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What then?
| SUBJ | false |
That when prices are too low—prices taken all together—it becomes a function of government to manipulate them back to where they belong.
| OBJ | false |
If only such ideas as these now current do prevail, and if they work, we shall have enormously increased the power of self-extension which is already inherent in government.
| SUBJ | false |
Therefore, taxes must be increased, first in order to provide as much public revenue as before, and then further increased to provide more revenue than before.
| SUBJ | false |
Then we should all be working for government, either directly as state employees or indirectly to support the employees of the state.
| SUBJ | false |
The senator was only human.
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They have no theory among them.
| SUBJ | false |
Why should not everyone pay an income tax?
| SUBJ | false |
The principal reason, from the point of view of government, is that a universal income tax would be a powerful restraint upon the expansion of government.
| OBJ | false |
Formerly the benefactions of the boss were intimate and personal, but to these he now adds the more diffuse benefactions of social service, and his base is wider.
| OBJ | false |
He is fairly secure.
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The states have also invaded the field of consumption taxes formerly used almost exclusively by the Federal Government.
| SUBJ | false |
President Hoover says: I have no taste for any such emergency powers in the Government.
| OBJ | false |
Thus responsibility for the solvency of banking as a whole passes to the government.
| OBJ | false |
It may be that in a crisis finance cannot any longer be responsible for its own solvency, nor business for its own continuity.
| OBJ | false |
One of the American Government’s wartime powers was the War Finance Corporation.
| OBJ | false |
To the contrary, as we have seen, it must extend itself to meet new responsibilities.
| OBJ | false |
Thus, in bad times like these, the proportion of the total national income absorbed by government will rise in a special manner.
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In brief, government shall find ways to do what it does for less money.
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Moreover, these forces are thoughtless.
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The Assistant Commissioner of the Department of Social Welfare reported on the first year of old-age pensions in the state of New York, saying the protest against them came mainly from people in the rural districts where the pensioners were visible to those who were struggling to pay the taxes out of which old-age pensions are provided; and the delegate representing the corresponding work in California complained that the operation of the old-age pension law in that state was hampered by the two conditions that to be eligible one must be a citizen and of good character.
| OBJ | false |
The effects and works of social service are very flattering to our sense of benignity; we are doing well by the less fortunate.
| SUBJ | false |
Bankers are loath to lend it any more money because investors are reluctant to buy any more of its bonds.
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The basis of this paradoxical inclination is the lack of personal will, and this lack of personal will itself comes from the horror of responsibility
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Whatever else may go by conjecture, this will be evident in itself—namely, that a rise in the cost of government, suddenly in one generation, from a traditional basis to a point at which it begins to absorb one-quarter of the total national income, is a political and social omen of great significance.
| SUBJ | false |
Until about 1910, excepting only the period of the Civil War, the cost of the federal government was met almost entirely by customs duties and the tobacco and liquor taxes; and until about 1910 the cost of state and local government was met by the property tax, supplemented somewhat by corporation taxes, license fees and death duties.
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From bad taxation, reckless borrowing and reckless spending, the city of Chicago had so far prejudiced its own credit that for months it had been unable to meet its municipal payrolls either out of revenues or by discounting its notes at the bank.
| SUBJ | false |
But with the public credit of a nation, it was different.
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This is notably so in the present.
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Already the cost of government is absorbing, roughly, one-quarter of the total national income.
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The increase in the past few years has been such that if it should continue at the same rate, the cost of government fifty years hence would absorb the whole national income.
| OBJ | false |
Half the total cost of all government is the cost of city and local government, and that per-capita cost in 1929 was three times what it was in 1913.
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In the whole country there are approximately 500,000 separate units of government.
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So now there is a movement—a movement within government, independent of the taxpayer—to rationalize the structure from the bottom up, each next higher stratum with an impulse to absorb the powers of the one below, or, where they cannot be absorbed, to divide them reasonably.
| OBJ | false |
At the same time, new taxes have been invented.
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And now observe how it is that on one side, the government—even a conservative government—and on the other side, all the forces moving to effect a redistribution of wealth downward by political theory, are bound for different reasons to favor popular taxes.
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How many times, on looking at slum dwellings or some other distasteful human spectacle, have you yourself said, “There ought to be a law,” and so forth?
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There is the emotional appeal, and to this is added the practical suggestion that, after all, it will pay, or that it will be cheaper in the end.
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Two children in every nine are so far handicapped physically or mentally as to need special treatment and training.
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Very little social service is really spontaneous, straight from the taxpayer’s heart.
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And so these ideas spread like wildfire from community to community.
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Certain national groups, particularly in the field of education, recreation, health or sociology, have set up per-capita targets toward which they assert every city in a certain population range should aim.
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Results, typical: Taxes in the same twenty years have increased from $14 to $53 per capita; public debt has increased from $15 to $175 per capita.
| OBJ | false |
We imagine today that everything is done by the aggregate without the will to act of any of the individuals composing the aggregate.
| SUBJ | false |
But that will be only like pruning the tree, for lustier growth hereafter, unless we settle what public credit is for in principle and limit in a drastic manner the ferocious growth of government. | SUBJ | false |
We take that for granted.
| OBJ | false |
If the natural level of economic recovery were long delayed, then all these measures would very soon fail in the total ruin of public credit.
| SUBJ | false |
This it will do by inflating money and credit.
| OBJ | false |
But if these things are true, and if now in any crisis such responsibilities must pass to the government, we have gone far unawares toward an experimental state we know nothing of by experience, almost nothing of by theory.
| SUBJ | false |
The one least considered is what may be called the biological aspect, in which government is like an organism with such an instinct for growth and self-expression that if let alone it is bound to destroy human freedom—not that it might wish to do so but that it could not in nature do less.
| SUBJ | false |
And so it goes.
| OBJ | false |
The per capita cost of all government has increased as follows: |In 1880 it was||$13.56| |In 1903 it was||$19.39| |In 1913 it was||$30.24| |In 1923 it was||$88.94| |In 1929 it was||$107.37| In 1932 it will be, approximately $124.00
| OBJ | false |
And there is bound to be, again as it was after the war, a terrific extension of government.
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The spenders were the ones elected to office and bond issues voted with cheerful alacrity.
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When the railroads throw themselves on the hands of the government and demand public credit to save them from bankruptcy, these radical forces do not protest, or, if they do, it is in an academic sense only; and the reason for this is that they believe in the public ownership of railroads, and see, perhaps more clearly than the others, that such use of public credit tends to bring the experiment of state ownership to pass.
| SUBJ | false |
Well, but “a law” means in every case to interfere by power of government, backed by the public credit.
| OBJ | false |
For Massachusetts the cost of it is nearly two-fifths of all state outlay.
| OBJ | false |
There is another reason why the taxpayer himself is not entitled to that unctuous feeling in the presence of social service.
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“Increased wealth, with its higher standard of living, creates a demand for public services not known a generation ago.” In twenty years, 135 new activities were added to the responsibilities of government in Detroit, such as high-school evening classes, children’s clinic, child-welfare nurses, transportation of the crippled, classes for mental defectives, training library personnel, testing gas, testing materials, health-education nurses, camps for tubercular children, public-health education, medical college, college evening classes, college summer classes, employment bureau, symphony concerts, cancer clinic, cancer nurses, human antiserum nurses, cooperative high school and the use of radio in schools.
| OBJ | false |
A great deal of that admirable work was not paid for; the people could not afford to pay for it.
| SUBJ | false |
A total ruin of the public credit would be a disaster in fact.
| SUBJ | false |
All of it has sometime to be paid out of taxes; and even those who may not pay these future taxes directly will pay them indirectly in the cost of the houses they rent, the food they eat, the clothes they wear, the gas they burn in their motor cars—in every item of the cost of getting born, growing up, growing old, even dying.
| OBJ | false |
Sometime the tide, of itself, will rise again.
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And we shall have done another thing.
| SUBJ | false |
There are many aspects of government.
| OBJ | false |
Already of those above ten years of age gainfully employed in the whole country, male and female, about one in ten is directly employed in government service.
| OBJ | false |
By the figures of the National Industrial Conference Board, the per-capita costs of government separately stated, are: |1913||1929| |Federal||$7.17||$32.36| |State||$3.97||$16.38| |Local||$19.10||$58.64|
| OBJ | false |
And all this intelligent uproar is in a sense superficial and probably delusive.
| SUBJ | false |
This extreme of home rule is not good for government.
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The tax power, in so many hands, is much less effective than it might be.
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The rise in the cost of government is not from increase of graft and corruption, for these evils in a relative sense are diminishing; nor is it from an increase of waste, for of this the ratio has probably been fairly constant.
| OBJ | false |
The spender of public money will never want followers.
| SUBJ | false |
These predatory, parasitic, more or less shameless forces are inseparable from government.
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The government favors them naturally—”the most feathers for the least squawk.” And those radical forces, who may have nothing else in common with this government, favor them on the ground of doctrine.
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They are for anything that tends directly or indirectly to get the government into business, for that leads to state ownership of the means of production.
| OBJ | false |
They preach a gospel of the responsibility of the state to administer happiness, not because the state should, not because they themselves would prefer the kind of state that does, but simply that the state can.
| SUBJ | false |
Whether old-age pensions would be cheaper than poorhouses is a question which, even if it is permissible, cannot be determined as a matter of fact.
| OBJ | false |
In enlightened states it runs even higher.
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“Cities have assumed new obligations,” writes Lent Upson, director of the Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research.
| OBJ | false |
What should or should not be is a question that belongs to argument.
| OBJ | false |
Increasingly, as it may seem, irresistibly, we are using public credit to create an indigent caste, indigence becoming more and more comfortable until for many it may seem a goal; then a very great dependent caste referred to as people in the “lower income ranges,” who, without being indigent at all, are yet dependent upon public credit for security, for modern housing, for care in illness, protection in health, economic insurance, amusement and guidance; then a social-service caste to mind the indigent and oversee the dependent.
| SUBJ | false |
It is imperative to reduce the cost of government by measure—that is, to make the tax dollar buy more than before.
| SUBJ | false |
Nobody can answer that.
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We have not considered what kind of state that would be, much less to decide if we want it.
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One day’s work in every four belongs to government.
| SUBJ | false |
The cost of government rises faster than the national income when the national income is rising.
| OBJ | false |
It is superficial wherein it aims only to abate a very acute pain in the taxpayer’s pocket, and if anyone supposes that reducing the cost of government by economy and greater efficiency will limit government itself, it is elusive at the crucial point.
| SUBJ | false |
This pain is the terror of government because it arrests its growth.
| SUBJ | false |
The structure of government is by strata, beginning with innumerable small local units, such as boroughs, townships, school districts, improvement districts, and so on, each one exercising the tax power; rising thence to counties, cities and states.
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It is well known that a cow milked by a few expert hands in a regular manner will give more milk than the same cow milked in a haphazard manner by the neighborhood.
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Moreover, as the report of the White House Conference on Child Health and Protection said, It is unquestionably better policy to spend more money today in helping the handicapped child to help himself than it is to spend many times as much tomorrow in supporting him at public expense.
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It is my hope that the Congress, which has seen fit to provide $2 billion to protect the banking interests of the United States, will see the necessity of passing this legislation to protect the old people.
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The same spirit that moves old-age pensions has been improving the poorhouses.
| OBJ | false |
Its poorhouse is a municipal colony, governed by the idea, says the magazine of the New Jersey League of Municipalities, that as a refuge for the unfortunate it differs from people’s homes “only in its larger facilities and the greater number of its inhabitants.
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Yet this unction is by most of us undeserved; it comes after the fact, with some sourness in it.
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Many originate with educational, recreational and sociological enthusiasts … These enthusiasts usually start by stating that such and such neighboring city has a certain public service or improvement; therefore, we ought to have it.
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No particular kind of state is sacred, nor is any particular doctrine of wealth, but it is all the more dangerous to be going this road with no theory of either the kind of state it leads to or what shall be the status of private wealth within it.
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Hence the passion for public borrowing.
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Not only are all these ideas of refuge and solution in public credit to some degree plausible; very often they are of good and wistful intention.
| SUBJ | false |
Yet suppose differently.
| OBJ | false |