, if you prefer, write straight to me, to say, that having been informed of the matter, and claiming such and such as your property, you beg…”
“On an ordinary sheet of paper?” Raskolnikov interrupted eagerly, again interested in the financial side of the question. “Oh, the most ordinary,” and suddenly Porfiry Petrovitch looked with obvious irony at him, screwing up his eyes and, as it were,
winking at him. But perhaps it was Raskolnikov’s fancy, for it all lasted but a moment. There was certainly something of the sort, Raskolnikov could have sworn he winked at him, goodness knows why. “He knows,” flashed through his mind
like lightning. “Forgive my troubling you about such trifles,” he went on, a little disconcerted, “the things are only worth five roubles, but I prize them particularly for the sake of those from whom they came to me, and I
must confess that I was alarmed when I heard…” “That’s why you were so much struck when I mentioned to Zossimov that Porfiry was inquiring for everyone who had pledges!” Razumihin put in with obvious intention. This was really unbearable.
Raskolnikov could not help glancing at him with a flash of vindictive anger in his black eyes, but immediately recollected himself. “You seem to be jeering at me, brother?” he said to him, with a well-feigned irritability. “I dare say
I do seem to you absurdly anxious about such trash; but you mustn’t think me selfish or grasping for that, and these two things may be anything but trash in my eyes. I told you just now that the silver
watch, though it’s not worth a cent, is the only thing left us of my father’s. You may laugh at me, but my mother is here,” he turned suddenly to Porfiry, “and if she knew,” he turned again hurriedly to
things would not in any case be lost,” he went on calmly and coldly. “I have been expecting you here for some time.” And as though that was a matter of no importance, he carefully offered the ash-tray to Razumihin,
who was ruthlessly scattering cigarette ash over the carpet. Raskolnikov shuddered, but Porfiry did not seem to be looking at him, and was still concerned with Razumihin’s cigarette. “What? Expecting him? Why, did you know that he had pledges there?”
cried Razumihin. Porfiry Petrovitch addressed himself to Raskolnikov. “Your things, the ring and the watch, were wrapped up together, and on the paper your name was legibly written in pencil, together with the date on which you left them with
quite well!” Razumihin caught him up. “What next! He was unconscious and delirious all yesterday. Would you believe, Porfiry, as soon as our backs were turned, he dressed, though he could hardly stand, and gave us the slip and went
anyway,” Raskolnikov let slip in his anger. But Porfiry Petrovitch did not seem to catch those strange words. “But how could you have gone out if you hadn’t been delirious?” Razumihin got hot suddenly. “What did you go out for?
What was the object of it? And why on the sly? Were you in your senses when you did it? Now that all danger is over I can speak plainly.” “I was awfully sick of them yesterday.” Raskolnikov addressed Porfiry
suddenly with a smile of insolent defiance, “I ran away from them to take lodgings where they wouldn’t find me, and took a lot of money with me. Mr. Zametov there saw it. I say, Mr. Zametov, was I sensible
or delirious yesterday; settle our dispute.” He could have strangled Zametov at that moment, so hateful were his expression and his silence to him. “In my opinion you talked sensibly and even artfully, but you were extremely irritable,” Zametov pronounced
gave your last penny to the widow for the funeral. If you wanted to help, give fifteen or twenty even, but keep three roubles for yourself at least, but he flung away all the twenty-five at once!” “Maybe I found
a treasure somewhere and you know nothing of it? So that’s why I was liberal yesterday…. Mr. Zametov knows I’ve found a treasure! Excuse us, please, for disturbing you for half an hour with such trivialities,” he said, turning to
went out to order tea. Raskolnikov’s thoughts were in a whirl. He was in terrible exasperation. “The worst of it is they don’t disguise it; they don’t care to stand on ceremony! And how if you didn’t know me at
all, did you come to talk to Nikodim Fomitch about me? So they don’t care to hide that they are tracking me like a pack of dogs. They simply spit in my face.” He was shaking with rage. “Come, strike
me openly, don’t play with me like a cat with a mouse. It’s hardly civil, Porfiry Petrovitch, but perhaps I won’t allow it! I shall get up and throw the whole truth in your ugly faces, and you’ll see how

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