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Language Technology Research Group at the University of Helsinki 331

{ "en": "Numerous opinion polls show Park Geun-hye of the ruling Grand National Party (GNP) to be the leading candidate. If elected, she would be South Korea’s first woman president, and, for her rivals, her dominant position in the race is an uncomfortable but unassailable fact.", "zh": "不止一项民调显示执政大国家党候选人朴槿惠最有希望胜出。如果成功当选，她将成为韩国首任女性总统，而且在她的对手看来，她在竞选中的优势地位虽然令人不快，但又不容置疑。" }

{ "en": "Her political style is both refreshing and relevant, because she comes across as sincere and forthright at a time when the public is hungry for moral leadership. And she has an astonishing talent for simplifying complicated issues accurately, which she likely learned – along with how to interpret and manipulate the political connotations of every issue – from her father, former President Park Chung-hee.", "zh": "韩国各地各年龄段的选民都欢迎朴槿惠参选总统。她的政治风格既有价值又令人耳目一新，因为在公众渴望道德领袖的今天她给人留下了真诚坦荡的印象。而且她在准确简化复杂问题方面拥有惊人的天赋，她的这种天赋和解读控制所有问题政治内涵的能力极有可能来自前总统朴正熙，也就是她的父亲。" }

{ "en": "Acclaimed as a national hero among radical right-wingers, the iron-fisted Park Chung-hee ruled South Korea from 1963 to 1979, in the wake of the 1961 military coup, only to be assassinated by his intelligence chief. His daughter is proud of his legacy, which marked the beginning of South Korea’s economic boom.", "zh": "1961年军事政变后，当时在右翼激进份子中被奉为民族英雄的铁腕总统朴正熙从1963到1979年被情报机构负责人暗杀前一直统治韩国。他的女儿为父亲取得的成就感到骄傲，在他执政期间恰好是韩国经济繁荣的开始。" }

{ "en": "Indeed, as a pillar of export-oriented modernity, Park Chung-hee was once lionized as the archetype of a modernizing political leadership in military-authoritarian states. At home, he still ranks first in popularity among the country’s heads of state, kindling nostalgia like a popular old record – a corollary to people’s frustration and anger at the current government of President Lee Myung-bak.", "zh": "事实上，作为出口导向型现代化的中流砥柱，朴正熙一度被奉为军事独裁国家现代化政治领袖的典型。他在韩国国内的受欢迎的程度依然在国家首脑中名列前茅，就像流行老唱片那样点燃怀旧的火种——这也是人们对总统李明博领导的现任政府感到无奈和愤怒的必然结果。" }

{ "en": "Park, who lost her first bid for the GNP’s nomination to Lee in 2007, needs to ensure that no rupture with her erstwhile rival knocks her off the path to victory in 2012. An astute politician, Park did not hesitate to campaign wholeheartedly for Lee the last time around – a move that, as part of long-term political strategy, made perfect sense.", "zh": "朴槿惠2007年在大国家党内部首轮候选人竞争中负于李明博，而她今天的当务之急是确保与昔日对手的决裂不会影响她在2012年的竞选中胜出。作为精明的政治家，朴槿惠上次失利后毫不犹豫地全力为李明博助选——这样的举动作为长期政治策略的组成部分是很有意义的。" }

{ "en": "If she wins, it will be the result of her seriousness and tenacity, not her political heritage. No one in South Korea’s conservative movement doubts that Park is one of them.", "zh": "在许多韩国人看来，总统竞选已经是朴的囊中之物。似乎没有哪位候选人能够阻挡她成功的步伐。如果当选，她制胜的法宝将会是严肃和韧性，而不是政治承袭。韩国保守运动的任何人都不怀疑朴是他们当中的一份子。作为右翼势力的标志性人物，她比谁都清楚她不能背叛自己的位置。" }

{ "en": "Indeed, she looks more like a Korean Margaret Thatcher – a lady not for turning, in Thatcher’s famous phrase, and with clearly thought-through political principles animating her actions. In any case, she seems destined to establish a new South Korea focusing on her landmark pledge ‘jul pu se,’ literally meaning ‘reduce-loosen-strengthen tax-cuts,’ deregulation, and law and order, not just to add another chapter to her father’s old book.", "zh": "尽管拥有超凡的个人魅力，但朴既不同于萨拉·佩林也不同于伊娃·裴隆。事实上，她更像是韩国的玛格丽特·撒切尔——按照撒切尔的那句名言，一位不会转弯的女士。深思熟虑的政治准则为她的一举一动注入活力。无论如何，她似乎注定要促成韩国关注她里程碑式的‘jul pu se’承诺，其字面意思是‘减税’、放松管制、重建法律秩序，而不单纯是延续其父辈的传统。以她为首的政府将首次摆脱韩国近年来问题重重的过去。" }

{ "en": "Left-leaning pundits claim that the dictator’s daughter has the same autocratic vision as her father, though Park invariably prefers incremental change to radical measures, and cut her political teeth in the tough-minded politics of the GNP. Others take a flagrantly sexist stance, arguing that a woman president would be a non-starter as long as the North Korean regime continues to threaten national security.", "zh": "尽管较之极端措施朴始终更偏好渐进式的变化并成功改变了大国家党顽固不化的政治意志，左倾学者依然声称独裁总统的女儿与其父有着同样的专制目标。也有人明目张胆地采取性别歧视立场，声称只要北朝鲜政权继续威胁国家安全，女性总统就不可能取得成功。" }

{ "en": "She has been called the “Queen of Elections,” in particular since she won a campaign in 2006 after being slashed with a box cutter by a deranged man. But she must convincingly outline practical strategies to resolve South Korea’s most serious problems, including high unemployment, worsening educational performance, and North Korea’s nuclear weapons program.", "zh": "尽管这些批评似乎对选民影响不大，但朴的胜利之路可能并没有其支持者所想像的那般宽阔。2006年被一个疯子用美工刀砍伤后仍然赢得竞选为朴槿惠赢得了“选举皇后”的美誉。但她必须拿出解决韩国最严重问题的令人信服的实际策略，包括高失业率、教育质量下降和北朝鲜的核武器问题。" }

{ "en": "Ms. Park once pledged to provide loans for working-class families from elementary school to college years, while contending that local universities should be empowered to have more autonomy. She favors engagement policy and the six-party talks so as to resolve the nuclear troubles.", "zh": "朴女士曾承诺为工薪家庭提供从小学到大学的贷款，同时提出地方大学应拥有更多自主权力。她倾向于通过接触政策和六方会谈解决核问题。" }

{ "en": "Come presidential election-day in 2012, South Korean voters will pick the candidate who embodies pragmatism and centrism over a partisan or ideologue. Park’s success will depend, in the end, on the effectiveness of her campaign in further defining her character along those lines.", "zh": "2012年总统大选日到来时，韩国选民会把票投向务实温和的竞选者，而不是党派界线分明的空想家。朴槿惠的成功终将取决于其竞选活动能否有效地凸显她在上述方面的特色。" }

{ "en": "Unlike former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori’s daughter, who lost her presidential bid in Peru last month, Park is likely to defy her family’s tragic history. If she does, she will be Asia’s most powerful woman, perhaps the most powerful in the world, at the end of next year.", "zh": "与上个月在秘鲁竞选中落败的前秘鲁独裁者阿尔贝托·藤森的女儿不同，朴槿惠可能改变其家族悲剧性的历史。如果真是这样，她将在明年年底成为亚洲、也许是全世界最有权力的女性。" }

{ "en": "A Day for Planetary Justice", "zh": "一个追求地球正义的日子" }

{ "en": "PRINCETON – What we are doing to our planet, to our children and grandchildren, and to the poor, by our heedless production of greenhouse gases, is one of the great moral wrongs of our age. On October 24, you can stand up against this injustice.", "zh": "发自普林斯顿——我们现在对地球，对我们的子孙后代以及穷人的所作所为——肆无忌惮地制造温室气体——是我们这一代人所犯下的最大的道德过失。但在10月24日这天，你可以对这种不公正的现象说一声“不”。" }

{ "en": "The name comes from the number of parts per million of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere that, according to Jim Hansen, perhaps the world’s leading climate scientist, we should not exceed if we are to avoid potentially catastrophic climate change. It is a measure of the seriousness of our problem that CO2 is already at 386 ppm, and is rising by two ppm each year.", "zh": "10月24日就是所谓的“350日”。而这个名字则源自于大气中每百万份之350的二氧化碳含量值，照全世界最杰出的气候科学家吉姆·汉森所说，如果我们要避免遭遇潜在大规模气候变化的话，那么大气中的二氧化碳含量就不能超出这个数。而这一测量手段也同时凸显了当前问题的严峻性，因为目前二氧化碳含量已经达到了386ppm，并以每年2ppm的速度在不断增长。" }

{ "en": "The need to cut greenhouse gases has become increasingly clear as predictions of global warming – denounced as “alarmist” when they were first made just a few years ago – have repeatedly turned out to have been too conservative. We are approaching a point of no return, at which feedback loops will kick in and continue to warm the planet, no matter what we do.", "zh": "随着对全球变暖的预言——在几年前还被讥为“杞人忧天”的论调——的反复出现并变得极富争议性，削减温室气体排放的必要性也逐渐变得清晰起来。而我们正在走进一个死胡同，不论做出何种努力，这场恶性循环都将持续下去并使地球暖化。" }

{ "en": "Four hundred years ago, explorers sought the legendary “Northeast Passage” across the north of Europe and Russia to China. They found the arctic ice impenetrable, and soon gave up their quest.", "zh": "北极冰层的融化就是一个例子。在400年前，探险先驱们试图找到一条从北欧/俄罗斯方向通往中国的“东北航道”。但他们在发现北极冰层难以被贯穿之后放弃了这一尝试。而就在今年，商船却成功打通了这条“东北航道”。" }

{ "en": "That is one of many recent dramatic signs that our climate is changing and that our planet is warmer than it has been for a very long time. But ice-free arctic waters are more than a symptom of global warming.", "zh": "这个例子只是那些引人注目现象的其中之一，证明我们的气候正在改变而地球也比过去一个长时期变得更暖了。但再无冰块漂浮的北冰洋并不仅仅是全球暖化的表象，它们也将是进一步暖化的成因：须知冰和雪都是可以反射太阳光线的。" }

{ "en": "An ice-free surface absorbs more warmth from the sun than one covered in snow or ice. In other words, our greenhouse gas emissions have, by causing enough warming to melt the arctic ice, created a feedback loop that will generate more warming, and melt more ice, even if we were to stop emitting all greenhouse gases tomorrow.", "zh": "一块没有冰雪覆盖的土地将吸收更多的太阳热能。换句话说，我们的温室气体排放通过制造足以融化北极冰层的热量，反过来又制造了一个产生更多热量的循环并随之融化更多的冰层，而即便我们能在明天就完全杜绝温室气体排放，这个循环将依然继续运作下去。" }

{ "en": "In Siberia, vast quantities of methane, an extremely potent greenhouse gas, are locked up in what used to be called “permafrost” – regions in which it was assumed that the ground was permanently frozen. But areas that used to be frozen are now thawing, releasing methane and thus contributing to further warming – and to further thawing, which releases more methane.", "zh": "而另一个循环则昭示了类似的危险。在塞尔维亚，大量的沼气（一种对温室效应影响极大的气体）都被封存在曾被称为“永久冻土”的地区，因为人们相信这些地区的土地都将永久处于封冻状态。但如今这些土地开始解冻并释放出沼气，并因此而导致进一步暖化——以及进一步解冻和更多沼气的释放。" }

{ "en": "Developing nations are grasping just how outrageous the current distribution of greenhouse-gas emissions really is. At the United Nations Summit on Climate Change in September, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda pointed out that, while developed nations outside Africa are almost entirely responsible for the problem, its greatest impact will probably be on Africa, which has few resources to cope with the challenge.", "zh": "发展中国家都意识到了当前温室气体排放量分配方案的不合理之处。在9月的联合国气候变化峰会上，卢旺达总统保罗·卡加梅就指出说，当非洲以外的发达国家必须为问题负上全部责任之时，气候变化最大的受害者却可能是非洲国家，而这些国家也缺乏足够的资源去应对这些问题。" }

{ "en": "Kagame then suggested giving every country an annual per capita quota for CO2 emissions, and allowing developing countries that are below the quota to trade their excess quota with countries that are above theirs. The money that developing countries would receive for this would not be aid, but rather a recognition that the rich nations must pay for something that in the past they simply appropriated: far more than their fair share of our atmosphere’s capacity to absorb our waste gases.", "zh": "卡加梅因此建议给各国家都订立一个年人均二氧化碳排放额，并允许那些排放低于限额的国家将排放量出售给那些超出限额的国家。这些交易所得的资金不是援助，而是富国为过去看上去理所当然的一些行为所必须付出的代价：这要远远多于那些富国在我们大气废气吸收能力中所占的合理份额。" }

{ "en": "Sri Lanka took a similar stance, using studies from the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to calculate that in 2008, environmentally permissible carbon emissions totaled no more than 2,172 kilograms per person. In fact, the world’s per capita emissions were 4,700 kilograms, or more than double the permissible limit.", "zh": "斯里兰卡也采取了同样的立场，依照联合国气候变化跨部门小组在2008年的统计，环境许可的碳排放不得高于每人2172公斤。但事实上目前世界人均排放量已经高达4700公斤，是允许排放量的二倍有余。" }

{ "en": "But, while emissions in the rich nations were far above the permissible limit, Sri Lankan emissions were, at 660 kilograms, well below it. As Sri Lanka’s government pointed out, “That means low-emitting countries like us could not emit more because our space has already been exploited by developed or global heavy polluting countries without our consent.”", "zh": "然而当富国的排放量远远超出限额之时，斯里兰卡的人均排放量却只有极低的660公斤。正如斯里兰卡政府所指出的那样：“这意味着我们这些低排放国家已经不能进行更多的排放，因为我们所处的空间已经在毫不知情的情况下被发达国家和全球污染排放大国所占据了。”" }

{ "en": "This situation is an injustice of vast proportions, reminiscent of – and arguably much worse than – the now-repudiated colonialism of the Western powers in the nineteenth century. The task of remedying it must begin at the meeting on climate change that will be held in Copenhagen in December.", "zh": "这种大范围的不公正不禁使人联想起如今遭到批判的西方列强的19世纪殖民主义行为——甚至可能危害更甚。而对此的纠正措施必须在12月的哥本哈根气候会议上贯彻展开。" }

{ "en": "Many political leaders have expressed support for strong action on climate change, but what most of them regard as “strong action” will not be enough to get us back below 350 ppm. In some countries, including the United States, there are major political obstacles to taking even modest steps.", "zh": "虽然许多政治家都赞成对气候变化采取强力行动，但其中大多数人所认为的“强力行动”并不足以把我们带回到350ppm的大气二氧化碳含量水平。而在包括美国在内的一些国家，即使想要采取更为温和的措施都要面对巨大的政治阻力。" }

{ "en": "On October 24, people in nearly every country will be taking action to raise awareness of the need for an international treaty to bring our atmosphere back to 350 ppm of CO2. There will be climbers hanging banners high in the Himalayas, where the glaciers are melting, and scuba divers at Australia’s Great Barrier Reef, which is threatened by climate change.", "zh": "在10月24日这天，几乎所有国家的人们都将采取行动，激发起对一项能带领人们重回350ppm的国际条约的必要性认识。登山者将在冰川逐渐融化的喜马拉雅山上拉起横幅标语，而在遭到气候变化威胁的澳大利亚大堡礁，潜水员们也将有所宣示。" }

{ "en": "Churches will ring bells 350 times, 350 cyclists will circle towns, and, in many places, 350 trees will be planted. At", "zh": "教堂将鸣钟350响，350名单车手将绕城骑行，而在许多地方将有350棵树的植树仪式。通过" }

{ "en": "A Day of Liberation", "zh": "解放日" }

{ "en": "When I was seven years old, in 1960, my grandmother Angelica opened my eyes to the meaning of 8 May 1945, the day when Nazi Germany surrendered and World War II ended in Europe. We were spending our summer holidays in Normandy where the liberation of Europe from Nazism had started on D-Day, 6 June 1944.", "zh": "在我七岁那一年，就是1960年，我的祖母安朱丽卡让我明白了1945年5月8日的意义：那一天纳粹德国投降，二战在欧洲结束。当时我们正在诺曼底度暑假。在那里，欧洲挣脱纳粹统治的纪念日是从1944年6月6日盟国登陆西欧那一天算起的。一天傍晚，我听到父母和祖母在谈论过去。我已不记得谈话的细节，但是耳边始终回响着当时祖母长舒了一口气说的那句话：“感谢上帝，我们输了那场战争。”" }

{ "en": "The more I have thought about the lesson she taught me 45 years ago, the clearer I have seen another, less obvious dimension in what she said: It is “we” who lost the war. Collectively, the Germans had not been the innocent victims of a small gang of criminal outsiders called “Nazis” – Nazism had been an inside ideology supported by millions of Germans, and every German was liable for its atrocities whether or not he or she had adhered to it individually.", "zh": "从一个孩子的角度看，把失败当成一件好事确实不容易理解。但无疑，祖母把失败和解放等同起来是正确的。我对她45年前教给我的这一课思考的越多，就越能看清楚另外一个不太显露的层面：是“我们”输了这场战争。作为一个民族来讲，德国人并不只是那一小撮被叫作“纳粹”的罪恶并注定会失败的人的无辜牺牲品。“纳粹主义”是无数德国人内心根深蒂固的理念，每一个德国人都应对德国的残暴行为负责任，反思自己是否曾经固守过这一理念。" }

{ "en": "In today’s Germany, an overwhelming majority subscribes to the proposition that 8 May 1945 was a day of liberation – not only for Europe, but also for Germany itself. Compared to public opinion in 1960, that’s certainly an enormous progress.", "zh": "今天的德国，绝大多数人赞成：不仅对于欧洲，对德国自身来讲， 1945年5月8日也是一个解放日。相对1960年的公众看法而言，这当然是个巨大的进步。但自相矛盾的地方在于， 这其中可能包含了一种叫作“健忘”的因素，因为它往往掩藏了一个事实：有解放就必然有军事上的胜利。引用我祖母的说法，解放者并不是“我们”，而是“他们”。" }

{ "en": "And this is why it doesn’t matter whether the relevant events happened 60 years ago (as World War II), 90 years (as in the case of the Armenian genocide) or even 600 years (such as the battle of Kosovo in 1389). A violent conflict in the past may survive as a war of memories in the present, as can be observed in the current dispute between China and South Korea on one side, and Japan on the other.", "zh": "人们看待过去的方式更多的告诉我们他们现在所持的态度，而不是过去本身。这就是“记忆的政治”这个术语的所指；这也是为什么说相关事件是发生在60年前（二战），90年前（亚美尼亚大屠杀），还是600年前（比如1389年科索沃战争）都不是很要紧的原因。过去的暴力冲突可能在今天，作为记忆中的战争，继续存活下去。正如我们看到现在发生在中国、韩国和日本之间的冲突。记忆中的战争，可能因此引发未来的暴力冲突。" }

{ "en": "Former perpetrators often try to de-legitimize their former victims’ moral superiority by claiming they were victims themselves. Therefore, the 60th anniversary of the firebombing of Dresden by Allied forces on 13 February 1945 has probably been a more crucial moment in terms of the German “politics of memory” than the 60th anniversary of 8 May 1945 is going to be.", "zh": "从前的罪人时常企图通过声明他们自己也是牺牲品来否定真正受害者那更优越的道德取向。因此，就“记忆的政治”这个词来说，1945年2月13日这个盟军向德累斯顿开火的第60个纪念日，相对于1945年5月8日这个第60个纪念日，便可能是一个更关键性的时刻。" }

{ "en": "Fortunately, their propaganda campaign has been a failure. Although it is true that thousands of the civilians killed in Dresden and other German cities were innocent at an individual level, there can be no doubt it was morally imperative that Germany be defeated collectively.", "zh": "极右势力卑鄙的导演了“德累斯顿大屠杀”，在侵袭中至少三万人被杀害。幸运的是，他们的宣传活动以失败告终。虽然成千上万在德累斯顿和德国其它城市被杀害的德国平民作为个体确是无辜的，但从道义上讲，毫无疑问德国应该作为一个民族被挫败。" }

{ "en": "Its slogan “Never again war!” is only half the truth – the other half is “Never again appeasement!” 8 May 1945 was not “zero hour,” as a popular saying in Germany goes. It had an antecedent, that is, a lack of pre-emptive resistance at home and abroad to the threat that built up in Nazi Germany during the 1930’s.", "zh": "在德国政坛的左派当中，关于把1945年5月8日看成解放日这一提法向来毋庸置疑。然而，取得这一结果必须大规模使用武力，这一事实却时而被压置。左翼和平主义往往忽略这个清楚的事实。它的口号“再也不要战争！”只是真相的一部分，另一部分是“再也不要绥靖！”。1945年5月8日并不是德国流行说法所提及的“零时”，因为已经有先例，那就是：缺乏对20世纪30年代纳粹德国国内外威胁的“先发制人”的抵制。" }

{ "en": "Yes, 8 May 1945 was a day of liberation to which the Soviet army contributed decisively. But for millions of Central and East Europeans, liberation was followed by Stalin’s oppressive regime.", "zh": "还有一个教训要吸取。是的，1945年5月8日是苏军起到绝对性贡献作用的一个解放日。但对于数以百万计的中欧和东欧人民来说，解放后，随之而来的是斯大林的高压统治。" }

{ "en": "The current war of memories between the Baltic republics and Russia, with regard to the international celebration in Moscow on 9 May this year, reminds Germany of a special historic responsibility. The German-Soviet non-aggression treaty, the so-called Hitler-Stalin pact, concluded in August 1939, had been supplemented by a secret appendix dividing the border states Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania into spheres of interest for the two parties.", "zh": "如今对波罗的海共和国与俄罗斯之间战争的记忆，是今年5月9日在莫斯科举行的国际庆典的主题，这让德国意识要负一个特殊的历史责任。德苏之间的“互不侵犯”条约，即中止于1939年8月的所谓“希特勒－斯大林”协定，曾经作过修订，追加的是一个秘密附录――关于如何把边境国家：芬兰、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、波兰和罗马尼亚划分到这两大势力国的利益范围。但是企图把矛头转向斯大林的罪行来为纳粹暴行辩护，无论在知性还是道义上都说不过去。当施罗德总理来到莫斯科红场参加庆祝仪式的时候，他应该反思的是德国要为波罗的海诸国的悲剧承担多少责任。" }

{ "en": "But personally, I will also remember my grandmother’s sentence “Thank God we lost that war!” Thank God – and thanks to all those brave Allied soldiers who sacrificed their lives for the sake of Europe’s liberty.", "zh": "今年5月8日，公众的声音会提醒我们“不能忘记”有多重要。他们会强调如果不吸取历史教训，历史就必然会重演。这些都是完全正确的。但是，作为个人来讲，我还要记住我祖母的那句话：“感谢上帝，我们输了这场战争。”感谢上帝，还要感谢为保卫欧洲自由而牺牲了自己生命的所有盟军战士。" }

{ "en": "Crashing the SDR", "zh": "撕开SDR之口" }

{ "en": "SANTA BARBARA – The Chinese government’s campaign to have its currency, the renminbi, included in the International Monetary Fund’s reserve asset appears to be on the brink of success. Last week, IMF staff formally recommended adding the renminbi to the basket of currencies that determines the value of its so-called Special Drawing Rights (SDRs).", "zh": "圣芭芭拉—中国政府让人民币进入国际货币基金组织（IMF）储备资产的努力眼看就要成功了。上周，IMF正是建议将人民币加入决定其所谓的特别提款权（SDR）价值的货币篮子中。" }

{ "en": "The addition of the renminbi to the basket, which currently includes the US dollar, the euro, the British pound, and the Japanese yen, would provide China with a boost to its prestige. More important, it would advance the government’s efforts to internationalize the renminbi.", "zh": "SDR篮子目前包括美元、欧元、英镑和日元，将人民币加入其中将让中国获得提高其声望的机会。更重要的是，这有利于中国政府的人民币国际化政策。但这也是一个错误。建议纳入人民币并没有可靠的经济理由，只能视之为政治动作。而这样的动作可能带来令人遗憾的长期后果。" }

{ "en": "On a purely technical basis, the renminbi’s qualifications for inclusion in the SDR basket are questionable. Traditionally, the IMF has insisted on two criteria: a currency’s issuing country must be among the world’s leading exporters, and the currency must be “freely usable” – widely used and traded.", "zh": "从纯理论角度，人民币是否有资格纳入SDR篮子颇为可疑。传统上，IMF要求两个标准：货币发行国必须是世界领先的出口国；并且该货币必须“可自由使用”——即被广泛使用和交易。" }

{ "en": "In 2014, China’s currency ranked seventh in global central-bank reserves, eighth in international bond issuance, and 11th in global currency trading. Moreover, the renminbi remains non-convertible for most capital transactions, China’s financial markets are primitive, and trading margins for the exchange rate are still set daily by the monetary authorities.", "zh": "作为世界最大出口国，中国显然满足第一个条件。但是，第二个条件仍无法满足。人民币仍无法与SDR篮子中现有的四种货币等量齐观。2014年，人民币在全球央行储备中名列第七，国际债券发行量名列第八，国际货币交易量名列第十一。此外，人民币对于大部分资本交易而言仍不可兑换，中国金融市场也较为原始，人民币汇率的交易波动幅度仍由货币当局每日制定。" }

{ "en": "Indeed, as recently as August, the IMF was skeptical about adding the renminbi to the SDR basket, saying that “significant work” was still needed, and suggesting that a decision should be put off until 2016 in order to ensure a “smooth” transition.", "zh": "事实上，直到今年8月，IMF对于是否将人民加入SDR持怀疑态度，认为仍需要“大量工作”，并建议将这一决定推迟到2016年，以确保“平稳”过渡。" }

{ "en": "Renminbi-denominated government bonds were issued in London, and plans were laid to create new trading platforms for the currency in several European financial centers. And Chinese policymakers made it abundantly clear how unhappy they would be with a negative decision.", "zh": "那么，IMF的态度为何发生了转变？答案显而易见：中国步步紧逼，迫使其改变态度。8月份，人民币汇率机制略有放松。伦敦发行人民币计价政府债券，欧洲几大金融中心也纷纷提出建立新的人民币交易平台的计划。中国决策者清楚地向世界表明，做出对其不利的决定将让他们十分不快。" }

{ "en": "The Fund got the message, and now the fix is in. The recommendation to enlarge the SDR basket has been warmly backed by Christine Lagarde, the IMF’s managing director, and a final decision by the Fund’s executive board is expected at the end of the month.", "zh": "他们的压力起到了成效。西方政府纷纷加入了人民币阵营，尽管其实用性存在诸多限制。IMF收到了这一信息，现在做出了回应。扩大SDR篮子的建议受到了IMF总裁克里斯汀·拉加德的大力支持，预计IMF执委会将在本月底做出最终决定。" }

{ "en": "Certainly, it mollifies China’s leaders, offering them a stronger incentive to continue to work within the existing international monetary regime. Recent Chinese initiatives, especially the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, have given rise to fears that the country intends to build a new set of international institutions to compete with Western-dominated organizations like the IMF.", "zh": "许多人会说，这是一个积极的发展趋势。显然，这能够安抚中国领导人，让他们有更大的激励继续在现有国际货币机制之内行动。中国最近的各种行动，特别是成立亚洲基础设施投资银行，让人们担心它意在建立一套新的国际机构与西方主导的IMF等组织抗衡。将人民纳入SDR篮子的决定将减轻这一危险。" }

{ "en": "On the other hand, the move sets a worrying precedent, injecting politics into a policy area that had been governed by objective economic considerations. Conceivably, over the longer term, China’s successful campaign could now open the door to lobbying by other governments to include their currencies as well.", "zh": "另一方面，这一决定开启了令人但有的先例，让政治染指了一个此前完全由客观经济考量决定的政策领域。可以想象，从长期看，中国成功让人民币加入SDR篮子也开启了其他政府让本国货币加入SDR篮子的游说大门。为什么不加入瑞士法郎或加拿大元？或者，出于同样的理由，为什么不加入俄罗斯卢布或印度卢比？曾经高高在上的公认精英货币俱乐部，现在成了提升地位的政治乱斗场。" }

{ "en": "Of course, it can be argued that China’s recent economic trajectory means that it is only a matter of time before the renminbi does become a match for the SDR’s incumbents. After all, international use of the currency has been growing exponentially.", "zh": "当然，你可能会说，近期中国经济运行轨迹表明人民币名正言顺成为SDR成员只是时间问题。毕竟，对人民币的国际化使用呈现出指数增长之势。但这一乐观评估高估了人民币的前景，正好说明了用过去线性推断未来的危险。" }

{ "en": "Likewise, use of the renminbi for the purpose of invoicing and settling trade with China is bound to continue growing. But in terms of the all-important roles of a currency as an investment vehicle or reserve asset, the outlook for the renminbi is much less promising, owing to China’s still-tight capital controls and low level of financial development.", "zh": "类似地，出于开发票以及结算对华贸易目的使用人民币的情况必定会继续增加。但对于货币最重要的作用——投资载体或储备资产而言，人民币的前景并不那么美妙，因为中国资本管制仍然十分严格，金融发展水平也较低。" }

{ "en": "Nor is inclusion of the renminbi in the SDR basket likely to provide as big a boost to the currency’s internationalization as many believe. Some central banks may decide to follow suit, adding renminbi-denominated assets to their reserves to match the composition of the basket.", "zh": "加入SDR篮子是否能给人民币国际化带来巨大的提振也不像许多人认为的那样确定。一些央行也许会跟进，将人民币计价资产纳入其储备，以匹配SDR货币篮的组成。但这一增量很小——据IMF估计，未来几年也许只有400亿美元。目前全球储备总量为10万亿美元以上，400亿只是九牛一毛。" }

{ "en": "The political reasons for including the renminbi in the SDR are all too clear. Unfortunately, the risks of doing so are no less obvious.", "zh": "将人民币纳入SDR的政治原因一清二楚。不幸的是，这样做的风险并不那么一清二楚。" }

{ "en": "अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कर सहयोग की विफलता", "zh": "国际税收合作的挫折" }

{ "en": "न्यूयॉर्क – दुनिया की अधिकतर सरकारें कराधान के मामलों में सहयोग करने में रुचि रखती हैं क्योंकि वे विकास के वित्तपोषण के लिए अधिक कर राजस्व जुटाने और ऐसी व्यापक कर-वंचन योजनाओं पर अंकुश लगाने के लिए उत्सुक हैं जिनका पिछले वर्ष तथाकथित लक्ज़मबर्ग लीक कांड में खुलासा हुआ था। फिर भी पिछले महीने अदीस अबाबा में आयोजित विकास के लिए वित्तपोषण पर तीसरे अंतर्राष्ट्रीय सम्मेलन में, अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कर सहयोग को मजबूत करने की गति में अचानक अवरोध आ गया था।", "zh": "纽约—全球大部分政府急于动员更多的税收收入为发展融资以及遏制无处不在的避税机制（比如去年所谓的卢森堡泄密所揭示的），在税收问题上展开合作符合它们的利益。但在上个月在亚的斯亚贝巴举行的第三届国际发展融资会议（International Conference on Financing for Development）上，强化国际税收合作的势头突然停止了。" }

{ "en": "विकसित देशों ने इस सम्मेलन में संयुक्त राष्ट्र की विशेषज्ञों की मौजूदा समिति के स्थान पर संयुक्त राष्ट्र के भीतर एक अंतर-सरकारी कर निकाय की स्थापना करने के एक प्रस्ताव को रोक दिया। ये देश इस बात पर जोर देते हैं कि कर सहयोग के मामले पर अनन्य रूप से ओईसीडी के नेतृत्व में विचार किया जाना चाहिए, जो एक ऐसा निकाय है जिसका नियंत्रण उनके हाथ में है।", "zh": "发达国家在会上阻止了在联合国内部成立跨政府税收机构取代目前的联合国转接委员会的方案。这些国家坚持税收合作只能在它们所控制经合组织的领导下进行。" }

{ "en": "दुनिया के बाकी देशों को यह आशा करनी चाहिए कि 13 साल पहले मॉन्टेरी, मेक्सिको में विकास के लिए वित्तपोषण पर पहले अंतर्राष्ट्रीय सम्मेलन में जिस अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कर सहयोग की शुरूआत हुई थी, इससे उसकी प्रगति का अंत नहीं होगा बल्कि इसमें एक ठहराव आएगा। दो वर्ष बाद, 2004 में, संयुक्त राष्ट्र आर्थिक और सामाजिक परिषद (ECOSOC) ने कर विशेषज्ञों के अपने \"तदर्थ समूह\" को एक नियमित समिति के रूप में उन्नत किया। इसका अर्थ यह था कि विशेषज्ञ नियमित रूप से मिलेंगे और वे एक विस्तारित अधिदेश के अंतर्गत कार्य करेंगे जिसका कार्यक्षेत्र मॉडल दोहरे-कराधान की संधि को अद्यतन करने मात्र से बहुत अधिक बढ़ गया था।", "zh": "其他国家应该希望这只是国际税收合作的暂时停止而非终结。国际税收合作始于13年前墨西哥蒙特雷首届国际发展融资会议。两年后，2004年，联合国经济与社会委员会（ECOSOC）将其税收专家“临时小组”升级为常设委员会。这意味着专家们将定期召开会议，其权限也将得到扩展，而不仅仅是更新双税条约（double-taxation treaty）样板。" }

{ "en": "चार वर्ष बाद, दोहा, कतर में विकास के लिए वित्तपोषण पर दूसरे सम्मेलन में, नीति निर्माताओं ने यह स्वीकार किया कि कर संबंधी मामलों में अभी और अधिक किया जाना जरूरी है, और उन्होंने ECOSOC से अनुरोध किया कि वह संस्थागत व्यवस्थाओं को मजबूत करने पर विचार करे। और उसके बाद, अदीस अबाबा सम्मेलन के वर्ष में, संयुक्त राष्ट्र के महासचिव ने \"संयुक्त राष्ट्र के तत्वावधान में, कर सहयोग पर एक अंतर-सरकारी समिति\" की आवश्यकता का समर्थन किया।", "zh": "四年后，在卡塔尔多哈举行的第二届发展融资会议上，决策者承认在税收问题上做得不够，并要求ECOSOC考虑加强制度安排。接着，在亚的斯亚贝巴会议前一年，联合国秘书长表示支持有必要建立“联合国框架下的跨政府税收合作委员会”。" }

{ "en": "उनके समर्थन, गैर-सरकारी संगठनों और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कॉर्पोरेट कराधान के सुधार के लिए स्वतंत्र आयोग का भारी समर्थन मिलने से 77 देशों के समूह और चीन के इर्द-गिर्द संगठित विकासशील देशों की इस मांग को और अधिक बल मिला कि वैश्विक कर मानदंड स्थापित करने के मामले में उन्हें भी अपनी राय प्रकट करने का समान अधिकार मिलना चाहिए। अदीस अबाबा में वार्ता के अंतिम क्षणों तक वे एक ऐसे अंतर-सरकारी निकाय की मांग पर डटे रहे जिसके पास अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कर सहयोग के लिए सुसंगत वैश्विक ढांचा बनाने के लिए अधिदेश और संसाधन हों।", "zh": "秘书长的支持，以及来自非政府组织和国际公司税改独立革委员会（Independent Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation）的强烈支持让发展中国家的要求更加有力。在77国集团和中国的组织下，发展中国家要求在制定全球税收规范中获得平等的发言权。直到亚的斯亚贝巴谈判的第11个小时，它们都坚决要求通过拥有权力和资源的跨政府机构建立一致的全球性国际税收合作框架。" }

{ "en": "लेकिन इसका कोई लाभ नहीं हुआ: संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका और यूनाइटेड किंगडम - जो \"लक्स लीक\" में फंसे कई बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों का मूल-स्थान है - के नेतृत्व में विकसित देश वैश्विक शासन में इस बहुप्रतीक्षित कदम को रोकने में सफल रहे। अंत में, अदीस अबाबा की कार्रवाई के एजेंडा के अनुसार विशेषज्ञों की वर्तमान समिति अपने 2004 के अधिदेश के अनुसार कार्य करती रहेगी, प्रति वर्ष तीन अतिरिक्त बैठक दिवस होंगे, ये सभी स्वैच्छिक योगदान के माध्यम से वित्तपोषित होंगे। यह अत्यधिक निराशाजनक परिणाम है।", "zh": "然而没有什么用：以美国和英国——“卢森堡泄密”中所牵涉到的众多跨国公司的母国——为首的发达国家成功地阻挠了这一全球治理所急需的进展。最终，亚的斯亚贝巴行动日程（Addis Ababa Action Agenda）规定，目前的专家委员会将继续根据其2004年的权限行使功能，每年增加三次会议，完全以自愿捐款的方式筹集资金。这是一个令人失望透顶的结果。" }

{ "en": "विकसित देशों के पास तर्क तो है - लेकिन कोई ठोस तर्क नहीं है। ओईसीडी, जिसके सदस्य मुख्य रूप से दुनिया के 34 सबसे अमीर देश हैं, के पास निश्चित रूप से कराधान पर अंतर्राष्ट्रीय मानक स्थापित करने की क्षमता है। फिर भी कर मानदंडों के मामले में कुछ देशों के एक चयनित समूह का वर्चस्व होने का मतलब यह रहा है कि वास्तव में, कराधान के लिए वैश्विक शासन का ढाँचा भूमंडलीकरण के साथ तालमेल नहीं रख पाया है।", "zh": "发达国家有它们的理由——但是并不令人信服。事实上由全球34个最富裕国家组成的经合组织显然有能力制定国际税收标准。但一小撮国家主宰税收规范意味着，在现实中，税收问题的全球治理结构早已与全球化脱节。" }

{ "en": "2002 में हुई मॉन्टेरी आम सहमति में अंतर्राष्ट्रीय आर्थिक निर्णय लेने और मानदंड स्थापित करने में विकासशील देशों की राय सुने जाने और उनकी भागीदारी को बढ़ाने की मांग को शामिल किया गया था। हालांकि ओईसीडी मानदंडों को स्थापित करने के लिए अपने विचार-विमर्शों में भाग लेने के लिए कुछ विकासशील देशों को आमंत्रित तो करता है लेकिन यह उन्हें निर्णय लेने की कोई शक्ति प्रदान नहीं करता है। इस प्रकार ओईसीडी वैश्विक स्तर पर प्रतिनिधित्व करनेवाले एक अंतर-सरकारी मंच के लिए किराए की एक कमजोर कोख के रूप में है।", "zh": "2002年所达成的蒙特雷共识（Monterrey Consensus）呼吁强化“发展中国家在国际经济决策和规范制定中的声音和参与”。但尽管经合组织邀请了一些发展中国家参与规范制定的讨论，却没有提供任何决策权力。因此，经合组织只是有全球代表性的跨政府论坛的劣等替代品。" }

{ "en": "इस तरह के निकाय का संचालन संयुक्त राष्ट्र के तत्वावधान में किया जाना चाहिए जिसके पास वैश्वीकरण की चुनौतियों के लिए सुसंगत वैश्विक मानकों के साथ प्रभावी ढंग से प्रतिक्रिया करने के लिए आवश्यक संस्थागत औचित्य उपलब्ध हो, ताकि अपमानजनक कर प्रथाओं का विरोध किया जा सके और विश्व भर में कंपनियों के लाभों पर उचित कराधान सुनिश्चित किया जा सके।", "zh": "这样一个机构必须在联合国框架下运行，联合国拥有必要的机构合法性，能够以一致的全球标准打击税收不法行为、确保全球公司利润公平纳税，从而有效应对全球化挑战。" }

{ "en": "अदीस अबाबा में हुई निराशा के बावजूद, अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कर प्रणाली में सुधार के लिए मांग को दबा पाने की संभावना नहीं है। इसके बजाय, यह मांग चहुँ ओर अधिक जोर से बढ़ेगी, क्योंकि अंतर्राष्ट्रीय सहयोग के मामले में किसी प्रकार के समझौते के बारे में विकसित देशों के प्रतिकूल प्रतिरोध का परिणाम ऐसे एकतरफा कर उपायों की सुनामी के रूप में होगा जो ओईसीडी के नियंत्रण से बाहर होंगे।", "zh": "尽管亚的斯亚贝巴会议令人失望，但国际税收制度改革的呼声不可能平息。相反，随着发达国家适得其反地拒绝在国际税收合作问题上做出让步导致了经合组织控制不了的单方面税收措施风暴，各方的呼声都会日益增强" }

{ "en": "Only the Poor Die Young", "zh": "只有穷人才会早逝" }

{ "en": "ROTTERDAM – People who are lower on the socioeconomic ladder (indicated by their level of education, occupation, or income) have shorter and less healthy lives, on average, than those on higher rungs. Indeed, life expectancy at birth often varies by 5-10 years, depending on social and economic well-being, with poorer people spending 10-20 more years of life suffering from illness or disability than their wealthier counterparts.", "zh": "鹿特丹—平均而言，在社会经济阶梯中处于下半截的人（可以用教育水平、职位和收入来作为指标）寿命更短、健康状况更差。事实上，根据社会和经济福利的不同，出生寿命预期通常可以相差5—10年，较贫困人群每年要多花10—20年与病魔或残疾搏斗。" }

{ "en": "In the nineteenth century, this situation would not have been surprising, given low average income, widespread poverty, and lack of social security. But such data are commonly reported for high-income countries today, including those ranking high on indices of economic prosperity and human development – even Western Europe’s highly developed welfare states.", "zh": "在十九世纪，这一结果并不令人惊奇，因为那时平均收入较低、贫困普遍存在，也缺乏社会保障。但是，这一数据在当今高收入国家也屡见不鲜，包括在经济繁荣和人类发展指数排名上位居前列的国家，甚至是西欧高度发达的福利国家。" }

{ "en": "Since the end of World War II, Western European countries have tried to reduce socioeconomic inequality, or offset its consequences, through progressive taxation, social security programs, and a wide range of collectively financed provisions, such as public housing, education, health care, and cultural and leisure facilities. But, while these policies have reduced inequalities in some social and economic outcomes, including income, housing quality, and health-care access, they have been insufficient to eliminate health inequalities.", "zh": "二战结束以来，西欧国家试图通过累进税、社会保障计划和各种集体出资项目（比如公共住房、教育、医疗和文化和休闲设施）来抑制社会经济不平等性或抵消其后果。但是，尽管这些政策在一些社会和经济结果中降低了不平等性（包括收入、住房质量和卫生服务等方面），它们仍不足以消除健康不平等性。" }

{ "en": "More puzzling is the fact that more generous welfare policies do not translate into smaller health disparities. Even the Nordic countries – world leaders when it comes to creating universal and well-designed welfare policies that cover citizens from cradle to grave – face significant health disparities, despite their relatively low income inequality.", "zh": "长期时间序列数据表明，社会经济死亡率差异在20世纪50年代以前有所缩小，但此后显著增大。更令人难以费解的事实是更慷慨的福利政策并不能转换为更小的健康差异。即使是以设计完美的“从出生到坟墓”的全民覆盖福利政策为天下先的北欧国家，也面临着极大地健康差异，尽管它们的收入不平等性相对较低。" }

{ "en": "To be sure, modern welfare states have far from abolished social inequality, with disparities in access to material and human resources continuing to generate highly unequal lives among their citizens. But the welfare state’s aim has never been radical redistribution of wealth.", "zh": "平心而论，现代福利国家距离消灭社会不平等性还相去甚远，获得物质和人力资源能力的差异仍然在这些国家的国民之间造就着极为不平等的生活。但福利国家的目标从来不是彻底的财富再分配。" }

{ "en": "So, while a partial failure of the welfare state may help to explain the persistence of health inequalities, one must look elsewhere to understand – and reverse – their rise. Two possible explanations have emerged from the rapidly growing scientific literature on the subject: selective upward social mobility and delayed diffusion of behavioral change.", "zh": "相反，福利政策的初衷是在雇员和雇主、在劳动力和中产阶级的利益之间形成妥协。因此，其再分配效应是温和的。" }

{ "en": "During the twentieth century, social mobility increased slowly but steadily in all high-income countries, with educational achievement and occupational status depending less on family background and more on cognitive ability and other personal characteristics. As a result, the lower socioeconomic groups have not only shrunk in size, but have probably also become more homogeneous in terms of personal characteristics that increase the risk of health problems.", "zh": "因此，尽管福利国家的局部失败有助于解释健康不平等性的持续存在，但我们必须在他处寻找其愈演愈烈的原因并扭转这一趋势。两个可能的原因可以从这一主题迅速增长的学术论文中一窥端倪：选择性向上的社会流动和行为变化的滞后扩散。在现实中，这两大因素都在起作用。" }

{ "en": "Moreover, people with a higher socioeconomic position tend to adopt new behaviors first, and to abandon more readily behaviors that are found to damage health, such as smoking and high-fat diets. Given this, new behavioral recommendations by health authorities tend to exacerbate health inequalities, at least temporarily.", "zh": "在20世纪，高收入国家的社会流动增加缓慢而稳定，教育成就和职位地位更少地以来家庭背景，更多地以来认知能力和其他个人特质。于是，地位较低的社会经济群体不但规模缩小，在增加健康问题风险的个人特质上，他们可能也变得更为同质了。" }

{ "en": "Significant disparities in smoking, physical exercise, diet, and alcohol consumption afflict many of Western Europe’s welfare states. The welfare system, which was created to combat poverty, has been less effective against “diseases of affluence” like heart disease and lung cancer.", "zh": "此外，地位较高的社会经济群体总是首先改变行为，更能抛弃危害健康的行为，比如吸烟和高脂肪饮食。因此，卫生当局的新行为建议总是会（至少暂时地）扩大健康不平等性。" }

{ "en": "All of this highlights the need for creative solutions to disparities that unnecessarily and unfairly blight the lives of those who have the least, generate massive health-care costs, and pose a barrier to increased labor-force participation (impeding efforts in some countries to raise the retirement age).", "zh": "吸烟、锻炼、饮食和酒精消费的巨大差异折磨着众多西欧福利国家。福利制度本是用来消灭贫困的，而在消灭“富贵病”（比如心脏病和肺癌）方面效果较差。" }

{ "en": "In the last few decades, social policy in most Western European countries has moved away from redistribution. This is a mistake, given that the consequences of this shift – rising income inequality, weaker social safety nets, and reduced health-care access – will aggravate health inequalities in the long run.", "zh": "所有这些表明我们迫切需要创新性解决方案对付让最穷的人不必要也不公平地遭遇生命凋零的差异，这些差异还造成了的规模的卫生成本，也造成了增加劳动力参与的障碍（阻碍了一些国家提高退休年龄的努力）。" }

{ "en": "In fact, more, better-targeted redistributive policies, which account for the effects of selective upward social mobility and different rates of diffusion of behavioral change, are crucial to improving health outcomes in lower socioeconomic groups. Income support should be complemented by preventive health programs, while health literacy programs could help to diminish the link between low cognitive ability and bad health.", "zh": "过去几十年来，大部分西欧国家的社会政策已不再着重于再分配。这是一个错误，因为这一转变的后果——收入不平等性上升、社会保障网弱化以及卫生医疗普及度下降——会在长期加剧健康不平等性。" }

{ "en": "Reducing inequalities in health outcomes requires more intensive health care for patients in lower socioeconomic brackets, tailored to their specific needs and challenges. For example, revenues from tobacco taxation, which disproportionately affects lower income groups, should be used to fund cessation-support programs that target disadvantaged smokers.", "zh": "事实上，定位更合理的再分配政策——它们解释了选择性向上社会流动效应和行为变化扩散速度的不同——对于改善较低社会经济地位群体的健康结果至关重要。收入支持必须辅之以预防性卫生项目，同时健康教育计划也有助于降低低认知能力和健康状况不良之间的关联。" }

{ "en": "Significant and persistent health inequality indicates that, by raising the health levels of those with lower incomes or less education, massive strides could be made in improving populations’ overall health. This may require reshaping the welfare system to some extent, but the payoff would be well worth the effort.", "zh": "平等获得卫生医疗是不够的。降低健康结果的不平等性需要加强对较低社会经济地位患者的卫生措施，解决他们特殊的需要和挑战。比如，烟草税——该税种极大影响较低收入群体——应该被用于定向于弱势吸烟群体的戒烟支持项目。" }

{ "en": "Read more from \"Visionary Voices\"", "zh": "巨大而持久的健康不平等性表明，通过提高较低收入或教育程度群体的健康水平，人口总体健康状况可以获得大幅改善。这或许需要在某种程度上重新定义福利机制，但它带来的好处绝对可以弥补成本。" }

{ "en": "The Mouse Click that Roared", "zh": "咆哮的鼠标" }

{ "en": "The Internet’s creators, part of a small, enclosed community, were very comfortable with an open system in which security was not a primary concern. But, with some three billion or so users on the Web nowadays, that very openness has become a serious vulnerability; indeed, it is endangering the vast economic opportunities that the Internet has opened for the world.", "zh": "美国剑桥—直到最近，关注网络安全的还大多是电脑极客和阴谋论者。互联网的创造者——他们属于一个封闭的小圈子——对安全并非主要顾虑的开放系统感到十分满意。但是，如今有三十亿网络使用者，这一开放性成了严重的弱点；事实上，这个弱点正在威胁到互联网为世界打开的广袤的经济机会海洋。" }

{ "en": "A “cyber attack” can take any number of forms, including simple probes, defacement of Web sites, denial-of-service attacks, espionage, and destruction of data. And the term “cyber war,” though best defined as any hostile action in cyberspace that amplifies or is equivalent to major physical violence, remains equally protean, reflecting definitions of “war” that range from armed conflict to any concerted effort to solve a problem (for example, “war on poverty”).", "zh": " “网络攻击”可以以数不清的形式出现，包括简单的侵入、涂鸦网站、拒绝服务攻击、间谍活动和毁坏数据。“网络战”一词也是千变万化——尽管最好的定义是放大或等同于重大实体侵犯的网络空间上的敌对行动——可以反映从武装冲突到齐心协力解决问题（比如“减贫战”）在内的一系列“战”的定义。" }

{ "en": "Cyber war and cyber espionage are largely associated with states, while cyber crime and cyber terrorism are mostly associated with non-state actors. The highest costs currently stem from espionage and crime; but, over the next decade or so, cyber war and cyber terrorism may become greater threats than they are today.", "zh": "网络战和网络间谍大多与国家有关，与此同时，网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义往往由非国家行动者发出。目前，最大的成本来自间谍和犯罪；但是，在未来十年中，网络战和网络恐怖主义有可能成为比今天更大的威胁。此外，同盟和战术的演化，分类也可能日渐重叠。恐怖主义可以从犯罪分子那里买来恶意软件，政府可能会在背后指使。" }

{ "en": "But that is facile: inadequate attribution affects inter-state deterrence as well, yet it still operates. Even when the source of an attack can be successfully disguised under a “false flag,” governments may find themselves sufficiently enmeshed in symmetrically interdependent relationships such that a major attack would be counterproductive.", "zh": "有人认为，威慑在网络空间中并不管用，因为其来源难以确定。但这简直是信口开河：不充分的来源确定同样影响着国家间的威慑，但威慑仍然常常被使用。即便攻击源头可以用“伪旗”成功掩盖，政府仍可能陷入对称依赖的关系，让重大攻击产生适得其反的效果。比如，中国可能因为严重危害美国经济的袭击中受到损失，反之亦然。" }

{ "en": "An unknown attacker may also be deterred by cyber-security measures. If firewalls are strong, or redundancy and resilience allow quick recovery, or the prospect of a self-enforcing response (“an electric fence”) seems possible, an attack becomes less attractive.", "zh": "未知的攻击者还能被网络安全措施威慑。如果防火墙够强，或冗余性和恢复力足以让其快速回复，或有可能产生自我强化反应（“电围栏”），实施攻击就会变得不再具有吸引力。" }

{ "en": "While accurate attribution of the ultimate source of a cyber attack is sometimes difficult, the determination does not have to be airtight. To the extent that false flags are imperfect and rumors of the source of an attack are widely deemed credible (though not legally probative), reputational damage to an attacker’s soft power may contribute to deterrence.", "zh": "尽管准确地确定网络攻击的最终来源有时十分困难，但也不是一筹莫展。由于伪旗的不完善性以及关于攻击来源的传闻被广泛认为是可靠的（尽管未经法律验证），对攻击者软实力的名誉伤害也能形成威慑。" }

{ "en": "Finally, a reputation for offensive capability and a declared policy that keeps open the means of retaliation can help to reinforce deterrence. Of course, non-state actors are harder to deter, so improved defenses such as pre-emption and human intelligence become important in such cases.", "zh": "最后，攻击能力的名声和公开宣布以牙还牙政策也有助于增强威慑。当然，非国家行动者更难侦测，因此改善防线——比如先发制人和人力情报——在这类案件中就变得十分重要。但是，在国家之间，即便是核威慑也比乍看上去更复杂，在网络空间中的威慑更是如此。" }

{ "en": "At the same time, it is important to pursue international efforts to develop rules of the road that can limit conflict. The most promising areas for international cooperation today most likely concern problems posed for states by third parties such as criminals and terrorists.", "zh": "出于其全球性，互联网需要一定程度的国际合作才能运行。有人呼吁制定互联网版的正式武器控制条约。但文化规范差异和查证困难将使这类条约难以谈判和实施。与此同时，追求制定防止冲突的国际规则十分重要。如今，最有希望的国际合作领域是第三方给国家带来的问题，比如犯罪和恐怖主义。" }

{ "en": "Russia and China have sought to establish a treaty establishing broad international oversight of the Internet and “information security,” which would prohibit deception and embedding malicious code or circuitry that could be activated in the event of war. But the US has argued that arms-control measures banning offensive capabilities could weaken defenses against attacks and would be impossible to verify or enforce.", "zh": "俄罗斯和中国寻求制定条约建立对互联网和“信息安全”的全面国际监督，该条约将禁止欺诈和嵌入在可以在战争事件发生时激活的恶意代码和电路。但美国认为限制攻击能力的武器控制措施会削弱针对攻击的防御，并且难以论证和强制实施。" }

{ "en": "Likewise, in terms of political values, the US has resisted agreements that could legitimize authoritarian governments’ censorship of the Internet – for example, by the “great firewall of China.” Moreover, cultural differences impede any broad agreements on regulating online content.", "zh": "类似地，在政治价值方面，美国拒绝了可能让独裁政府审查互联网合法化的协定——比如“中国防火长城”。此外，文化差异阻止了任何监管在线内容的广泛协定。" }

{ "en": "Nonetheless, it may be possible to identify behaviors like cyber crime that are illegal in many domestic jurisdictions. Trying to limit all intrusions would be impossible, but one could start with cyber crime and cyber terrorism involving non-state parties.", "zh": "尽管如此，在本国司法辖区内鉴别网络犯罪等非法行为仍是可能的。阻止一切侵入或许不可行，但可以从网络犯罪和非国家行动方参与的网络恐怖主义着手。在这方面，通过同意在取证和控制方面达成一致来限制伤害符合大国的利益。" }

{ "en": "Some of the most important responses must be national and unilateral, focused on hygiene, redundancy, and resilience. It is likely, however, that major governments will soon discover that the insecurity created by non-state cyber actors will require closer cooperation among governments.", "zh": "跨国网络空间给我们带来了关于国家安全含义的新问题。一些最重要的应对措施必须是国家层面的、单方面的，专注于清扫、冗余性和恢复力。但是，很有可能大国政府很快就会发现，由非国家网络行动者造成的不完全将要求各国政府间进行紧密合作。" }

{ "en": "समलैंगिक होने की विकास लागत", "zh": "同性恋的发展成本" }

{ "en": "लंदन – नाइजीरिया में रहने वाले समलैंगिक व्यक्ति के रूप में, मेरी सबसे बड़ी चुनौती थी, अपनी लिंगीयता और अपने कार्य में से किसी एक का चयन करना।", "zh": "伦敦—作为一个生活在尼日利亚的男同性恋，我最大的挑战是在性取向和工作之间做出选择。" }

{ "en": "2004 में, मैंने अपने अभिनय कैरियर की शुरूआत की थी। मैंने अभी-अभी विश्वविद्यालय छोड़ा था, और मुझे नाइजीरिया के एक सबसे अधिक लोकप्रिय टीवी स्टेशन, गैलेक्सी टेलीविज़न पर प्राइम टाइम धारावाहिक \"रोज़ेज़ एंड थॉर्न्स\" में मुख्य पात्र के रूप में प्रस्तुत किया गया था। मैं एक अमीर परिवार के इकलौते बेटे \"रिचर्ड\" की भूमिका निभा रहा था, जिसका घर की नौकरानी के साथ प्रेम-प्रसंग चल रहा था।", "zh": "2004年，我开始了我的表演生涯。当时我刚刚告别校园，在尼日利亚最受欢迎的电视台银河电视台（Galaxy Television）的黄金档肥皂剧《玫瑰与荆棘》（Roses and Thorns）中扮演一个叫做“理查德”（Richard）的角色，理查德是一个富裕家庭唯一的儿子，与女佣发生了一段罗曼史。" }

{ "en": "तभी मेरे निजी जीवन के बारे में कानाफूसी होनी शुरू हो गई, और मैंने फ़ैसला कर लिया कि अब इससे बाहर आने का समय आ गया है। इसलिए अपनी लिंगीयता के बारे में चर्चा करने के लिए मैं नाइजीरिया के सबसे ज़्यादा देखे जाने वाले टीवी वार्ता शो पर जाने के लिए राजी हो गया।", "zh": "关于我的私生活流言蜚语不断，我决定是时候站出来了。因此我同意参加尼日利亚收视率最高的电视脱口秀讨论我的性取向。" }

{ "en": "लगभग तुरंत ही, धारावाहिक से मेरे पात्र को हटा दिया गया। और मेरा कार्य ख़त्म होते ही, मेरी वित्तीय सुरक्षा भी ख़त्म हो गई। अफ़्रीका में अनेक समलैंगिक पुरुषों और महिलाओं की तरह, मुझे आर्थिक स्वतंत्रता और मानसिक कारावास में से किसी एक को चुनना था।", "zh": "我的角色几乎马上就被取消了。丢了饭碗的我也失去了财务保障。与非洲的众多男女同性恋一样，我必须在经济自由和精神禁锢之间做出选择。" }

{ "en": "इस साल, नाइजीरिया और युगांडा ने समलैंगिकता-विरोधी कठोर क़ानून बनाया है, जिससे दुनिया भर में मानव अधिकारों के बारे में बहस छिड़ गई है। यह बहस विश्व बैंक में भी शुरू हो गई है, जिसके अध्यक्ष, जिम योंग किम ने हाल ही में घोषित किया कि \"सुनियोजित भेदभाव लोगों और समाज के लिए ख़राब है।\"", "zh": "今年，尼日利亚和乌干达都出台了严厉的反同性恋法律，激起了关于人权的全球争论。这场争论也在世界银行展开，行长金墉最近宣布“制度化歧视对人类和社会不利。”" }

{ "en": "किम के इस वक्तव्य की आलोचना हुई है और इससे विवाद पैदा हुआ है। अकसर, जैसा कि युगांडा और नाइजीरिया में होता है, हम इस दावे के बारे में सुनते हैं कि समलिंगी, उभयलिंगी, और विपरीत लिंगी (LGBT) लोगों के ख़िलाफ़ सरकारी स्तर पर भेदभाव का विरोध बस अफ़्रीका पर \"पश्चिमी\" मूल्य थोपने का तरीका मात्र है। लेकिन इसमें यह मान लिया जाता है कि समलैंगिकता \"गैर-अफ़्रीकी\" है। और, इस बात का सबूत न होने के बावजूद कि किसी देश विशेष या महाद्वीप में LGBT लोग नहीं हैं (और इसके विपरीत पर्याप्त सबूत होते हैं), यह एक ऐसी धारणा है जिसे अधिकाधिक अफ़्रीकी नेताओं ने मान्यता दी है।", "zh": "金墉的表态招来了批评和争议。通常，与在乌干达和尼日利亚一样，我们总是听到这样的声音：反对针对男同性恋、女同性恋、双性恋和变性人的正式歧视纯属将“西方”价值强加于非洲头上。但这一论断意味着同性恋是“不非洲”的。而尽管没有证据表明有任何一个国家或大洲不存在同性恋、双性恋和变性人（相反的证据倒是汗牛充栋），但越来越多的非洲领导人都采取了这一观点。" }